harris-dunn _article_ikeptittomyselfyoungjamaicanme.pdf ucsf uc san francisco previously published works title "i kept it to myself": young jamaican men who have sex with men's experiences with childhood sexual abuse and sexual assault. permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ ff b k journal archives of sexual behavior, ( ) issn - authors harris, orlando o dunn, leith lorraine publication date - - doi . /s - - - license https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/ . / . peer reviewed escholarship.org powered by the california digital library university of california https://escholarship.org/uc/item/ ff b k https://creativecommons.org/licenses/https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/ . // . https://escholarship.org http://www.cdlib.org/ vol.:( ) archives of sexual behavior https://doi.org/ . /s - - - o r i g i n a l a r t i c l e “i kept it to myself ”: young jamaican men who have sex with men’s experiences with childhood sexual abuse and sexual assault orlando o. harris  · leith lorraine dunn received: september / revised: april / accepted: april © springer science+business media, llc, part of springer nature abstract the prevalence of hiv is exceptionally high among jamaican men who have sex with men (jmsm) compared to similar populations within the caribbean. a noticeable gap in the literature is the impact of childhood sexual abuse (csa) and sexual assault on the state of the epidemic among this population. this study focused on jmsm’s experiences with csa and sexual assault and how these domains relate to hiv prevention. we analyzed qualitative data from semi-structured in-depth inter- views and focus group discussions with men. common themes emerged that highlight the patterns and nature of the abuse, the characteristics of the perpetrators, and the ways in which participants engage agency and resiliency as a basis to reclaim personal power. these findings serve as a catalyst for understanding how experiences with csa and sexual assault affect the lives of young jmsm; how those experiences may impact attitudes and behaviors regarding hiv testing, engagement in care; and have implications for shaping legal policy, clinical, and mental health services for jmsm survivors. keywords men who have sex with men · jamaica · sexual assault · childhood sexual abuse · hiv · sexual orientation introduction the island of jamaica has one of the highest rates of hiv infec- tions among men who have sex with men (msm) in the carib- bean (figueroa et al., ; hutton-rose, blythe, ogbonna, & mcgrowder, ). the hiv prevalence among jamaican msm is estimated at % (budhwani, hearld, barrow, peter- son, & walton-levermore, ; figueroa et al., ), which is significantly higher than the general adult hiv prevalence of . % among persons –  years (losina et al., ; ministry of health, ). despite substantial progress in eliminating mother-to-child transmission of hiv, early initiation of antiret- roviral therapy (hutchinson et al., ), and promotion of other prevention efforts, the incidence of hiv among jamaican msm appears to have remained high for the past two decades (barrow & barrow, ; figueroa et al., , ). public health experts and behavioral researchers have theo- rized that the social vulnerabilities experienced by jamaican msm have contributed to hiv acquisition and transmission (figueroa et al., ; logie et al., a, b). social vulner- abilities for jamaican msm include inequality, unemployment, limited education, homelessness, sexual violence, poverty, and criminalization of same-sex sexual behavior (figueroa et al., , ; harris, ). stigma and discrimination against sexual minorities also compound the problem by driving men at high risk for hiv infection underground, making the provi- sion of prevention, treatment, and social support services dif- ficult to access for many jamaican msm (logie et al., a, b; norman, carr, & jiménez, ; white & carr, ). there is limited research that focuses on the sexual violence experienced by jamaican and other msm in the caribbean. this gap in the literature limits the ability to provide a complete examination of the impact of childhood sexual abuse (csa) and sexual assault, and how those experiences impact the hiv prevention efforts among this population. the issue of sexual violence such as csa has been identified in the literature in the u.s. with black and latino msm who experience dispropor- tionately higher rates of hiv and have had other adverse health outcomes (benoit & downing, ; fields, malebranche, & feist-price, ; williams et al., ). one limitation in the literature on csa is the lack of a consistent definition of * orlando o. harris orlando.harris@ucsf.edu department of community health systems, school of nursing, university of california-san francisco, koret way, n e, po box  , san francisco, ca  - , usa gender development studies, mona campus unit, university of the west indies, kingston, jamaica archives of sexual behavior this construct (paul, catania, pollack, & stall, ; phillips et al., ). this limitation is also true in jamaica and the caribbean, especially with respect to cultural nuances around gender, sex, and sexuality (reid, reddock, & nickenig, ; samms & cholewa, ). in this article, we will use the definition by fields et al. ( ) that defined csa as both nonconsensual noncontact sexual acts (e.g., sexual comments, flashing, voyeurism, and showing a child pornography), and nonconsensual sexual contacts (e.g., genital touching, frottage, digital or object penetration, oral sex, or penile penetration). like csa, there is no consensus definition for sexual assault. therefore, in this article, we used the definition pro- vided by the united states department of justice, which is any type of sexual contact or behavior that occurs outside of the explicit consent of the recipient (department of justice, ). the prevalence of sexual assault has been reported between and % among msm in the u.s. (rothman, exner, & baugh- man, ); however, a true representation of the prevalence is also difficult to ascertain because of the barriers faced by men when reporting sexual violence (sable, danis, mauzy, & gallagher, ). the same is true in jamaica and the rest of the caribbean where only anecdotal information from msm survivors is available (human rights watch, ). barriers to reporting sexual assault include shame, guilt, fear of being judged because of their sexual orientation, concerns around confidentiality, and mistrust of the law enforcement (sable et al., ). nearly % of sexually active men in the caribbean reported a coerced or forced first sexual experience (reid et al., ). this figure is likely underestimated due to the reluctance of male victims reporting sexual crimes to the police (reid, ; reid et al., ). a report from the one of the island’s child care and protection agencies provided some perspective into the nature of sexual violence against children (kirkland, ). sexual violence is the third most commonly cited reason for children being taken to the hospital and relocated into homes of safety in jamaica (kirkland, ). similar to findings in other countries (fields et al., ; williams et al., ), the report suggested that the perpetrators were often male, known to the victim, or a member of the family (kirkland, ). the current data on csa in jamaica are mostly among young girls (baumgartner, geary, tucker, & wedderburn, ); therefore, an accurate assessment of the prevalence of csa among boys is not currently available because of homophobia and the taboo nature of the topic of homosexuality. compounding the issue of data concerning sexual violence among males is the gendered difference between how the law regarding rape and sexual assault is applied in jamaica. under jamaican law, sexual assault and rape are defined and punished differently for girls than they are for boys. the legal age for sexual consent in jamaica is  years (samms & cholewa, ). under jamaica’s sexual offences act of , the term rape is defined as nonconsensual penetration of the vagina by a penis (jamaica ministry of justice, ). the definition therefore fails to recognize and protect male survivors of rape via anal penetration (reid, ). additionally, section  of the offences against the persons act (jamaica ministry of jus- tice, ) criminalizes “buggery” (sodomy). the law makes no distinction between consensual and nonconsensual anal sex between men and prescribes a sentence of up to  years imprisonment at hard labor for the crime of buggery (figueroa et al., ; human rights watch, ; reid, ). given the high prevalence of hiv (figueroa et al., ; ministry of health, ) and the limited literature on csa and sexual assault, an examination of these forms of sexual violence among jamaican msm is warranted. while the nega- tive impact of csa and sexual assault has been documented elsewhere (fergusson, horwood, & lynskey, ; fields et al., ; lloyd & operario, ; williams et al., ), little is known about the impact of these forms of sexual vio- lence among msm survivors in jamaica (harris, ; reid, ). additionally, given that sexual violence toward children is often part of other forms of abuse and neglect (lowe, gib- son, & christie, ; samms & cholewa, ), an accurate qualitative assessment of these intertwined issues is vital for understanding their impact on young jamaican msm. this qualitative study is the first step in describing young jamai- can msm experiences with csa and sexual assault. we also provided an explanation as to why survivors decline to report these crimes to the relevant authorities. our findings may inform public and mental health professionals about the needs and challenges of young jamaican msm who have experi- enced csa and sexual assault and pave the way for effective structural interventions such as legal and policy changes to improve the health and lived environments of the jamaican msm community. method this qualitative study on childhood sexual abuse and sexual assault originates from a broader study on the social and cul- tural determinants of hiv risk for young jamaican msm (harris, ). qualitative individual interviews and a con- firmatory focus group discussion were used to understand the experiences of young jamaican msm drawing from their inter- actions with the culture and society (portney & watkins, ; sandelowski, ; streubert-speziale & carpenter, ). the confirmatory focus group discussion was to share general themes that emerged from the individual interviews and to solicit additional perceptions, opinions, and ideas from other members of the community (krueger & casey, ). the study received oversight approval from the research subjects review board of the university of rochester medical center in the u.s., and from the ethics committee of the university of the west indies, mona campus in kingston, jamaica. archives of sexual behavior participants men were eligible to participate in the study if they were –  years of age, biologically male at birth, and reported having sex with another man in the previous  months. eligible men were offered participation in the study if willing to provide verbal and written informed consent. they were given a date and location for a semi-structured -min individual inter- view. participants for the confirmatory focus group discussion were recruited shortly after the completion of all individual interviews. participant interviews were conducted at a local university and a community-based organization that provides health services to the population. the confirmatory focus group discussion took place in a private area on the grounds of a local university. procedure the lead author recruited participants from several parishes across the island using purposive sampling and through peer referrals (kristensen & ravn, ; mclafferty, ). the lead author made promotional materials available at locations known to be frequented by members of the gay and bisexual community. the lead author conducted recruitment activities via direct contact with potential participants at social events (community-based organization sponsored events, gay and les- bian peer support groups on the campus of the university of the west indies, and private social gatherings) and through peer referrals. participants who were interested in the study con- tacted the lead author via telephone for more information about the study and to answer several screening questions. screening questions include: ( ) sex assigned at birth, ( ) their age at the time of contact, ( ) whether they were born in jamaica, ( ) and if they ever had sex with a man within the past  months. men who were screened and were deemed eligible were invited to participate in the study. the lead author obtained verbal and written informed consent from all participants. regard- less of their participation in the individual interviews or the confirmatory focus group discussion, all participants were remunerated us $ for their time and travel to the interview site. the individual interviews and confirmatory focus group discussion were conducted by the lead author, a jamaican- american, familiar with the target population and culture, which assisted in building rapport (anthias, ; kristensen & ravn, ; milner, ; rose, ). measures a demographic and behavioral survey was administered to all participants prior to their participation in the individual inter- views or the confirmatory focus group discussion. participants were asked to provide general information regarding their age, hobbies, religious background, education and income, sexual identity, sexual behaviors, and relationship history. under the sexual behaviors section of the instrument, participants were asked to respond yes or no to the question—“has anyone every forced you to have sex?” an affirmative response to this question was further explored during the in-depth interviews. additionally, general themes around sexual violence were explored further during the confirmatory focus group discus- sions. based on previous research (figueroa, ; norman et al., ; white & carr, ), the interview guide was created through consultation with key stakeholders from the community. see table  for a list of the individual content areas and the questions asked. although the guide was created prior to the interviews to allow for systematic sequencing of the content, flexibility facilitated deviations to less sensitive topics (krueger & casey, ). after the completion of the interviews (n = ), the lead author convened a confirmatory focus group discussion with (n = ) men to clarify disagree- ments and to resolve complex ideas (carlsen & glenton, ; mclafferty, ; tong, sainsbury, & craig, ). the inten- tion of the focus group was to canvas the opinions from other members of the community to explore the themes and other key findings that emerged from the individual interviews. it was our determination that in this format participants possesses table in-depth interview and focus group guides content areas sample questions sexual identity development at what age did you realize that you were (gay, straight, or bisexual)? how did you come to that realization? cultural influences around sex from you experience, what do people generally think about msm? how did those thoughts affect you? self-maintenance and hiv testing practices have you ever been tested for hiv? what led you to get tested? sexuality-based violence have you ever been in a situation where you were forced to have sex? was it with someone your age or older than you? did you tell anyone? can you tell me about an instance where you felt discriminated against when reporting sexuality- based violence to the police? protective factors that mitigated hiv risk and vulnerability in your experience, have you done anything to prevent yourself from getting hiv? if so, what were those things? archives of sexual behavior the capacity to become more than the sum of their individual parts (krueger & casey, ). to maximize participants’ protection and confidentiality, a pseudonym was assigned. the lead author is a family nurse practitioner with expe- rience providing clinical services to young men in the u.s. and has experience providing counseling regarding sex and sexuality health-related issues. participants received imme- diate support and were provided referrals for mental health and other social support services when requests were made during the interviews. data analysis all interviews were conducted in a private space (library, chapel, or offices). individual interviews were the primary source for data collection. the confirmatory focus group discussion was used to confirm general themes that emerged from the individual interviews as well as to explore unresolved issues and clarify potential disagreements (milner, ; rose, ). participants expressed gratitude for having someone familiar with the jamaican culture and language with which to speak, suggesting that it assisted in making them comfortable discussing such sensitive topics (anthias, ; caretta, ; merriam et al., ; sultana, ). the qualitative data were managed using the computer software atlas.ti. interviews were audio-recorded and tran- scribed. the audio files were de-identified and assigned a four- digit identifier. the qualitative analysis involved a stepwise process, which included: code development, extraction, and the creation of the codebook; tagging or coding large portions of text that represented key thoughts or ideas; and narrative thematic statements construction (miles & hurberman, ). code development was conducted by using an open-coding technique, allowing for the labeling of large sections of text that describes a particular concept that was found in the collec- tive narrative (braun & clarke, ). the tagging of key con- cepts was necessary to assess key thoughts and ideas within the data (miles & hurberman, ; patton, ). a codebook was created at the onset as codes were being generated. codes were analyzed and compared with each other for similarities. coding continued until saturation was achieved. the final list of codes retained in the codebook was central to the investiga- tion (ando, cousins, & young, ; patton, ). the next step in the analysis process was clustering codes together to form categories—and all new categories were presented as thematic statements. another component of the analysis process included con- sultation with qualitative data analysis experts and with people familiar with the jamaican cultural. these experts enhanced rigor and validity of the study findings through weekly meet- ings over the course of the analysis process to review the code- book, ensure that codes were being used consistently and that the codes were valid, or the best possible label for what was observed in the data (burla et al., ; miles & hurberman, ). peer debriefing with other qualitative investigators and expert supervision from the lead author’s dissertation commit- tee contributed significantly to the reliability and validity of study findings. disagreements were discussed and resolved through consensus with all members of the team. member checking was conducted by engaging key stakeholders with the data in order to also achieve consensus on the findings. the results presented in this article describe jamaican msm’s experiences with sexual violence, particular childhood sexual abuse, and sexual assault. results sample characteristics the characteristics of this sample are shown in table  . the age of the men in this sample ranged from to  years, and the mean age was  years. the majority of the participants were recruited from the kingston metropolitan area; others were recruited from neighboring parishes. forty percent of the sample reported some high school or a high school diploma. almost half of the sample reported no sources of income or was self-employed, while the remaining individuals were com- mercially employed. the majority of the participants identified as gay or bisexual. the age of first sexual intercourse ranged from to  years, and the mean age was  years. a binary question of force sex (yes/no) was included on the demographic survey. of the participants responding to the question, less than half (n = ; %) of the sample reported a history of sexual violence, and did not report any history of sexual violence. a total of ten participants indicated that they were forced to have sex as children and two were victims of sexual assault. the two participants who experienced sexual assault were both  years of age. in the sections that follow, we first describe men’s experi- ences with csa and sexual assault. within these experiences, we highlighted the ways in which these acts of violence were initiated, the age of onset of the sexual violence, and the char- acteristics of the perpetrators. finally, we described one of the main reasons why participants chose not to report the sexual violence they had experienced. childhood sexual abuse participants reported that their first experience with sexual abuse was typically unwanted touching. in many instances, the abuse was from an older male family member. one young man, mark (pseudonym), described his first experience with abuse from a male cousin: archives of sexual behavior i think i was around age or when my cousin started molesting me…he was much older, around at the time. he started with the touching. i remember wak- ing up in the middle of night with him touching me all over…my brother was sleeping nearby but when my brother started waking up he stopped. mark (age ) another participant discussed abuse that began with unwanted sexual touching from an older relative that then escalated. omar’s narrative, the participant below, revealed that the molestation continued with his cousin making further sexual advances, and in order to get away from him he had to run away: my cousin who was , i was about at the time, used to touch me while i was sleeping. he made a statement one day when we were alone in a room together. he took out his penis and said to me…“come and sit on it.” i said no and ran away from him. i climbed up on top of a barrel and stayed up there to get away from him. i was afraid at that time…he didn’t say anything to me he just left the room. omar (age ) in other examples, men described unwanted sexual touching as a tool that abusers used to test limits before they advanced to other sexual acts. many participants expressed that the abuser shied away from penile penetration because of the potential for injury, which may expose the abuse: there was this one time when i came home early from school and he told me to undress and go take a shower… but he got naked and came into the shower, too! he forced me to do oral on him. you know, that is why i hate oral sex now as an adult. he didn’t try to penetrate me because he knew that my aunt, older brother, or sister would bathe me eventually and if they saw anything different it would cause a problem. kevin (age ) it appeared that the sexual trauma experienced by some of the participants extended into adulthood. in many of these examples participants who had experienced physical sexual abuse in childhood reported ongoing psychosexual trauma that has led to sexual dysfunctions in their adult relationships. it was my father’s cousin that first molested me when i was  years old. whenever he came to visit from out of town he would stay with us. he would wait until no one was home with us and forced himself on me. he started out with the oral and then moved on to anal penetration. i hate that man…these things never leave you…to this day i am still scared of him. alex (age ) participants’ narratives revealed a link between psycho- sexual trauma experienced as a child and relationship prob- lems experienced in adulthood. men described problems which included not trusting others, poor communication, low self-esteem, difficulty interacting with others, and a gener- alized fear of older men they perceived as having a sexual interest in them. another participant discussed being coerced into perform- ing a sexual act on a young man in his community who was twice his age. when he refused, the perpetrator made sev- eral claims to others in the neighborhood, which resulted in the participant being unnecessarily punished by his father. the participant explained that in the community and gen- eral jamaican society, the person (regardless of gender) per- forming oral sex or receiving anal penetration is viewed less favorably than the recipient of the sexual act. there was this older boy, a teenager, who wanted to play “hide and go seek” with us smaller children. he asked me to give him oral sex…so i was like no way, that’s nasty. i wasn’t going to do it and he was really table sociodemographic characteristics of the sample (n = ) a self-employment included persons who were consultants, dance teachers, hairdressers, web and fashion designer, or engaged in sex work variables n % age (m = . years)   –  years .   –  years .   –  years . parish of residency  st. james .  st. catherine .  st. andrew .  st. thomas .  kingston . levels of education completed  grade school .  some high school .  high school diploma .  some college .  college degree . primary source of income  none .  employment (receive a paycheck) .  self-employeda . sexual orientation  gay .  bisexual . age of first sexual experience (m = . )   – .   – .   – . been forced to have sex . archives of sexual behavior upset and said he was going to tell everybody if i didn’t do it. i didn’t do it to him so he went and told the other older kids in the neighbourhood that i tried to give him oral [sex], which caused a big excitement in the com- munity. the rumour got back to my father and he gave me some good beating for it. sean (age ) participants also experienced sexual violence from mem- bers within their communities. those participants, who reported being different, feminine or gender nonconform- ing, experienced a significant amount of the sexual violence. according to one participant, he was seen as a prey because the perpetrator saw him as an easy target due to his feminine behavior: i was like  years old when this man in the community approach me for sex. he was maybe in his ’s at the time…he must have wanted to release him [sic] ten- sion so that’s why he approached me…i wasn’t sure why he came after me…but the only thing i can think of was because i was the really girly type at that age. zack (age ) in another example, a participant described his experience with older boys from his neighborhood who suspected he was gay because of his feminine behavior. to prove that he was not gay, he was forced to have sexual intercourse with a female. these acts of sexual coercion often left participants confused about their sexual orientation: i was twelve and living in the country [rural commu- nity] when i was forced by older boys to have sex with a girl. they forced me to do it because i didn’t seem to fit the ghetto [rude boy] or masculine enough type. i felt like i had to do it to prove myself to them… it left me very confused about my own sexuality. garry (age ) participants also discussed sexual abuse within their reli- gious communities. while these experiences were not com- mon, they highlighted a pattern of abuse that reflected the age difference of the perpetrator and how they used their power and privilege to force sexual contact with young participants like the man below: i mean at i had an experience with an older person from my church…well he forced himself on me and put his genitals between my legs. we weren’t fully naked, we were actually in the bathroom…he was about late  s…it was youth night at the church that night after bible study, he came to me and asked me to go some- where with him. we were walking when he drew me into a little corner and started to do stuff [to me]. wade (age ) another participant discussed a similar encounter with an older member of his church. in this example, the assault began with physical violence, was on the grounds of the church, and ended with the perpetrator forcing himself onto the participant. he explained: i was about maybe or . one sunday, while my grandmother and i were at church, i left her to go use the bathroom, which was outside to the back of the church. at the time, it felt like someone followed me in the bathroom. when i was getting ready to leave i felt a hand grabbed me….he then locked the door, grabbed on to my hand tighter, then grabbed my neck and then he said “don’t scream.” he eventually started to draw my shirt out of my pants and tried to pull my pants down. boe (age ) the participant above perceived that he came close to being raped; however, because of the intervention of his grandmother the assault was averted. he also said that his grandmother confronted and threatened the perpetrator to not enter the church or the community again. i think my grandmother saved me from what he could have done to me. she noticed that i was taking too long to come back from the bathroom…she knocked on the door…he told me to answer her…when i opened the door she questioned why was this something year old man locked up in the bathroom with me alone? she wasn’t stupid she knew something was wrong…so i told her what he done to me…if my grandmother hadn’t showed up when she did more than likely i would have been raped. boe (age ) men in this sample often blamed themselves for the abuse. participants felt as though they gave away their power to their abuser. in addition, there was concern that they did some- thing to cause the abuse to happen to them. for example, one participant explained: “i felt so guilty…like i caused this to happen to me.” sexual assault two participants reported being survivors of sexual assault. in one instance, a weapon (e.g., a gun or knife) was bran- dished to force the participant into preforming a sexual act. while many perpetrators of csa were a male relative or someone in their neighborhood, perpetrators of sexual assault were not previously known to the participant, and the attack occurred at random. in one example, the participant was on his way home from school as a passenger in a public trans- portation vehicle. he offered a detailed description of his experience: i was at the time when i was sexually assaulted. i was coming from school and jumped into a robot taxi archives of sexual behavior [unregistered]. i jump in the car with two other guys in the back seat with me and one was at the front with the driver. i noticed the driver made a wrong turn so i asked where he was going. he told me he was going to turn off because he had to pick up something. it was a little dark outside, like evening hours…i feel a hand touching my leg…so, i looked at the person and i was like a wah gwan yah so [what’s going on here?]. the driver parked the car at a dead end and one of the guys in the back put a knife to my throat and ordered me out the car. steve (age ) he went on to further detail the multiple layers of the assault and his emotional and physical response to the sexual acts he was forced to perform: they forced me to my knees and ordered me to give them oral sex then they took turns forcing themselves inside me. i was crying because it was so painful. at some point, i was able to escape, so i took off running into a nearby gully [rainwater runoff system] where i hide from them. i stayed there until i couldn’t hear them anymore. steve (age ) the retelling of the experience during the one-on-one interview was distressing for this participant. it was clear that other than reporting the assault to law enforcement, he did not receive any form of psychological care to treat the emotional pain the assault left behind. during the interview, the participant became visibly distraught talking about his near-death experience, rape, and abduction. it was clear that the experience left him traumatized. another participant described being forced to perform a sexual act before he was allowed to leave the home of his attacker: i was on my way home from school one day and this older man…always talking to me, asking to pick me up after school, things like that…i was about at the time and he was like plus years old…so one day he asked if i needed a ride home. i hesitated at first but then said ok. next thing i knew we ended up at his house. he locked me in the room and held me down on the bed. then he started forcing himself on me so i tried to fight him off. he didn’t get to rape me but he forced me to perform oral sex on him before he would let me go. i did it just to get it over with. barry (age ) “i kept it to myself ” participants described their reasoning for choosing not to report their experiences with csa or sexual assault to the police, an adult, or a member of their family. while some described reaching out to their family for help, others described keeping the molestation or assault to themselves because of the fear that no one would believe them. men who kept the molestation to themselves reported feeling ashamed or blamed themselves for the sexual abuse. the decision to disclose the abuse was weighed against whether they would be believed. one participant explained how the perpetrator’s influence over him continued into adulthood to the point that he was still afraid of his abuser: i tried confronting him a few years ago but i try not to get him upset over it. he knows i am still scared of him. i wanted to stay something to my father and older brother but i couldn’t tell them because i was so ashamed. growing up in a christian household i felt like they wouldn’t believe me or they would blame me. there were just not a lot of people that you could tell. alex (age ) the theme of persistent fear was expressed in several nar- ratives of the survivors of csa and sexual assault. partici- pants reported fearing the perpetrator who often threatened them with physical violence if they disclosed the abuse. additionally, the theme of “i just keep it to myself” was common, perhaps because of embarrassment sustained from the assault and fear of retribution. these examples offered insights into unresolved psychosexual trauma. another par- ticipant expressed this theme in the example below: i was so afraid. i didn’t know what he was going to do to me. i didn’t report it to the police…i kept that to myself. you go to the police to report it and they laugh at you… so, i just avoid the embarrassment. barry (age ) finally, of all the examples provided, one participant, a victim of sexual assault, disclosed that he reported his assault to law enforcement. he was brought by the police to seek medical attention from jamaica’s centre for the investigation of sexual offences and child abuse (cisoca), a branch of the jamaica constabulary force. after they left i went and reported it to the police. the police basically told me that if they caught them they would be charged with indecent assault. they took the report and took me to cisoca for medical testing. steve (age ) this one example illustrated the care and dedication this participant received from law enforcement in investigating his experience as a victim of sexual assault. discussion this qualitative study provided detailed descriptions of young jamaican msm experiences with sexual violence, which included childhood sexual abuse and sexual assault. archives of sexual behavior given the lack of literature on csa in jamaica among msm, the current study sought to add to the literature on the expe- riences of csa among msm survivors (fields et al., ; swaby & morgan, ). men in this sample also described how these experiences have led to continued psychosexual trauma which extended into adulthood (hornor, ). previ- ous studies on this topic have identified early sexual initia- tion, hiv infection, sexual dysfunction, and the silence of the abuse as common factors among csa and sexual assault survivors (fergusson, boden, & horwood, ; lowe et al., ). our study supports many of these findings particu- larly those related to early sexual initiation (which for some was before age ), hiv infection, and the silence or fear of reporting the abuse. while most of these issues are well documented in the csa and sexual assault literature for girls in the caribbean (baumgartner et al., ; reid et al., ) and black and latino msm in the u.s. (arreola, neilands, & díaz, ; fields et al., ), limited research exists for gay and bisexual youth in jamaica and the rest of the caribbean. our findings serve as a catalyst for understand- ing how experiences with csa and sexual assault affects the lives of young jamaican msm, and how those experiences may impact attitudes and behaviors regarding hiv testing, engagement in care, and overall mental health for the par- ticipants in this study. for many participants, being gender nonconforming or feminine during their early childhood years made them more vulnerable to sexual violence than those who were masculine appearing. according to some participants, they were preyed on because they were perceived to be sexually available, and, because of their assumed homosexuality, the survivors were less likely to report the abuse or assault. these findings are supported by prior research on csa among msm of color in other settings (arreola et al., ; fields et al., ). these two distinctions, gender nonconformity and feminine behavior, have been corroborated by previous research that explores the strictness of traditional gender norms in jamaica, which reinforces heterosexual notions of masculinity and femininity (west & hewstone, ). one of the most com- mon themes expressed by participants was the power and privilege used by perpetrators within their churches, commu- nities, and families to force them to engage in coercive sexual contact (moore, robinson, dailey, & thompson, ). like those msm of color in the u.s., participants’ experience with csa started with unwanted touching, usually from someone from their church, community, or an older family member (e.g., male cousin or uncle) of the same sex (mimiaga et al., ; reid et al., ; samms & cholewa, ). our study also found a pattern of similar acts of unwanted touching, which was used to test the limits, then escalated to exposure of genitalia, and ended in direct nonconsensual sexual acts. to ensure their silence of the sexual violence, the perpe- trators often threatened survivors with physical violence or threatened to blame them publicly for seducing them. these tactics are not new, but are commonly seen in other examples of sexual assault both with young girls and boys in other set- tings (baumgartner et al., ; hornor, ; lowe et al., ). however, what is different here is the societal and cultural environment in which these participants experienced sexual violence, an environment that perpetuate them suffer- ing in silence. participants had little recourse for justice as the current definition of rape in jamaica does not consider forcible anal penetration as rape (jamaica ministry of justice, , ; reid, ). the current legal framework only protects young girls who are survivors of forcible sexual violence under the law criminalizing carnal abuse—the nonconsen- sual vaginal penetration of a female child (jamaica ministry of justice, ). this narrow definition creates barriers for male survivors of sexual violence (sable et al., ). while some participants had reported the crime of sexual assault to the police, others reported feeling embarrassed, ashamed, and fear of being judged for being gay. this finding was high- lighted extensively in previous reports that gay and bisexual men in jamaica often decline to report crimes committed against them to the police, fearing that the police would be unresponsive to their claims because of their sexual orien- tation (figueroa et al., ; human rights watch, ; logie et al., a, b). other reports also suggested instances in which the police had failed to intervene and stop violent anti-homosexual mob attacks, investigate sexual crimes com- mitted toward gender and sexual minority individuals, and arrest the perpetrators who committed physical and sexual crimes against members of the msm community (human rights watch, ). additionally, a report published in by the cisoca, a special victims’ unit of the jamaica con- stabulary force, cited police officers and ministers of religion as two of the most common perpetrators of sexual violence against children (balford, ). these findings reinforce the fears expressed by participants and offer a glimpse into some of the reasons why sexual crimes against men and boys are not often reported. the negative effects of csa and sexual assault can lead to profound lifelong social, physical, and mental chal- lenges for survivors of sexual violence (baumgartner et al., ; mimiaga et al., ; reid, ). msm, particu- larly those most vulnerable like the men in this report, were not exempt from such consequences (arreola et al., ; fields et al., ; mimiaga et al., ). jamaican msm, specifically those who are gender nonconforming or feminine, are more often likely to experience csa than their heterosexual counterparts (paul et al., ; phillips et al., ), and their experiences with csa and sexual assault have led them to experience maladaptive social adjustments including addiction and substance misuse (dube et al., ; figueroa et al., ; swaby & morgan, archives of sexual behavior ). among msm in the u.s., csa was associated with high-risk sexual behaviors and increased hiv prevalence (arreola et al., ; lloyd & operario, ; williams et al., ). other adverse impacts include poor educa- tional outcome, sexual dysfunction (boden, horwood, & fergusson, ; buckle, lancaster, powell, & higgins, ), destructive adult romantic relationship dynamics (swaby & morgan, ), and opening the door for revic- timization (fergusson et al., ; hornor, ). while there was no direct link between those participants’ experi- ences with csa earlier in life and those reporting sexual assault later in life, previous research in the area of sexual assaults has found a link between sexual revictimization in among women with a history of csa (ullman, najdowski, & filipas, ). these findings are consistent in our study, with participants reporting dissatisfactions with some acts of intimacy with their adult partners. msm survivors also reported negative mental health challenges such as depres- sion, suicidal ideation and attempts, self-inflicted cutting, and poor self-esteem (benoit & downing, ; fergusson et al., ; rosario, schrimshaw, & hunter, ). findings from this report highlight the importance of strengthening legislation in jamaica that corrects the incon- sistency in the definition of rape to include sexual violence toward men and boys. although the island of jamaica is a signatory to the united nations convention on the rights of the child, and as such is charged with protecting all chil- dren, regardless of sex or gender identity, gendered differ- ences exist that infringe on the human rights of msm and other sexual minorities (human rights watch, ; logie et al., a, b; losina et al., ). jamaica has made some progress by creating several state agencies that deal with the safety and protection of all children. however, there are considerable shortfalls that relate to the experiences of boys who are survivors of sexual violence. the enactment of the child care and protection act ( ) has led to the creation of additional state agencies such as the office of the chil- dren’s advocate and the child development agency to fur- ther protect the welfare of all children and to investigate all cases of child abuse (samms & cholewa, ). our research highlights the need for a more thoughtful approach in sensi- tizing personnel such as those within these agencies and the police, to investigate and charge perpetrators who commit sexual violence against boys. limitations our report has several limitations. the majority of partici- pants were from the parish of kingston, a major metropolitan area; however, while efforts were made to recruit participants from more rural parishes, distance and cost of travel were prohibitive. jamaican msm residing in the most rural parts of the island may have different experiences with sexual vio- lence; therefore, further investigation is needed to uncover those differences. additionally, participants were recruited from social events and spaces that were known to be fre- quented by members of the community, and as such our find- ings are limited to those persons. although less than half the men in this sample reported experiencing sexual violence, the prevalence of those crimes is relatively high for this sample. given the social and cultural circumstances constraining the lives of many jamaican msm and the social vulnerabilities they have experienced, we assert that there may be a much higher, perhaps hidden epidemic of csa and sexual assault among msm and further research is needed to unearth this epidemic. in spite of these limitations, our study is among the first that examines these forms of sexual violence expe- rienced by jamaican msm; and those experiences must be addressed in terms of the implications for potential high-risk sexual behaviors. despite these limitations, the lead author’s clinical back- ground in nursing and sensitivity to the subject matter yields confidence that participants were willing to disclose their traumatic experiences. in addition, the primary author’s nonjudgmental stance, familiarity with the culture, and non- stigmatizing attitudes toward sexual minority populations may have also increased the probability that participants felt comfortable speaking authentically. conclusions much of the research to date among jamaican msm has focused extensively on hiv incidence and prevalence. how- ever, in recent years, several studies have begun to explore the social and cultural factors driving the epidemic among jamai- can msm (figueroa et al., ; harris, ; logie et al., a, b). many of these social factors are rooted in rigid societal and cultural perceptions of sex and sexuality. find- ings from our study uncovered another layer of this complex issue—jamaican msm experiencing csa and sexual assault as forms of sexual violence. jamaican msm who did not fit the strict definition of masculinity were perceived to be easy targets for sexual violence and due to their fear of retaliation, these crimes are often not reported. our findings emphasize the need for a reevaluation of the relevant child protection agencies to make them more responsive to msm survivors. additionally, jamaican msm survivors of csa may conflate their childhood experiences as normal, which may lead to negative perceptions of their sexual orientation, sexual dys- function, and maladaptive adult social relationships. this report was nested in a larger qualitative study whose purpose was to explore the social and cultural determinants of hiv risk among young jamaican msm. the findings pre- sented were based on us asking one simple question: “has archives of sexual behavior anyone every forced you to have sex?” according to some participants this was the first time anyone has ever asked them that question and it was the first time they ever had an opportunity to assign a meaning to that experience. some participants had believed it to be a normal experience for a child exploring their sexual identity/orientation. the inter- view session was a cathartic opportunity for participants to recognize that these “explorations” were in fact molestation as they were incapable of giving consent. previous research has suggested that men who viewed their sexual debut as non- consensual have the tendency for engaging in transactional sex, substance misuse as adults, and other high-risk sexual behaviors (benoit & downing, ; hickson et al., ). our findings suggest that exploration of these sensitive topics can give survivors an opportunity to communicate their experiences with sexual violence and can also serve as a first step in creating both clinical guidelines for supportive services for msm survivors. additionally, future research exploring these topics among jamaican msm requires sensi- tivity in the approach to the framing of these questions. this is necessary because it does not ascribe a value judgment nor does it make assumptions about the sexuality of the victim or sex of the perpetrator. this approach also takes into account the context in which these violent situations occur—the per- petrator’s privilege, access, power, and control over their victims. moreover, it is important that questions addressing csa and sexual assault are incorporated into interventions targeting jamaican msm and that healthcare providers are equipped with the necessary tools to address these issues. acknowledgements we gratefully acknowledge the generous support by the fulbright scholars program operating through the institute for international education and sponsored by the united states depart- ment of state, bureau of educational and cultural affairs. we also acknowledge the generous support of the center for aids research (p ai ); the school of nursing and the fredrick douglass insti- tute for african american affairs at the university of rochester; the institute for gender development studies at the university of the west indies, mona campus; and the traineeships in aids prevention studies (t mh- - pi: s. kegeles) at the center for aids prevention studies in the department of medicine at the university of california san francisco. compliance with ethical standards conflict of interest the authors report no real or perceived vested in- terests that relate to this article that could be construed as a conflict of interest. references ando, h., cousins, r., & young, c. 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( ). relation of childhood sexual abuse, intimate partner violence, and depression to risk factors for hiv among black men who have sex with men in us cities. american journal of public health, , – . microsoft word - ramsey_review_final.doc copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - invisible tragedies, invisible possibilities: or, re-reading what’s left of a great american (anticommunist) novel on barbara foley’s wrestling with the left: the making of ralph ellison’s invisible man joseph g. ramsey “the productive use of earlier radicalisms . . . lies not in their triumphant reassemblage as a radical precursor tradition but in their tragic failure to constitute such a tradition in the first place.” – fredric jameson, postmodernism, or the cultural logic of late capitalism “denounce [the radicals], spurn them as you spurn a water moccasin. grind its head into the dirt as i mean to grind any sign of radicalism that rears its head here upon this campus.” – ralph ellison’s dr. bledsoe to the protagonist, in the “campus” episode of invisible man (excised from the published text) with the publication of barbara foley’s wrestling with the left: the making of ralph ellison’s invisible man (duke university press, ) one of the “best kept secrets in american literary history” ( ) takes a great leap towards the critical light of day. that secret, to begin, might be crudely broken into three interrelated revelations: ) that acclaimed and influential american novelist ralph ellison had an artistically productive, intellectually rich, and politically impassioned relationship with the communist (and communist) movement of the united states during the s- s, though he later repeatedly discounted or denied it; here i follow foley’s usage, with the lower case “communist” referring to the more general theoretical and practical commitment to the abolition of class society, exploitation, and those institutions and ideologies that produce and reproduce it. the upper case term “communist” is reserved for referring joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - ) that the long-neglected archival record of ellison’s own communist experience as well as his contemporaneous reflections on that experience, including the (often marxian) categories in which he represented – as well as criticized – it, differs in important and often dramatic ways from his depiction of this left milieu in his invisible man, most notably, but not only, in terms of its treatment of the “brotherhood.” that is to say, ellison’s own unpublished writings reveal his later portrait of the brotherhood to be a caricature, a far cry from the communist left as he himself had known it up close; ) that until quite late in ellison’s revising and editing process (up to or so, ellison having begun the book in ), the notes and drafts of invisible man (hereafter im) contain characters, passages, tropes and extended themes that (would have) made im a radically different, more left and communist-friendly novel. the treasure trove of working documents and drafts that foley examines not only give the lie to ellison’s frequent claim that the novel “wrote itself” in a relatively seamless fashion, as well as his oft-quoted protagonist’s statement that “the end was in the beginning.” they reveal a complex radicalism, ranging from an explicit endorsement of, to a critically qualified or ironically tinged admiration for, the theory and practice of mid- th century american communism. these drafts and notes demonstrate a sophisticated belief on ellison’s part in the validity of marxism as a “lens” for making sense of (and a tool for transforming) american life, even in all its “complexity,” a belief that significantly outlived his formal association with the communist movement (which was pretty much over by .) albeit often fragmentary or unfinished, these long-lost, excised materials that foley brings forward demonstrate how ellison’s creative marxism illuminated post-war american society. it wasn’t until the late s and early s, specifically to those individuals and institutions aligned with the communist party usa or the communist international. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - once cold war anticommunism had intensified dramatically in the usa, that ellison fully managed to wrestle down his own novel’s marxism. to put the “secret” more succinctly: the record reveals that ralph ellison was for a sustained period a passionate, sophisticated, and committed communist. he later caricatured and distorted that communist experience in his famous novel, invisible man, a novel that nonetheless itself was for a long-time a complexly marxist, and pro- communist, book, before being wrestled down into the cold war anticommunist literary masterpiece of that we know (and often teach) today. for wrestling with the left to bring out any one of these revelations in detail ought to be enough to send significant waves through ellison and indeed th century american literary studies (so crucial a figure is ellison still to this day). that foley documents and develops all three of these scandalous themes in such historically informed detail ought to make her study something of a major event for both fields, one that (if acknowledged) cannot but upend much scholarship on ellison and his moment. as foley herself puts it, more than offering a new reading of the text, “i hope my findings will challenge existing readings premised upon un-interrogated assumptions about ellison’s political outlook” ( ). ellison biographer arnold rampersad writes accurately in a back-cover blurb that “this book ably fills perhaps the biggest gap in our critical and biographical understanding of ralph ellison.” yet considering how for more than half a century, ellison’s invisible man has “functioned . . . as exhibit a for the case that communism is antithetical to the interests of americans in general and african americans in particular” ( ), foley’s volume promises not only to fill a scholarly gap, but to shake up the field, and not only in literary studies, either. challenging ruling assumptions the “un-interrogated assumptions about ellison’s political outlook” that foley challenges in wrestling with the left are myriad, and involve a dialectic of assumptions about both ellison’s own developing beliefs, and about those political options available to ellison over time. among the first type of assumption which foley challenges is the notion that ellison, like his narrator-protagonist, developed increasingly sophisticated, complex, and mature views over time, moving from “ranter to writer” as many have said, joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - leaving behind “narrow” notions, in favor of those more capable of grasping “the broad complexities of american life” ( ), as ellison himself would put it in his national book award acceptance speech. related to this belief has been the notion that the marxist, communist, and communist left could not accommodate ellison’s developing “genius,” that in effect – to ironically apply the famous marxian metaphor – the narrow confines of the communist left became fetters to ellison’s developing talents, forcing him to burst their bounds (that is, if he ever bothered to pay them serious mind in the first place). more specifically, the typical views here are that the “orthodox” communist left was (and perhaps still is) in some way opposed to deep explorations of such crucial matters as sexuality and psychoanalysis, similarly that marxists and communists were not interested in the probing of western myths and african american folk traditions that proved so generative for ellison; that the “narrowly” prescribed left styles of “naturalism” and “social realism” hemmed in ellison’s drive to surrealism and symbolism, and that the left – unlike ellison – was generally hostile and vulgar in its dealings with popular culture, indeed somehow “foreign” to american culture and experience as such. foley presents evidence from the ellison archive that flies in the face of each of these operative assumptions. moreover, she does so with a force that reinvigorates a number of forgotten critical left constellations in their own right. readers will find that wrestling with the left is a book that aims to restore not only the works and ideas of the early ellison, but, through them, the oft-neglected richness of the interwar radical left milieu. and yet the text does not stray far from its focus on ellison’s writings. rigorous close reading and historical materialist contextualization here interpenetrate, with textual fragments calling attention to historical conjunctures, and discussions of “external” politics and history illuminating particular traces in the archive. this speech, as foley amply demonstrates, has exerted tremendous influence on subsequent studies and teaching of ellison’s novel. it sets up many of the “god-terms” by and through which invisible man is most often judged. those interested to explore foley’s efforts to restore and re-evaluate this broader cultural and literary milieu may consult her many articles on the topic, as well as her path-breaking study radical representations: the theory and practice of proletarian fiction, - (duke university press, ). for a sample of her thinking on the ellison project see the interview, “reading forward from the left,” in reconstruction . . ( ), <http://reconstruction.eserver.org/ /ramsey .shtml>. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - as foley puts it, “there is . . . no inside of ellison that can be sealed off from the outside of that history [which he lived through and studied closely]” ( ). for instance, the archives reveal that ellison, like a number of marxist and pro- communist writers, including his close friends and collaborators richard wright and kenneth burke, was steeped in both marx and freud (as well as materialist psychological theorists such as erich fromm) during the s and s, his communist period. indeed foley makes a compelling argument that a commitment to communism motivated and even deepened ellison’s interest in psychoanalysis, as the drive to tap into and to cultivate class consciousness, particularly amongst the african americans, led him to pay close attention to the role played by the unconscious factors, and to the ways proto- political energies were coded in black culture. she further argues that the early drafts of im contain a more sophisticated and, arguably, even a more subversive treatment of sexuality and gender relations than the text. this includes, for instance, an extended reflection on the relationship between jim crow racism and homosexuality in the south. most significantly of all, the early drafts and notes contain a complexly and sympathetically developed interracial intra-brotherhood heterosexual romance between the protagonist and a white comrade, louise – a far cry indeed from the famous scenes of mutual exploitation and exoticism that are just about the only extended “romantic” relations to be found anywhere in the text. among the impacts of these famously grotesque comic scenes has been to reproduce insidious stereotypes about communists’ alleged use of white women to lure black men to their ranks, as well as to re-enforce the idea that despite its boldly professed anti-racism, “under the surface” the cpusa was just as, if not more, racist than the society it claimed to want to “change.” in the early versions of the novel, the psychological nexus of race, sex, and gender within and around the brotherhood appears as a much more complex and nuanced affair. similarly, foley returns us to ellison’s own extensive readings in the marxian strain within the cambridge school of myth criticism, as well as to the early th century communist discourse around black folk culture, in which ellison was well versed. in terms of formal aesthetics, foley reveals how leftist political content co-existed and overlapped with surreal and symbolic elements in the early drafts, as well as in ellison’s early short fiction. radical politics and experimental form were not mutually exclusive – joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - in fact ellison himself wrote of them as parallel in their equally “promethean” intent. a kind of proletarian high modernism was not only thinkable but imminent – indeed, legible – in ellison’s work. likewise, symbolic allusions to mythic and folkloric proletarian and rebel figures, such as (the martyred black worker-figure) john henry, hercules, and especially prometheus (rather than proteus, the shape-changer who is something of an ur-figure for the published text), abound in the early manuscripts, not just “despite” but in fact often enhancing the anti-racist, pro-working class, and revolutionary communist themes of the text. as foley puts it, for the early ellison, “marx and myth went hand in hand.” challenging the notion that the s communist left ellison ran with was antagonistic or obtuse to popular culture, foley uncovers a series of remarkable excised moments in the early to mid-stage drafts of invisible man that depict brotherhood political activities, especially a series of lively mass marches through harlem. the marches are infused with the energy and elasticity of folk and popular culture. militant brotherhood slogans about “dispossession” mix and mingle with black youth playing the dozens, while marching. (“i dispossessed your mama ‘bout half past nine / she said ‘come back, daddy, any ole time’” [ ].) indeed it is in part the strong reputation that the brotherhood has earned within the community which attracts the protagonist to the organization in the first place – unlike the text, where it is a cynical hope of a pay check as a hired public speaker. likewise, brother stein, the draft-precursor to the cold, aloof, and know-it-all party theorist brother hambro, is characterized by humility; stein insists on the need to be listening and learning from the people, not simply imposing the dictates and “necessities” of “history” upon them. stein to the protagonist: “we don’t know too much about your people. we thought we did but we don’t, even though some of us still think we do. what we have is a theory. it’s a good theory, but it’s up to you to put it into action. so instead of trying to tell you how or what to do i’ll tell you to work it out your own way . . . don’t tell us what we want to hear, tell us what we need to know.” ( - ) the protagonist is not just to use his voice, but his ears and his brain, to figure out how and where to connect up with the people. while the brotherhood has methods and goals, joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - it most certainly does not have all the answers – and its top theorist knows and admits this openly (even if some in the organization may not). the protagonist is tasked not just as an instrument, but as a leader with influence at both practical and theoretical levels. (nor is he paid more than a pittance.) as ellison revised his manuscript, however, the brotherhood was turned more and more into a cynical and instrumentalizing organization, its “scientific” ideology transformed “from a means of grasping totality to an instrument of totalitarian control” ( ). in short, into a cold war stereotype: “note: make thrillkild [the predecessor to brother wrestrum] into a totalitarian type, eager to regiment all aspects of life,” as ellison jotted in the margins of one draft. yet the notes and the draft pages that ellison penned when he was historically closer to his communist experiences, tell a different story. at the same time, extended excised passages depict iconic harlem sites such as mary rambo’s boarding house as infused with lively debates about politics, social struggles, and the brotherhood’s work, even before the protagonist arrives there. as foley writes, “rather than a womb-like space exempt from harlem’s class struggles, mary’s rooming house is the site where the invisible man is readied for his initiation into leftist politics” ( ). most notable here is a warmly remembered former boarding house guest, leroy, a black member of the national maritime union who has recently been slain by racists at sea, but who has left a journal behind in the protagonist’s room. the journal is filled with radical and even outright communist reflections on the history and the prospects of the struggle for human equality (discussions of john brown, frederick douglass, and karl marx, for starters). these the protagonist reads with great interest– and they inform his later involvement with the brotherhood. excised quite late in the revision process (at the insistence of ellison’s editor, harry ford), leroy, as foley puts it, is “the invisible man within invisible man” ( ). all of this is to say, the rather neat – and rhetorically seductive – binary opposition between hambro and rambo – that is between abstract, mechanical, dogmatic “scientific” theorizing of the brotherhood (on the one hand), and authentic, organic, emotional black culture on the other – does not yet exist in the earlier drafts (at least not in this simplistic form). this is also to say: the vulgar attitude of manipulation and opposition towards black people that is attributed to the brotherhood (and to joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - c/communism), and against which the protagonist stages his final underground escape/rebellion/self-emancipation, is itself predicated on a prior vulgarization. as foley aptly points out, this simplification not only creates a straw man of the communist party (one that lines up again and again with stock cold war stereotypes) but, in some ways even more troublingly, it casts the people of harlem themselves (or even black people more generally) as epistemologically or even ontologically uninterested or incapable of concerted political or historical (rational?) thinking. the flip side of ellison’s caricaturing of the left (and perhaps the corollary of anticommunism more generally), foley demonstrates, is a delimiting and even demeaning de-politicization of working and oppressed people themselves. wrestling with the left usefully surveys the history of black radical organizing in harlem from the s to the s, reminding us again and again of how far ellison’s depiction leaps from the actuality of this moment. wrestling with the left makes similar work of such prevalent biographical assumptions as the notion that ellison had been something of a political naïf in the s, someone, as it were, “close enough [to the left] to have felt the heat but not so close as to have been burned” ( ). the ellison whom foley reconstructs was a figure very much close to the party – perhaps even a member, though the evidence on this front remains indeterminate – a communist with developed, studied political and social views. he was active in and committed to a range of pro-communist projects, and held fast, publicly and privately, to a number of key communist policies and positions, though not without criticisms or concerns. he supported the soviet union’s non-aggression pact with germany, as a matter of necessity to buy the socialist nation time against fascist aggression, following the ussr’s abandonment by the western capitalist powers at munich in . he then supported the “win the war” turn following hitler’s invasion of the ussr in , despite his concern that the party’s emphasis on the war effort put local struggles versus racial oppression and class exploitation on the back-burner. ellison was furthermore a skilled practitioner of proletarian fiction –published and unpublished – as well as marxist journalism and literary criticism. in the early chapters of her book, foley thoughtfully summarizes and analyzes a range of these early radical writings – likely to be unfamiliar to most readers – including a number that have never received critical attention in print. these stories reveal an ellison who was thinking deeply and joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - creatively about the challenges facing the victims of jim crow racism and class exploitation, an ellison who was thinking through the perspectives of would-be organic radical intellectuals struggling against oppression and exploitation: ministers, union organizers, dissident professors, and even black communists. a worthwhile endeavor in itself, foley’s short fiction readings shed further red light on ellison’s later novel writing. wrestling within the left while documenting ellison’s passionately pro-communist positions and practices, foley also explores ellison’s evolving criticisms of the us communist left. most notably she shows how ellison’s criticisms of the cpusa were often (at first) criticisms “from the left,” that is, criticisms of how the party was not acting radically enough to address injustices and to build for revolution in the usa, particularly as the party prioritized the patriotic war effort versus fascism. similarly, she shows that ellison often found not the “foreign-ness” of the cp, but its “american-ness” (its lack of serious marxist theorization, its pragmatism, its pandering to patriotism) to be its biggest fault. that is, the american exceptionalism that ellison would later trumpet (and contrast with the brotherhood) was, earlier on, one of his main complaints against the party itself. at one point in the notes, ellison even privately fantasizes about a more adept communist theorist being shipped in from abroad to help put the american party back on track. at the same time, foley shows how ellison, in his early writings, grasped the dialectical nature of the opposition and unity between anti-fascism abroad and revolutionary anti- racism and anti-capitalism at home. (that is to say, the waging of the anti-fascist war effort abroad was both in tension with, but also in support of, the anti-racist and working- class struggles at home.) whatever “soft-pedaling” of anti-racist and class radicalism occurred during the war effort, ellison – at least for a time – grasped the cp’s problems as strategic and tactical-not essential or epistemological – questions of line and leadership, not of “foreign domination,” or of the “totalitarian manipulation,” “abandonment” or “betrayal.” in other words, ellison’s own critique from within the left differed radically from the discourse of “two totalitarianisms” that he played upon in his version of the novel, and afterwards. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - ellison’s radicalism, as foley reconstructs it, was dynamic; it was all about wrestling with contradictions in the realm of ideas. consider the following remarkable passages she brings to light from ellison’s notes, where he works at theorizing the complex problematic of revolutionary leadership. as ellison puts it in - , a leader while leading the ruled is still controlled by the laws which rule the group. a revolutionary transcends both the group and the laws. he is under the spell of another picture of reality. he breaks the laws and the status quo emotionally and intellectually under the influence of his will to create the new ( ). though ellison concludes this marginal note with the optimistic prediction that “spartacus will come,” what one takes from this recovered reflection is an insight into the difficulty of becoming or remaining revolutionary while simultaneously remaining in touch with (let alone a leader of) the actually existing group(s) formed by the society that one seeks to uproot. how can one, as revolutionary, “break the laws of the status quo” without cutting oneself off from “groups” who are still in some sense “ruled” by those “laws”? conversely, how can one continue to effectively lead existing groups of people – say, within the framework of labor unions, electoral parties, etc. – abiding by the “laws” of this society, without losing touch with, or even giving up altogether on, one’s revolutionary aspirations of overturning these very “laws” themselves? similarly, ellison’s early notes for im speak to tensions and to “wrestling” that are very much internal to the leftist revolutionary project. outlining his general goals for what was to be, he hoped, a “truly progressive novel of negro life” as well as a “sort of political allegory,” ellison foretold that his work would be among other things “the story of a man of good will who attempts to function idealistically in a political organization which cannot afford the luxury of idealism” ( ). ellison’s language here suggests that it is not only (and perhaps even not so much) the “realism” of the political organization in question that will come in for critical treatment, but the “idealistic” approach of the main this then adds another meaning to foley’s title: not only wrestling with the left, as in against it, but also wrestling with the left, as a part of that left. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - character himself. thus, again, we see the early ellison wrestling with the dialectic of ideas – those noble, universal abstractions – and locally situated concrete practices. ellison in such moments is very much the contemporary of thinkers (from lenin to mao to badiou) who have worked to theorize the relationship between revolutionary, communist consciousness (on the one hand) and the particularity and immediacy of group demands (on the other). a long passage from marxist psychologist william sheldon’s psychology and the promethean will, which ellison copied out word-for-word in his notebooks, speaks to analogous tensions inherent in the committed intellectual life: “the promethean conflict,” ellison jots, “is the strife which takes place in the human mind between the yearning for understanding, and the weaker more immediate pull of those living affections and desires which are conditioned upon the good will and the support of fellow beings” ( ). (notably, the passage is part of a broader argument for political and theoretical discipline in the face of the flux of the modern world.) all of which is to say that foley does not portray ellison as having maintained some perfect or unadulterated, idealized “party line” during his radical phase – not at all, he is wrestling constantly – but the terms and categories under which he is struggling and against which he is “wrestling” are radically different than those we have come to associate with his name. in this way, foley argues that, in many respects, ellison’s early writings exhibit not a lesser but, arguably, a greater sophistication in their grasp of a host of important issues that are treated more or less simplistically in the text. the relationship of black nationalism to class struggle for instance, or the relationship of domestic anti- racism to international anti-fascism, the relationship of culture to politics, and of history to african american folk culture itself, the place of american academia within racial and political struggles, the connections between southern jim crow and northern capital, even the relationship of sexuality to economics (or the “bed struggle and the bread struggle”, as he then put it) all get a supple treatment in ellison’s early drafts and notes that makes the later version look forced and rigid by comparison. especially pertinent here may be the way that the early manuscripts offer implicit and even explicit challenges to some of the very ideologies and strategies for action that end up being privileged within the text. the early drafts unsettle, for instance, the ellisonian values of liberal pluralism and racial tricksterism. “like america, i am made joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - up of many strands, most of which conflict with one another” ellison wrote in an early draft of his conclusion (emphasis added). by the time the novel was revised for publication, however, the conflict in the fabric of america has literally disappeared. from a portrait of the individual and of society characterized by struggle – and thus calling for taking sides in that struggle – we are left with a pluralistic appreciation of harmoniously blending strands. we move from dialectic to a stasis, with irony and ambivalence taking the place of transformative theory and practice, and with american “diversity” affirmed as an end in itself to be embraced (and as a liberatory counterpoint to the “conformity” of “tyrant states”), rather than, say, a tense field in which the just and unjust, the good and the bad, the oppressive and the emancipatory, contend. as foley puts it succinctly, “internal contradiction is reconfigured as liberal pluralism” ( ). it’s similar with ellison’s famous tricksterism. foley uncovers, among others, an extended episode, later excised, featuring a black waiter who embodies the double- consciousness and two-facedness that the protagonist’s grandfather recommends to him (“overcome ‘em with yesses, undermine ‘em with grins, agree ‘em to death and destruction, let ‘em swallow you till they vomit or bust wide open” [ellison, ]). yet this waiter’s wearing of the mask before his white customers appears to deepen and perpetuate, not overcome, his own degradation and embedded-ness within jim crow. however necessary or understandable they may be as an individual survival strategy, then, trickster methods are, in the early drafts, called into question as a viable mode of effectively challenging racism. this is to say that rather than transcending the limits of marxism and communism for a greater field of possibilities, ellison’s anti-communist-ization of the novel coincided with, and indeed, depended upon, a multi-sided intellectual backsliding – a recourse to cold war clichés and even racial stereotypes, manichean binary oppositions, and static liberal ideology. which is also to say: one major subtext of foley’s argument throughout is not only that many of the positions, working assumptions, values, and representational codes of the early ellison were radically different from those found in invisible man, but that they were, in various respects, better: more historically accurate, more open and inclined toward materialism, anti-racism, and emancipatory politics more generally, less indebted to a chauvinistic patriotism, elitism, to sexism, even to homophobia. if not joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - necessarily “better written” – for many of these episodes were never developed or polished, though many were and read very well – the early drafts present coordinates that might have made possible a narrative more sophisticated, more nuanced, and indeed “more humane,” than the treatment of the text. wrestling the left down, late foley’s study goes on to elucidate not only how ellison wrestled with social, political, and historical contradictions as a part of the procommunist left, but also how he had great difficulty wrestling these leftist tendencies down, as he departed from that left. the evidence that foley brings forth strongly suggests that both “the passion and the paradigm” ellison took up from marxist and communist literary and political movements were not marginal but central to his novelistic and social vision, so that – even despite his harsh falling out with the cpusa – it would take years before ellison could excise them (more or less) completely. the chronological bottom line of much of this digging comes down to the persuasive proposition that several of ellison’s most crucial revisions and alterations came in the very late s, or even the early s. this is particularly true of those revisions that turned im not just against the brotherhood – or a mistaken line, leader, or strategy prominent within it – but against the very project and even the possibility of a scientifically informed radical, communist, inter-racial working-class organization, as such. (we might understand this as the sliding of the text from being critically pro-communist, to anti-communist, to one that is anticommunist into its very epistemological fibers.) this shifting of the date of de-radicalization and anti-communist-ization of im from or so to or later (perhaps even as late as ) is in itself significant; it makes it more and more plausible that ellison drew largely upon the intensifying ideological discourse of the cold war, rather than on actual (let alone accurate!) memories of his own experience, as the basis for his depiction of the cp-esque brotherhood. within this new periodization, it makes more and more sense to read im as a symptomatic expression of cold war ideology, less and less to read it as an authoritative account that might in some sense substantiate that ideology, or for that matter, that might joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - constitute a concrete critique of the actually existing left practice of the time. foley refers to “the text” throughout, underscoring the contingent and history-bound nature of the “finished” work. moving the left from the margin to the center of course, in a sense, bits and pieces of ellison’s communist “secret” have been “out” for some time, at least among those who know where to look. both major recent ralph ellison biographies (laurence jackson’s ralph ellison: the emergence of genius ( ), and, more recently, arnold rampersad’s ralph ellison, a biography ( )) document ellison’s association with left-wing organizations and assorted radical individuals and publications. however, as foley points out, these biographers tend to downplay the importance of ellison’s left-wing years and to cast the termination of ellison’s leftist period as more or less “inevitable,” given ellison’s personality on the one hand, and (what these biographers depict as) the relative paucity and/or deficiency of the left-wing literary scene on the other. for laurence jackson, in particular, the meticulous reconstruction of ellison’s week-to-week activities during the s and s does not lead to a serious re-evaluation of the communist milieu itself. rather, his study tends to reinforce the same cold war understanding of the cp left that has been handed down to us by ellison’s novel (among other sources). for the most part, according to jackson, the attraction the left had for ellison is attributable to that which was contingent, rather than essential, to the left. his left-ward swerve is tied either to the charisma of particular radical individuals – such as richard wright and langston hughes, who would i thus disagree with the argument put forth by nathaniel mills who argues that invisible man, despite its cold war limitations, still functions overall as a useful, even necessary, auto-critique of the left and its organizational tendencies. mills goes so far as to liken the protagonist’s reflections on uncertainty and contingency in history to the contributions of communist theorists louis althusser and antonio gramsci, with their interest in the semi-autonomy of cultural struggles. see his very interesting and thought- provoking, but ultimately unconvincing article, “wrestling with ralph ellison,” published in against the current, available at: <http://www.solidarity-us.org/node/ >. in a sympathetic treatment of mills’ review on his blog marxist marginalia, paul heideman soundly refutes its major arguments. see: <http://herrnaphta.wordpress.com/ / / / />, “ralph ellison and literary anticommunism,” june , . mills’ theoretically astute response to heideman’s criticism (in against the current, <http://www.solidarity-us.org/node/ >) raises important methodological, hermeneutic, and political issues about marxism’s relationship to historicization and to “political opportunism,” but, in fact, it leaves most of heideman’s specific criticisms related to im untouched, even as it does raise interesting questions about the ontological assumptions that support heideman’s critique. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - themselves tend away from communist circles in the s – or to the sheer openness of the path to publication that left journals represented, compared to more exclusive “mainstream” journals. the possibility – indeed as foley demonstrates, the actuality – that the ideas, goals, and frameworks of marxism and communism were themselves deeply moving to ellison, goes under-explored. for these esteemed biographers, the left remains (properly) marginal to the study of ellison and, one is tempted to add, to the study of american literary “genius” in general. a mass cultural and political movement becomes merely one more occasion for ellison’s opportunistic and individualistic personality to play itself out. in contrast to personality-driven biographical approaches, which in effect “read backwards” through the lens of ellison’s later cold war “genius” (just as much ellison criticism sets out from the burkean critical “god terms” that the later ellison left behind in speeches, essays, and interviews), foley’s method, which she refers to as writing the “biography of a text” or “reading forward,” employs a more complex notion of causality. hers is a method that both admits various levels of historical determination structuring the processes of ellison’s life, and especially his literary production, while recognizing the existence of subjectivity, contingency, and thus of possibility within that over- determined process. this approach seeks to return us to the many interconnected decisions that ultimately produced this text (and this historical person), including any number of moments when things could have gone differently. wrestling with the left thus returns us to a time when the “ellison” that we take for granted now was still not yet fully formed. there were, as foley details, various paths available in ellison’s historical and it certainly does not help matters either that jackson uncritically reproduces essentially a cold war liberal narrative of the soviet union’s descent into “totalitarianism.” key features of this narrative include: ) describing the molotov-ribbentrop (so-called “hitler-stalin”) non-aggression treaty as a “betrayal” and an act of soviet complicity, without even mentioning that this move was a last ditch soviet effort to stave off invasion, following the failure of the western powers to join the ussr’s common defense front against nazi germany, in ; ) offering a view of the moscow trials that uncritically reproduces the line of the pro-trotsky dewey commission; ) ignoring the possibility or actuality of socialism within the soviet union and thus treating very superficially the difficult choices that international communists were faced with concerning the anti-fascist war effort. not to mention the historic and almost unimaginable costs endured by the people of the soviet union in absorbing – and repulsing – the brunt of the nazi war machine, about which jackson, like so many commentators on this period, remains silent. foley’s own essays, which put the left at the center, so to speak, have for years now given her readers a tantalizing taste of what the ellison archives reveal. but they have been the exception to the rule. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - political field, and so there were choices, not just abstract “free choice” but determinate options, to be selected between and among. (once again, foley makes mention of dozens of other black and radical writers during this time who made different choices, despite the pressures of anticommunism and the cold war. in fact, she argues, one of the secondary effects of raising invisible man to canonicity has been to obscure the very existence of so many other black radical writers. ) not all responsibility rests on the individual level, however. beyond individual choices (aesthetic, political, editorial), there were also choices that took form at the level of collective, organizational practice and political line (for instance in and around the cpusa and the communist international). it should be noted here that foley’s efforts to challenge invisible man’s veracity with respect to its depiction of communist efforts in harlem is not motivated by some simple rearguard action to protect the cpusa from criticism. to the contrary, she has many criticisms of the party’s positions during this period, criticisms that she makes clear. several of the problematic or one-sided communist party positions that foley identifies, in fact, appear to have helped set the stage for ellison’s later disaffection, departure, and rightward turn. these include what foley considers to be the nationalist and class collaborationist turn that the cpusa took while opposing fascism during the popular front and win the war periods, as well as the political ambiguity and cultural nationalism that lurked in the heart of the party’s theory of the black belt nation. (notably not a major factor for ellison was the much-derided molotov-ribbentrop – so-called “hitler-stalin” – non-aggression pact of , which ellison, like wright among other black writers, seems to have upheld both as a matter of real politic and, moreover, as an opportunity for refocusing on race and class radicalism on the domestic front.) it is at least conceivable, foley suggests, that a communist party that had struggled more aggressively against muddling liberal and reformist tendencies during this tumultuous war-time period might have kept the loyalty of its promising young literary star. one can conceive of a party that maintained a revolutionary approach, grasping fascism not merely as the program of a particular bloc of reactionary black writers and artists who kept (or established) their commitment to the pro-communist left – or at least continued to resist anticommunism – during the dark days of cold war include: w.e.b. dubois, langston hughes, and paul robeson, but also louise meriwether, frank marshall davis, john oliver killens, ollie harrington, lorraine hansberry, lloyd brown, and alice childress. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - capitalists to build a broad coalition against – albeit at the expense of suppressing more radical activity – but, rather, as a political expression of capitalism itself in crisis. such a party may have been able to avoid alienating some of it more radical elements, literary and otherwise, while still appealing to broad anti-fascist sectors. without doubt the post- war repression, at home and abroad, would still have rained down – but a deeper and better schooled radical left might have been able to meet the challenge in more effective and productive ways. would such a radical, revolutionary communist party, guided by a more theoretically savvy line have managed to keep ellison’s allegiance, or at least his sympathy into the fifties and beyond? it is of course impossible to know; such a question remains largely speculative. moreover, there are reasons to believe that ellison’s focus on “reaching millions” with his voice and achieving mass influence and fame may have made it difficult for him to keep loyalty to a communist movement that was – despite its best efforts – having its ties to the masses (whether through mass culture, academia, or the labor movement) systematically destroyed by post-war anticommunist repression. in , , or even , as foley usefully surveys this history, it was still conceivable that the left could or soon would have the ear of tens of millions of americans. by or so, however, the more “realistic” path to a mass audience and to mainstream influence within the united states of america was to be found by turning on, rather than standing with, besieged communists, now widely demonized as a “red menace.” nonetheless, foley provides us with ample evidence and thus with opportunities to imagine how different choices both by ellison, and by the cpusa, might have created a different ending from these promising and radical beginnings of the thirties and forties. leaving monday-morning cp quarterbacking to one side, what foley’s project doggedly upholds – and rightly so – is not so much the particular line(s) of mid- th century cpusa as the commitment to actualizing proletarian revolution that this party, at its best, represented. what she upholds even more so is the actually existing, historically demonstrated potential of african american (and/or) working-class subjects to achieve one may be reminded here of today’s scare-mongering left-liberals who see fascism growing out of the koch brother-funded tea party, and thus give other capitalists and even other imperialists a pass as “progressive.” joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - radical political consciousness and collective agency. it is this basic radical potentiality – indeed, this necessity – not only as embodied in the cp but as implied by the very existence of exploited people consciously struggling against capitalism itself, which ellison’s novel eventually came to foreclose by . it is not just the solution (of communist brotherhood), then, but the problem itself (capitalism, class society) which ellison’s published text encourages us to elide, especially in its closing turn to american exceptionalism, and in its playfully cynical slippage from the epistemological chaos of the gangster-preacher rinehart to the allegedly “limitless” social “opportunity” that the invisible man affirms at novel’s end. foley’s study is thus both a painstaking analysis of what was, but also a concrete utopian exploration of what might have been (and even, in some sense, what might yet be). by digging through the archive, foley brings to light previously suppressed possibilities, possibilities that have been rendered largely invisible (indeed, possibilities whose very repression has itself been largely repressed) thanks in no small part to the cold war discourse produced in, around, and through ellison’s celebrated novel. central to foley’s political investment in this work, then, is the belief that by rendering visible the concrete possibilities – the achievements and the missteps, the breakthroughs and the betrayals – of a prior left moment, we open our eyes to the task of locating analogous, if not identical, possibilities in the present, and in the future. processing the particular repressions, missteps, and betrayals of those possibilities we denaturalize and demystify the “inevitable demise” of the left. such particularizing of “the failures and defeats of communism” (note the plural) may in fact be a necessary step both for bringing into being a new sequence of the “communist hypothesis” in the st century (badiou), as well as for guiding that new communist movement strategically, so that it can build upon both the successes and the failures – the triumphs and the tragedies, literary and otherwise – of th century communism, and not merely repeat its mistakes, relive its defeats. one clear example of ellison repressing the repression of the left in his novel can be found in the excision of passages, such as the one that forms an epigraph to this essay, that suggest the violent anti- radicalism of dr. bledsoe. originally the campus president was not only a trickster-opportunist but an anticommunist as well. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - all of this restores a powerful element of tragedy to ellison’s dark comic- absurdist masterpiece. in fact, foley writes that she wanted to title this study, wrestling with prometheus, to accentuate the tragic element of the narrative that she unfolds (as well as, no doubt, to underscore the way that “marx and myth went hand in hand” for the young ellison). since at least the days of marx, the figure of prometheus, this titan who rebelled against the gods to bring to humanity the liberating knowledge of fire (and who pays the price, cursed by zeus to forever after have his liver pecked out daily by a vulture), has been a “patron saint of the left.” such a “promethean” dimension was central to ellison’s novel at the outset, with the protagonist, and especially the excised leroy, positioned as rebels who challenge the established order with incendiary knowledge and are punished for it, cast down by the ruling powers as scapegoats. yet as foley points out, in the end, ellison moved from making a communist, leroy, the scapegoat (of ruling powers) in the text, to making the brotherhood/communists the prime scapegoat of the text itself. depicted by ellison as the cynical sacrificers – indeed, the murderers – of black harlem, and as the scapegoat-ers of ex-brother todd clifton, the brotherhood is effectively thrown to the cold war mob, itself scapegoated, to have its organs pecked away. by its concluding “epilogue,” invisible man has cast the would-be promethean left outside the realms of legitimate american, and indeed human, community, with brother jack imagined as the foreign leader of a lynching pack out to topple the american eagle and to castrate the protagonist. perhaps the ultimate tragedy of ellison’s novel, as reframed by foley, is that, displaced into such a mutilated cold war farce, the true historical tragedy of the left during this period never has a chance to appear. studying the wounds, and turning up pearls as someone who has followed foley’s work for some time now, and who has read her numerous essays (and even interviewed her) on the topic of ellison and invisible foley’s lucid and penetrating analysis of the ending of the text is one of the many examples where her archival work co-exists with and in fact sharpens her close readings of the published novel as a rhetorical project. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - man, i was pleasantly surprised, and impressed to see how much is new in this volume. wrestling with the left is not simply a compilation of earlier work – valuable as even that would have been – nor a synthesizing of previous research under a freshened or sharpened thesis, but a qualitatively improved, more comprehensive and ambitious project altogether, both on the level of archival evidence and at the level of textual analysis and argument. though it does not assume familiarity with that prior work – or with any text but invisible man – the volume introduces ideas and insights that will be new even to those who are familiar with foley’s previous tracings of ellison’s arc from pro-communist journalist and proletarian fiction writer to cold war american novelist extraordinaire. on a level of interest to specialists, often the early and excised episodes that foley brings to light help to explain enigmatic moments and lines that exist in the text as oddities, or apparent “throwaways.” contrary to critical appraisals of the novel as formally seamless, and aesthetically masterful, the actual text of im, foley reminds us, contains a number of pretty rough edges, lines whose formal relation to the text as a whole is quite unclear, lines that somehow ring false, that don’t quite fit. such lines, foley shows, in many cases – whatever interpretations later critics have made of them – are often, strictly speaking, the remnants of past excisions; they are, in a sense, scars that mark the spot where other passages, episodes, and even entire characters and subplots that existed in early drafts of the novel, no longer can be found. so for instance, foley shows us how the protagonist’s stated annoyance at mary rambo for her ostensibly repeated pressure on him to become a great leader, a point which finds next to no support within the text, correlates to a rich and extended excised portion of the novel, in which mary’s rooming-house is the scene of lively and wide-ranging political discussion, involving tenants, neighbors, im, and mary herself in heated debate about issues of scottsboro, evictions (and the grassroots struggle against them), lynching, and the role that the “brotherhood” is playing within the community. the line from the text “makes sense” in relationship to this material in a way that it doesn’t when it is isolated. see reconstruction . , “‘reading forward’ from the left: an interview with barbara foley,” by joseph g. ramsey <http://reconstruction.eserver.org/ /ramsey .shtml> ( ). joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - relatedly, often foley elucidates how a seemingly “small” manuscript alteration – a single word excised, added, or substituted for another – radically alters, even completely reverses an earlier pattern of meaning. revising the scenes of initiation into the brotherhood, for example, ellison changed the note that the protagonist is given (containing his new name) from a typed note to a hand-written one, thus laying the basis for pinning his later (anonymous and threatening) note to brother jack. foley digs up some real ellison gems too – numerous developed and even polished passages that are of literary, philosophical, as well historical and biographical interest – including any number of fragments and episodes that one could easily imagine ellison having included, and that would have in various ways benefited the novel. that ellison’s editors or even ralph ellison himself would have buried these gems does not reduce their glimmer, though they need some dusting off. among these sparkling surprises for even the initiated can be counted foley’s remarkable findings related to ellison’s discussion of history and historical events. ellison, we learn, at one point framed communism as an extension of the historical tradition of abolitionism, reflecting on john brown, specific slave revolts, and even going so far as to draw extended analogies between fredrick douglass and karl marx. readers are likely to be surprised by passages such as the following, which appears in the mouth of a sympathetic character from ellison’s unfinished “slick” novel: “[frederick] douglass was the same type as marx. he liked to fight, he was quick tempered and he had a great mind. and just like marx he was for the oppressed, not just the black but the white as well; and not only in the united states but all over the world . . . [. . .] they looked very much alike. they both looked like lions . . . [with] big heads, thick manes of hair, with large beards and bushy eyebrows. and in the pictures i’ve seen of marx he was almost as dark as a negro, not that i’m trying to make him one, though i wish he had been, but it’s the truth. both of them had fierce eyes and both looked like they would fight a circle saw” (ralph ellison, character booker, from unfinished “slick” novel. foley, ) joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - ellison elsewhere jotted, without the mediation of fictional persona, that “douglass made the mistake of trying to work on inside when outside was where he belonged” ( ). along similar lines, leroy’s journal in the drafts contains criticism of douglass for thinking that social change could come through oratory rather than action. also noteworthy is ellison’s reflection on the tensions and opportunities inherent in the modern african american experience. consider his analogy for the torn position of african americans dissatisfied by the cp’s “back-pedalling” of local anti-racist struggles for the sake of the global struggle against fascism during wwii. as he wrote: “if one is being dragged by a car [jim crow racism] that is in danger of being struck by a train [fascism], one nevertheless struggles to be free of the car first, regardless of the lesser chance of surviving the impact of the train” ( ). or, consider this extended excised reflection on suffering and consciousness that the protagonist in im gives to the magazine reporter covering his role in the brotherhood: “they say pearls come from grains of sand falling into the shell and irritating the delicate flesh of the oyster. maybe that’s the way it is with consciousness. your mind has to be bruised until it develops the peal the eye is capable of seeing. . . . [the negro people] have given birth to the pearl, and a lens is forming out of our scars and bruises, and soon we’ll see that brotherhood is the vision that will transform the world” ( ). in a way, as i have suggested above, foley method is analogous; treating the wounds of the novel (that was and might have been), as lenses through which to re-examine the entire novel – and indeed, its author, and its historical moment – in a fresh and critical way. in addition to such pearls, there are numerous passages in the early manuscripts – both realistic references, and patterned symbols – that foreground the historical specificity of the unfolding events of the narrative while simultaneously rooting that specificity in the nexus of a racist capitalist order. to give just one example: the base for the famous paint at the northern factory where the protagonist works briefly is described as having been made from the sap of southern trees, the very trees from which a black man is lynched in an early draft. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - indeed, though the later portions of the novel received the most revision, the depiction of the jim crow south in the early portions of the drafts renders palpable the intersection of racist violence with northern capitalist exploitation, and patriotic ideology (that southern sap-based white paint is then sent to cover government buildings – both the white house and the department of labor!). similarly the politics of academia in class society come in for scrutiny, with trickster-opportunist dr. bledsoe calling for the violent squashing of radicalism on campus, and a relayed account (based on true events) of how the former head of the college once ordered a black asylum seeker handed over to a lynch mob. and on and on; there is a treasure of pearls, more than can be listed here. abstracting from history if one of the major revelations here is the richness, range, and radicalism of ellison’s engagement with history, perhaps one of the book’s major political insights is that ellison’s anticommunistizaiton of im went hand in hand with a dehistoricization. as foley recounts, ellison’s revising of his pro-communist novel into an anti-communist one involved, and perhaps even necessitated, the rendering invisible of historical figures and events that had been much more explicitly present in earlier version of the text. especially significant – in fact totally crucial – was the stripping from the text of any and all references to world war ii and international fascism or anti-fascism. i quote foley at length: ellison’s decision to excise all reference to the second world war enabled him to avoid confronting the crisis about the meaning of democracy that the antifascist war posed to large numbers of african americans. the omission also made it possible to evade the complicated matrix of local, national, and international considerations that had challenged the political judgment of a wide i will however list a few more of foley’s discoveries from the early versions: the invisibility of the protagonist-narrator in the north is further layered by his invisibility as a wage laborer; the theme of sight and blindness is complicated by the prospect that the science and philosophy of the brotherhood may act as a “lens” allowing the formerly blind to see; the electricity that the im learns to laugh through in the battle royal and again in the hospital operation, returns in early versions of the arena speech, where the “electricity” is reflected upon, in relationship to the potential powers of radio oratory, as a means of liberation and self-affirmation, a la charlie chaplin at the end of the film modern times ( ). electricity thus becomes something that can be deployed as well as survived (or stolen). joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - range of actors and organizations (not just moscow-affiliated communists) during the war. ( ) eliding the war (and its “complicated matrix”) and thus withholding from the reader – and the protagonist – the reasoning for and the strategy behind the brotherhood’s sudden shifts of line – ellison’s depiction of the brotherhood is transposed into a universe that appears hard-wired for cynicism and disillusionment. had the historical background been specified, the position of the organization articulated, whether or not the protagonist or the reader agrees with it, the closing orientation would be a political position, not a formal dismissal. as the novel exists, however, the actions of the brotherhood appear irredeemable and beyond reason, “blind” and “blinding,” totally hopeless, indeed dangerous. all one can do is take cover, whether in the sewer or in the cloak of american patriotism (or, as it turns out, both). a certain defense of ellison’s practice of historical abstraction might argue (along the lines established by nathaniel mills) that whatever was lost in the turn away from historical reference and immediate political facticity, the symbolic power that im draws from its abstractions may have been well worth the loss. one can argue that in cutting off the text from the particularities of concrete history – of the depression, say, or of world war ii – ellison made it available to readers beyond that immediate moment. freed of the baggage of particular facts, the plane could fly higher and farther, so to speak. in becoming more distanced from immediate historical reference-points, goes this line of thought, im gained more universal resonance, the kind of symbolic power that has allowed it to connect with readers far removed from ellison’s immediate moment or context. at a level of generality and possibility, this all sounds just fine. but the issue at stake is not the politics of abstraction as such. what is at issue, rather, is the politics of ellison’s particular (rhetorical, historical) practice of abstraction and dehistoricization. a more grounded question then would be: what is the nature of the “universality” into which the historical particularity is transposed? is what is stripped from the narrative (and from the purview of readers) in the process merely minor contingencies and specificities (unnecessary dates, names, and details – stuff that would needlessly weigh down the reader, matter which is of little enduring importance), or is what was stripped rather in some sense matter that was (and that is) essential to grasping crucial dynamics of the situation (and perhaps of american political- social situations, or of situations for radicals in the us, generally) in the first place? if elements of what is essential are excised in the process of universalization, then, we must ask: what is the nature of, and what can be the truth, or the use value – politically speaking – of that clipped work that remains? what is gained, and what lost, to come back to im, by transposing the story of racism from an international to a nationalist framework? or by stripping radical politics of legible internal line- struggle, if not the very dimension of debate and strategy itself? of removing from view an event such as the rise of fascism and the onset world war ii, one that structured the field im dwells in? to put it sharply: at what point does a savvy opportunistic radicalism become an alibi for sheer opportunism? it should also be pointed out that this argument for ellison’s stylization and abstraction vs. realistic reportage remains based on a false binary opposition, one already addressed above, namely the assumption that ellison’s use of surrealism and symbolism was somehow necessarily exclusive of historical joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - the ruin in the urn in the wake of wrestling with the left, invisible man appears transformed: no longer just the high modernist “well-wrought urn,” but also the ruins of perhaps the great american radical novel of the th century. foley recasts the novel as a contradictory and historical process of development, and in doing so brings out the political, partisan dimensions of many features of invisible man that have generally been naturalized, taken for granted as irreducible elements of the novel as such. without ever denying ellison his genius, foley shows how the very formal “greatness” of this celebrated work of american civilization is, in many instances, predicated on and pursuant of its political repressions, its silencing, its mischaracterization, its ingenious cold war rhetorical maneuvers against the left. by so unearthing both the process of emergence and the political function of the novel’s ostensibly “merely literary” formal features, foley challenges not only prevailing views of ellison and invisible man, and not only dominant views of early-to-mid- th century u.s. history involving the communist left (literary and otherwise), but in fact, i would argue, she challenges dominant conceptions of “literature” and “literary greatness” as such. foley acknowledges as much when she writes, anticipating objections to her study, why trace the genesis of ellison’s masterwork in such painstaking detail, when what matters is the final product, with its careful aesthetic patterning and well- honed irony? why load so much analysis of history and politics, especially the politics of communism and anticommunism, onto what is, after all, an investigation into a literary text? doesn’t this practice simply reduce literature to non-literature, removing its ability to invest reality with what ellison himself called the “bright magic of a fairy tale”? ( ) [emphasis added]. realism or referentiality in this mediated sense. as we have seen, they often were not. which is to say, ellison not only could have but, at times, did craft a number of “universal” symbols that gave flight to the earthly facts of fascism and antifascism. on the other hand, if what one means is merely that im wouldn’t have been able to reach the broad audience it did, and thus to achieve “universal” status within the particular political and ideological constraints of the american literary critical scene at the height of the cold war, without making compromises and engaging in self-censorship, then that seems true enough. but it hardly amounts to a defense of the work on its political merits, let alone of its historical abstractions in particular. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - let us ask: is wrestling with the left simply (or not so “simply”) “reduc[ing] literature to non-literature”? in a sense, we might answer yes to this question (minus the pejorative language), that is, if and so long as “literature” is understood – as it often is – as a realm that is characterized by its separation from and/or opposition to messy material production (meaning history as well as labor) on the one hand, and from – equally messy – politics (and rhetoric) on the other. but then again, we might just as well say that foley’s study expands or deepens literature into the realm of “non-literature”; the choice of valence here is itself a rather subjective – and political-ideological – matter. further, the rigor of the research and close readings here are such that foley does not need to stoop to “loading” history and politics onto the literary text, but rather is able to expose and to decode the ways that history and politics were and are always already there in the literary work itself. it was just that certain all-too-simple forms of reading have tended to obscure them from view. foley’s book is a rigorous attempt to de-fetishize the literary. that is to say, her work asks us to reflect upon what we mean by (and how we teach) “literature” in the first place. what would it mean to approach im, or other texts for that matter, not just as finished works (or masterpieces) but as the remains – even the ruins – of complex and contradictory political and historical processes? to view novels – or poems, or plays, as well as pamphlets – as irreducibly rhetorical interventions in irreducibly political and historical situations that exceed their grasp? to imagine the site of literary instruction less as the glass-cased halls of a museum (with we instructors playing the tour guides) than as a scene of a human catastrophe, a shattered site in which it is up to us (up to our students and our colleagues) to urgently discover and to devise collectively what kenneth burke once called “equipment for living”? who says that what matters most about a literary text is its “finished” state upon emerging on the bookstore shelf? what (or whose) interests and values are served by such a notion? what would it mean to instead put a writer’s process of engagement (with history, with politics) at the center of how we teach literature? “this study,” foley writes, “asks teachers of literature to rethink what they are doing when they teach invisible man as an instance of the modernist well-wrought urn.” as she adds: joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - to interpret the novel’s patterning on its own terms, and not to query what is being equated with what and why, is to reproduce uncritically the ideological premises undergirding that patterning. an awareness that the symbolistic roundedness of ellison’s novel is the formal correlative of a politics of guilt by association makes it far more difficult simply to teach invisible man as a novel. it is necessary to confront the embeddedness of the political in the aesthetic” ( ) [emphasis added]. wrestling with the left thus aims to complicate pseudo-simple critical and pedagogical practices. as her study highlights, critical or pedagogical approaches that associate the “literary” with “complexity” and with “freedom” as against the ethical and ontological tyranny of the “political” and the “historical” are themselves overly simplifying – in short, aesthetic ideologies. thus, while foley’s study explicitly asks us to radically alter how we teach im, implicitly it asks us to reframe and to problematize the (often somewhat ellisonian) assumptions through which we have been taught to approach and teach “literature” as such. * * * to conclude looking forward, the logical next step to follow the publication of foley’s wrestling with the left might be now for someone to bring out an edited mega- text edition of invisible man itself, one that would present im to readers, students, and scholars in a way that would foreground rather than foreclose the vexed, historically conditioned, and politically contradictory process of which the text is but the privileged remains. if the keepers of the ellison archive can be persuaded, such would seem like a worthy project indeed. (one hopes that foley is available to advise the process!) sure, ralph ellison might very well turn over in his grave. but then again: who cares? if the author is now decades dead, so what if the late ellison would not approve of such a de-fetishizing of his great literary work? who says that keeping fidelity to a writer, or an artistic project, means holding fast to where s/he or it ended up, as opposed one of foley’s additional stated goals in fact is to expand literary studies in another sense, meaning: to bring a rigorous rhetorical and textual reading to “nonliterary” realm of anticommunism, bringing out (via the evolution of im) the arti-factual, discursive nature of anticommunism itself, that oft-near undeconstruct- ible specter informing so much of us american culture across the th century, and beyond it. joseph g. ramsey copyright © by joseph g. ramsey and cultural logic, issn - to where they began? no doubt, for starters, we would learn a lot about the politics and ideology structuring literary studies today if we had the chance to watch such a struggle over the invisible man mega-text unfold. microsoft word - $asq _supp_undefined_a a e ec- f - e - e-be d abb .doc ii race financial institutions, credit discrimination and african american home ownership in philadelphia, - a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of history by charles l. nier, iii may, examining committee members: dr. wilbert jenkins, professor of history dr. kenneth kusmer, professor of history dr. bettye collier-thomas, professor of history dr. ira goldstein, director, policy solutions, the reinvestment fund iii © copyright by reserved rightsall iiinier, l.charles iv abstract in the wake of emancipation, african americans viewed land and home ownership as an essential element of their “citizenship rights.” however, efforts to achieve such ownership in the postbellum era were often stymied by credit discrimination as many blacks were ensnared in a system of debt peonage. despite such obstacles, african americans achieved land ownership in surprising numbers in rural and urban areas in the south. at the beginning of the twentieth century, millions of african americans began leaving the south for the north with continued aspirations of homeownership. as blacks sought to fulfill the american dream, many financial institutions refused to provide loans to them or provided loans with onerous terms and conditions. in response, a small group of african american leaders, working in conjunction with a number of the major black churches in philadelphia, built the largest network of race financial institutions in the united states to provide credit to black home buyers. the leaders recognized economic development through homeownership as an integral piece of the larger civil rights movement dedicated to challenging white supremacy. the race financial institutions successfully provided hundreds of mortgage loans to african americans and were a key reason for the tripling of the black homeownership rate in philadelphia from to . during the great depression, the federal government revolutionized home financing with a series of programs that greatly expanded homeownership. however, the programs, such as those of the federal housing administration, resulted in blacks being v subjected to redlining and denied access to credit. in response, blacks were often forced to turn to alternative sources of high cost credit to finance the purchase of homes. nevertheless, as a new wave of african american migrants arrived to philadelphia during post-world war ii era, blacks fought to purchase homes and two major race financial institutions continued to provide mortgage loans to african americans in philadelphia. the resolve of blacks to overcome credit discrimination to purchase homes through the creation of race financial institutions was a key part of the broader struggle for civil rights in the united states. vi acknowledgments i would like to thank the members of my dissertation committee, dr. wilbert jenkins, dr. bettye collier-thomas, and dr. kenneth kusmer who have nurtured my intellectual development for many years and have provided extensive guidance on this dissertation. i would also like to thank dr. ira goldstein for serving as the external reader and providing feedback on my dissertation. also, i also benefited from comments and suggestions from dr. david bartelt, dr. amy hiller, and dr. bryant simon. finally, i also would like to thank maureen st. cyr for her editorial assistance and chuck galli and ed avery-natale their research assistance. i would also like to express my gratitude to the department of housing and urban development for their financial support as this dissertation was prepared under grant number h- sg from the department of housing and urban development, office of university partnership. points of views or opinions in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the department of housing and urban development. finally, i would like to thank all those individuals in my life that helped to support me on a personal level through the long process of bringing this dissertation to fruition. they include, but are not limited to, my in-laws david and michaela drabic; my parents charles and bethia nier; and my sons, dylan and lukas. most of all, i am indebted to my spouse, melissa, for her friendship, love and support. to her this work is dedicated. vii to melissa viii table of contents page abstract ...................................................................................................................... iv acknowledgments ................................................................................................ vi list of tables .............................................................................................................. x . introduction ................................................................................................... . the origins of african american property ownership and credit discrimination ..................................................................... slavery and property ownership .................................................................... emancipation, reconstruction, and the failure of land reform ................. sharecropping and credit in the post-bellum era ........................................ african americans and landownership ......................................................... . the great migration and african american homeownership in philadelphia - ....................................... an overview of the great migration............................................................. the african american community in philadelphia, to ............... the great migration, housing, and philadelphia, to ................... financing and credit discrimination .............................................................. race and homeownership ............................................................................ . african ammerican banks in philadelphia, to ....... . the african american building and loan movement in philadelphia, - ........................................................................ ix . the federal government, redlining, and the decline of african american financial insitutions, to ...... the great depression and african americans ............................................. the federal government and homeownership ............................................ home owners’ loan corporation ................................................................. federal housing administration and veterans’ administration .................. african american financial institutions in the great depression and beyond ........................................................................................................... . epilogue .......................................................................................................... bibliography ............................................................................................................ x list of tables table page . african american population of philadelphia, - ...................................... . occupation of african american homeowners in philadelphia, .................... . total number of thrifts and assets in the united states, - . ................. . homeownership trends by race - ......................................................... . african american homeownership in five major cities, ............................ . african american homeownership in three major cities, - . ................ . mortgage loans on stock shares for b & l total dollar amounts, - ..................................................................................................................... . mortgage loans on stock shares for church b& l total dollar amounts, - ............................................................................................................... . number of mortgage originations by african american building and loan associations, - ......................................................................................... . number of mortgage originations by african american building and loan associations, - ......................................................................................... chapter introduction responding to the controversy surrounding incendiary remarks made by his former pastor, reverend jeremiah a. wright jr., then united states senator and presidential candidate barack obama on march , delivered a major address on the issue of race in the united states. in a remarkable and widely-praised speech, senator obama grounded his examination of the “complexities of race” on an analysis of the historical legacy of discrimination faced by african americans. after invoking the words of william faulkner for the proposition that “’the past isn’t’ dead and buried. in fact, it isn’t even past,’” he proceeded to explain that “ . . . many of the disparities that exist in the african-american community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and jim crow.” he proceeded to elaborate on some of the specific historical reasons behind racial inequalities, explaining: legalized discrimination – where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to african- american business owners, or black homeowners could not access fha mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments – meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. that history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the jeff zeleny, “obama urges u.s. to grapple with race issue,” new york times, march , , a . senator barack obama, remarks at the constitution center: a more perfect union (march , ), http://go.philly.com/obamarace. ibid. concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities. obama explained that only when the white community comes to an understanding of the historical dimension that often serves as the basis for anger in the black community will it be possible to establish a path to a “more perfect union.” while obama’s eloquent comments on racial inequality are rare in the political realm, a number of scholars in the academic sphere have also examined the issue of racial wealth inequality. these studies have demonstrated the existence of a continuing significant wealth gap between whites and african americans. as of december , the median african american household had a net worth of $ , . in contrast, the median white family had $ , in net worth, forty-five times that of blacks. this ibid. ibid. see melvin oliver & thomas shapiro, black wealth/white wealth: a new perspective on racial inequality, (new york: routledge, ); thomas shapiro, the hidden cost of being african american: how wealth perpetuates inequality (new york: oxford university press, ); dalton conley, being black, living in the red: race, wealth and social policy in america (berkeley, calif.: university of california press, ). michael powell, “blacks in memphis lose decades of economic gains,” new york times, may , . ibid. oliver and shapiro have defined wealth in the following manner: "wealth is the total extent, at a given moment, of an individual's accumulated assets and access to resources, and it refers to the net value of assets ... less debt held at one time. wealth is anything of economic value bought, sold, stocked for future disposition, or invested to bring an economic return." oliver & shapiro, black wealth/white wealth, . wealth gap had profound implications for african americans in education, employment, family, and life opportunities. the single most important means of accumulating assets, scholars agree, is homeownership. melvin oliver and thomas shapiro state that: "home ownership is without question the single most important means of accumulating assets" and thus increasing wealth. as a result, a key cause of the enormous racial wealth disparity is the substantial gap in the homeownership rates between white and african american households. historically, while the gap has fluctuated, it has consistently exceeded percent throughout the twentieth century. more recently, despite efforts by presidents bill clinton and george w. bush to make minority homeownership a national priority, in , the african american home ownership rate was . percentage points below the white rate. the devastating financial crisis that descended upon the united states in and, see generally, conley, being black, living in the red, - (providing a detailed analysis of the impact of wealth accumulation upon a number of socioeconomic issues). ibid., . george masnick, “homeownership trends and racial inequality in the united states in the th century” (feb. ), http://www.jchs.harvard.edu/publications/ homeownership/masnick_w - .pdf. joint center for housing studies, harvard university, “the state of the nation’s housing ,” http://www.jchs.harvard.edu/publications/markets/son /son .pdf. following president clinton’s efforts to increase homeownership rates, in june , president george w. bush announced that he intended to increase minority homeownership by an additional . million families. david sanger, “bush calls transformed area a model program for housing,” new york times, june , , a . pursuant to his objective, the united states department of housing and urban development issued a report that detailed various barriers impeding minority homeownership and set forth an administrative action plan to overcome such barriers. see us department of housing subsequent great recession, contributed to an increase in the racial home ownership gap. as of the end of , the racial gap was . percent, its highest level since the end of the nineteenth century, and, overall, the white homeownership rate was . percent in contrast to . percent for african americans. historians have largely ignored the significance of homeownership in the african american community as well as the impact of credit discrimination upon african american homeownership in the north. nor does the existing scholarship contain an examination of african american efforts to achieve homeownership through the development of indigenousness financial institutions. this dissertation will address these voids in the and urban development, “barriers to minority homeownership” (june , ), http://www.hud.gov/news/releasedocs/barriers.cfm. tom braithwaite, “us homeowners’ racial gap widens,” financial times, february , . a number of historians have examined wealth inequality in the context of african american poverty in the post bellum period. in particular, several neoclassical economic historians have generally advanced two main theories, which stephen de canio has coined the discrimination theory and the initial conditions of emancipation, to explain the reasons for such poverty. stephen j. de canio, “accumulation and discrimination in the postbellum south,” explorations in economic history ( ): . in short, the discrimination school of thought argues that african american poverty is attributable to relatively low incomes and lack of wealth caused by the denial of equal employment and educational opportunities in conjunction with discrimination in credit and retail markets in the postbellum era. ibid. the initial conditions of emancipation school of thought argues that the failure of emancipation and reconstruction to provide any land or other property to the ex-slaves resulted in wealth inequality and income inequality. (see ibid.) see i.e., robert higgs, competition and coercion: blacks in the american economy, - (cambridge: cambridge university press, ); stephen de canio, agriculture in the postbellum south: the economics of production and supply (cambridge, ma: m.i.t. press, ); joseph reid, jr., “sharecropping as an understandable market response: the post-bellum south” journal of economic history ( ): - ; robert margo, “accumulation for property by southern blacks before world war i: comment and further evidence” american economic review ( ): - . existing scholarship by providing a historical dimension to the debate on racial wealth inequality through the lens of african american homeownership, with a central focus on access to credit. in addressing these issues, this dissertation will utilize the three-prong methodology for examining african american urban history as set forth by kenneth l. kusmer in his groundbreaking essay entitled: “the black urban experience in american history.” according to kusmer, such a historical analysis must focus on three key elements to develop a comprehensive understanding of the subject: the external effects of white racism upon the african american community, the internal dynamics of the african american community, and the impact of structural factors, especially federal, state, and local government action, upon the african american community. the internal, external, and structural aspects of homeownership in the african american community are best understood at a local level due to complex interaction of numerous actors, including: federal, state and local government, banks, building and loans, individual buyers and sellers, real estate agents, and community organizations. as historian, thomas sugrue, explained “[t]he intricate dynamics of personal and group interaction – and their interplay with structural forces – are most visible only at the local level.” as arguably the foremost african american community in the united states during the nineteenth and early twentieth kenneth kusmer, "the black urban experience in american history," in darlene clark hine, ed., the state of afro-american history: past, present, and future (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ), - . thomas j. sugrue, the origins of the urban crisis: race and inequality in postwar detroit (princeton, nj: princeton university press, ), . century, philadelphia is ideally suited as a case study for the application of dr. kusmer’s analytical framework to the topic of homeownership. to properly understand the trajectory of homeownership and its relationship to credit discrimination in philadelphia, it is important to understand the historical role of property ownership in the african american community and the origins of credit discrimination in the post-bellum era. during slavery and, later the reconstruction era, african americans rapidly came to understand the important role of property and viewed it as instrumental to ensuring their conception of freedom. for african americans, property ownership afforded them a measure of independence from the oppressive white community by creating a spatial buffer that allowed them to develop their own culture and institutions. however, without assets to purchase land, african americans often entered into agricultural tenancy relationships with whites that often forced them to resort to exploitive, short-term credit to sustain their farming endeavors. given the obstacles, african americans were surprisingly successful at acquiring land and, by ; the overall african american land ownership rate was percent. despite such land ownership gains, at the beginning of the twentieth century, the majority of african americans resided in the south, trapped in a system of debt peonage that deprived them of the ability to accumulation assets. intent on escaping such hardships, african americans increasingly viewed the north as the promised land. between to , millions of african americans left the rural south for the urban centers of the north, seeking to escape racial animosity and driven by the hope of economic loren schweninger, black property owners in the south - (urbana, il: university of chicago press, ), table . opportunity. among the "cultural baggage" that the migrants brought north, was the desire to achieve homeownership. for african americans, home ownership served several purposes, including: economic security, a means of preserving familial relationships, enhanced social status and, perhaps most importantly, a vehicle for wealth accumulation. homeownership also represented the epitome of the american dream and african americans, by the millions, looked north for the opportunity to realize that dream. in the north, however, african americans quickly discovered a hostile white community willing to resort to a host of legal and extralegal tactics to maintain housing segregation and deprive african americans of homeownership. a number of historical impediments, such as racial steering, blockbusting, restrictive covenants, and physical violence hindered african americans from achieving home ownership. perhaps, the greatest obstacle was the inability to obtain credit or the increased cost of credit for the purchase of a home. during the ’s, the federal government was revolutionized financing of housing to make the dream of homeownership accessible to more people. unfortunately, the system that the federal government introduced to facilitate home ownership placed substantial obstacles in the path of african americans. in particular, the home owners loan corporation and later the federal housing administration contributed to the development of the practice of “redlining” that denied african americans access to credit for mortgage loans. such a policy and practice had profound implications upon the andrew wiese, "black housing, white finance: african american housing and home ownership in evanston, illinois, before " journal of social history ( ): . ibid., - . ability of blacks to achieve homeownership. scholars such as david kirp, john dwyer, and larry rosenthal have demonstrated that african americans received less than one percent of all mortgages in the united states between and . unable to secure mortgages from traditional financial institutions, african americans were forced to turn to alternative financing arrangements to purchase homes. one of the most common alternatives to emerge for african americans was the installment land contract. while installment land contracts had certain advantages, they were susceptible to abusive and predatory practices. for example, usury laws and mortgage interest rate ceilings did not apply since the installment land contract was a private contract between parties, and a buyer could charge any interest rate that the buyer was willing to pay. limited historical evidence suggests that installment land contracts were prevalent in numerous black communities, including philadelphia, as one of the few available options to obtain financing for the purchase of a home. as a result, the credit discrimination implicit in the duel housing finance system operated to impede african american homeownership and, thus wealth accumulation. nevertheless, as they had done in the south, african americans struggled to create home ownership opportunities for themselves in the face of such obstacles. since the formal sources of mortgage financing were effectively unavailable or offered at prohibitive rates, african americans developed other financing methods to purchase a home. most importantly, in the face of such intractable racism, african americans exercised agency through the development of their own financial institutions, including banks and building david kirp, john dwyer, and larry rosenthal, our town: race, housing, and the soul of suburbia (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press, ), . and loan associations, to provide credit for the purchase of homes in the early twentieth century. such financial institutions would allow many african americans to achieve the american dream of homeownership. while some scholars, such as andrew wiese, have argued that african american financial institution "were small and often poorly equipped to meet the urgent demand for home loans within growing black communities," philadelphia offers a stark contrast. in philadelphia, the tripling of the black homeownership rate in just two decades was attributable in large measure to the development of african american financial institutions. in , there were eight african american building and loan associations and, just fifteen years later, there were thirty-six in philadelphia, with a total capital of $ , , . philadelphia was also home to several african american owned banks, one of which was extremely success in restoring the confidence of the african american community in “race banks.” by , african americans owned homes worth $ , , in philadelphia. since there were only approximately seventy black owned building and loan associations in the united states and thirty-six of those were in philadelphia, it appears that the city of brotherly love represented the center of african american efforts to create viable financial institutions to facilitate homeownership. the development of such financial institutions was spearheaded by a number of prominent black leaders in philadelphia. major richard r. wright, sr., honorable andrew wiese, "black housing, white finance," . i. maximilian martin, negro managed building and loan associations in philadelphia: their history and present status (philadelphia: associated real estate brokers of philadelphia, ), . commonwealth of pennsylvania, department of welfare, negro survey of pennsylvania (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), . george h. white, john asbury, reverend william creditt, reverend matthew anderson, and william still, recognized that economic development was integral to the larger quest for civil rights and equality for african americans in the united states. in conjunction with traditional civil rights advocacy, each sought to create indigenous financial institutions to afford african americans living in philadelphia the ability to achieve homeownership. such leaders paved the way for the continued growth of the movement that was spearheaded by a small group of “new negroes,” many of whom were lawyers and professionals who attended elite colleges and professional schools in the north and represented the vanguard of du bois’ “talented tenth.” as legal scholar, kenneth mack, has explained, many african american lawyers, such as a number of those practicing in philadelphia, embraced a professional consciousness of “race uplift” that contained “a voluntarist strand that emphasized intraracial progress, and a legalist strand that centered on moral and legal claims directed to the larger white majority.” mack argues that, in the ’s, the voluntarist strand dominated and lawyers “emphasized the promotion of local african american institutions – law firms, businesses, churches, newspapers- while remaining cognizant of the discrimination and segregation that hemmed them in.” in philadelphia, george w. mitchell, herbert e. millen, and raymond pace alexander represented the epitome of mack’s voluntarist strand of lawyer as each was integral to the development and success of numerous indigenous african american financial institutions while at the same time kenneth w. mack, “rethinking civil rights lawyering and politics in the era before brown,” yale law journal (nov. ): . ibid. vigorous fighting for civil rights and equality for african americans. these african americans, and the institutions they helped build, have largely been lost to the pages of history. this dissertation seeks to “rediscover” them and place their accomplishments and the indigenous financial institutions at the center of the historical narrative of african american homeownership. in seeking to recover this lost history, chapter explores the central role of land ownership in the south following emancipation. in particular, the important role of credit in the sharecropping relationship and the impact of discriminatory allocation of credit upon african americans landownership is a major focus. as african americans began to leave the south as part of the great migration, chapter looks at the history of the african american community in philadelphia up to the beginning of the twentieth century. its demonstrates that the black community was arguably the most important in the united states at the time and blacks engaged in widespread institution building to combat the ills of racial oppression. this chapter will also study the social and economic status of the migrants arriving in philadelphia from the south as well as the role of white racism and credit discrimination in impeding african american home ownership. next, chapter and chapter examine a number of race financial institutions – both banks and building and loan associations. these chapters focus on the leaders of the race financial institutions and their overall civil rights ideologies. it will also demonstrate that the race financial institutions made hundreds of mortgage loans to african americans home buyers. chapter reviews the transformation of the home financing market in the wake of the great depression and the emergence of the practice of redlining as practiced by the home owners’ loan corporation and the federal housing administration. finally, chapter concludes with a review of the changing nature of the african american community in the post-world war ii era and discusses the few african american financial institutions that survived the great depression and prospered into the ’s. overall, this dissertation demonstrates the steely resolve of african americans to overcome credit discrimination to purchase homes through the creation of race financial institutions was a key part of the broader struggle for civil rights in the united states. chapter the origins of african american propety ownership and credit disrcimination slavery and property ownership while the concept of private property ownership was completely foreign to african culture, its importance in the capitalistic system of the united states was ingrained in the african american experience. during slavery and, later the reconstruction era, african americans rapidly came to understand the important role of property and viewed it as instrumental to securing their freedom. for african americans, property ownership was not simply an economic objective or a status symbol measuring success. rather, it afforded african americans a degree of independence from the white hegemonic rule that prevailed in the united states by providing a spatial element to develop their own culture and institutions. nor was the importance of landownership lost on whites as they sought to limit african american property ownership in order to maintain control over the labor of african americans. this chapter seeks to examine in detail the obstacles encountered by african americans in acquiring property during slavery; the importance of land ownership to the emancipated former slaves; the emergence of credit discrimination that locked many african americans into debt peonage; and the tremendous efforts african americans exerted to overcome such obstacles and achieve land ownership. a freedom, defined in part by property ownership, would later be taken north by african americans as part of the great migration. schweninger, black property owners in the south, . throughout united states history, african americans have faced enormous, often state-sponsored, obstacles in acquiring assets and, thus wealth. at the time of the constitutional convention in , there were approximately , black persons in america, of whom , were slaves and , were free. further, percent of persons of african descent who were held in bondage as slaves were confined to the south. on the eve of the civil war, the african american population in the united states had increased to nearly four and half million persons, of which percent were slaves, working primarily as field hands and domestic servants. throughout this time period, a central element of white hegemonic rule was a legal regime which proclaimed it illegal for slaves to own property or acquire any form of wealth. as early as the colonial period, laws were passed precluding enslaved persons from purchasing, acquiring, or owning property. for example, a virginia law from provided that “’all horses, cattle and hoggs (sic) marked of any negro or other slaves marke, (sic) or by any slave kept’ and not ‘converted by the owner of such slave to the use and marke (sic) of the said owner’ would be forfeited to the use of the parish poor.” as lerone bennett, jr., before the mayflower: a history of black america, th ed. (new york: penguin books, ), . ibid. peter kolchin, american slavery - (new york: hill and wang, ), - . oliver & shapiro, black wealth/white wealth, . schweninger, black property owners in the south, . william waller hening, the statutes at large: being a collection of all the laws of virginia, from the first session of the legislature in the year (richmond, slavery became more entrenched in the south, the legal regime, with increasing specificity, sought to limit property ownership among slaves. in , texas instituted a law that prevented african americans from “pretended ownership over property,” including: horses, sheep, cattle, goats, hogs, or any other animals. also, tennessee prohibited slaves “from owning a pig, cow, mule, horse, or ‘other such like description of property.’” even “[p]roperty held by the slave with the owner’s consent was liable to forfeiture.” recognizing that commercial activity could provide a vehicle for asset accumulation, slave laws also prohibited slaves and whites from trading with one another. as early as , a virginia law made it a criminal offense for anyone to buy, sell, or receive “any coin or commodity” from a slave without the consent of the master. such an offense was punishable by either thirty-nine lashes or a fine of four times the value of the item. subsequently, the punishment was increased to a jail sentence of up to six months. va: printed by and for samuel pleasant, junior, printer to the commonwealth, - ), : , quoted in thomas d. morris, southern slavery and the law, - (chapel hill, nc: university of north carolina press, ), . the laws of texas, - , vol. (austin, tex.: gammel book co., ), - , quoted in schweninger, black property owners in the south, . j. george harris, acts passed at the first session of the twenty-third general assembly of the state of tennessee ( ), - , quoted in schweninger, black property owners in the south, . a. leon higginbotham, jr., in the matter of color: race and the american legal process: the colonial period (oxford: oxford university press, ), . william waller hening, the statutes at large: being a collection of all the laws of virginia, from the first session of the legislature in the year , : - , quoted in morris, southern slavery and the law, - , . schweninger, black property owners in the south, . georgia, effective as of , proscribed african americans from buying or selling “‘any quantity or amount whatever of cotton, tobacco, wheat, rye, oats, corn, rice or poultry or any other articles, except such as are known to be usually manufactured or vended by slaves.’” such laws were designed to eliminate any degree of economic self-sufficiency, to reinforce the notion of african american inferiority, and to prevent slaves from obtaining weapons for use in insurrection. the ex-slave harriet jacobs succinctly stated the relationship between slaves and property ownership in her autobiography: “according to southern laws, a slave, being property, can hold no property.” while such laws established a rigid system limiting property ownership, custom and practice within the construct of the domestic slave economy on occasion provided opportunities for enslaved persons to acquire limited amounts of property. in large measure, the ability of slaves to acquire property was dictated by the system of labor utilized by the slave’s owner. perhaps, the best avenue available to slaves to earn money to acquire assets was by the hiring process whereby the master would hire out his slave, or the slave with the permission of his or her master would hire himself out. in such circumstance, a slave was required to pay his or her master a stipulated sum and any monies earned above such a sum ibid. ibid. higginbotham, jr., in the matter of color, - . harriet jacobs [linda brent, pseud.], incidents in the life of a slave girl, ed. l. maria child ( ; repr. harvest/hbj books ), . kenneth m. stampp, the peculiar institution: slavery in the ante-bellum south (new york: knopf, ), - . were the slave’s property. although such a practice was illegal throughout most of the south, a few slaves, usually skilled artisans in the cities of the upper south, were able to take advantage of such a labor relationship as a means to accumulate assets or even as a means to obtain freedom. likewise, the task system also provided an avenue for property accumulation. under such a system, a slave was assigned a certain number of tasks and, upon their completion, he could use his time as he saw fit, including asset-producing activities. for example, a study of liberty county, georgia, where the task system dominated, discovered that on the eve of emancipation, slaves had acquired a wide variety of property, including: horses, livestock, foodstuffs and, even, some buggies and wagons. the average value of such assets was $ . with the highest values totaling $ , . and the lowest $ . . most commonly, however, slaves labored in a gang system that provided extremely limited opportunities for property accumulation. in such a system, slaves were divided into gangs subject to the command of a driver or overseer. such a system provided little discretionary time for slaves. one of the few available wealth creation avenues in such a ibid., . ibid. phillip d. morgan, “the ownership of property by slaves in the mid- nineteenth-century low country,” journal of southern history ( ): . see betty wood, women’s work, men’s work: the informal slave economies of lowcountry georgia, (athens, ga: university of georgia press, ). ibid., . stampp, the peculiar institution, . system consisted of garden plots accorded to the slaves by their masters. slaves were able to raise food and livestock that they were able to sell or trade for the purchase of small luxuries such as clothing or kitchen utensils. such a practice was widespread throughout the south, and masters implicitly recognized the slave’s ownership interest in production by declining to make any type of claim on the property. as one south carolina slave recalled, while his master was strict in his control, he allowed “every one of he plantation family so much land to plant for dey garden, and den he give em every saturday for dey time to tend dat garden.” furthermore, on rare occasions, a slave’s ownership of property was even accorded sanction of law. in waddill v. martin, the supreme court of north carolina provided a vivid example of custom overriding law and allowing for slaves to accumulate minor assets. in particular, thomas waddill and charlotte martin served as co-executors of the estate of james martin, a wealthy planter and considerable slave holder. prior to his death in , mr. martin allowed his slaves a garden plot to grow small crops of cotton. he sold the cotton on behalf of his slaves and, following deductions for his expenses, paid them the eugene d. genovese, roll, jordan, roll: the world the slaves made (new york: pantheon books, ), - . w.e.b. du bois argued that such small garden plots served as the basis for the freed person’s belief that economic independence could be achieved through land ownership following emancipation. w.e.b. du bois, black reconstruction in america - (new york: harcourt, brace and co., ), . schweninger, black property owners in the south, . george rawick ed., the american slave: a composite autobiography, vol. pt. (westport, ct.: greenwood press, ), , quoted in schweninger, black property owners in the south, . waddill v. martin, e.g., n.c. ( ired. eq. ) ( ). remaining proceeds. after his death, a dispute emerged between the executors regarding whether the estate was liable to continue to pay the slaves the proceeds of the cotton they had raised on their garden plots. the court, in overruling ms. martin’s exception, advanced a number of rationales to support a custom that was arguably contrary to the established law regarding slave property ownership. first, the court explained that mr. martin’s custom conformed to usage that was nearly universal throughout north carolina. second, while the court recognized that a slave could not own property, it explained, that “the negro’s little crops” were not assets any more than their poultry, dogs or extra clothing. the court invoked a gendered analogy by explaining that the slave’s ownership of petty assets was justified by policy and law under the same principle that “the savings of a wife in housekeeping, by sales of milk, butter, cheese, vegetables and so forth, are declared to be, by the husbands consent, the property of the wife.” ibid. in following martin’s death, waddill, acting as co-executor of the estate, sold the cotton raised on the plantation as well as the cotton raised by the slaves on their garden plots. following the sale of the cotton, he gave the estate credit for the proceeds of all of the cotton. he proceeded to pay the slaves their share of the money - $ . and debited the estate by way of a cross entry. martin took exception to the entry of payment to the slaves (ibid). ibid., . ibid. the court was careful to note that a married woman could own no property in money or personal chattels and those assets belong to the husband. unlike slaves, the court explained that a wife could make claims for property against the executor (ibid). third and most importantly, the court argued such a custom was “most beneficial” to both slaves and masters in several important ways. it allowed the slave to purchase items that would otherwise have to be provided by their master. thus, it represented a vehicle for financial savings for a plantation. the court also explained that such minor assets promoted health, cheerfulness and contentment among the slaves, and thus enhanced the slaves’ value. finally, the court noted, in racially patronizing language, that such “slight indulgencies” were repaid by the “attachment of the slave to the master and his family.” and encouraged industry and honesty among the slaves. in its discussion, the court noted that since a number of laws regulated trading among slaves, this implicitly recognized that slaves were entitled some sort of ownership of property that was grounded in utility and necessity. the court cautioned, however, that such slave ownership rights were subject to the whim of the master as “if he will, he may take all.” thus, while the court’s decision recognized limited asset accumulation, it was largely reflective of the prevailing attitude throughout the south that precluded slave ownership of anything but the most meager of assets. nor were the obstacles to wealth acquisitions limited to slaves. free blacks, though not prevented by law from acquiring wealth, were subject to numerous problems ranging from overt discrimination to intimation and violence. nowhere was such hostility more entrenched than with regards to the acquisition of homes or real estate by african ibid., . ibid. ibid. americans. such hostility was often driven by white fear of depreciating property values should african americans acquire homes in white residential neighborhoods. in in salem, massachusetts, a white minister launched a protest against an attempt to locate “a negro hut” arguing it depreciated property values, drove out residents, and “generally injured the welfare of the neighborhood.” similar concerns were voiced by a white resident of indiana who complained that “the proposed establishment of a negro tract of real estate would reduce the value of nearby white-owned lots by at least per cent.” nevertheless, there were exceptions, and some free african americans were able to overcome the obstacles and acquire assets, including land and homes in both the north and south. for example, in new york city, free african americans owned property cumulatively worth over one million dollars and in cincinnati, baltimore, washington and boston, african americans owned property worth approximately , dollars. in the south, historian loren schweninger concluded that in , one out of every six african american family heads in rural maryland and virginia had managed to become a land owner. further, one in every seven urban african american families in the upper south managed to acquire land by the eve of the civil war. while such gains demonstrate leon litwack, north of slavery (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . ibid. ibid., . rayford logan, the betrayal of the negro: from rutherford b. hayes to woodrow wilson (new york: first da capo press, ), - . schweninger, black property owners in the south, . the tenacity and resilience of african americans seeking to acquire assets in a racially- hostile environment, the vast majority of african americans were legally precluded from not only acquiring land or homes but also acquiring any type of significant assets. those free blacks who were legally able to acquire property often met with vicious discrimination and violence as such ownership was viewed as a potential threat to white hegemonic control. in columbia, pennsylvania, a mob of angry whites drove african americans from their neighborhood and into the surrounding woods. after order was restored, a group of white leaders met with african americans to discuss the sale of their property at “a fair valuation” with the majority agreeing to “sell as fast as funds could be raised.” fredrick douglas eloquently explained the perilous jeopardy faced by african americans in following a series of race riots: “no man is safe—his life—his property—and all that he holds dear, are in the hands of a mob, which may come upon him at any moment at midnight or mid-day, and deprive him of his all.” in contrast, whites faced no such obstacles or burdens. as oliver and shapiro explained, "[n]o matter how poor whites were, they had the right—if they were males, that is—if not the ability, to buy land, enter into contracts, own businesses, and develop wealth assets that could build equity and economic self-sufficiency for themselves and their families." whites were often successful in translating such rights into actual wealth ibid., - . litwack, north of slavery, . ibid. ibid. accumulation. for example, historian gavin wright has demonstrated that in the cotton south in , the average wealth of slaveholders was $ , in contrast the average wealth of non-slaveholders was $ , . at the conclusion of the civil war, despite modest acquisitions, the overwhelming majority of african americans had neither land, homes, nor significant assets. emancipation, reconstruction, and the failure of land reform in the wake of emancipation and the defeat of the confederacy in , the ex- slaves rapidly identified wealth in the form of land ownership as a central component in defining their new found freedom. a black mississippi resident accurately summarized the aspirations of a newly freed people, stating: "all i wants is to git to own fo' or five acres ob land, dat i can build me a little house on and call my home." african americans’ “mania for owning a small piece of land” was driven by the duel perspective of restitution and economic independence. first, most blacks believed that their past oliver & shapiro, black wealth/white wealth, . kolchin, american slavery, . according to economic historians roger ransom and richard sutch, in in south carolina, georgia, alabama, mississippi, and louisiana, ownership of slaves accounted for nearly percent of the total accumulated wealth in the region. roger l. ransom & richard sutch, one kind of freedom: the economic consequences of emancipation (new york: cambridge university press, ), xii, . leon litwack, been in the storm so long: the aftermath of slavery (new york: knopf, ), . eric foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished revolution - (new york: harper & row, ), . see wilbert l. jenkins, climbing up to glory: a short history of african americans during the civil war and reconstruction (wilmington, de: sr. books, ). labor as slaves should be compensated with land from their previous owners' estates. as a black convention in alabama declared that “[t]he property which they hold was nearly all earned by the sweat of our brows.” in essence, african americans advanced the equitable argument of unjust enrichment to demonstrate their deserved claim to land. second, african americans firmly believed that land ownership was necessary to ensure economic autonomy from their former owners. the years of servitude in an agricultural economy dominated by cotton production had impressed upon the former slaves the relationship between land ownership and independence. indeed, a former slave in charleston stated the general sentiment: “gib us our own land and we take care ourselves, but widout land, de ole massas can hire us or starve us, as dey please.” with land, african americans felt they would be able to engage in small-scale agricultural activity sufficient to provide for themselves and their families, thereby diminishing the ability of whites to utilize economic tools of oppression. overall, african americans considered the ownership of land as the one necessary ingredient to “complete their independence.” the former slave owners were also keenly aware of the importance of landownership. while whites reluctantly came to understand that the institution of slavery was a relic of the past, they vigorously sought to maintain their hegemonic control by preserving the base of their power: land. one white land owner in alabama ibid., . whitelaw reid, after the war: a tour of the southern states: to (new york: harper, ), . see wilbert l. jenkins, seizing the new day: african americans in post-civil war charleston. bloomington, in: indiana university press, . confronted a group of former slaves attempting to take control of part of his land, exclaiming: “listen, niggers, what’s mine is mine, and what’s yours is yours. you are just as free as i and the missus, but don’t go foolin’ around my land.” furthermore, whites realized that land would be a crucial ingredient in the reordering of the labor relationship between whites and blacks in the post-bellum era. the essence of the role of land in dictating labor relations was captured by one white southerner when questioned regarding the problem with land distribution to the former slaves. he replied by explaining: the real reason . . . why it wouldn’t do, is that we are having a hard time now keeping the nigger in his place, and if he were a landowner he’d think he was a bigger man than old grant, and there would be no living with him in the black district . . . . who’d work the land if the niggers had farms of their own . . . ? such comments revealed the fierce determination of whites to utilize economic weapons as a methodology to relegate the ex-slaves to a position of subordination in the immediate aftermath of the civil war. nevertheless, in the months following the confederacy’s surrender at appomattox court house in virginia, african americans believed that the federal government was prepared to institute a massive program of land distribution. as one african american preacher in florida told a group of field hands: “it’s de white man’s turn ter labor now. he ain’t got nuthin’ lef’ but his lan’, an’ de lan’ won’t be his’n long, fur de guverment is gwine litwack, been in the storm so long, . gunnar myrdal, an american dilemma: the negro problem and modern democracy (new york: harper, ), . ter gie ter ev’ry nigger forty acres of lan’ an’ a mule.” that african americans harbored such aspirations may be attributed to several events which occurred during the closing stages of the civil war. on january , , as union general william t. sherman was concluding his march to the sea, he and edwin stanton, secretary of war, met with twenty african american leaders in savannah. the purpose of the meeting was develop a plan of action to handle the thousands of african americans who were flocking to sherman’s sixty thousand man army as it cut its trail of destruction through the south. garrison frazier, a former slave and baptist minister, explained to sherman and stanton that the best way to deal with the problem would be to provide the former slaves with land to “turn it and till it by our own labor.” shortly after the meeting, general sherman issued special field order no. that provided african americans with the exclusive right to settle on land that had been abandoned in costal south carolina and georgia. pursuant to the order, former slaves were promised title to forty acres of land each, and later sherman's army provided assistance with the loan of mules. just six months after the issuance of the order, forty thousand ex- slaves had occupied , acres of "sherman land." following general sherman’s actions, on march , , congress established the bureau of refugees, freedmen, and abandoned lands, better known as the freedman's nicholas eppes, negro of the old south: a bit of period history (chicago: joseph c. branch, ), , quoted in litwack, been in the storm so long, . foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished revolution, . ibid. ibid, - . bureau, whose purpose was to assist the former slaves in the transition to freedom. in establishing the bureau, congress included a provision that authorized it to rent, and eventually sell, to ex-slaves forty acre plots of confiscated and abandoned land. such a congressional authorization was potentially significant as the bureau controlled over , acres of land. in anticipation of the distribution of land, one freedman in virginia reported that african americans were depositing savings with "responsible" persons in order to purchase lots of "de confiscated land, as soon as de gov'ment ready to sell it." ibid., - . see generally, george bentley, a history of the freedmen’s bureau (philadelphia, pa: university of pennsylvania, ); martin abbott, the freedmen’s bureau in south carolina (chapel hill, n.c.: university of north carolina, ); howard white, the freedmen’s bureau in louisiana (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ); william mcfeely, yankee stepfather: general o.o. howard and the freedmen (new haven, ct: yale university press, ); barry crouch, the freedmen’s bureau and black texans (austin, tx.: university of texas press, ); donald nieman, to set the law in motion: the freedmen’s bureau and the legal rights of blacks, - (millwood, ny: kto press, ). litwack, been in the storm so long, . during the course of the civil war, president abraham lincoln and congress passed a series of laws designed to assist the war effort by imposing additional financial hardships on the south. claude oubre, forty acres and a mule: the freedman’s bureau and black land ownership (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ), . in particular, on august , , the first confiscation act provided the president with the authority to take property used in the aid of the rebellion. subsequently, on july , , the second confiscation act provided for the seizure of property of persons guilty of disloyalty to the union. president lincoln successfully insisted that confiscation act include language limiting its application to the life of the guilty person and he used his authority under the act sparingly. in addition to the confiscation acts, land also became subject to seizure with the passage of a law imposing a direct tax on property. in july , president andrew johnson ordered all abandoned and confiscated property to be turned over to the freedman’s bureau (ibid.). foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished revolution, . litwack, been in the storm so long, . pursuant to its mandate, in several areas in the south, bureau officials commenced actions to settle the freemen on the abandoned or confiscated land. the land distribution actions of general sherman and various bureau officials, however, were rapidly stopped and reversed when president andrew johnson issued a general proclamation of amnesty whereby most ex-confederates were to be pardoned and any land that had been abandoned or confiscated was restored to the owner. throughout the south, including the "sherman land," bureau agents were forced to confront ex-slaves and deliver the following disheartening news: the government owns no lands in this state. it therefore can give away none. freedmen can obtain farms with the money which they have earned by their labor. every one, therefore, shall work diligently and carefully save his wages till he may be able to buy land and possess his own home. while ex-slaves often fiercely resisted returning the occupied land, the vast majority of it was restored to the original owners within several years. several other legislative efforts to enact major land reform met with similar fates. some radical republicans led by charles sumner, thaddeus stevens, and george w. julian believed that southern society must be remade by destroying the existing plantation economic system, seizing land, and giving it to ex-slaves. indeed, stevens advanced nothing short of a social revolution by suggesting the confiscation of four hundred million acres from the wealthiest members of the southern aristocracy and redistribution of that land in forty acre plots to every adult freedman, with the remainder to be sold in plots no larger ibid, . ibid., . foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished, . than five hundred acres. in the eyes of the radicals, such land reform was crucial to eradicate the economic legacy of slavery and usher in the ideology of free labor throughout the south. while such massive proposals were ultimately rejected by moderate republicans, the radicals were successful in in passing the southern homestead act. the act allowed public land to be homesteaded “for actual settlement” for blacks and loyal whites in eighty-acre parcels in arkansas, alabama, florida, louisiana, and mississippi until january , . the program, however, was a failure, as the claim process was poorly organized and the land was of marginal quality. four years after the passage of the law, approximately , african americans had attempted to acquire land; less than , of those were actually successful in completing the ownership process. by , it was clear that land reform was not going to be an element of reconstruction. without land reform, the former slave owners were largely able to maintain their plantations as they existed prior to the civil war. its failure left a lasting bitterness with the ex-slaves for decades. as one black mississippian recalled: “de slaves . . . spected a heap from freedom dey didn’t git . . . . dey promised us a mule an’ forty acres o’ lan’.” ibid. oubre, forty acres and a mule, . ibid., . ibid., . gavin wright, old south, new south: revolutions in the southern economy since the civil war (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ), . furthermore, its failure was a lost opportunity resulting in a perpetuation of racial wealth inequality that arose as a result of slavery. as w.e.b. du bois lamented, "to have given each one of the million negro free families a forty-acre freehold would have made a basis of real democracy in the united states that might easily have transformed the modern world." sharecropping and credit in the post-bellum era despite the failure of reconstruction to provide land to the ex-slaves, african americans continued to strive to acquire assets in the context of a new system of labor relations between the former slaves and the former slave owners. in the immediate aftermath of the civil war in and , several hundred thousand african americans entered into wage labor contracts with their former masters, supervised by the freedman’s bureau, as a means to accumulate savings to achieve landownership. the wages paid under the contracts, however, were barely sufficient to survive. one bureau agent recalled in , “[w]ith labor at fifteen dollars a month, it is one endless struggle to beat back poverty.” by and , the number of labor contracts declined as african americans sought a more favorable labor system as a vehicle to accumulate assets. as gavin wright explained "[w]hat they aspired to was not an ever-increasing wage as their productivity increased, because the labor market did not offer that, but accumulation of foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished, . du bois, black reconstruction in america - , . ralph sholomowitz, “the origins of southern sharecropping,” agricultural history ( ): . foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished, . wealth leading to eventual farm ownership." the vehicle african americans hoped would lead to such wealth accumulation was a new system of tenancy labor that emerged during the postbellum era in the south. determined to avoid the system of gang labor prevalent in the slavery era and convinced that the wage contracts were unfair, african americans sought to develop a new system of labor relations in the context of the southern agricultural economy. gradually, over a period of time, a compromise was effectively negotiated with the establishment of a tenancy system whereby ex-slaves retained a degree of personal autonomy while land owners maintained their economic hegemony over black labor. in essence, the plantations throughout the south were divided into small plots of land which the planters rented to the wright, old south, new south, . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . scholars have debated the historical origins of sharecropping in considerable detail. in particular, some scholars have argued that sharecropping was not a compromise, but rather that it was imposed upon planters by the ex-slaves. see ronald l. f. davis, good and faithful labor: from slavery to sharecropping in natchez district, - (westport, ct: greenwood press, ); charles flynn, white land, black labor: caste and class in late nineteenth-century georgia (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press,, ). other scholars have argued that sharecropping was the preference of the planters as opposed to the ex-slaves. see gerald david, branches without roots: the genesis of the black working class in the american south, - (new york: oxford university press, ); jay r. mandle, the roots of black poverty: the southern plantation economy after the civil war (durham, nc: duke university press, ); james oakes, “the present becomes the past: the planter class in the postbellum south,” in new perspectives on race and slavery in america: essays in honor of kenneth m. stampp, ed. robert h. abzug and stephen e. maizlish (lexington, ky: university of kentucky press, ). ex-slaves. the precise contours of the tenancy relationship were dictated by an "agricultural ladder." on the top rung of the agricultural ladder were fixed tenants (also known as cash tenants). such farmers rented land from the owner and paid the owner either a fixed sum of cash or its equivalent in crop values. the second rung of the ladder was occupied by share tenants. share tenants also rented the land from the planter and paid for it with a share of the raised crop, ranging from one-fourth to one-third. both fixed and share tenants typically owned their own farm equipment and animals. the distinction between fixed and share tenants related to the degree of control, with regards to output and management, exerted by the landlord over the farm production process. typically, fixed tenancy was reserved for “the highest class” of tenants who were regarded by landlords as trustworthy and “who are by that fact emancipated in the main from the directing authority of the landlord.” on the bottom rung of the ladder were sharecroppers. sharecroppers, who did not own any farm equipment or animals, worked the land and were paid by the planter with a leon litwack, trouble in mind: black southerners in the age of jim crow (new york: alfred a. knopf, ), . wright, old south, new south, . arthur raper, preface to peasantry: a tale of two black belt counties (chapel hill, nc: university of north carolina press, ), - . ibid. benjamin hibbard, “tenancy in the southern states,” quarterly journal of economics ( ): , quoted in wright, old south, new south, . share of the raised crop, usually one-half. the sharecropper was supplied with land, housing, farm equipment, animals, and seed by the owner. the crucial distinction on the agricultural ladder was between renters and croppers. historian harold woodman explained: “[t]he cropper was a wage laborer, his wages being a portion of what he produced paid to him by the landlord. the tenant was a renter who paid rent to the landlord for use of the land.” since a sharecropper was, in essence, an employee, the landlord was able to assert a substantial degree of control in directing and managing the cropper’s agricultural output in sharp contrast to the tenant relationship that provided a degree of independence to the farmer. the decisive factor in determining the applicable rung on the agricultural ladder and in turn the degree of independence from the landlord was the farmer’s wealth accumulation. if a farmer owned his own farm equipment and animals and had other capital, he could rent his land and operate with a substantial degree of independence while also retaining a greater portion of his crop, thereby increasing his income and ability to accumulate wealth. however, since african americans had few assets and little wealth in the wake of their emancipation, the majority were relegated to the status of sharecroppers on the bottom rung of the agricultural ladder. as historian lerone bennett, jr. concluded, “[w]ithout land, wright, old south, new south, . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . harold woodman, new south—new law: the legal foundations of credit and labor relations in the postbellum agricultural south (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ), . ibid., . without tools, without capital or access to credit facilities, the freedmen drifted into a form of peonage: the sharecropping system.” sharecropping not only created an agricultural relationship, but also resulted in the establishment of a credit relationship. generally, in the south, a farmer planted his crop, usually cotton, in early spring and did not harvest and sell the crop until november or december. with few or no assets to fall back on during such a growing and harvest season, african americans required a source of short term credit to sustain themselves and their families. consequently, the new credit system of the post-bellum era was born. the civil war and the emancipation not only ended the economic institution associated with slavery but also destroyed the financial system of the south, including the credit and banking system. for example, in , georgia and south carolina had a total of forty-nine state-chartered banks. following the civil war, only four of those banks remained in business. further, the national banking act, enacted during the civil war, effected numerous major changes to the united states financial system which impeded the growth of banks in the south. among the act’s changes was a prohibition against national bennett, before the mayflower, . wright, old south, new south, . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . ibid., . ibid. banks making mortgage loans for periods longer than five years. indeed, in the three years following the civil war only of the , national banks established were located in southern states (arkansas, alabama, south carolina, georgia, and mississippi). along with the freedman’s bureau, congress also established the freedman’s savings and trust bank to act as a financial savings institution for african americans. thousands of african americans deposited their meager savings with the freedman’s bank, often with the hope of eventually saving enough to purchase land. unfortunately, the bank was poorly managed and a series of poor investment decisions resulted in its collapse in june of . approximately half of the depositors lost all of their savings and the remainder received compensation from the federal government in the average amount of $ . per person, or percent of their total deposits. the collapse of the freedman’s bank instilled a lack of confidence in financial institutions among african americans for decades the dearth of national banks and the collapse of the freedman’s bank created a credit vacuum that was not met by state-chartered and private banks. such banks were generally located in commercial centers and had no interest in extending credit to small farmers. even when national banks did operate in rural areas, such as the national bank ibid., n . in order to obtain a national charter, the act required a bank to have $ , paid-in capital. further, the act placed restrictions on note issuance and deposit establishment (ibid., ). ibid., . foner, reconstruction: america’s unfinished revolution, , . ibid. see carl osthaus, freemen, philanthropy, and fraud: a history of the freedman’s savings bank (urbana, il: university of chicago press, ). of newberry, south carolina, they provided credit to farmers "purely on personal security or on collateral; liens or mortgages [were] not asked for or given." essentially, banks chose not to provide service to rural areas due to the increased expenses generated by assessing the risks of lending to small farmers. economic historians roger ransom and richard sutch concluded that there was no evidence that rural banks "provided short-term credit to small farmers unable to offer land or other assets as collateral." while the postbellum period witnessed a gradual increase in the number of national, state-chartered, and private banks, such banks were unable to meet the credit needs of the predominantly small-scale agricultural economy of the south, particularly the millions of ex-slaves without any assets. the effect was that bank credit in the south was "inadequate," resulting in the development and reliance upon other, more costly forms of credit. the roots of predatory lending are embedded in the soil of the economic and financial institutions that emerged in the postbellum era. as the south struggled to rebuild from the ashes of the civil war, the merchant rapidly became “the most important economic power in the southern countryside.” a merchant would run a general store that offered a wide variety of goods for sale ranging ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - , . ibid., . ibid., . charles s. johnson et al., the collapse of cotton tenancy: summary of field studies & statistical surveys (chapel hill, nc: university of north carolina press, ), . harold d. woodman, king cotton & his retainers: financing and marketing the cotton crop of the south, - (lexington, ky: university of kentucky press, ), . from basic food and clothing staples to luxury items such as whiskey and tobacco. by the end of the nineteenth-century, the south had , general stores, or about per county. thomas clark adeptly described the importance of the ubiquitous merchant as: [a]ll things to his community . . . . his store was the hub of the local universe. it was the market place, banking and credit source, recreational center, public forum, and news exchange. there were few aspects of farm life in the south after which were not influenced by the country store. however, the key to the merchant’s power did not reside in his sale of goods or his influence on rural culture, but rather in his territorial and monopolistic control over credit. with financial institutions unwilling or unable to provide short-term credit, the merchant rapidly filled this decisive financial vacuum. indeed, with few people able to pay with cash, the merchant almost exclusively operated with credit. for example, one store had cash sales of $ . in the month of june with credit advances in the amount of $ , . . more importantly, the merchant’s use of credit played a pivotal role in limiting the ability of african americans to achieve land ownership and accumulate wealth. in many ways, the merchant represented the origin of racial predatory lending. ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - . edward ayers, the promise of the new south (new york: oxford university press, ), . thomas clark, pills, petticoats and plows: the southern country store (new york: the bobbs-merrill company, ), vii-viii, quoted in ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - . glenn n. sisk, “rural merchandising in the alabama black belt, - ,” journal of farm economics ( ): . as southern african americans sought to define their freedom in the tenancy relationship, they were without assets sufficient to commence small-scale agricultural endeavors. invariably, african americans were “furnished” by the landlord or the merchant with basic food necessities, farming equipment, and the supplies necessary to plant a crop. since farmers rarely had cash to pay for such items, the merchant advanced the goods on a fixed credit “limit” established at the beginning of each season. while african american farmers occasionally arranged for the advance themselves, an advance was typically arranged by the landlord and he allowed the tenants to charge advances known as “orders” to his personal account. the farmer was able to draw upon the advance up to his limit throughout the course of the year. furthermore, the advance limit could be increased during the course of the year, particularly when it appeared that a good crop was likely. the annual advance generally ranged from forty dollars to eight hundred dollars, with the typical amount being around two hundred and fifty dollars. in effect, the advance acted as a short-term credit transaction. wright, old south, new south, . raper, preface to peasantry, . sisk, “rural merchandising in the alabama black belt,” . ibid., - . thomas d. clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture since ,” journal of southern history ( ): . sisk, “rural merchandising in the alabama black belt,” . the merchant was able to utilize his control over credit in a predatory manner through several avenues. first, the merchant maintained a two-tiered pricing system with one price for goods purchased with cash and a second price for goods purchased with credit. the price differentials were concealed by a secret code system and, not surprisingly, the credit price was substantially higher than the cash price, often by at least percent. one study compared the cash and credit prices of eleven staple articles and determined that the average credit price was . percent higher than the cash price (the price differential ranged from a minimum of . percent to maximum of . percent). second, some merchants established an additional interest rate for goods purchased on credit. the exact interest rate was determined by evaluating a number of factors designed to assess the risk and measure the cost of the loan, including: the creditworthiness of the borrower, the costs associated with processing the loan, and the degree of supervision required to ensure a return on the merchant's investment. typically, an additional interest rate charge of to percent was added to the price of the advance. finally, it was not unusual for a merchant to add an additional interest rate charge of two to five dollars on smaller accounts ranging from ten to twenty-five dollars. clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture,” . jacqueline bull, “the general merchant in the economic history of the new south,” journal of southern history ( ): . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - . sisk, “rural merchandising in the alabama black belt,” ; clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture,” - . clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture,” . overall, the credit price or the combination of a credit price and an additional interest rate charge resulted in a total effective interest rate ranging "from twenty-five percent to grand larceny." one commentator reported that "the cotton farmer has to pay the usurious percentage charged by his merchant broker, who is never less than thirty per cent, and frequently runs up to seventy per cent." ransom and sutch demonstrated that the total interest rates charged by merchants in georgia between to ranged from a low of . percent to a high of . percent, confirming such an estimate. in contrast, the short-term interest rates in new york city at this time ranged from to percent, and never above percent. further, the degree of the "mark-up" and the interest rate was not controlled by any type of universal system, but rather dictated solely by "personal factors known only to the merchant." since creditors were nearly all white, subjective determinations of creditworthiness were undoubtedly tainted with racism. indeed, african americans were looked upon with great disdain by white planters, as "the negro renters' foot [was] poison to the land." the notion of black inferiority was evident in the comments of georgian r.p. brooks, who stated, “the mass of the race are wholly unfit for independence. . . . [planters] bull, “the general merchant in the economic history of the new south,” . henry w. grady, “cotton and its kingdom,” harper’s new monthly magazine, oct. , , quoted in ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . ibid., . ibid. ibid., . wright, old south, new south, - . know that skill, industry, knowledge, and frugality are essential to successful farming, and they know that negroes in general lack these qualities." in fact, many whites were convinced that african americans could only be made to work if they remained in debt. such racism invariably infected the local credit market, requiring blacks to demonstrate an "extra measure of proof" to gain creditworthiness. in short, the merchant’s predatory use of credit operated to impede african american property ownership by limiting their ability to accumulate the wealth, due to exorbitant interest rates and credit prices, necessary to purchase land. the entire merchant system of finance was dependent upon the legal instrument of the crop lien. following the civil war, it became readily apparent that a new source of security was necessary in order to encourage lending activity. in response, legislators throughout the south passed crop lien laws in an effort to reestablish a credit system for the region’s agricultural economy. since a tenant did not own any land or assets to act as collateral, he could provide a landlord or merchant with a lien upon his future crop “to secure advances for agricultural purposes.” under a typical crop lien, a tenant pledged "the entire crop of corn, cotton, cotton seed, fodder, peas and potatoes, which may be made ibid. hortense powdermaker, after freedom: a cultural study in the deep south (new york: viking press, ), . wright, old south, new south, . woodman, new south-new law, - . ibid., . and grown on the plantation . . . , or any other place which i . . . (my) family and my hands are cultivating during the present year." the crop lien provided the merchant with the legal right to all the crops produced by the farmer necessary to satisfy the advance. furthermore, since the merchant had legal control of the crops from the time of planting, he could claim and sell the crop at any time if he believed his interest was at risk. in addition to the crop lien laws, a number of southern states also passed laborers’ lien laws to ensure that the agricultural workers received payment for their services. for example, georgia provided for “liens upon the property of their employers for labor performed” by agricultural workers. a number of the initial crop and laborers’ lien laws, however, did not address the issue of priority among potentially competing liens on a given crop. it was possible that a crop could be subject to four separate liens, including: a landlord’s lien for rent; a landlord’s lien for an advance; a merchant’s lien for an advance; and a laborers’ lien for wages. to address such a problem, the southern states gradually amended their various lien laws to establish clear distinctions among lien priorities. while there was substantial variation among the southern states, landlords and merchants were accorded clear priority sisk, rural merchandising in the alabama black belt, . ibid. woodman, new south-new law, . georgia constitution of , art. i, § , quoted in woodman, new south- new law, . ibid., . for rent and advances over sharecroppers’ liens for wages based upon labor. in , the georgia supreme court elaborated upon the “obvious distinction between a cropper and a tenant”: one has a possession of the premises exclusive of the landlord, the other has not. the one has a right for a fixed time, the other has only a right to go on the land to plant, work and gather the crop . . . . the case of the cropper is rather a mode of paying wages than a tenancy. the title to the crop subject to wages is in the owner of the land. in other words, while the share tenant retained legal title to the proceeds of his crop subject to any liens, the sharecropper retained only a laborer’s lien against the landowner for his portion of the crop constituting his wages. the right of ownership of the crop remained with the landowner. if the crops fell short, the landlords’ and merchants’ liens were paid first ahead of any laborers’ liens. if a cropper remained unpaid after the other liens were satisfied, his only recourse was to sue his employer under the laborer’s lien. as gavin wright explained, the effect of such was "to transfer financial risk to the croppers, making it all the more difficult for them to accumulate the assets needed to climb the tenure ladders." wright, old south, new south, . appling v. odom, ga. ( ). a tennessee court rendered a similar distinction in mann v. taylor, tenn. ( ), explaining that “an agreement on the part of one who is to do the labor, to take charge of and manage the land on shares, is not regarded as a lease but more in the nature of payment for services rendered, by a part of the crops raised.” woodman, new south-new law, . ibid. wright, old south, new south, . in addition to the crop lien laws, a landlord or merchant could also provide an advance or loan and obtain a “general lien on the property of the debtor” as collateral. in such transactions, historian sharon holt’s examination of county mortgage and lien records in north carolina demonstrated that merchant creditors demanded excessive collateral from blacks in comparison to white farmers. for example, in , thomas clement, a major merchant in granville county, north carolina, made a loan to an african american in the amount of fifteen dollars that was secured by a one horse wagon and his crop of tobacco. in contrast, clement loaned nineteen dollars to a white man that was secured only by a buggy and harness set. finally, since few farmers had any cash, nearly all were forced into similar credit transactions. the effect of the crop liens and the general property liens was to provide the landlord or merchant with an additional mechanism of control over the agricultural labor force. perhaps the exercise of such control was best manifest in the merchant or landlord’s insistence that the farmer produce cotton in order to ensure his investment as opposed to food products. the effect of such cotton production was to create a vicious woodman, new south-new law, . sharon holt, making freedom pay: north carolina freedpeople working for themselves - (athens, ga: university of georgia press, ), . ibid. ibid. woodman, new south-new law, . steven hahn, the roots of southern populism: yeoman farmers and the transformation of the georgia upcountry, - (new york: oxford university press, ), . cycle, as historian steven hahn explained: “the acquisition of credit demanded an expansion of cotton production, an expansion of cotton production meant proportionately shorter food crops, and shorter food crops set the farmer back to the merchant’s door for provisions.” as cotton prices declined throughout the late nineteenth-century, tenants increasingly became ensnared in a system of credit and crop liens from which there was little chance of escape. while both whites and african americans were subject to the predatory nature of the provision of credit, the system undoubtedly had a harsher impact upon african americans due to efforts to maintain african americans in a position of economic inferiority central to the continued maintenance of white hegemony in the south. as ransom and sutch explained: racism in the capital markets meant that black farmers had less capital, smaller farms, and fewer acres of untilled land than whites. this meant that the typical black farmer was more dependent upon purchased supplies than his white counterpart and was thereby more susceptible to exploitation by the merchant's credit monopoly. the combination of a malignant credit system and white racism had a devastating effect upon african americans which related them to continued poverty. the full extent of its impact was often felt at “settlin time” or “the moment of truth.” the tenant generally harvested the crops in the fall with accounts settled during the months of october, november and december. since the landlord or the merchant had ibid., . ibid., . ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . litwack, trouble in mind, . legal title to the crop by virtue of the crop lien, the tenant was required to turn his portion of the crop over to the landlord or the merchant who proceeded to sell the crop. at settlement time, the tenant was told the amount that the cotton sold for on the open market. the merchant or landlord proceeded to add the total of the advance based upon the total purchase made during the course of the year and entered an interest charge against the total account. the total was then deducted from the sale proceeds to determine whether there was a profit or a loss for the year. at settlement time, tenants were often not given any sales receipts or itemized statements regarding their yearly advances. henry blacke, an african american sharecropper, recalled, “[n]o matter how good accounts you kept, you had to go by [white landowners’] account, and – now brother, i’m telling you the truth about this – it has been that way a long time.” furthermore, since the records were maintained by the merchants and many of the freed people were illiterate and inexperienced with business transactions, they were often cheated out of the rewards of their labor. indeed, as one freedman clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture,” . sisk, “rural merchandising in the alabama black belt,” . clark, “the furnishing and supply system in southern agriculture,” . powdermaker, after freedom, . steven mintz, ed., african american voices: the life cycle of slavery, , (new york: brandywine press, ), quoted in james horton & lois horton, slavery and the making of america (new york: oxford university press, ), . hahn, the roots of southern populism, . in , nearly percent of african american farm renters and nearly seventy-seven percent of african american farm sharecroppers were illiterate in the cotton south. ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . bureau official recalled, white “men who are honorable in their dealings with their white neighbors will cheat a negro without feeling a single twinge of their honor.” the practice of cheating african americans at settlement time was apparently widespread. benjamin mays, a noted educator and minister, polled african americans in rural south carolina; responded that they were “cheated badly by their white ‘bosses.’” without access to the records and with no economic or political power, blacks were left with little recourse to challenge the numbers at settlement. one african american sharecropper in arkansas explained that when he attempted to challenge the accounting, he was simply informed that “figures didn’t lie.” furthermore, the mere act of challenging a white man’s word was dangerous: “you dassent dispute a [white] man’s word then.” indeed, in promised land, south carolina, a black farmer was lynched for arguing with a white store owner about the price offered for his corn. a mississippi sharecropper succinctly explained the dilemma faced by african americans: i have been living in this delta thirty years and i know that i have been robbed every year; but there is no use jumping out of the frying pan into the horton & horton, slavery and the making of america, . benjamin mays, born to rebel: an autobiography (new york: scribner, ), , quoted in litwack, trouble in mind, n . horton & horton, slavery and the making of america, . ibid. elizabeth rauh bethel, promiseland: a century of life in a negro community (philadelphia: temple university press, ), - . fire. if we ask any questions we are cussed, and if we raise up we are shot, and that ends it. thus, southern black sharecroppers opted to take a vow of silence—to save themselves from retaliatory violence, they kept quiet about their injustices. since the value of the crops often was less than the advances, african americans often submerged deeper into debt with each year, unable to acquire the monies or assets necessary to achieve land ownership. a study of black tenant farmers in macon county, alabama in demonstrated that . percent "broke even," . percent "went in the hole," and . percent made a profit. a similar study in indianola, mississippi in found that to percent of the tenants made a profit, averaging from $ to $ , while the remainder either broke even or were left in debt. one tenant described his settlement as follows: we had acres last year and paid $ for rent and made bales of cotton and turned hit all over. [this should have netted $ at cents a pound.] the thing about hit, we ain’t had no settlement. all we got last year was $ in trade, they claimed. i ain’t nothing like satisfied. i was settin’ there at diner looking at the house and the condition. i was settin’ under the tree there last night studyin’ ‘bout the same thing. me and my wife ain’t had a string of nothing ter wear in two years. laurence c. jones, the bottom rail: addresses and papers on the negro in the lowlands of mississippi and on inter-racial relations in the south during twenty- five years (new york: fleming h. revell company, ), , quoted in litwack, trouble in mind, . charles s. johnson, shadow of the plantation (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . powdermaker, after freedom, - . johnson, shadow of the plantation, . such economic hardship was visited by thousands of african americans each year. manda walker explained a tale that was likely familiar to many: “after de last bale was sold . . . him come home wid de same sick smile and de same sad tale: ‘well, mandy, as usual, i settled up and it was “naught is naught and figger is a figger, all for de white man and none for de nigger.”’” african americans and landownership in spite of innumerable obstacles, african americans were able to accomplish land ownership in relatively surprising numbers in the south. the process to accomplish land ownership was not uniform and was subject to wide variations depending on geography, crop culture, demography, economic cycles, local culture, and politics. nevertheless, it usually required two central elements: protracted and, often, herculean efforts by african american households and the toleration and participation of white people. historian sharon holt, in a study of granville county, north carolina, examined the toils and sacrifices of african americans seeking to achieve land acquisition. with the opportunity to accumulate wealth severely circumscribed in the sharecropping system, blacks resorted to additional income-producing activities as a means to accumulate the capital necessary for the purchase of land. the crucial “escape clause” george rawick, ed., the american slave: a composite autobiography, , quoted in litwack, trouble in mind, . steven hahn, a nation under our feet: black political struggles in the rural south from slavery to the great migration (cambridge, ma: belknap press of the harvard university press, ), . holt, making freedom pay - . was household production. unlike tenancy where any income was potentially subject to liens and credit charges, any income generated by household production was discretionary. of equal importance, few landlords recognized that such production allowed for the generation of surpluses and, thus, it was unlikely to draw attention and possible hostile responses from whites. in order to succeed, household production demanded several key elements, including the following: full family participation, control over the labor of women and children, and utilization of the after-hours and off-season labor of adult males. household production consisted of any number of income producing activities such as basket weaving, sewing dresses or quilts, growing fruits and vegetables, foraging for berries, hunting for fish and game, wood cutting or hauling, and performing other odd jobs. also, all members of the household and even extended family members—young and old, male and female—were able to contribute to production capacity. with the surpluses of household production, african american families followed a gradual pattern of property accumulation that culminated in land ownership. typically, property that accentuated household production was acquired, such as livestock and personal property, to serve as wealth-producing building blocks. usually, african ibid. ibid., . ibid., - . ibid., - . american families first sought to acquire poultry and pigs followed by cows. such acquisitions generated income through the household economy by the sale of eggs, butter, milk, cheese, and pork. the key acquisition prior to land ownership was often a horse or a mule. the ownership of such a draft animal could often propel a family up the agricultural ladder from sharecropping to renting and thus enhancing the possibility of turning a profit with farming. the travails of the trotter’ family is illustrative of the difficult process of land acquisition as well as the key role of household production. in natchitoches parish, louisiana, daniel and rose trotter, with the assistance of numerous relatives, labored for fifteen years as renters on five different plantations in an effort to save $ for a down payment to purchase some land. in addition to farming, both daniel and rose trotter performed other odd jobs in an effort to save money for a down payment, including: selling eggs, raising and selling pigs, sewing dresses and jeans, “fixing miller ibid., - . a dozen chickens could lay approximately twenty dozen eggs in a year and one cow’s milk could produce thirty to fifty pounds of butter a year. a healthy cow was worth approximately eight to ten dollars, a heifer was worth approximately five dollars and a calf about one to two dollars (ibid.). ibid., - . an old mule was worth about ten dollars and a good one could cost as much as forty dollars with horses costing forty dollars and up. due to the high cost, it was not unheard of for african american families to share the use of a horse or a mule on several farms (ibid.). ibid. hahn, a nation under our feet, . machinery,” “fixing water clock,” and fixing guns. the trotters’ many years of toil was rewarded in when they were finally able to purchase thirty-five acres of land. while certain market conditions, such as low land prices and wartime deaths were favorable for buyers, whites generally sought to prevent the sale of land to potential african american purchasers through the use of a wide range of repressive tactics. in addition to social pressures and threats, foremost among such tactics was violence against any white seller and african american purchaser. such a tactic was particularly strong in the deep south, where a witness recalled: as a general rule a man is very unpopular with his neighbors who will sell land to colored people; and then a colored man is in danger if he buys land. in winston county [mississippi] a dozen men were whipped, and the only charge against them was that they bought land. ayers, the promise of the new south, . trotter’s literacy may have also assisted him in his efforts to purchase land as he maintained a meticulous cashbook, where, in exacting detail, he recorded the family’s household production and farming incomes. hahn, a nation under our feet, . the trotters also belonged to the st. mary’s baptist church and were active in the church’s benevolent association (ibid). hahn, a nation under our feet, . schweninger, black property owners in the south, , - . following the american civil war, farm land was selling for $ . to $ . per acre, where previously the same land had sold for $ . to $ . per acre (ibid., ). see ibid., - (referencing the practice of white landowners signing agreements not to hire a neighbors sharecroppers, as well as offering only “subsistence wages, refus[ing] to sell or rent acreage to blacks, and adopt[ing] nonemployment agreements for any former slave who left his former owner.”). ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - . testimony of cornelius mcbride, schoolteacher, nd cong., d sess., , h.r. rep. no. - , pt. , , quoted in ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, . even if a black had the necessary resources to purchase land, a second requirement to consummate the purchase was necessary: a white supporter. according to arthur raper, a noted sociologist, a potential purchaser had to be “acceptable to the white community” and “have a white sponsor.” in other words, he must know “his place” and remain in it despite his ownership of land. in greene and macon counties in georgia, approximately three-quarters of african american landowners who held greater than twenty-five acres purchased their land after initially being approached by a white seller who had advised them to buy the land and, as well as who even offered to assist them in the purchase; percent of african american landowners actually purchased their land from white landowners. approximately percent of african americans in green and macon counties bought land from former landlords, and a number of others purchased from persons with whom they had previously conducted business. while blacks were certainly successful in purchasing land without white patronage, it often proved an invaluable facet of an intensely personal business transaction. hahn, a nation under our feet, . raper, preface to peasantry, . ibid. ibid. ibid., - . ibid., (“[t]he active interest and oversight of some white man protect[ed] the negro purchaser.”). in the context of such a foreboding environment, african americans made steady, albeit slow, progress in entering the ranks of landownership. by , one in thirty-one african americans owned real estate in the rural areas of the lower south—georgia, alabama, mississippi, south carolina, florida, louisiana, texas and arkansas—with an average value of $ per family. similarly, in an extensive study of land ownership in georgia based upon reports of the state comptroller general, w.e.b. du bois determined that in african americans owned , acres of land, or . percent of owned land. by , african americans land ownership had increased to , acres or . percent. in areas of the upper south — delaware and portions of maryland and virginia — the number of rural african american landowners declined in spite of major increases in the overall african american population. in virginia, by , only one out of thirty-four schweninger, black property owners in the south, table . the immediate growth of african american realty owners in the lower south following the civil war may be measured by comparing to . the number of real estate owners in alabama rose from to , ; in arkansas from to , ; in florida from to , ; in georgia from to , ; in louisiana from , to , ; in mississippi from to , ; in south carolina from to , ; and in texas from to , (ibid., table ). w.e.b. du bois, the negro landholder in georgia, th cong., d sess., , h.r. doc. no. - , ., quoted in ransom & sutch, one kind of freedom, - . ibid. schweninger, black property owners in the south, . the population of african americans in rural areas of maryland increased “from , in to , , and in virginia from , to , .” (ibid). the number of african american landowners in rural areas in delaware declined “from in to in , in dorchester and harford counties, maryland, from to approximately , and rural african american families owned real estate. in general, however, african americans were slightly more successful throughout the upper south with one out of sixteen families owning land by . overall, in the upper south, one african american family out of twenty-one owned land worth an average of $ . in the urban areas in the south, african americans encountered economic circumstances that were more favorable to homeownership. unlike african americans in the rural areas of the south, those in the cities usually earned direct wages that were not subject to the decimating impact of high interest rates and crop liens. furthermore, with many areas of the urban south in ruins following the civil war, there was a strong and rising demand for skilled and unskilled labor. finally, urban whites were less reluctant to sell property to blacks as it was not essential to the hegemonic system of control in such areas. the confluence of such factors resulted in one in nine african americans families in the cities and towns of the lower south acquiring real estate by , with an average in prince george, southampton, and surry counties, virginia, from to fewer than a dozen.” (ibid.). ibid., table . the immediate growth of african american realty owners in the upper south following the civil war may be measured by comparing to . the number of real estate owners in delaware rose from to ; in the district of columbia from to , ; in kentucky from to , ; in maryland from , to , ; in missouri from to , ; in north carolina from , to , ; in tennessee from to , ; and in virginia from , to , . (ibid., table ). ibid., , . see ibid., (“property values generally remained below prewar levels, but unlike their counterparts in rural areas, urban whites, in need of capital and less fearful of blacks, were often anxious to sell them property.”). value of $ , per owner. likewise, in cities of the upper south, african americans homeownership rose markedly from to . overall, by , approximately . percent of the , african american families in the south owned real estate; factoring in those who did not own property, the average african american family owned a total of $ . . in contrast, approximately percent of white men in the united states owned real estate; taking into account the property-less, the average white male owned $ , . . in terms of total wealth accumulation, the average african american had a net worth of $ . , whereas the average white southerner had accumulated wealth in the amount of $ , . over the next forty years, african americans made significant gains in land ownership throughout the south. by , approximately percent—or about one in five—african american farmers had become land owners in the lower south, with an average value of $ , per owner. likewise, in urban areas in the lower south, nearly one in five african americans had entered the ranks of homeownership. in the upper south, black farmers were even more successful with percent entering the ranks of land ibid., - . ibid., . in baltimore, the number of african americans who owned real estate increased from “ [in ] to approximately [in ]; in the district of columbia, from to , ; in lexington, from to ; and in wilmington, north carolina, from to .” (ibid., - ). ibid., . ibid. ibid., . ibid., table , . ownership with an average value of $ , per farm owner. nowhere was their success more pronounced than in virginia, where african american farm ownership increased a stunning , percent in forty years, from percent in to percent in . in the urban areas of the upper south, the homeownership rate for african americans continued to rise and reached percent by . overall, throughout the south, by , african american land ownership in rural areas was percent. despite such progress, a significant wealth and land ownership gap remained between african americans and whites. the mean value of the southern whites’ farm property, including livestock, was $ , in and $ , in . in contrast, the african american mean value was $ in and $ , in . furthermore, the overall rate of farm ownership for whites was percent in , although dropping to percent in , in contrast to rates for african americans of percent in and percent in . however, represented the zenith of african american rural land ownership in the south. in subsequent decades, the number of black land owners began to rapidly decline driven by a confluence of factors, including the cotton boll weevil infestation, a sharp drop ibid., table , . ibid., - . ibid., table . ibid., . ibid. ibid. in the price of cotton, and the post-world war i economic depression. historians august meier and elliott rudwick concluded that african americans lost on average , acres of land each year during this time period. ultimately, the entire sharecropping system of labor was rendered “obsolete” with the introduction of the mechanical cotton picker in the s. as the dream of land ownership became increasingly elusive in the south, african americans began to see a new possible window of opportunity in the north. myrdal, an american dilemma, ; nicholas lemann, the promised land: the great black migration and how it changed america (new york: a. a. knopf, ), . see also leo mcgee & robert boone, eds., black rural landowner – endangered species: social, political and economic implications (westport, ct: greenwood press, ). cf. mark schultz, “the dream realized? african american landownership in central georgia between reconstruction and world war two,” agricultural history ( ): - (arguing that african american landowners chose to sell and migrate in order to optimize their economic progress in the face of such difficult agricultural conditions). august meier & elliott rudwick, from plantation to ghetto (new york: hill & wang, ), quoted in conley, being black, living in the red, . lemann, the promised land, , . chapter the great migration and african american homeownership in philadelphia, - overview of the great migration at the beginning of the twentieth century, the majority of african americans resided in the south, trapped in a system of debt peonage driven by predatory lending and crop liens that deprived them of the ability to accumulate assets. intent on escaping such hardships, blacks increasingly viewed the north as the promised land. the great migration, as it became known, was the largest migration in united states history, as millions of blacks left the rural south for the urban cities of the north, seeking to escape racial animosity that often manifested itself in brutal violence, and driven by the promise of economic opportunity. from to , , blacks migrated north; from to , , ; from see generally peter gottlieb, making their own way: southern blacks’ migration to pittsburgh, - (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ); james grossman, land of hope: chicago, black southerners, and the great migration (chicago: the university of chicago press, ); ira berlin, the making of african america: the four great migrations (new york: viking, ); isabel wilkerson, the warmth of other suns: the epic story of american’s great migration (new york: random house, ). bennett, before the mayflower, . several scholars have argued that african american migration from the south was greatest where the threat of violence was highest. see generally stewart tolnay & e.m. beck, a festival of violence: an analysis of southern lynchings, - (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ). while many forms of violence were used to maintain white hegemony, the ultimate weapon in the arsenal was lynching. during the time period from to , , african americans were lynched throughout the united states, with an overwhelming majority concentrated in the south. w. fitzhugh brundage, lynching in the new south: georgia and virginia, - (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ), . historian w. fitzhugh brundage has demonstrated that mob violence and lynchings occurred most frequently in the areas that contained large african american populations who worked as sharecroppers in economies dominated by cotton (ibid., ). see also arthur raper, the tragedy of lynching (chapel hill, nc: university of north carolina press, ); philip dray, at the hands of persons unknown: the lynching of black america (new york: random house, ). to , , ; and from to , , , . the exodus of blacks from the south to the north had profound economic, social, and political consequences throughout the untied states. the african american population rapidly expanded in the major urban cities of the north such as chicago, new york, and detroit. for example, chicago’s african american population grew from , in , to , in , to , in . philadelphia, which historically had the largest urban african american population dating back to the colonial era, was a major destination for many of the migrants. in , approximately , african americans resided in philadelphia comprising only . percent of the total population. by , the number had increased to , or . percent. ten years later the black population had grown to , or . percent. in the next twenty years, the african american population nearly doubled growing to , or . percent. by , the black population had reached , , representing . percent of the total population. in total the african american james n. gregory, “the second great migration: a historical overview,” in african american urban history since world war ii, kenneth l. kusmer and joe w. trotter, ed. (chicago, il: university of chicago press, ), . lemann, the promised land, . philadelphia housing association, philadelphia’s negro population: facts on housing (philadelphia, pa: city of philadelphia commission on human relations, october ), . ibid. ibid. ibid. population grew an astounding percent in the first half of the century. in contrast, the white population during this period increased by only percent from , , to , , . in , philadelphia was the third largest city in the united states in both total population and black population, trailing only new york and chicago. the african american community in philadelphia, to that tens of thousands of african americans were drawn to philadelphia is hardly surprising given the city’s reputation as a beacon for liberty and freedom forged in the nation’s struggle to achieve independence from the british empire as well as its large, longstanding african american community. just three years after the original quakers founded philadelphia in , the first africans arrived in chains as slaves. as philadelphia grew as a center of commercial activity in the colonies, the demand for labor progressed in the years prior to the american revolution. the demand was met with the importation of slaves from africa and, by , approximately , slaves labored in philadelphia out of a total population of , . opposition to slavery, however, grew steadily during the late colonial era lead by the large population of quakers and the development of a strong abolitionist movement in philadelphia. as the revolutionary fervor, inspired by the lofty natural rights ideology, swept through the colonial pennsylvania, increasing numbers of slaves were manumitted by ibid., . gary b. nash, forging freedom: the formation of philadelphia’s black community, - (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ), . ibid., . their masters and efforts to legislatively abolish slavery gathered momentum. the culmination of such efforts was the passage of the first abolition law in the newly formed america in that provided for a conservative gradual path to freedom for pennsylvania’s slaves. with the gradual abolition of slavery and the emergence of a new country predicated on principles of freedom and liberty, philadelphia rapidly became the preferred destination for thousands of free blacks. by , the combination of manumission of slaves in the city and the migration of former slaves from rural areas of pennsylvania increased the free african american population in philadelphia - fourfold in just seven years - to a total of approximately , . just twenty years later, the african american population had expanded nearly five-fold to , in comparison to a white population of , . (see table . african american population of philadelphia, - ). the following decade, the black population grew to , as migrants continued to arrive, some of whom were fugitives from slavery in the south. as the number of freed african americans rose, making philadelphia the home to the largest free black community in the united states, level of synergy emerged conducive to institution building activities such as churches, businesses, beneficial societies and, eventually financial institutions. the law provided that any person who was a slave at the time of its passage was to remain a slave for the remainder of their life. furthermore, every child born to a slave after march , , the effective date of the abolition law, was subject to bondage for a period of twenty-eight years at the conclusion of which they obtained their freedom. ibid., . ibid., . ibid., table . african american population of philadelphia, - year total pop. black pop. percent black increase , , . -- , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . . , , . ( . ) , , . . , , . ( . ) , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . , , , . . source: u.s. census reports, - such efforts were spearheaded by the emergence of local african american leaders such as absalom jones and richard allen. both were former slaves who bought their freedom by hiring out their labor and proceeded to become the foremost african american leaders in philadelphia by leading the development of local community institutions. together, jones and allen led the first effort to collectively organize the african american community was the free african society of philadelphia, founded in april to care for the sick and poor. the society, however, rapidly assumed a broader role in the african american community as an advocate to improve the conditions of african americans and as a religious organization holding church services. as the free african society developed religious underpinnings, jones and allen were increasingly determined to establish an independent african american church movement. when the two men were unable to agree upon a single religious denomination, each established his own church. allen left the free african society and richard r. wright, jr., the negro in pennsylvania: a study in economic history (philadelphia: a.m.e. book concerns, ), - . nash, forging freedom, . a number of scholars have examined the importance of the african american church and the role of religion in the african american community. see generally e. franklin frazier, the negro church in america (new york: schocken books, ); james h. cone, a black theology of liberation (new york: lippincott, ); peter j. paris, the social teachings of the black churches (philadelphia, pa: fortress press, ); clarence e. walker, a rock in a weary land: the african methodist episcopal church during the civil war and reconstruction (baton rouge, la: louisiana state university press, ). recently, several prominent works have examined the role of women in the african american church movement. see bettye collier-thomas, jesus, jobs, and justice: african american women and religion (new york: alfred a. knopf, ); evelyn brooks higginbotham, righteous discontent: the women’s movement in the black baptist church, - (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ). established the bethel african methodist episcopal church. in , allen’s church and a number of other african american congregations formed the african methodist episcopal church. writing decades later, w.e.b. du bois described the church as “the vastest and most remarkable product of american negro civilization.” jones became the first rector of the african episcopal church of st. thomas and it later became formally affiliated with the episcopal church. the efforts of allen and jones marked the beginning of a rich history of african american institution building in the city of philadelphia. historian gary nash has explained that from to , the african american community “embarked upon an ambitious program of building institutions that would facilitate the transition of recently freed slaves to a life of freedom and equip a new generation with literacy, job skills, religion, and moral rectitude.” one prominent area of institution building was entrepreneurial economic development. remarkably, by , one of every nine adult black males in philadelphia operated some type of small business, and one of every fifteen engaged in a skilled craft. overall, males and wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . w.e.b. du bois, the philadelphia negro: a social study (boston: ginn and company, ), . nash, forging freedom, - . ibid., - . ibid., - . women operated a business. while the majority of african americans worked as unskilled laborers for white employers, the emerging entrepreneurial class created a sphere of independence from the larger white community which in turned allowed for protest efforts, community building, and property accumulation. without fear of economic repercussions, a number of prominent african americans were able to engage in abolitionist efforts and protest the discrimination frequently encountered by blacks in philadelphia. for example, after serving valiantly in the continental navy during the american revolution, james forten worked for robert bridges, a white sail maker, in philadelphia. upon bridges’ retirement, forten took over the prosperous business, employing as many as thirty people. forten used his economic success to become one of the first subscribers to william lloyd garrisons’ famous abolitionist newspaper, the liberator, pre-ordering twenty-seven subscriptions. amazingly, garrison received forten’s check for the subscriptions on the same day the bill was due for the actual paper on which to print the first edition. garrison always credited forten for making the liberator a reality with his timely contribution. forten, working closely with jones and allen, also petitioned the federal government to end slavery and the fugitive slave act and, later, he petitioned the pennsylvania legislature in response to discriminatory legislation that sough to stop the ibid., . ibid., . henry mayer, all on fire: william lloyd garrison and the abolition of slavery (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . ibid. influx of african americans into pennsylvania. in explaining the impact of such prominent entrepreneurs, du bois explained: “such men wielded great personal influence, aided the abolition cause to no little degree, and made philadelphia noted for its cultivated and well-to-do negro citizens. their conspicuous success opened opportunities for negroes in other lines.” while jones and allen’s churches were the most successful african american churches in philadelphia, by , an additional fourteen churches were established to service the expanding african american community. the african american churches rapidly became the center of life in philadelphia, assuming important spiritual, educational, social, and economic responsibilities. for blacks, church affiliation was “a fundamental prerequisite to a decent and, indeed, bearable existence.” given its all encompassing role, the church, more than any other institution, was responsible for the development of an emerging “black consciousness” by providing a place to worship, organize, and develop leadership outside of the confines of the white community. following in the footsteps of the free african society, another prominent area of institutional building was in the emergence of numerous mutual aid and beneficial societies. in an often hostile racial environment, african americans created such nash, forging freedom, , . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . theodore hershberg, “free blacks in antebellum philadelphia: a study of ex-slaves, freeborn, and socioeconomic decline,” in theodore hershberg, ed., philadelphia: work, space, family and group experience in the th century (new york: oxford university press, ), . nash, forging freedom, . societies to perform a wide range of social and economic functions, often with a focus on self-help efforts. organized around some type of communal bond, by the ’s, one hundred such societies existed in the african american community, encompassing , members or approximately percent of the adult african american population. by , the societies were providing extensive private assistance to the needy by collecting $ , in annual dues and distributing $ , . as historian bettye collier-thomas has demonstrated, two-thirds of the societies in philadelphia were dominated by women, giving a gender dimension to institution building. for example, the daughters of africa was a mutual aid society of two hundred working-class women based in philadelphia. such indigenous societies also provided leadership opportunities and represented a demonstration of african american agency through racial “uplift”. in conjunction with protest efforts and the institution building, african americans also sought to achieve property ownership. in order to afford to purchase a house, african americans frequently rented out a portion of house to another family and by collier-thomas, jesus, jobs, and justice, ; nash, forging freedom, . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . collier-thomas, jesus, jobs, and justice, . historian robert gregg described the philosophy of “uplift” as the dominant ideology at the turn of the century in philadelphia. according to gregg, the concept held different meanings to different people largely dependent upon their class. despite the ambiguity of the meaning of “uplift,” it often embraced both accommodation and protest efforts by african americans to challenge white hegemony. robert gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression: philadelphia’s african methodists and southern migrants, - (philadelphia, pa: temple university press ), - . see, edward l. wheeler, uplifting the race: the black minister in the new south, - (new york: university press of america, ). building smaller structures in the rear of the property that were rented out for additional income. such efforts produced moderate success as according to the census, out of , ( . percent) african american households owned property with a total value of $ , . seventeen years later, a house-to-house survey conducted by the abolition society in determined that, of the , african american households listed, ( . percent) owned real estate with a total value of $ , , an average of $ , per parcel. such a property ownership rate was approximately percent of white households. several years later, w.e.b. du bois, in his landmark sociological study the philadelphia negro, surveyed the housing conditions of african americans in philadelphia and determined that in , african americans owned their homes. as the dark clouds of succession and war approached, philadelphia was beginning a structural transformation from commercial shipping to industrialization. the changing nature of the economy increased the demand for unskilled labor that, in turn, resulted in large numbers of european immigrants arriving in philadelphia. the intense competition for unskilled jobs between african americans and european immigrants caused violent race riots in , , and . the overall effect of such a dynamic was that nash, forging freedom, . ibid., . ibid., . tom w. smith, the dawn of the urban industrial age: the social structure of philadelphia, - , (ph.d. dissertation, university of chicago, ), table (noting that white household property ownership rates in philadelphia were . percent in and . percent in ). du bois, the philadelphia negro, . economic opportunities were increasingly circumscribed and higher numbers of blacks entered the ranks of poverty. the sharp shift was directly reflected in a slight decrease in the overall african american population the ’s. the promising social and economic conditions of african americans that existed in the beginning of the century deteriorated as the rhetoric of freedom and liberty of the american revolution faded and was replaced by a vicious strand of white racism. nevertheless, on the eve of the civil war, philadelphia boasted a black community with a solid history of institution building, social protest, and wealth accumulation. following the civil war, as the trends of industrialization and immigration continued in philadelphia, the black community began to experience increasing migration from the south. after a slight population decrease in the ’s, the african american population nearly tripled over the next thirty years. in , the black population was , and, over the course of the next decade, it grew over percent to , . by the turn of the century, philadelphia had the largest urban population of african americans in the north. while an estimated percent of blacks were “poor,” the expanding african american community was able to build upon the institutions created by the earlier generation. both the african american churches and mutual aid societies continued to thrive in last half of the nineteenth century in philadelphia. the independent black church movement had grown to over fifty-five churches with , members and $ , worth of du bois, the philadelphia negro, wright, the negro in pennsylvania, property. du bois also estimated that that there were several hundred mutual aid societies and nineteen lodges. in , wright reported at least african american business enterprises were in operation and, in that year alone, eighteen companies were incorporated in philadelphia. of such business enterprises, approximately percent were between four to ten years old and another percent were over ten years old. the longevity of such a large number of enterprises suggests that business development was significantly advanced in the african american community. wright also astutely explained that the progression of institution building of the previous generation established the ground work for more complex and sophisticated business endeavors to emerge at the beginning of the twentieth century. as wright explained, the culmination of the development cycle was the incorporated business that required significant capital and through organization, the oldest of which was the building and loan association. by , there were eight african american owned and operated building and loan associations in philadelphia. just as in the proceeding decades, following his extensive review of philadelphia, du bois concluded that the “center and kernel of the negro problem…is the narrow opportunities afforded negroes for earning a decent living.” du bois’ study of the seventh ward, determined that over . percent of african american males and . percent females were employed in domestic and personal services, primarily as unskilled laborers or du bois, the philadelphia negro, . ibid., - . wright, the negro in pennsylvania, - . menial servants. du bois attributed the limited employment opportunities to three main factors: competition, industrialization, and racial discrimination. despite such obstacles, a significant number of african americans were able to achieve home ownership. richard r. wright, jr. in his survey of pennsylvania determined that, as of , there were african americans in philadelphia paying taxes in the amount of $ , , on parcels of property with a value of approximately $ million. wright also determined that the african americans, registered as home owners, were employed in a broad range of occupations, both skilled and unskilled. (table . occupation of african american homeowners in philadelphia, ). according to wright, the majority of homeowners were employed in domestic and personal service. given the fact that the majority of blacks were employed in domestic and personal service, it is hardly surprising that most black homeowners were employed in such a field. however, it does suggest that the ability to achieve homeownership was not necessarily proscribed by employment in low wage occupations. according to wright, the ability to achieve homeownership required industry, thrift, and self-sacrifice. as he explained: “to save, out of the meager earnings, sufficient money with which to secure real property is, therefore, a sacrifice which only the best and most thoughtful undergo.” in other words, the dream of homeownership for african americans was achievable in philadelphia but just as in the south; it came at a significant price. du bois, the philadelphia negro, - . wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . ibid., . table . occupation of african american homeowners in philadelphia, occupation number percentage laborer . caterers . teamsters and drivers . waiters . porters . clerks . dealers and merchants . janitors . butlers . clergyman . barbers . coachmen . gardeners and farmers . physicians and dentists . messengers . stewards . source: wright, jr., the negro in pennsylvania, - wright also determined that of the homeowners, ( . percent) were born outside of pennsylvania and ( . percent) were under the age of fifty. wright’s statistics demonstrated that the majority of the homeowners had migrated to philadelphia from the south, mainly from virginia, maryland and north carolina. as the african american migrants moved north, they continued to identify property ownership as central to their conception of freedom to a much greater extent than native philadelphians. to the southern migrant, property ownership in the north, just as in the south, afforded a degree of economic independence from the oppressive white community. second, since most of the homeowners were under the age of fifty, they were born free and they inherited an understanding of the importance of homeownership from their parents who were mostly born in slavery. to this generation of african americans, the north was the destination to achieve their goal of property ownership. the great migration, housing, and philadelphia, to as the migrants began to pour in to philadelphia in , they were arriving to a well-established and arguably the foremost african american community in the united states. the community had a prominent history of institution building that contributed to the development of strong “black consciousness” that repeatedly challenged racial discrimination in philadelphia. the tremendous growth in african american migrants in the first wave of the great migration occurred in two main spurts. as the military ibid., - . industries and railroads in the philadelphia area increased production in response to the demands caused by world war i, approximately , african americans arrived from the south. from april through june , approximately , - , migrants arrived and, subsequently, the migration continued at the rate of per week until the end of world war i. a second wave of migration occurred during the apex of the roaring twenties when an additional , people arrived in the city of brotherly love. prior to world war i, most african american migrants that journeyed to philadelphia departed from the upper south, mostly maryland and virginia. most were also familiar with urban environments having previous lived in such southern urban centers as richmond, baltimore, washington d.c. the new wave of african american migrants came from the rural areas of the lower south such as north carolina, south carolina, georgia, and florida. the combination of huge number of migrants with limited prior exposure to urban environments placed a tremendous stress on the african generally, historians have distinguished two periods of tremendous migration of african americans from the north to the south in the twentieth century. the great migration refers to the exodus of african americans during world war i and the roaring twenties. the second great migration refers to the period of migration from world war ii through the vietnam war. james n. gregory, “the second great migration: a historical overview,” . sadie tanner mossell, “the standard of living among hundred negro migrant families in philadelphia,” annals of the american academy of political and social science (nov. ): - . ibid. charles a. hardy, iii, race and opportunity: black philadelphia during the era of the great migration - (ph.d. diss., temple univ., ), . gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . american community and the city of philadelphia. overall, by , philadelphia had , southern-born african american residents that represented . percent of the total african american population in the city. prior to the great migration, philadelphia maintained a decentralized pattern of racial segregation that was typical of some southern cities. the moderate level of residential segregation was, in part, attributable to the occupation status of the majority of blacks. typically, blacks employed as domestics and personal service lived in close proximity to their white employers. like washington and baltimore, blacks often lived in alley dwellings, creating small concentrations of blacks, within clusters of the better housing of whites. as of , over half of the african american population was concentrated in several wards in south philadelphia with other significant concentrations in north and west philadelphia. moreover, philadelphia also had a substantial number of other smaller african american settlements scattered throughout the city. it was in such smaller communities that african americans often sought to purchase homes. as wright, jr. described in : but the home-owning and more prosperous negroes are, as a rule moving out of the distinctively negro neighborhood. in philadelphia, west of th and south of bainbridge, in elmwood and germantown, a large number of the better class of negroes have settled within the past ten years. the largest number of home-owners is outside of the most densely settled negro district, but which is chiefly inhabited by foreigners. gregory, “the second great migration,” . karl e. taeuber and alma f. taeuber, negroes in cities: residential segregation and neighborhood change (chicago, il: aldine publishing company, ), . wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . as the migrants began arriving in ever-increasing numbers, most of them settled in north and west philadelphia resulting in a numerous neighborhoods transitioning rapidly from white to black. in north philadelphia, many financially secure african american families were purchasing “large and handsome houses and forming colonies.” for example, a well-respected african american contractor bought a house in a white neighborhood located in north philadelphia. within one year, all of the houses on both sides of the street, except for one, were sold to african americans who maintained the homes “entirely in accordance with the best american standards of home making.” by , north philadelphia had grown to , blacks, making it the third largest community behind only harlem and the south side in chicago. despite such a rapid influx and the attenuate racial animosity it generated, by , racial segregation levels remained relatively low as african americans only represented a majority in one ward in the entire city. the average african american lived in a census tract that was only . percent black. by , the african american population was relatively evenly distributed across three areas with percent of the population residing in west philadelphia; percent in south philadelphia; and percent in north philadelphia. t.j. woffter, jr., and madge headley priest, negro housing in philadelphia (philadelphia, pa: the friends’ committee on interests of the colored race and whittier center, ), . ibid. hardy, race and opportunity, . ibid. gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . upon their arrival in philadelphia, the migrants, often for the first time, were exposed to urban life in all of its forms. a detailed profile of the migrants was prepared by sadie tanner mossell who became first african american women to earn a ph.d. in economics upon her graduation from the university of pennsylvania in . she conducted an extensive survey of one hundred migrant families who arrived in philadelphia from rural areas of mississippi, alabama, florida, georgia, and south carolina during and . of the wage earners in the families, —or percent—were employed as unskilled laborers or domestics. while such jobs were plentiful, they had little potential for upward mobility. the migrant’s income ranged from $ . to $ , . , with percent receiving between $ , and $ , . despite the meager incomes, sixty of the families were able to save money in a variety of manners, including: a bank – thirty-seven families, building and loan associations – four families, or by investing in property – five families. while two of the migrant families were able to purchase homes in good condition, the overwhelming majority rented and lived in over-crowded, deplorable housing. in fact, the migration created a tremendous housing crisis in philadelphia, as it struggled to accommodate , black migrants. just as influx commenced, new housing starts slowed dramatically from , in to in , due to the labor and supply sadie t.m. alexander, “the best of times and the worst of times,” university of pennsylvania law alumni journal (spring, ): . mossell, “the standard of living among hundred negro migrant families in philadelphia,” . ibid., . demands of world war i. with little new housing available, the migrants were packed into every available space in existing african american neighborhoods. the high demand for housing also led to a dramatic increase in rents that affected both african americans and whites throughout philadelphia. not surprisingly, the conditions also stoked racial animosity as african americans and whites increasingly competed for limited housing resources and faced the prospect of stiff rent increases or even eviction. the tension boiled over in numerous skirmishes and culminated in a four-day riot in the summer of that left four people dead and destroyed the homes of dozens of african americans. as the tremendous growth in the black population strained relations with the white community and created a housing crisis, members of the well-established african american community, also referred to as old philadelphians or o.p.’s, often reacted with scorn and resentment towards the migrants. to the old philadelphians, the migrants were the direct cause of the emerging problems, as opposed to possible structural or racist explanations, that threatened their hard-earned standing in philadelphia. as mossell, herself a member of the african american elite as her father was the first black to graduate from the university of pennsylvania law school, stated: “certainly none of us can deny that the migration retarded the steady march of progress of the colored people in philadelphia.” the tensions were also a reflection of class and cultural differences between the migrants and the old hardy, race and opportunity, . ibid., . see vincent p franklin, “the philadelphia race riot of ,” the pennsylvania magazine of history and biography (jul., ), - . mossell, “the standard of living among hundred negro migrant families in philadelphia,” . philadelphians. such differences were harshly apparent in some of mossell’s comments in her study: with few exceptions the migrants were untrained, often illiterate, and generally void of culture. on the other hand, there stood thousands of native negro population of philadelphia, who had attained a high economic, intellectual and moral status. they found suddenly thrown into their midst about forty thousand migrants, whose presence in such large numbers crushed and stagnated the progress of negro life. despite such tension, old philadelphians sought to assimilate the migrants and undertook efforts to address the housing problems that faced the migrants upon their arrival in philadelphia. leading the effort were the african american churches. to address the housing crisis, a number of african american ministers formed the interdenominational ministerial alliance in . the alliance implored their parishioners to make their homes available for lodgers and held meetings to discuss problems encountered by the migrants. church members were also involved in a number of other organizations that sought to assist the migrants and improve housing conditions, including: philadelphia housing association, the armstrong association, the commission on work among colored people, and the society for organizing. while such efforts provided temporary housing relief, the migrants also sought to address the problem on their own accord by purchasing their own homes. in this respect, the desire to achieve homeownership may have distinguished the migrants from their ibid. gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . ibid. northern brethren. isadore martin, a prominent african american real estate agent, recalled: it’s a funny thing, but in the south to own your own home was very important thing. in philadelphia it wasn’t. when i was young man – very nice people who lived in south philadelphia families – had been there for years. i thought they owned the house but they had been renting for twenty, thirty, forty years. and my father said many times that the native philadelphians would say “no. don’t you buy. the prices are too high.” and of course the prices went up about four times to what they were before. and they would hand the lease down from father to son. that is an actual fact…but many, they tried to discourage the newcomers from buying. but they bought anyway. they wanted to say, “this is mine.” nobody can say your rent is being raised or you have to move out. while the evidence to support is scant, as historian charles hardy explained, it was certainly ingrained in the folk history of the great migration that native philadelphians were renters and migrants were buyers. as african americans packed up their physical belongings and left behind the rural enclaves in the south, they also brought with them their culture, values, and dreams, including the desire to achieve homeownership. just as in the south, homeownership was more than a simple rational economic decision. it provided a spatial dimension from white racism that afforded african americans a space from which to wage the struggle for civil rights and equality. to african americans, homeownership meant economic security from exploitive white landlords. it also provided a secure environment to develop and preserve familial relationships. e. franklin frazier’s examination of african american family life in chicago, he concluded that “[n]othing showed so vividly as the progressive stabilization of hardy, race and opportunity, . negro family life…as the increase in homeownership for the successive areas.” equally important, homeownership also represented the epitome of the american dream, and blacks, by the millions, set their gaze on the urban cities of the north, including philadelphia, for the realization of that dream. as one survey conducted by the commonwealth of pennsylvania concluded: “nowhere is the desire for homeownership more pronounced than among negroes.” fletcher and utensie hillian were two such migrants that journeyed to philadelphia. when fletcher hillian found the first boil weevil on his two hundred acre cotton farm that he owned in south carolina, he knew it was time to leave the south. in , hillian left south carolina and moved to philadelphia where he obtained work as a laborer and, later as a janitor. the following year, fletcher returned to south carolina to marry his sweetheart, utensie, and together they moved to philadelphia. like fletcher, the importance of land ownership was undoubtedly instilled in utensie as she was reared on a -acre farm owned by her family. fletcher and utensie specifically chose to settle in philadelphia because they believed it afforded them the best opportunity to purchase a home. e. franklin frazier, the negro family in chicago (chicago, il: university of chicago press, ), - . commonwealth of pennsylvania, department of welfare, negro survey of pennsylvania (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), . hardy, race and opportunity, - . historian charles hardy conducted over eighty interviews of african american migrants as part of an oral history documentary for a philadelphia public radio station, entitled: “goin’ north: tales of the great migration.” fletcher and utensie hillian were interviewed by charles hardy on june , . in the mid- s, the hillians purchased a house in north philadelphia in an all- white, primarily irish neighborhood. in making the purchase, the hillians ignored the race of the residents and simply chose to purchase the house because they liked it. while the hillians did not experience any problems with their neighbors after they moved into their home, many whites promptly sold their homes and were replaced by african american families. as was often the case, six of utensie’s siblings subsequently followed her to philadelphia and, after initially living with them, purchased their own homes. the hillians had taken their “cultural baggage” of property ownership that was rooted in the experience of the south to philadelphia and were able to achieve homeownership. one of the reasons fletcher and utensie hillian chose philadelphia and were able to purchase a home was the structural fact that its housing stock was particularly well-suited for homeownership. between and , a tremendous burst of housing construction added mile after mile of single-family dwellings to the existing housing stock in philadelphia. one of the main reasons behind the construction boom were major changes in transportation with the advent of the electrified trolleys and, later the elevated train and subway. the new construction was dominated by rowhouses as entire blocks of such homes were built at one time, creating streetcar suburbs. typically, a rowhouse, also know as a “trinity” house, consisted of three levels – father-son-holy ghost - with one or two rooms per floor with low ceilings . the ubiquitous rowhouse resulted in housing stock hardy, race and opportunity, . theodore hershberg, et al., “a tale of three cities: blacks immigrants, and opportunity in philadelphia, - , , ,” in hershberg, ed., philadelphia, . that was dominated by single family dwellings, constituting over . percent of philadelphia’s , housing units. such high levels of single family dwellings was significantly higher than other cities such as detroit at . percent, pittsburgh at . percent, new york at . percent, and chicago at percent. as new construction resumed primarily in the northeast section of philadelphia and suburbs following the end of world war i, between and alone, , single family dwellings were built in philadelphia, of which were available for african americans. the white population demographic shift opened up new neighborhoods for african americans to purchase homes. another factor encouraging homeownership was cost as the housing stock remained relatively affordable, particularly in relationship to escalating rents. according to bernard j. newman, managing director of the philadelphia housing association, in to , homes sold in the range from $ , to $ , and by the late ’s homes were selling in the range of $ , to $ , . he explained that in the late ’s, the cheapest low-cost houses in philadelphia were marketed for $ , . as of , the median value of a home owned by an african american in was $ , in comparison to $ , in carolyn adams et al., philadelphia: neighborhoods, division, and conflict in a postindustrial city (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . hardy, race and opportunity, . ibid. woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . ernest t. trigg, et al., home ownership, income, and types of dwellings: reports of the committees on home ownership and leasing, relationship of income and the home, types of dwelling (washington d.c.: national capital press, inc., ), . chicago, $ , in detroit, and $ , in new york. in contrast, by , the average african american dwelling in philadelphia was renting for $ . a week for a monthly gross of $ . for the owner of the property. even with a net return of $ per month, a single year of rental income most likely exceeded the total worth of dwelling. despite the increase in selling prices in philadelphia during the great migration, home prices were still a relatively bargain. the average black household earned $ , annually. a federal study of african american housing in indicated that an annual income of $ , was necessary to buy and maintain home. in short, the housing stock of philadelphia was dominated by plentiful singly family dwellings consisting overwhelmingly of row houses that were relatively inexpensive and were affordable to the average african american household. the combination of these factors made the dream of homeownership a decidedly reasonable objective for both whites and blacks. “the single family rowhouse,” according to charles hardy “was by far the best thing that philadelphia had to offer to the southern migrants. but it, too, cost dearly.” obviously, the easiest way to enter to ranks of ownership was to simply purchase a home for cash. as the migrants left the south, those who owned property, such as the fletcher hillian, were able to sell their land and start their journey with nest egg of hardy, race and opportunity, . woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . hardy, race and opportunity, . charles johnson, negro housing: report of the committee on negro housing (washington d.c.: national capital press, inc., ), . hardy, race and opportunity, . accessible cash. as bernard j. newman, managing director of the philadelphia housing association, explained in , “[m]any of the negro migrants brought considerable sum of money with them and looked for an immediate investment. they were also influenced by the high rents which they must pay which made housing buying very attractive.” newman cited one example of an african american who sold his property in the south for $ , and moved to philadelphia. upon his arrival, he immediately spent $ , to purchase a home. in april , the survey reported that some migrants were arriving in philadelphia with $ to $ , in proceeds from the sale of their homes in the south and were using the money as a down payment for the purchase of a home. it is certainly clear that some african americans, such as the hillians, were able to transfer the wealth equity accumulated through property ownership in the south to effectuate the immediate the purchase of a home in the north. most often, however, blacks did not have sufficient cash reserves to buy a house outright. just as in the south, african americans frequently cobbled together multiple income sources to save enough money for a down payment to purchase a home. it often required two or more wage earners in a family or a group of relatives agreeing to live together to generate the income to afford the house payments. another way to generate income to pay for the purchase of a home was by taking in lodgers. according to housing records from the philadelphia housing association, approximately percent woffter, negro housing in philadelphia, . ibid., . ibid., . of african americans who owned their homes took in lodgers to assist in making their payments. a small number of african americans such as business and professional men earned sufficient income to buy and maintain good homes. even with such herculean efforts, african americans required some type of financing to purchase a home. financing and credit discrimination in order to enter the ranks of homeownership in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, perspective purchasers, african american and white, often required some type of credit to finance the purchase transaction. according to the census, percent of homes in the united states had a mortgage with an average debt of $ , . this need for credit in home buying, as one journalist commented in , presented “a most interesting problem in practical finance.” the problem, in part, was the product of the national banking act which prohibited national banks from providing long-term, amortized mortgages for real estate. as a consequence, there developed a diversity of methods for financing the purchase of a home. both blacks and whites utilized one of three outlets to finance the purchase: a private individual, a savings bank, or a building and loan association. ibid., . lendol calder, financing the american dream: a cultural history of consumer credit (princeton, nj: princeton university press, ), . ibid., - . ibid., . johnson, negro housing, . first, one of the most common methods available for african americans to finance a home purchase was the installment or land contract also know as the “pay like rent” plan. under such a contract, the owner of the property sold the property to a buyer at an agreed upon price and the purchase was financed through a series of monthly installment payments to the original owner. the contract was subject to predatory and exploitative abuse in a number of ways. first, the buyer often did not gain title to the property until the last installment payment was made. second, the installment contract acted to prevent the buyer from gaining any equity in the property over the course of the agreement term. such a contractual arrangement could be utilized in a predatory manner because if the buyer missed a single payment, the seller could take back the property without foreclosure proceedings, and the buyer would lose not only the property but all payments previously made on the contract. third, usury laws and mortgage interest rate ceilings did not apply, since the installment contract was a private contract between the parties, a seller could charge any interest rate that the buyer was willing to pay. fourth, the buyer could be kept ignorant of the actual value of the property since appraisals were not necessary to finance the transaction. thus, it was possible to have great disparities between the fair market value and the sales price which further facilitated exorbitant pricing practices and other predatory practices. finally, it was possible for the seller to place additional mortgages on the calvin bradford, “financing home ownership: the federal role in neighborhood decline,” urban affairs quarterly ( ): . ibid. ibid. property after the buyer had started making payments and without his knowledge. as t.j. woofter, jr. summarized the inherent dangers of such financing in his study: selling under contract-lease is highly speculative, and is carried on through active advertising and soliciting campaigns in which glowing promises are made. buyers are tempted to undertake a burden of payments extending over from ten to fifteen years, with constant danger of loss through violation of clauses in the lease contract, or through default. the story of ossian and gladys sweet provides an example of the operation of an installment contract. in may , ossian sweet, a black dentist, and his wife, gladys, after months of searching, found an attractive house they wanted to purchase in a white neighborhood in detroit. the standard selling price in the neighborhood for such a house was $ , to $ , . realizing that the sweets’ purchase options were limited due to the racially segregated housing market in detroit, ed and marie smith, the properties’ owners, increased their asking price for the sweets to $ , . since the sweets’ had three previous offers rejected by sellers in white neighborhoods, they decided to accept the smith’s sales price. the sweets agreed to a down payment of percent of the purchase price. since the sweets’ were unlikely to obtain a bank loan, the smiths financed the transaction with an installment contract. under the terms of the contract, the sweets were to pay monthly installments of $ . . the smiths would retain title to the house until the final payment was made in . during the course of the ten-year contract, the sweets johnson, negro housing, . t.j. woffter, jr., negro problems in cities (new york: doubleday, doran & company, ), . kevin boyle, arc of justice: a saga of race, civil rights, and murder in the jazz age (new york: henry holt and company, ), - . were to pay the smiths an extraordinary interest rate of percent on the balance. on june , , the sweets paid $ , as a down payment and signed the contract, moving in on august . while the sweets’ experience occurred in detroit as opposed to philadelphia, it was hardly unusual as installment contracts continued to be one of the principal financing mechanisms for african americans throughout the untied states seeking to achieve homeownership. overall, in , of the african american homeowners with outstanding first mortgages, . percent of the mortgages were held by individuals. in philadelphia, . percent of mortgages were held by individuals suggesting that financing by private individuals was relatively wide spread in philadelphia. as a result, the use of the installment contracts to achieve homeownership often culminated in blacks being charged high interest rates to purchase homes at inflated prices. the second possible vehicle for achieving homeownership for african americans as well as whites was a mortgage loan from a traditional bank. however, obtaining a loan from a bank required a large down payment, often one half or more of the purchase price. one study of twenty-two cities during the time period from to concluded that the average down payment ranged from one-half to two-thirds of the total purchase ibid. robert c. weaver, the negro ghetto (new york: harcourt, brace and company, ), . kristen b. crossney and david w. bartelt, “residential security, risk, and race: the home owners’ loan corporation and mortgage access in two cities,” urban geography ( ): . thomas schlereth, victorian american: transformations in everyday life, - (new york: harpercollins publisher, ), - price. typically, the remaining amount of the purchase price was raised through a mortgage at an interest rate of six percent for a usual period of five years. such mortgages were termed “straight” mortgages, meaning that the borrower was required to make interest payments for the duration of the loan and pay the principal in a lump sum at the end of the loan term. “straight” mortgages often required repeated refinancing at the conclusion of the loan term when the balance of the principal came due. further complicating the transaction, fluctuating market conditions could render obtaining a refinance difficult if the economy took a downturn. in an effort to obtain funds for the large required down payment on a home purchase, borrowers frequently had to take out second mortgages to cover the difference between the purchase price and first mortgage. the second mortgages were often offered at interest rates on average twice the rate as those offered on first mortgages with fees as much as percent of the loan amount. such loans also usually matured within one to three years with additional fees accessed upon renewal. nor was it unusual for borrowers to have to masnick, “home ownership trends and racial inequality in the united states in the th century,” . ibid., . calder, financing the american dream, - . boyle, arc of justice, . david l. mason, from building and loans to bail-outs: a history of the american savings and loan industry, - (new york: cambridge university press, ), . take an additional third mortgage to cover the fees and costs of the mortgages as well as to make first payments of the mortgage. while whites encountered the same financial system when attempting to purchase a home, blacks faced at least two additional discriminatory barriers from savings banks. initially, some savings banks simply refused to make loans to african americans. the philadelphia tribune frequently reported that white banks refused to make loans to african americans. raymond pace alexander, a prominent african american lawyer, advocated a boycott of white banking institutions due to the treatment accorded african americans, noting it was “such a discourteous nature as to be attributed to prejudice and racial hatred.” alexander explained: there are many negroes who deposit large sums of money every year in the girard trust company, and yet if a colored man owned city hall he would be unable to get a first mortgage on it at this bank. they absolutely refuse to lend money, in any manner to negroes…there are numerous other banks in the city that are equally undesirous of having negro depositors. likewise, the chicago commission on race relations in the aftermath of the race riot concluded that blacks faced major barriers in their efforts to secure “four negro insurance firms handle millions annually in phila.,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “negro should patronize his race projects,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. mortgages as some lenders completely avoided areas populated by african americans. the failure to obtain a mortgage for a home purchase often had severe financial repercussions for african americans. according to joseph f. trent, an african american builder and contractor, “[i]n general, old houses are sold to negroes higher than the market value partly because of the difficulty of financing. many families put up deposit of money, then find they cannot finance the purchase, and lose their deposit.” likewise, in a full- page advertisement in the philadelphia tribune, citizens and southern bank and trust company, a black owned and operated institution, elaborated on the problem: every day people come to our office who have spent money in real estate. many have dealt with irresponsible people. they have put down deposits of $ to $ , with men who promised them mortgages and when the time comes, they cannot produce the mortgages and the poor purchasers lose their money or at least are put to a double or treble expense. when savings banks did make mortgage loans to african americans, the terms and conditions were often onerous and significantly different than those offered to whites. a study in chicago in the s found that whites were able to obtain first mortgages at interest rates ranging from to percent with additional fees consisting of to percent of the total loan amount. in contrast, blacks usually paid interest rates of percent, the chicago commission on race relations, the negro in chicago: a study of race relations and a race riot (chicago, il: the university of chicago press, ), . woffter, negro housing in philadelphia, . “the citizens’ and southern banking company: a business achievement, makes good because of public confidence,” philadelphia tribune, february , . woffter, negro problems in cities, . maximum legal rate in pennsylvania, with fees ranging from to percent. when the term of the first mortgage expired and the balloon payment came due, the renewed mortgage amount was often reduced and the properties were appraised for a significantly less than upon purchase. under such conditions, it was extremely difficult to renew the original first mortgage. african americans also frequently had to resort to second and even third mortgages to complete the home purchase. according to thomas woofter, in the ’s, blacks in the north were charged interest rates as high as percent for second mortgages and certainly no less than percent. he also explained that second mortgages were “still difficult” to obtain and “will continue to be until the tenacity of colored families in paying out for their homes is generally recognized, and until the secondary mortgage field is more highly developed.” it was with third mortgages “that the buying of a home is often wrecked.” third mortgage loans were advertised at an interest rate of percent plus a service charge fee. while the interest rate was modest, the fee varied depending on the need of the borrower and certainly could be subject to exploitative practices. in philadelphia, george mitchell, a prominent african american lawyer who served as a solicitor to a number of building and loan associations, explained the function and cost of third mortgages: ibid. ibid., - . ibid. woffter, jr., negro housing in philadelphia, . third mortgages are rather common, and while they carry a high rate of premium, are often necessary. for instance, if a prospective home buyer has one thousand dollars to put down, nearly two hundred will be taken in brokerage, search of title, payment of taxes, insurance and other items which must be paid before he gets his loan. his cash may be reduced until he is short on his first payment . . . a third small mortgage is necessary to cover first expenses and keep the cash payment intact . . . . there is great difficulty in getting this third mortgage money at reasonable prices, and when a man gets into difficulties and must have it, he often pays outrageous rates. while some savings banks were undoubtedly dealing fairly with african americans, “a considerable proportion of mortgage money comes from lenders who ask for excessive rates, have no hesitancy in foreclosing, and who make a new profit from every resale of property or renewal of mortgage.” based upon such obstacles, african americans rarely were able to obtain loans from traditional savings banks. overall, in , of the african american homeowners with outstanding first mortgages, only . percent of the mortgages were held by savings banks. a more promising method of financing emerged with the development of the building and loan movement. originally founded in philadelphia in , the rapid rise and expansion of building and loan associations provided persons with low to moderate incomes a promising third alternative financing option to achieve homeownership. also known as thrifts, the primary purposes of the building and loan association, as explained by edward wrigley in his classic book, the working-man’s way to wealth, was to provide mortgage loans, instill habits of systemic savings, and encourage mutual cooperation among the association’s ibid., - . woofter, jr., negro problems in cities, - . weaver, the negro ghetto, . calder, financing the american dream, . members. the building and loan “movement” was also embraced by the social reformers of the progressive era that viewed homeownership as an effective way to address many of the ills of the urban environment and improve the morals and character of its members. by , there were over nine hundred building and loans in philadelphia and, overall, by , there were nearly six thousand building and loan associations throughout the united states, holding five hundred million dollars in mortgage loans. (table . total number of thrifts and assets in the united states, - ). a federal study of building and loan associations conducted in revealed that they served their intended market as . percent of all members were laborers and factory workers, . percent were housewives and housekeepers, and . percent were artisans and mechanics. in , building and loan associations financed mortgage loans for , homes; the number increased to , in , and , in . in short, building and loan associations provided a reasonable financing method for many americans to join the ranks of homeowners for the first time. edmund wrigley, the working-man’s way to wealth, d ed. (philadelphia, pa: j.k. simon, ), - . mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, - . calder, financing the american dream, ; mason, from building and loans to bail-outs . mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . schlereth, victorian american, . table . total number of thrifts and assets in the united states, - year no. of b&l assets ( ) , $ , , $ , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , , $ , , source: josephine hedges ewalt, a business reborn: the savings and loan story, - (chicago: american savings and loan institute publishing, co., ), . to achieve its objective of creating homeownership for its members, the building and loan associations established a process whereby a perspective home buyer invested his savings by purchasing shares in the thrift. eventually, the buyer could borrow against his shares in order to finance the home at a low interest rate, usually percent. the borrower then made monthly payments on the interest and the shares. the significance of loans provided by building and loan associations was that they provided for fully amortized repayment; in other words, at the conclusion of the loan term, the borrower had paid off both the interest and principal and owned the home free and clear of any debt. calder, financing the american dream, . ibid. ibid. during the roaring twenties, the building and loan movement reached new heights of success, originating percent of all mortgages in the united states by . as of , philadelphia was the center of the movement with , building and loan associations or percent of the nation’s total. the philadelphia’ associations had assets of nearly $ million and , , members, both constituting percent of the nation’s total. part of the movement’s growth was attributable to several innovations that simplified the mortgage process for borrowers. first, the average length of the mortgage term increased from eight to twelve years from to thereby reducing the monthly payment obligation and making the mortgage more affordable over a longer period of time. second, building and loan associations established escrow accounts to assist borrowers in paying property taxes and insurance due on the home. third, the thrifts starting using credit reports and credit scoring analysis to measure risk and assign an appropriate interest rate for a loan. the cumulative effect of such changes made it easier for a borrower to qualify for a mortgage. even with the improvements in the mortgage loan process, borrowers were still often required to take out a second mortgage to cover part of the down payment. while most states prohibited building and loan associations from making second mortgages, in philadelphia a special type of home financing for second mortgages emerged know as “the mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . william n. loucks, the philadelphia plan of home financing: a study of the second mortgage lending of philadelphia building and loan associations (chicago: the institute for research in land economics and public utilities, ), . mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, philadelphia plan.” under the plan, after selecting a home to purchase, the borrower made a down payment of percent of the purchase price. next, the borrower obtained a straight, first mortgage, with a term of three to five years requiring only interest payments, from a bank, insurance company or private lender for percent of the purchase price. finally, the borrower obtained an amortizing, second mortgage from a building and loan association for the remaining percent that was paid in monthly installments over approximately eleven years. the borrower proceeded to only make interest payments on the first mortgage and renewed it when it came due. the factor that made the plan unique was that most financial institutions would not make a second mortgage that was junior to a first mortgage held by a different financial institution. the philadelphia plan had a number of benefits that aided the borrower in purchasing a home. first, the borrower accrued equity in the property as he paid the second mortgage since it was an amortizing loan. second, second mortgages were much more affordable under the plan. the total cost, including all the applicable fees and commission, to the borrower for the second mortgage under the plan ranged from . percent to . percent with most borrowers paying closer to the lower rate. in comparison, for example, in chicago, the cost of second mortgages ranged from percent to percent and in pittsburgh, percent was not uncommon. as scholar william n. loucks, summarized: “the maximum cost experienced by any important group of borrowers in philadelphia is the loucks, the philadelphia plan of home financing, . in only pennsylvania and eleven other states was it legal for building and loan association to make second mortgages when it did not hold the first mortgage. even when it was legal, most of the states discouraged or even prohibited the practice. outside of philadelphia and baltimore, the practice was virtually unused (ibid., ). ibid., minimum cost experienced by any important group of borrowers elsewhere.” third, since the term of second mortgages was one to three years, they needed to be renewed frequently and it was often expensive to renew a straight, second mortgage. the plan eliminated such a requirement since the loan was for a long-term, amortizing loan. the widespread use of the plan in philadelphia was certainly a contributing factor to the high rate of homeownership in the “city of homes.” race and homeownership african americans were not the only ones to bring the “cultural baggage” of homeownership to the north. the commencement of the great migration came at the heels of a period of tremendous immigration into the united states, primarily from southern and eastern europe. between and , over fourteen million immigrants entered the united states. the irish, italian, slavic, and other immigrants demonstrated an “ardent ambition” to own a home that even surpassed that of middle class native white americans. the desire to buy a home was so strong that social service workers worried that immigrants would “starve their families” in order to save the money necessary for the ibid., . ibid. howard zinn, a people’s history of the united states, -present, new ed. (new york: harpercollins, ), . arnold hirsch, making the ghetto: race and housing in chicago, - (cambridge, ma: cambridge university press, ), - . purchase. european immigrants, like blacks, recognized that homeownership represented economic security against eviction, joblessness, and protection from any other cruel whim of the free market. the desire for land was also rooted in the immigrant’s experiences in europe and represented a “transfiguration of the ancient peasant land hunger.” more importantly, david roediger also argued that homeownership was a central component in the process whereby new immigrant groups assimilated into united states culture by developing their sense of “whiteness.” immigrants also were remarkably successful in making the dream of homeownership a reality. in oliver zunz’s study of detroit, he determined that . percent david roediger, working toward whiteness: how america’s immigrants became white, the strange journey from ellis island to the suburbs (new york: basic books, ), . hirsch, making the ghetto, . roediger, working toward whiteness, . recent scholarship has witnessed the emergence of “whiteness” studies that have sought to examine the social construction of white racial identity. such studies have examined the historical development of whiteness as a tool of the ruling classes designed to control the european proletarian immigrants. see generally david roediger, the wages of whiteness: race and the american working class (new york: verso, ); theodore allen, the invention of the white race: the origin of racial oppression in anglo america (new york: verso, ); noel ignatiev, how the irish became white (new york: routledge, ); george lipsitz, the possessive investment in whiteness: how white people profit from identity politics (philadelphia, pa: temple university press, ); matthew jacobson, whiteness of a different color: european immigrants and the alchemy of race (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ); ian f. haney lopez, white by law: the legal construction of race (new york: new york university press ); richard delgado & jean stefancic, critical white studies: looking behind the mirror (philadelphia, pa: temple university press, ). more recently historical scholarship has provided a critical review of the “whiteness” studies. see peter kolchin, “whiteness studies: the new history of race in america,” journal of american history (june, ): - . of germans and . percent of irish owned their homes. also, he found that in no “polish block” in detroit had a homeownership rate of less than percent, and in some areas as many as percent of heads of households owned a home. likewise, a works progress administration study of chicago in found that . percent of foreign-born whites owned their homes in contrast to . percent of the native-born whites. the same study concluded that nearly percent of lithuanians and poles as well as approximately percent of italians achieved homeownership. nor were such homeownership rates limited to major united states cities. indeed, in smaller cities, immigrants made similar striking gains in entering the ranks of homeownership. by , percent of polish immigrants had become home owners in toledo, ohio. likewise, in johnstown, pennsylvania, in , percent of croatian males, five percent of slovaks, and four percent of slovenes could claim homeownership. just forty years later, the number of homeowners had drastically increased, rising to oliver zunz, the changing face of inequality: urbanization, industrial development, and immigrants in detroit, - (chicago, il: university of chicago press, ), table . . ibid., . roediger, working toward whiteness, . ibid. ewa morawska, for bread with butter: the life-worlds of east central europeans in johnstown, pennsylvania, - (new york: cambridge university press, ), . roediger, working toward whiteness, . percent among croatians, percent among slovaks, and percent among slovenes. in most united states urban areas, the rates of homeownership increased dramatically, with some areas, such as baltimore, omaha, cincinnati, and philadelphia, witnessing a percent increase. while it was certainly difficult, homeownership was a realistic possibility for both native born and immigrant whites. according to stephan thernstorm’s study of social mobility, “real estate was strikingly available to working class men who remained in newburyport for any length of time” with home ownership rates ranging from to percent. at the turn of the twentieth-century, according to the united states census, the overall rate of homeownership in the united states was . percent. the overall rate dropped slightly to . percent in and remained at that level in . in philadelphia, the overall rate was , the highest of any major urban area in the north. despite the financing innovations and migration patterns of african americans, the first decades of the twentieth century, witnessed a continuation of the substantial racial homeownership gap in the untied states. a racial breakdown of the rates reveals that the white homeownership rate in was . percent in contrast to the black rate of . percent for an overall race gap of . percent. (see table . homeownership trends by ibid. schlereth, victorian america, . stephan thernstrom, poverty and progress: social mobility in a nineteenth century city (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ). masnick, homeownership trends and racial inequality in the united states in the th century, race, - ). thirty years later, the black rate had only increased to . percent and the gap had only decreased by slightly over percent. in contrast, during the twenty-year period from - , the african american homeownership rate in philadelphia tripled from . percent to . percent. woofter noted that one area of central north philadelphia had hardly existed in but by had over , black families, with a homeownership rate of . percent. according to isadore martin, an african american realtor, middle class blacks viewed west philadelphia as “the place” to buy homes. he explained that: “west philadelphia was a garden spot and it was the newest part of the city and was considered a desirable place to live . . . . if you moved to west philadelphia you would have a porch, very often a front yard, and a back yard and perhaps, a side yard.” as of , blacks had twenty million dollars invested in home in philadelphia. the rate of african american homeownership in philadelphia was also substantially higher than other major urban cities in the north, both in terms of absolute numbers of homeowners and percentage of homeowner. (see table . african american homeownership in five major cities, and table . african american homeownership in three major cities, - ). the story of arthur dingle speaks to the migrant experience and african american homeownership in philadelphia. woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . hardy, race and opportunity, . ibid. commonwealth of pennsylvania, negro survey, . table . homeownership trends by race - census total white black (n/w) racial gap . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % . % source: masnick, homeownership trends and racial inequality in the united states in the th century, . table . african american homeownership in five major cities, city total homes total owned percent owned new york , , . % chicago , , . % philadelphia , , . % baltimore , , . % detroit , , . % source: charles e. hall, negroes in the united states, - (washington d.c.: ; reprinted new york: arno press, ), . table . african american homeownership in three major cities, - city new york . % . % . % chicago . % . % . % philadelphia . % . % . % source: charles e. hall, negroes in the united states, - (washington d.c.: ; reprinted new york: arno press, ), . arthur dingle was born in july in manning, south carolina. after working at a number of hotels up and down the east coast, dingle was drafted into the united states army during world war i. in april , dingle’s unit, nd division, th colored infantry was shipped to northern france to fight the germans. dingle’s commander, a tuskegee man, told him and the rest of his soldiers to “buy land…you must own property to be anything.” after the war, in , dingle returned to philadelphia and worked as a waiter. he settled in west philadelphia and, a year later, heeding the advice of this commander, bought a house in a mostly white neighborhood in the area at a sheriff sale for $ , . dingle financed the purchase with a first mortgage loan and a second mortgage loan in the amount of $ , , both obtained from franklin trust company. after he had paid down the second mortgage to $ , dingle attempted to pay off the remaining balance of high cost second mortgage. franklin trust company informed him that he could not pay off the second mortgage until the first mortgage was paid off. such a practice had the effect of locking dingle into the high-cost second mortgage for an extended period of time and, thereby, increased the cost of his mortgages. in , dingle and thousands of other world war i veterans received a bonus for their military service. dingle promptly used his bonus money to pay the outstanding balance of $ of his first mortgage and $ on the second mortgages. after fifteen years of making payments on two mortgages, dingle finally owned his own free and clear. t.j. woofter, jr., study of african americans in , noted that african americans were starting to use “their own financial institutions with greater confidence, both for depositing and for borrowing, as correct banking methods are established and the number of failures decreases.” woofter noted that while african american financial institutions were not yet able to cover all of the mortgages demands of the african american community, the financial resources of such institutions were commencing to influence loans in a positive manner. nowhere was the development of african american institutions more pronounced than in philadelphia where a large number of banks and building and loan associations for providing mortgage loans for the purchase of homes. hardy, race and opportunity, - . arthur dingle was interviewed by charles hardy on june , and july , . woofter, negro problems in cities, . ibid., . chapter african american banks in philadelphia, to in march , in a desperate attempt to keep the freedman’s savings and trust company solvent, officials elected the legendary abolitionist and foremost african american leader of the era, frederick douglass, as president of the institution. just months into his tenure, after reviewing the bank’s financials, douglass understood, in his words, he was “married to a corpse” and recommended that the institution be closed. on june , , the freedman’s savings bank, the first financial institution many african americans had ever known, and had accounts with, was closed. the dramatic collapse of the freedman’s bank in left an indelible mark, both financially and psychologically, on the african american community. throughout the south, thousands of ex-slaves lost their meager savings that they had deposited in the financial institution, often with the hope of eventually saving enough to purchase land or a home. nor was the impact of the collapse limited to the south as the freedman’s bank had a number of branches in the north, including one in philadelphia. w.e.b. du bois, in slightly embellished language, commented on the overall impact of the disaster: “not even ten additional years of slavery could not have done so much to throttle the thrift of the freedmen as the mismanagement and bankruptcy of the abby l. gilbert, “the comptroller of currency and the freedman’s savings bank,” journal of negro history (april ): - . hardy, race and opportunity, . the freedman’s bank branch in philadelphia opened in and william whipper served as cashier. whipper was a wealthy african american merchant who was active in the abolition movement prior to the civil war (ibid). series of savings banks chartered by the nation for their special aid.” in a rare instance of agreement, booker t. washington largely concurred with du bois’ opinion, explaining that the failure of the freedman’s bank caused enormous discouragement amongst african americans. it would be years before african americans again came to have confidence in banks. yet out the ashes of the financial carnage, african americans would again return to financial institutions. to many african americans, fredrick douglass correctly surmised the primary problem of the freedman’s bank, noting that it was the black man’s cow but the white man’s milk. douglass recognized that the leadership and management of the bank had been largely entrusted to white officials who in turn engaged in reckless speculative investments with money from the african american community. to avoid such a problem in the future, african americans strove to create indigenous financial institutions that would facilitate the development of capital and credit for the black community. such capital and credit was increasingly necessary not only to meet the financial needs of african americans but also due to the general policy of white banks to discourage the deposit business of african americans. furthermore, w.e.b. du bois, the souls of black folk (new york: bantam books, ), . booker t. washington, the negro in business (new york: hertel, jenkins & co., ), . fredrick douglas to gerrit smith, july , , smith manuscripts, syracuse university library, cited in carl r. osthaus, freedmen, philanthropy, and fraud: a history of the freedman’s savings bank (chicago: university of illinois press, ), . abram harris, the negro as capitalist: a study of banking and business among american negroes (new york: negro universities press, ), . even if white banks were willing to provide credit to african americans, they did so at interest rates that were higher than the prevailing rate. the creation of indigenous financial institutions was spearheaded by leaders who were the epitome of w.e.b. du bois “talented tenth,” consisting of lawyers, politicians, and educators. while such leaders came from varying ideological perspectives ranging from the accomodationist approach of booker t. washington to the civil rights agitation approach of du bois and william monroe trotter, each was a passionate advocate for racial advancement. while they had disagreements upon the strategic approach, each was in tactical agreement regarding the importance of economic development through indigenous institutions, such as banks, as a liberating pedagogy to white oppression. the founders of the “race banks” viewed such institutions as essential for the economic development of african americans through the provision of capital for business development and mortgages for home ownership. each viewed the “race banks,” not as a simple business endeavor, but rather as an essential element of their overall civil rights ideology. fourteen years after the collapse of the freedman’s bank, the grand fountain of the united order of true reformers, a black fraternal order founded by william w. browne, a charismatic, ex-slave from georgia, sought to establish a branch in massingford, virginia. the new branch raised nearly one hundred dollars in ibid., . ann field alexander, race man: the rise and fall of the “fighting editor,” john mitchell, jr. (charlottesville, va: university of virginia press, ), - . john mitchell, jr., born a slave, edited and published the richmond planet for forty-five years. membership fees and placed the funds in the safe of a local white merchant. alarmed by the large amount of money raised by a group of african americans, the merchant promptly warned the white community, already in an aroused state due to a recent lynching in the area, of the danger of allowing african americans to organize in such a manner. browne, recognizing the potential explosive nature of the situation, went to massingford to ease the tension and resolve the problem. upon his arrival, w. e. grant, who was instrumental in organizing the local branch, suggested to browne that the fraternal order should establish a bank. he explained his rationale: “if we had a bank of our own, the white people would not have any information about our [organizational] activities.” after some deliberation, browne agreed with grant’s suggestion and, on march , , the general assembly of virginia surprisingly authorized a charter for the savings bank of the grand fountain united order of true reformers. it was the first charter issued to a financial institution controlled by african americans. according to booker t. washington, many members of the general assembly “voted for it out of a spirit of fun, never expecting to see a real negro bank in operation in virginia.” to the consternation of such members, on april , , the bank opened its doors for business he also founded the mechanics’ savings bank in in richmond and guided it until its collapse in . ibid., - . arnett g. lindsay, “the negro in banking,” the journal of negro history (apr. ): . ibid. ibid. washington, the negro in business, . in richmond and promptly received $ , in deposits. the bank was an immediate successful and by had deposits exceeding one million dollars, earning it the name of the “gibraltar of negro business.” in , the general assembly of virginia established a state banking department to provide strict oversight to banks and perform on-site examinations. the new department, headed by charles barksdale, rapidly determined that a number of virginia’s banks were in dire financial positions. in just six months, he closed four of the eleven african american banks in virginia, including the savings bank of the true reformers. the sudden closure shocked the black community and became know as “the downfall of africa.” according to the receiver, the bank had invested in a series of expense, ill- concieved projects and its officers were incompetent. the result was the savings of hundreds of families, churches, and fraternal organizations were wiped out by the collapse. while the savings bank of the grand fountain was the first to receive a charter, the first african american owned and operated bank was the capital savings bank in washington d.c. it opened for business on october , , for the purpose of providing loans to african american businesses’ otherwise denied credit by white lindsay, “the negro in banking,” - . alexander, race man, . ibid., - . financial institutions. the bank also was designed to serve a broad range of other needs in the african american community, as the bank explained: there was need also of an institution for savings that would reach the poorer classes of colored people, teach them the importance of being industrious, of seeking steady employment, of saving their money and getting homes, giving them an opportunity to pay for their homes in small installments, and teach the importance of fostering and building up strong business interests among ourselves. the bank was an unincorporated joint stock company with an authorized capital stock of $ , divided into five hundred shares with a par value of $ per share. at the time of its opening, approximately $ , of the available capital stock had been subscribed to by the public. the bank welcomed deposits for as little as ten cents and paid interest on all accounts over five dollars. after a successful marketing campaign through advertisements in the washington bee, an african american newspaper, the bank reported deposits of $ , in its first year of operation. by , the deposits had increased to $ , . in its first few years, the bank was profitable and paid large dividends to its shareholders. m. sammye miller, “an early venture in black capitalism: the capital savings bank in the district of columbia, - ,” records of the columbia historical society ( ): . harris, the negro as capitalist, - . miller, “an early venture in black capitalism,” . ibid., - . at its inception, the bank was led by john roy lynch, a former slave born in at vidalia, louisiana. he was later sold, with his mother, to a plantation in natchez, mississippi. with the arrival of the union army in , lynch obtained his freedom and received an education at a local missionary school. after becoming active in republican politics, he was appointed by adlelbert ames, military governor of mississippi, as justice of the peace. subsequently, he was elected to the mississippi legislature and, at age , became speaker of the state house of representatives. the following year, he was elected to united states house of representatives where he served a total of three terms. during his career in congress, lynch played a significant role in the passage of the civil rights bill of that banned discrimination in public accommodations and transportation. he also introduced legislation calling upon the united states to reimburse the depositors of the freedman’s bank who lost their money in its collapse. at the conclusion of his political career, lynch commenced the practice of law in mississippi and opened a law office and the capital savings bank in washington d.c. the bank survived the crippling economic crisis, known as the panic of , but by the turn of the century it was in imminent danger of collapse. by then, it had over fourteen hundred account holders but its deposits had declined to $ , . in november , the bank refused to honor checks drawn on its accounts and, a short time later, was phillip dray, capital men: the epic story of reconstruction through the lives of the first black congressmen (new york: houghton mifflin company, ), . miller, “an early venture in black capitalism,” - . placed in receivership, concluding its affairs in . the failure of the bank was largely attributable to the illiquidity of unprofitable commercial loans and misappropriation of funds by several of the bank’s officers and directors. after the establishment of these institutions, african american banks, as e. franklin fraizer would later comment, “sprang up like mushrooms but died almost as rapidly as they were organized.” during the time period from through , no less than banks were founded by african americans, including several in the city of philadelphia. hailed around the country, the first northern colored cooperative banking association, the first african american bank in pennsylvania and the only such bank in the north at the time, was chartered on july , . the bank, located on south th street, in the heart of the black community at the time, was operated on a cooperative plan as an auxiliary of the united aid and beneficial league of america, a black insurance and benefit society. the bank had an authorized capital of $ , in shares at two dollars each. on its first day of business, the bank received thirty depositors with receipts in the amount of $ . ; later that evening it hosted a reception ibid. e. franklin fraizer, black bourgeoisie (glencoe, il: the free press, ), . armand j. thieblot, jr. & linda pickthorne fletcher, negro employment in finance: a study of racial policies in banking and insurance (philadelphia, pa: university of pennsylvania press, ), harris, the negro as capitalist, “an afro-american bank opens up,” baltimore afro american, september , . attended by persons. the bank was headed by john clinton, jr., a young man in his early thirties, who “preached the gospel of economic salvation through the establishment of financial and commercial organizations.” clinton’s philosophy was reflected in the bank’s effort to appeal to the african american community was reflected in its motto: “ours is best, because it’s ours.” just months later after such a grand beginning, however, the bank collapsed due to the poor management of its board of directors. fortunately, the depositors were returned their money and the shareholders capital was also returned in full. five years later, the people’s savings bank of philadelphia was chartered by former congressman george h. white. born a slave in rosindale, north carolina in , white graduated from howard university and was later admitted to practice law in north carolina. after working as an educator, white entered politics serving in the north carolina house of representatives and later as the solicitor for the second judicial ibid. samuel reading, “better business: news & comments from the world of trade & commerce,” philadelphia tribune, august . “an afro-american bank opens up,” baltimore afro american, september , . “first colored bank north,” baltimore afro american, january , . harris, the negro as capitalist, . george w. reid, “the post-congressional career of george h. white,” the journal of negro history (oct. ): . ibid., . district before being elected to the first of two terms in the u.s. house of representatives. as the lone african american member of congress from to , white aggressively fought to protect the civil rights of african americans, most notably by proposing the first anti-lynching legislation in congress. shortly after his election, in , a race riot ensued in wilmington, north carolina led by a large group of whites intent on restoring white supremacy to a city that had a number of african american elected officials. mobs focused their attacks on african american property owners, destroyed the city’s african american newspaper, and forced african american elected officials to resign their positions. while the coroner listed the official casualty total as fourteen, the exact number was certainly much larger with perhaps hundreds of african americans killed. after the riot, nearly fifteen hundred blacks, mostly property owners, left wilmington never to return. as the final act of “redemption,” whites promptly confiscated the properties abandoned by african americans for unpaid taxes. such a sordid event combined with legislation enacted that further restricted the suffrage rights of african americans convinced white not to seek re-election and to leave the south. as he bluntly explained: “i can no longer live in north carolina and be a man.” ibid. dray, capital men, . litwack, trouble in mind, - . ibid., . ibid. white delivered his final address to congress on january , . in words that would be later invoked by the first african american president of the united states, barack obama, when he addressed the congressional black caucus in the fall of , he eloquently stated: this, mr. chairman, is perhaps the negroes’ temporary farewell to the american congress but let me say phoenix-like he will rise up some day and come again. these parting words are in behalf of an outraged, heart- broken, bruised and bleeding but god-fearing people, faithful, industrial, loyal people, rising people, full of potential force. it would be over seventy years before white’s words were fulfilled in the south with the election to congress of andrew young from georgia and barbara jordan from texas in . at the conclusion of his term in , white left north carolina and moved to washington, d.c. to practice law. more importantly, motivated by the wilmington race riot, he became involved in real estate with the hope of establishing an all-african american community that would be free from the injustices of white supremacy. along with several other investors, including the famed poet paul l. dunbar, white purchased two thousand acres of land in cape may county, new jersey and established the town of whitesboro. the george h. white land improvement company sold houses on lots starting at a mere fifty dollars with an initial payment of five dollars and subsequent monthly payments ranging from two to five dollars. by , over eight hundred dray, capital men, . ibid., - . reid, “the post-congressional career,” . african americans resided in whitesboro supporting a school, two churches, a railway station, a hotel owned by white, and a post office. approximately percent of the african american residents of whitesboro were homeowners. during his years in washington d.c., white’s law office was located in the same building as the capital savings bank, which at the time was headed by another former congressman: john r. lynch. inspired by such an establishment and convinced of the importance of property ownership, in , white relocated to philadelphia determined to establish a bank that would assist african americans in purchasing homes and developing businesses that were otherwise denied credit by white owned banks. white’s decision to relocate to philadelphia was motivated by its relatively large number of african american professions and businesses possessing capital and requiring credit yet no african american banks. one estimate concluded that by , african americans had at least five million dollars deposited in white banks in philadelphia. furthermore, he could continue his law practice as one of only fourteen african ibid., . ibid., , . ibid., . ibid., . linn washington, “blacks controlled finances since turn of century,” philadelphia tribune, february , . “the marvelous growth of the peoples savings bank,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “citizens & southern survived depression of early ’s,” philadelphia tribune, april , . american lawyers in philadelphia in . white’s vision became a reality when the people’s savings bank officially opened for business on january , at lombard street. white invested at least $ , of his own money into the project and worked without compensation. the bank also had daily hours of : a.m. to : p.m. except for saturdays when it was opened from : a.m. to : p.m. to appeal to the black working class, the bank also had evening hours on thursday and saturday from : p.m. to : p.m. approximately a year later, white and the bank’s directors purchased and, at a considerable expense, remodeled, a building located at lombard street, in the heart of the emerging african american business district. the three-story structure was occupied by the bank and white’s law office on the first floor and the upper two floors were rented to other small businesses and as apartments. in an attempt to attract customers, the people’s savings bank advertised regularly in the philadelphia tribune, promising percent interest on all deposits. perhaps cognizant of the distrust african reid, “the post-congressional career,” . ibid., - . “dissolution of peoples’ savings bank of philadelphia, pa.,” baltimore afro- american, february , . philadelphia tribune, june , . “the marvelous growth of the peoples savings bank,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. philadelphia tribune, june , . americans exhibited toward banks as a legacy of the freedman’s bank debacle, the bank’s managers placed advertisements noting that its officers were fully bonded under the banking laws of pennsylvania. the bank was administered by some of the leading black businessmen and professionals in philadelphia. the bank functioned primarily as a savings bank with a nickel deposit sufficient to open an account and a dollar deposit entitling the account holder to a bank book. the bank balanced all accounts every six months on which percent interest was paid, compounded semi-annually. it also accommodated african american businesses and required a fifty dollar daily balance on such accounts. the bank also had a special savings account for children in an effort “to inoculate the habit of thrift in the heart of the young.” in , the philadelphia tribune proclaimed the people’s savings bank was “a grand success,” announcing that its volume of business was over one million dollars. the african american community in philadelphia was urged to assist in the “grand work” of the bank by opening an account. the paper announced “it was a duty of every colored citizen having a bank account, to patronize and support this bank operated for our people by our people.” in january , the bank held its annual meeting ibid. “peoples saving bank a grand success,” philadelphia tribune, may , . “the marvelous growth of the peoples savings bank,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “peoples saving bank a grand success,” philadelphia tribune, may , . ibid. where it was reported to be in “a flourishing condition,” with its assets doubling from the previous year to nearly $ , . the paper again exhorted african americans to support the bank, proclaiming: “here, let us build our ‘rock of gibraltar,’ and float from her summits to all the world our victorious banners of success.” just one year later, by january, , the bank reported that it handled over three million dollars. just as rapidly as it had achieved success, however, it suffered an equally rapid collapse as the bank was liquidated in february and formally dissolved in april . the baltimore afro american reported that the bank was forced to dissolve because its depositors failed to keep their money in the bank for a sufficient period of time to allow it to invest the money. furthermore, it reported that the structure of the bank was problematic as its charter was described as “unelastic and unsuited for the needs of our people.” despite such problems, it reported that no depositor suffered any losses and the collapse was not caused by any act of dishonesty or corruption on the part of white or the bank’s officers and directors. the paper, while not criticizing white by name, implicitly did so by stating that few men are capable of success in more than one “the peoples’ saving bank: submits its annual statement and election of officers,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. “the marvelous growth of the peoples savings bank,” philadelphia tribune, may , . reid, “the post-congressional career,” “dissolution of peoples’ savings bank of philadelphia, pa.,” baltimore afro- american, february , . ibid. profession. it noted that some professions, such as banking, require the “devotion of all our energies and our greatest and best efforts.” white, whose declining health may have also contributed to the demise of the bank, died a short time later at the age of sixty- six. the failure of the peoples savings bank did not deter african americans in their efforts to establish a financial institution in philadelphia. such efforts were driven in large part by growing demand for such an institution as the african american population expanded significantly as increasing numbers of migrants arrived from the south. such an increasing population found limited banking service options at the traditional white- owned financial institutions. in , the philadelphia tribune argued that an african american population of ninety thousand should be sufficient to support three or four banks. responding to such a demand, in the early s, three african american banks opened in quick succession in philadelphia, including the brown and stevens bank, founded by edwin c. brown and andrew f. stevens; keystone cooperative bank, established by john c. asbury; and the citizens and southern bank and trust company under the direction of by r. r. wright, sr. edwin c. brown, born in philadelphia in , attended spencerian business college and subsequently worked in indianapolis, indiana as an agent for the freedman, one of the leading african american newspaper in the country. later, he returned to ibid. “the peoples’ saving bank: submits its annual statement and election of officers,” philadelphia tribune, january, . philadelphia and worked for dun & co., the first commercial reporting agency in the united states then he journeyed to newport news, virginia to enter the real estate business. a short time later, brown opened his first bank, the crown savings bank and, later, he opened, the brown savings and banking company in norfolk, virginia. he also served a president of the beneficial insurance company in norfolk. after seventeen years in virginia, brown decided to return to his home town of philadelphia with the intention of establishing a real estate company and another bank. shortly after his arrival in philadelphia, brown found a partner for his endeavor in andrew f. stevens, a graduate of both lincoln university and the university of pennsylvania. stevens, the son of a wealthy caterer, was a politician who served as a city of philadelphia councilman in the late nineteenth century. on january , , in an advertisement that appeared on the front page of the philadelphia tribune, the “brown and stevens have pioneer bank of north,” pittsburgh courier, october , ; “death closes former banker brown’s accounts” new york amsterdam news, february , . “brown and stevens have pioneer bank of north,” pittsburgh courier, october , . “death closes former banker brown’s accounts,” new york amsterdam news, february , . after brown’s departure, the brown savings bank was reorganized with new management as the metropolitan bank and trust company. lindsay, “the negro in banking,” . “death closes former banker brown’s accounts,” new york amsterdam news, february , . “brown and stevens have pioneer bank of north,” pittsburgh courier, october , . “services held for former banker here,” philadelphia tribune, march , . partners announced the opening of brown and stevens, bankers. brown and stevens announced that the new bank would provide a variety of services, including transacting regular commercial banking business, accepting deposits subject to check, and buying and selling commercial paper mortgages. the partners sought to urge all members of the african american community to participate in the new endeavor regardless of their individual financial worth. in a question, the new bank declared to its prospective customers: “decide today that you are going to do some banking business with some colored bank. it will be the wisest thing you ever did. will you do it?” the bank opened its office in downtown philadelphia at the corner of broad and lombard streets, in the black business district. the three-story building consisted of the bank and office space and apartments that were leased. one of the bank building’s offices was leased by a young african american lawyer, raymond pace alexander, who had just passed the bar and was opening his own practice in philadelphia. the bank met with immediate success, and within several years the managers entertained the possibility of establishing a title and trust company “to assist the colored real estate men and home buyers in financing their investments; thus, making it much easier for our “another colored bank for philadelphia,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. ibid. “brown and stevens’ bank is sold at auction for $ , ,” pittsburgh courier, august , . david a. canton, “the origins of a new negro lawyer: raymond pace alexander, - ,” the western journal of black studies ( ): . people to acquire homes.” ultimately, they decided against forming such an entity, but still it prospered, opening two additional branch offices, one in west philadelphia and one in north philadelphia. by , the institution was such a success that brown was being hailed as a “napoleon of finance” possessing “astonishing courage” and intellect. even white bankers and real estate professionals viewed him as “something of a financial wizard.” while not a blatant “race” man in the classic mold, brown possessed the desire to serve his “race” as well as the public good based upon a course of economic development. he also reaped the rewards of his success. at his death in , the new york amsterdam news stressed his extravagant lifestyle, including several cars, servants, a expensive wardrobe, and a “palatial” home in west philadelphia. like brown, stevens was also a “race” man. in stark contrast to brown’s approach, stevens zealously advocated for the civil rights of african americans through the political process. in particular, stevens, buoyed by success of the bank, was elected to the pennsylvania house of representatives in . upon his arrival in harrisburg, “gigantic title and trust company to be launched” philadelphia tribune, november , . “a napoleon of finance,” philadelphia tribune, october , . harris, the negro as capitalist, . “a napoleon of finance,” philadelphia tribune, oct. , . see st. clair drake and horace a. cayton, black metropolis: a study of negro life in a northern city (new york: harcourt, brace, ). “death closes former banker brown’s accounts,” new york amsterdam news, february , . along with another recently elected african american banker, john c. asbury, one of his main legislative goals was to secure passage of a strong equal rights bill in pennsylvania. stevens’ “personal magnetism” combined with a “real ability” made him a “forcible power” in the legislature. he used “all of his strength and influence” to back a bill introduced by asbury to prohibit discrimination in public accommodations. stevens vigorously urged african americans to fight for the measure with stridently militant rhetoric. addressing a crowd in coatesville, pennsylvania, stevens stated that he did not favor the use of force but declared that “it is force which runs the world and when the time comes that the negro remembers the affronts to which he has been subjected, then he will get his rights.” he explained that african americans must stand united and exercise their political strength in order to obtain passage of the bill. he also directly challenged the argument that african americans were inferior to whites and not entitled to civil rights protection, explaining: “i don’t feel that any white man god ever made is better than i am.” ultimately, despite his efforts, the equal rights bill died when the pennsylvania senate decisively refused to entertain the bill. “a. f. stevens and j. c. asbury begin their legislative careers next monday,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “senator edwin vare enters fight for equal rights bill offered by hon. john c. asbury, of this city, now before the committee of state legislature,” philadelphia tribune, march , . ibid. “multitude cheer andrew f. stevens at coatesville,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid. while the equal rights bill failed, stevens was successful with a second piece of major civil rights legislation. during the time period from through , at least , african americans were lynched in the united states, often by violent mobs. while the practice was largely confined to the south, it also occurred, on occasion, in the north. in , zachariah walker, a recent migrant from virginia, was lynched in a gruesome manner in coatesville, pennsylvania, approximately forty miles from philadelphia. on august , , walker, after an evening of drinking, got into an altercation with edgar rice, a special police officer for a local steel mill. each drew a gun, and rice was shot and killed. walker fled and unsuccessfully attempted to commit suicide by shooting himself. he was captured and taken to the coatesville hospital for the treatment of his self-inflicted gunshot wound. a short time later, a mob formed and marched to the hospital. walker was dragged from a hospital bed and, as he was carried to a field, he pleaded with the mob, asking: “don’t give me a crooked death because i’m not white.” ignoring his pleas, the mob tied walker to a fence, surrounded him with firewood, and doused him with oil. in a macabre scene that rivaled the brutalities of the south, walker was burned alive before a crowd that had swelled to , people. after “asbury’s equal rights bill killed in state senate; opposition of sen. penrose cause of defeat,” philadelphia tribune, april , . w. fitzhugh brundage, lynching in the new south: georgia and virginia, - (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ), . phillip dray, at the hands of persons unknown: the lynching of black america (new york: random house, ) . ibid. the flames cooled, members of the crowd plucked walker’s fingers and toes as souvenirs. for a number of years civil rights advocates, led by such people as ida b. wells- barnett, walter white, and jesse daniel ames, unsuccessfully sought federal legislation to stop the practice of lynching. in response to such an atrocity and due to the failure to implement a federal ban, stevens introduced an anti-lynching bill, largely patterned after the proposed federal bill, in to the pennsylvania house of representatives. on april , , after four hours of debate before a capacity gallery, the bill was passed, after a number of amendments were defeated, with only one dissenting vote. the bill was also passed by the pennsylvania senate and was signed into law by governor gifford pinchot. stevens was praised for his skillful engineering of the passage of the bill, a tribute to his “remarkable tact and efficiency as a law-maker.” building upon their growth and success, brown and stevens decided to turn the branch in north philadelphia into a second bank. in june , brown and stevens received a charter from the commonwealth of pennsylvania for a second bank, cosmopolitan state bank, and opened it for business on march , , on the corner of ibid. see also dennis downey and raymond hyser, no crooked death: coatesville, pennsylvania and the lynching of zachariah walker (urbana, il: university of illinois, press, ). “anti-lynching bill passed,” chicago defender, april , . ibid. “brown and stevens, bankers, organize a new state bank for north philadelphia,” philadelphia tribune, december , . ridge avenue and master street. the new bank had capital stock in the amount of $ , and, like the original bank, brown served as president and stevens as vice president. furthermore, brown, stevens, and another close associate possessed a controlling interest in the bank’s stock thereby giving the partners the authority to direct the new entity at their discretion. the banks successes were in no small manner attributable to an aggressive marketing campaign that routinely consisted of full page newspaper advertisements, designed to educate, and cajole the african american community into joining the bank. the advertisements appealed to african american solidarity, explaining that “loyalty is a fine thing.” the banks demonstrated their loyalty by employing african americans; by allowing for wealth accumulation through interest on deposits; by providing assistance to african americans who needed money to finance a business or a home, and to put more money into the african american community through salaries, dividends, interest and investments. the partners also recognized that the past bank failures had created a degree of distrust in the african american community. to alleviate such skepticism, the partners’ marketing campaign sought to restore the confidence of customers in an african american banks. for example, one advertisement noted that brown and stevens was “growing faster than any colored bank in the harris, the negro as capitalist, . ibid. ibid. philadelphia tribune, march , . country” because it offered both confidence and security. with a motto of “we guard your interests” surrounding the image of a bull dog, the advertisement explained that both brown and stevens were well-known in business and bank circles in philadelphia and that such strong evidence existed of their reliability that potential customers should have absolute confidence in their integrity and good judgment. it noted that, as a private bank, it was required to deposit $ , to $ , as security for its deposits with the pennsylvania department of banking and, it incorrectly stated, that it was required to submit to periodic examinations by the commonwealth. finally, it urged customers to exercise self-reliance and act for themselves in deciding whether to make a deposit as the opinions of others may be “prejudiced.” the campaign bore fruit and by the end of the pittsburgh courier proclaimed that brown and stevens was soon to be ranked as a “national institution” as “its financial power is being used in all parts of the country to help the worthy responsible citizens who may call upon its resources,” including: southern farmers; northern business men; real estate entrepreneurs; and theater companies. both banks grew rapidly and, at their peak, they had combined assets of over $ , , with approximately eleven thousand depositors. the success of their marketing campaign philadelphia tribune, november , . ibid. “brown and stevens have pioneer bank of north,” pittsburgh courier, october , . harris, the negro as capitalist, - . to attract new customers was reflected in the fact that at least a third of their customers had small deposit accounts of less than three dollars. the brown and stevens bank, hailed as a “monument to racial enterprise,” also had a larger impact upon the african american community in philadelphia, as it “inspired the confidence of the whole race.” indeed, broad and lombard streets, the location of the bank’s main office, represented the epicenter of a rapidly emerging african american business district that was determined “to acquire and control a larger share of the business patronage of their own people.” the district contained a vast array of businesses, churches, hotels, clubs, fraternal organizations, and private enterprises. such enterprises owned property in a combined amount of over ten million dollars. the spectacular rise of brown and stevens’ banks would, unfortunately, be mirrored by an equally dramatic fall. in early february , rumors began to circulate in philadelphia that the brown and stevens bank was facing financial difficulties. one rumor maintained that the bank had invested heavily in the failed black star line steamship company of black nationalist marcus garvey, and another maintained that the bank had been unable to meet a $ , withdraw request from a large depositor. as the rumors spread rapidly through the african american community, on saturday, february , numerous depositors “run causes brown & stevens bank to crash,” philadelphia tribune, february , ; “our business and professional men and women,” philadelphia tribune, october , . ibid. “$ , depositor started bank run,” baltimore afro-american, february , . began withdrawing their money from the bank. when the bank opened for business on monday, a line of depositors had gathered outside it, and the pace of the withdrawals accelerated into a classic run on the bank. the bank was able to meet the demands of the depositors for several hours until it ran out of money. in a desperate attempt to stop the run, brown and stevens telegraphed the baltimore afro-american to explain that a “malicious rumor” was responsible and that it was “being taken care of.” when crowds again gathered in the rain outside the bank the next day, it became apparent that such pleas were insufficient to stop the run. with no money to pay the depositors, brown stated: “the bank is now closed. we have agreed to turn its affairs over to the depositors, who will reorganize it and pay dollar for dollar. mr. stevens and i are through.” the reorganization effort commenced immediately with the convening of a meeting of brown, stevens, and a number of leaders of the african american community, including: b. g. collier, grand chancellor of the knights of pythias; reverend charles a. tindley, head of the east cavalry methodist church, reverend wesley f. graham, head of the holy trinity baptist church, and l. r. moore, a former dean of howard university. initially, the group discussed the viability of raising “run causes brown & stevens bank to crash,” philadelphia tribune, february , . “rumor causes run on brown and stevens bank,” baltimore afro- american, february , . “brown and stevens’ bank fails,” pittsburgh courier, february , . enough money to keep the bank solvent. however, when it became clear that such a possibility was not likely, the group decided, as a last resort to save the bank “for the colored race,” to convene a meeting with depositors to develop a plan to rescue the institution. approximately eight hundred depositors gathered at the knights of pythias hall and listened to a number of speakers imploring racial solidarity in support of the bank. the final speaker of the evening was brown. he pled for more time to liquidate his assets and “pledged that he would sell everything he possessed, even the coat off his back, so that every depositor would have every penny put into the bank returned to them.” at the end of his speech, brown broke down and cried. the last ditch effort was unsuccessful, and stevens and brown voluntarily requested that a receiver be appointed to handle the affairs of the bank in order to best protect the interests of the depositors. william h. smith, deputy secretary for pennsylvania department of banking, was appointed as the voluntary receiver of the bank and fred posey, deputy attorney general of pennsylvania was selected as his “run causes brown & stevens bank to crash,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid. “rumor causes run on brown and stevens bank,” baltimore afro- american, february , . “run causes brown & stevens bank to crash,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid. counsel. in february , an involuntary petition in bankruptcy was filed and the epic collapse of the brown and stevens bank was complete. according to a bank employee, cosmopolitan state bank was in “good shape” until brown and stevens bank collapsed. with the collapse, many of cosmopolitan’s , depositors, understanding the relationship between the two institutions, began withdrawing their funds. later, on february , , the pennsylvania department of banking discovered that cosmopolitan had over $ , deposited in the failed brown and stevens bank. with the assets of brown and stevens tied up in real estate, it became clear that cosmopolitan would not be able to obtain the $ , deposit that was necessary to address the withdrawals of its customers and the bank was ordered closed by the pennsylvania department of banking. while the intertwined relationship of the two banks was not necessarily illegal, george w. brown, jr., the chief banking examiner for the pennsylvania department of banking, declared that such a practice showed “poor judgment” and noted that it “was an unusual procedure for the president of the bank to make large deposits in another bank of which he is a partner.” the cosmopolitan state bank never opened its doors again. unfortunately, brown’s “poor judgment” was not limited to a single loan or simple misfeasance. brown and stevens, individually, borrowed large amounts of monies from their own banks to engage in real estate speculation and to finance other companies owned and operated by them. in particular, brown was a patron of the arts “brown and stevens’ bank fails,” pittsburgh courier, february , . “second philly bank fails,” baltimore afro-american, february , . ibid. and possessed a passion for african american theater. to further develop african american drama, he operated and financed the construction of five major theaters. for example, mr. brown established the dunbar amusement corporation that built a theater on the southwest side of broad and lombard streets in philadelphia at an astonishing cost of $ , and the douglass amusement corporation built and operated the douglas theater in baltimore, maryland at a cost of $ , . likewise, the peyton apartments corporation and the hillman real estate company were established to purchase and operate apartments for african americans in new york city. such endeavors were financed by depositors’ funds and an intricate web of interrelated mortgages. for example, the bank’s main building had six different mortgages. as a result, when the run on the bank commenced, its assets were tied up in such illiquid assets—theaters and real estate—and, to compound the problem such assets were heavily mortgage. the combination of illiquid assets and heavily mortgaged properties made it impossible to raise capital to stem the run and save the bank. after briefly contesting the involuntary bankruptcy, on october , , brown and stevens were legally adjudicated bankrupt. all of the assets of the banks as well “death closes ex-bankers account,” new york amsterdam news, february , . orrin evans, “only $ . left of the million dollars e.c. brown amassed in theatre projects,” baltimore afro-american, may , . harris, the negro as capitalist, . “brown and stevens’ bank sold at auction for $ , ,” pittsburgh courier, august , . as a number of the personal assets of brown were liquidated in an effort to raise monies to repay the depositors. the receivers were eventually able to salvage approximately $ , of the bank’s assets. the receiver made three dividend payments of percent each, totaling $ , to the depositors. when the bankruptcy was finally concluded in , a total of , depositors with balances less than six dollars were paid in full and the rest simply lost their monies. after the collapse and demise of brown and stevens bank and cosmopolitan state bank, brown moved to new york city and opened a small real estate office with some modest success. with his health steadily failing him, he died a couple years later in january at the age of . stevens remained in philadelphia and went on to become the first african american supervisor employed by the united states census bureau. after a long illness, stevens died in in philadelphia at the age of . the saga of the collapse of brown and stevens was followed by african americans throughout the united states. even marcus garvey weighed in on the issue harris, the negro as capitalist, . “$ , is lost in brown and stevens smash,” baltimore afro-american, may , . ibid. orrin evans, “bankruptcy referee announces brown & stevens affairs will be wound up within few months,” philadelphia tribune, may , . “e.c. brown prospers,” pittsburgh courier, january , . “negro census supervisor is lauded by white employees,” philadelphia tribune, april , . “service held for former banker here,” philadelphia tribune, march , . explaining that the collapse was caused not by mismanagement but reflected “the determination of white business interest that had the power to crush them and used it.” garvey was of the opinion that: “he [white man] will permit little banks, little shops, and little companies, because in those cases the surplus drifts back into his pocket, but attempt to do anything that will guard that surplus for yourself and he will do what he did to . . . brown and stevens.” ultimately, however, garvey was incorrect as it was mismanagement that was responsible for the collapse. as peter g. cameron, pennsylvania department of banking commissioner, stated: “this is the worst attempt at banking i have ever seen” while no outright fraud or theft was committed by either brown or stevens, the reckless and speculative nature of their actions resulted in the collapse of the bank and thousands of dollars in losses to its african american depositors. richard robert wright, sr., head of the citizens’ and southern banking company who rejected a request to take over brown and stevens, explained: “the failure of brown and stevens will noticeably affect the other banking institutions not only in this city by throughout the country.” “garvey, in atlanta, trembles for liberia’s future,” pittsburgh courier, april , . “can marcus garvey return?” philadelphia tribune, september , . “death closes former banker brown’s accounts,” new york amsterdam news, february , . harris, the negro as capitalist, . “brown and stevens’ bank fails,” pittsburgh courier, february , . in , inspired by the success of the brown and stevens bank which was then at the zenith of its prestige, john c. asbury established the keystone cooperative banking association in philadelphia in . asbury was born on april , in washington county, pennsylvania. after graduating from the local public schools, asbury attended washington and jefferson college and the howard university law school. after the completion of his studies, asbury practiced law in norfolk, virginia for twelve years and served as district attorney for norfolk county from to . subsequently, he moved to philadelphia and was admitted to the bar in may . he served as assistant city solicitor from to and was elected to the pennsylvania house of representatives in , with andrew f. stevens, where he served until . asbury was also a close friend and confidant of booker t. washington. with no mass following in philadelphia, asbury was washington’s foremost lieutenant in the area. asbury believed that washington was, “thoroughly sound upon every question affecting the progress of the race” but “just a little more diplomatic than the rest of us and consequently more successful.” he was a large contributor to washington’s “john c. asbury heads sesqui-centennial,” pittsburgh courier, august , . ibid. louis r. harlan, booker t. washington: the wizard of tuskegee, - (new york: oxford university press, ) , . ibid., - . tuskegee institute and delivered its commencement address in . asbury also served as secretary for the downingtown institute, an industrial school like tuskegee, located outside of philadelphia. in return for his solid support, washington helped engineer asbury’s reelection to the post of editor of the odd fellows journal, the publication arm of one of the largest fraternal organizations in the united states, in and again in . with a loyal supporter in such a position, washington was assured that his message would reach a wide audience even if he lacked a mass following in some of the urban areas of the north. while asbury certainly supported washington and his position on racial issues, asbury also embraced a vigorous campaign for civil rights much in tradition of w.e.b. du bois. while de jure segregation did not exist in pennsylvania, the rising tide of migration from the south, particularly in philadelphia, had the effect of exacerbating racial prejudice and tensions. such tensions were reflected in the rise of de facto segregation with african americans being banned or segregated in many public accommodations in philadelphia, including: schools restaurants, hotels, and some theaters. as described by raymond pace alexander, a prominent african american lawyer: “john c. asbury heads sesqui-centennial,” pittsburgh courier, august , . ibid. harlan, booker t. washington: the wizard of tuskegee, - . gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . in . . . every central city theatre, motion picture as well as legitimate playhouse, had a pronounced policy of discrimination against negro patrons. in the theatres that had but a one floor seating arrangement, a section in the rear of the theatre, the most uninviting side, was reserved for negroes. in neighborhood houses, in white sections of philadelphia and in the outlying districts, they simply refused to admit people of color at all even on a discriminatory basis and made no bones about it. nor was asbury personally immune from the expanding reach of racial segregation. shortly after his election to the pennsylvania house of representatives in , asbury and a number of other political dignitaries were invited to attend the grand opening of the new stanley theater and were given tickets for seats in first several rows. upon his arrival, rather than being seated in the sixth row as his ticket stated, asbury was told by an usher to go up to the balcony whereupon he was directed to the gallery. as it was reported in the philadelphia tribune: “mr. asbury, wishing to see just what the management would do, followed the usher until he reached the very last row in the gallery and was told, ‘this is your seat.’ mr. asbury looked at the situation of the seat, and realizing just what was meant left the building.” to counter such rampant discrimination, asbury immediately introduced a carefully prepared bill in the house of representatives that became know as the asbury equal rights bill designed to guarantee equal civil rights for all the citizens of raymond pace alexander, the struggle against racism in philadelphia: from - , , raymond pace alexander papers, box , folder , university of pennsylvania archives and records center. “stanley theatre opens its doors to the public—but closes them to negroes. hon. john c. asbury, lawyer and legislator, insulted,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid. pennsylvania regardless of race in places of public accommodations. led by asbury, the african american community in philadelphia mobilized behind the bill and sent dozens of prominent supporters to harrisburg to voice their support for the legislation. such efforts were rewarded when the bill successful passed the house. however, the bill met the same fate as similar efforts in and , when the legislation was successfully killed by the law and order committee of the senate, controlled by republicans, when it failed to discharge it for a vote on the merits. asbury’s efforts to secure passage of the bill were widely praised and he continued the struggle throughout his years in the legislature. eventually, asbury’s zealous advocacy on behalf of the equal rights bill became too much for the republican machine, led by state senator edwin vare, to tolerate. just days before the election in , asbury and stevens were removed from the republican ticket and replaced with two other african americans who were not committed to pursing an equal rights bill. despite the setback, the struggle to pass an equal rights bill continued and culminated in success in when democratic governor george h. earle signed an equal rights bill “republicans kill bill granting equal rights,” chicago defender, april , . “senator edwin vare enters fight for equal rights bill offered by hon. john c. asbury, of this city, now before the committee of state legislature,” philadelphia tribune, march , . ibid.; “history of state’s effort to secure equal rights bill,” pittsburgh courier, june , . edgar roster, “john asbury kicked out of legislature because of the equal rights bill,” philadelphia tribune, may , . into law. the law provided for equal access to all places of public accommodation regardless of color or creed and provided for a fines or imprisonment for violations. as asbury fought for passage of the equal rights bill, he also sought to create economic development in the african american community with the establishment of the keystone cooperative bank association located at south street. the bank was an affiliate of the keystone aid society, the largest black insurance company in philadelphia. it was a charted state bank and, according to its limited advertisements, the bank had approximately two thousand customers who deposited over $ , in mostly small accounts by . despite asbury’s stellar qualifications, keystone cooperative began to encounter financial problems shortly after the collapse of brown and stevens. like brown and stevens, such problems were largely attributable to poor management and illiquid nature of its assets. indeed, by , the bank possessed $ , in depositor liability but a dangerously low amount of liquid assets—$ , . after witnessing the disastrous run “pennsylvania’s equal rights bill takes effect september ,” pittsburgh courier, july , . ibid. hardy, race and opportunity, . asbury and a group of african american businessmen founded the insurance company in and by , it had , polices in place with an annual income of $ , . (ibid., - ). philadelphia tribune, january , . harris, the negro as capitalist, . r.r. wright, sr., “c.& s. bank president cites progress of institution,” philadelphia tribune, january , . on the brown and stevens bank, asbury certainly understood that his bank was in a very precarious situation as even several modest withdrawals by depositors would force the institution into the hands of a receivership. asbury, in a desperate bid to save the bank, contacted richard r. wright, sr., the president of the only other african american owned and operated institution in philadelphia, citizens and southern bank and trust company. after several months of due diligence involving conversations with the pennsylvania department of banking and a detailed inspection of keystone’s financial records, wright determined that his institution had the financial wherewithal to take over asbury’s bank. in particular, wright concluded that while most of its assets were not liquid, they were of sufficient value to cover the outstanding depositor liability. on january , , wright and asbury announced that keystone and citizens had merged into a single institution. it represented the first time that two “[r]ace banks” had successfully consolidated their resources and it was hailed as “evidence of a desire to cooperate for the future prosperity of the race.” wright explained the benefits of the merger: “with the combined resources of both institutions we shall be better able to be of paramount service to our people in this city and vicinity.” ibid. orrin evans, “citizens and southern bank and keystone cooperative banking co. consolidate,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid.; “citizens’ and southern bank shows growth,” pittsburgh courier, january , . while the press depicted it largely as a merger of two equals, the transaction was in reality a liquidation of keystone with citizens acquiring its depositors and prime assets. after all of the “frozen assets” were eventually liquidated by citizens, keystone depositors were all paid in full and an additional $ , was paid to the stockholders and directors, representing approximately percent of their original investment. with the acquisition complete, citizens and southern bank and trust company emerged as the sole african american owned and operated bank in philadelphia and one of only a handful in the north. that citizens and southern bank and trust company emerged in the wake of the collapse of brown and stevens and near collapse of the keystone cooperative bank came as no surprise considering it was led by the remarkable major r.r. wright, sr. wright was born a slave in a log cabin on a plantation outside of dalton, georgia on may , . following the demise of slavery, wright’s mother, determined to see her children educated, took them on a three hundred mile walk to atlanta where he attended several missionary schools, one of which was nothing more than a dilapidated box-car, that were established to educate the former slaves. during his stay, general oliver o. orrin evans, “citizens and southern bank and keystone cooperative banking co. consolidate,” philadelphia tribune, january , . harris, the negro as capitalist, ; “c.&s. bank president cites progress of institution,” philadelphia tribune, january , . elizabeth ross haynes, the black boy of atlanta (boston, ma: the house of edinboro publishers, ), . sheryl p. simons, “african american firsts highlight rich legacy,” the pennsylvania gazette, january , ; george mccain, “a philadelphia banker who rose from slavery,” philadelphia tribune, march , . howard, the head of the freedman’s bureau, addressed the students and questioned them whether they had any message he could take north. after a period of silence, wright, then ten years old, replied: “tell them, general, we’re rising.” wright’s brief yet moving words inspired john greenleaf whittier to pen the poem “howard at atlanta.” wright proceeded to attend atlanta university and taught during the summers to earn money to pay for his education. while teaching in the summer of , wright received a threat from the klu klux klan warning him “to leave the county in hours or we will give your d-n carcass to the buzzards because we understand that you are in favor of the civil rights bill.” despite such threats, wright graduated from atlanta university as valedictorian with a b.a. degree in . following his graduation, wright was appointed principal of the e.a. ware high school in savannah, which was, at the time, the only publicly-funded high school for african americans in georgia. in , wright became president of the georgia state industrial college for colored youth also located in savannah, georgia. unlike “bury major r.r. wright, slave who rose to fame,” chicago defender, july , . john n. ingham and lynne b. feldman, african-american business leaders: a biographical dictionary (westport, ct: greenwood publishing group, inc. ) - . ibid. june o. patton, “and the truth shall make you free: richard robert wright, sr., black intellectual and iconoclast, - ,” journal of negro history ( ): . ibid., . booker t. washington’s tuskegee institute, wright’s sought to expand the education offerings of his institution beyond industrial education. such educational practices did not endear him to the local white population and on one occasion a mob gathered to lynch him for his “radicalism.” he managed to escape the mob and his service to the institution continued for thirty years with a brief interruption during the spanish american war when president mckinley appointed him as a special paymaster in the united states army, earning him the rank of major. while in savannah, wright’s daughter, julia, went to the citizens and southern bank to conduct some banking business. during the course of the transaction, the white bank teller called her julia as opposed to miss wright. after she requested that he address her as miss just like the white female customers, the teller replied: “i am a white man and i call no nigger miss.” the argument escalated into a physical altercation with blows exchanged. richard wright demanded an apology from the white president of the bank, a man he had considered a friend for a number of years. after the bank president refused to apologize, wright vowed to sue the bank and “declared that he would start a bank himself, using the same name of the bank whose methods he learned to dislike.” richard r. wright, jr., his son, explained his father’s decision to leave a thirty year career in education to commence a new career in banking: “nation mourns major r.r. wright,” pittsburgh courier, july , . ibid; “major r.r. wright,” atlanta daily world, july , . ingham and feldman, african-american business leaders, - . “bury major r.r. wright, slave who rose to fame,” the chicago defender, july , . my father had lived nearly thirty years at savannah, thought he had the respect of all citizens, and had been lauded time and again as an example for negro-americans in education, thrift, loyalty, and honor. he had the professed friendship of the ‘best southern whites’ but now not one was willing to help him . . . [my father] had made hundreds of speeches to the colored population to support the nation in war, because he felt that this was indeed a war to make the world safe for democracy. now his own daughter could be insulted and physically assaulted and there was no redress. it is unlikely that a personal insult alone drove wright to make such a momentous decision. as an educator, he was also keenly aware of the desperate economic circumstances faced by african americans locked in a system of sharecropping in the south. to wright, a bank represented more than a business but a social service and one of the main reasons he decided to enter the banking business was “not just to make money, but to lay a firm financial foundation” for african americans. wright understood the importance of banking to the african american community as he had been the director of the first african american bank in savannah as well as a shareholder in four other black banks. motivated by the racial discrimination he encountered and principals of community empowerment, wright contacted his son, editor of the christian recorder and a pastor at an american methodist episcopal (a.m.e.) church in philadelphia, to discuss the possibility of establishing a bank. richard r. wright, jr., eighty seven years behind the black curtain (philadelphia: a.m.e. book concern, ), . ibid. hardy, race and opportunity, that wright sought the opinions of his son is hardly surprising. in addition to his religious background and connections, wright jr. also graduated with a ph.d. in sociology from the university of pennsylvania and had written his dissertation on the economic history of african americans in pennsylvania. as part of his work, he conducted a survey of white banks and determined that african americans had over four million dollars in deposits in such institutions. wright, jr. also served as secretary for the people’s savings bank and was involved in real estate business with e.c. brown in philadelphia. together, the two bought homes in “changing” neighborhoods and sold them to recently arrived migrants from the south. a strong believer in homeownership, wright, jr. understood that the rapidly growing african american community had a need for a community bank to provide capital for mortgages and businesses. intent on bringing his father north, wright, jr. arranged a meeting between wright and a group of leading business men, church leaders, and lawyers in philadelphia to discuss the opening of a bank in the city of brotherly love. most of the group was skeptical of the need for another bank, as brown and stevens was at the peak of its success at the time. in a show of respect to wright, each promised a financial pledge of support it “if the major would lead off.” and lead off he did, at the age of sixty-six, wright left a forty year career as one of the most highly-regarded african american educators in the united states and commenced with a new career in banking. ibid., . “citizens & southern survived depression of early ’s,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid. in , wright and his family left the south for the promised land of the north, just as thousands of other african americans were doing at the time as part of the great migration, and arrived in philadelphia. when the promised financial support for the bank failed to materialize, wright and his family raised the money that was necessary to receive a charter from the pennsylvania department of banking. in june , wright applied for a license and, after several months of lobbying efforts, he was granted a license to operate a private bank by the pennsylvania department of banking. after a brief marketing campaign that included mailings and church addresses, on september , , wright opened the doors to his bank located in a space rented from a group of baptist clergymen at th and south streets, before a large and enthusiastic crowd. wright served as president, r.r. wright, jr. was vice-president and a cashier, and his daughter, lillian wright, was a teller. several months later, upon the recommendation of a former professor at georgia state university, wright hired charles ealy, who was working at the time in the accounting department of an african american-owned bank in jacksonville, to manage the daily operations of the bank. fulfilling the vow he made in georgia following the insult to his daughter, wright named his new enterprise the citizens and southern bank. the name also had a deeper haynes, the black boy of atlanta, , . ibid., . citizens & southern survived depression of early ’s,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid.; “maj. r.r. wright, educator, banker, founded citizens & southern bank,” philadelphia tribune, january , . hardy, race and opportunity, meaning that reflected wright’s attempt to heal the tension that existed within the african american community between the established residents of philadelphia and the new migrants flocking to the city, as wright explained in a full page add in the tribune: the citizen’s and southern banking co. is a bank with an ideal. a great many people have asked whit it was called “citizens’ & southern.” the reason is clear. major wright although a southerner, wants to have the best cooperation between all of the people of the city. the “citizens” are those who have been here for many years, and the southern is for those who have just come. in the name of the banking institution the citizens’ & southerners are both united. the very name, therefore, implies united action of all people, no faction but cooperation. it is not a bank for one class but a bank for all. it is not a bank for professional people only but a bank for the working people. wright also recognized that the successful operation of a bank required a certain skill set which neither he nor his family members possessed. as wright explained: “you can’t run a business that you do not know.” despite the fact that wright and his family were highly educated, they returned to the class room. wright, at the age of sixty-seven, and his son enrolled in the university of pennsylvania, wharton evening school of finance to learn the skills necessary to successfully operate a bank. likewise, lillian, his daughter entered the american institute of banking and another daughter, harriett, left radcliffe college and also enrolled in the university of pennsylvania’s wharton school. harriett and another son, emmanuel, began working at the bank in . philadelphia tribune, february , . “citizens & southern survived depression of early ’s,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid. haynes, the black boy of atlanta, wright explained to his children: “you know we’ve got to make new opportunities for ourselves.” the bank was an immediate success, with “working people” rallying to support the bank and depositing slightly less than $ , in the first week of its operation and $ , in its first year. citizens built its business slowly by relying upon small depositors who earned percent interest on all accounts over $ . and emphasizing the importance of savings through various educational programs. such values were instilled in wright at an early age by his mother who told her young son that she was going to save her money “and live on the interest.” wright and the bank sought to instill in african americans, particularly recent migrants, notions of thrift that would allow for wealth accumulation primarily through home ownership. one of the first depositors of the bank was a bespectacled cook. each week she deposited small amounts of money into her citizens and southern bank account with the dream of buying her own home. eventually, she saved $ . , enough for a down payment on a small home. upon seeing wright in the bank one day, she proclaimed: “what y’all chilln doing here? sho’ better treat the president of this city southern bank right. cause he done stop me from payin rent. i eats and sleeps, and boards under my own vine an’ fig tree.” she died a number of years later with over ibid. ibid. ibid., . ingham and feldman, african-american business leaders, - . $ deposited in her account at citizens. to wright, citizens represented a vehicle for working class african americans, such as the bespectacled cook, to achieve economic empowerment. as wright proclaimed: “we cannot forfeit or relinquish the financial part of our economic progress. we must show we can manage money; and we are going to do it.” several years later, in a cold rain in january , the bank opened a new building at a cost of $ , , described as an “imposing three story, white stone structure” before a large crowd including mayor j. hampton moore and many other dignitaries. in his speech to the crowd, wright explained that the bank had helped african americans save money and protected them from “real estate sharks.” its opening was hailed in the philadelphia tribune, “it has the appearance of a real bank— not a colored bank, but a real bank, and we can all point to it with pride.” by , the bank had approximately five thousand depositors and $ , of assets. even with its success, wright was determined to expand the services of the bank by also establishing a trust company that would offer further services and protection to haynes, the black boy of atlanta, . “new building a monument to race achievement,” philadelphia tribune, january , ; daniel chase, “the business of banking,” philadelphia tribune, august , . “new building a monument to race achievement,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. “trust company opens with $ , capital: citizens-southern bank merges with trust company,” philadelphia tribune, january , . african american migrants who were being exploited by realtors and finance companies. in february , wright estimated that in the previous seven years african americans had lost over $ , through mortgage defaults, overcharges, and fraud. as wright explained: “millions of dollars are lost because our people are not in the habit of consulting their bankers.” further, he stated: “they ought to listen to the agents who are selling stock or selling a house, or selling anything else, but before they sign the contract, we want them to know they ought to consult their banker and they will save thousands and thousands of dollars.” a trust company would allow wright to provide a full range of financial services to african american home buyers by protecting their deposits, reviewing mortgage documents, examining closing costs, and representing their interests at the real estate closing. as charles ealy explained: well it was a little hard to get people to understand, because they had been living in another world, so to speak, dealing with institutions that charged them tremendous high rates of interest on the loans they had been given . . . . at that time when people wanted money they’d go to finance companies. say for a person buying a property and having a settlement, they find they need two or three hundred dollars to complete the settlement. and they go to a finance company. well now he can put that money on the table. you can do the same with a bank for six and half percent interest instead of paying three and half percent on the unpaid balance monthly. he thoroughly understood that. and now we began o see them come in. try to establish a credit rating with the institution . . . . some of them didn’t hardly believe it at the beginning. we sat around in “the citizens’ and southern banking company: a business achievement, makes good because of public confidence,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid. hardy, race and opportunity, . many people’s homes, going over things very carefully and thoroughly with them to see the contrast. after an intensive, nearly year-long, campaign to raise the chartered capital goal of $ , , on january , , wright announced that the entire capital stock had been paid in with a surplus of over $ , for the trust company. according to wright, most of the over five hundred stockholders in the trust company were migrants from the south and some were former slaves. wright’s companies were merged, creating the citizens and southern bank and trust company and it opened for business on march , . it was the first african american trust in the north and its opening was billed as “a monument to the faith and confidence of the negro race.” shortly after its establishment, a banquet was held to honor the work of wright. it was repeated emphasized by numerous speakers that african americans were demonstrating a determination “to be free from oppression through economic development.” e. washington rhodes, the trust officer of the new institution as well as the editor of the philadelphia tribune and a lawyer, explained the “racial benefits charles ealy, interview, may , , cited in hardy, race and opportunity, . “citizens’ & southern bank and trust company opens for business,” new york amsterdam news, january , . ibid. “trust company opens with $ , capital: citizens-southern bank merges with trust company,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “trust company implies safety says wright,” philadelphia tribune, march , . from a pooling of the negroes resources.” he argued that african americans, who he noted had over eighteen million dollars in white banks, must support the new institution if they desired “to see a great big financial institution owned and controlled by colored people.” in keeping with such a philosophy, wright commenced a campaign to increase deposits in the new institution to $ , , by the end of . in making the case that such a goal was attainable, he explained, the approximately , african americans that lived in philadelphia and the surrounding areas, had an earning capacity of $ , , per week and a savings capacity of $ , , per year. after e. washington rhodes resigned his position as trust officer of citizens to become an assistant united states attorney in december , raymond pace alexander was chosen as his replacement. alexander immediately commenced a campaign to increase the profile of the trust department by developing a program of expansion and publicity to better serve “the large colored population of the city.” ibid. “trust company opens with $ , capital: citizens-southern bank merges with trust company,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “citizens’ & southern bank and trust company opens for business,” new york amsterdam news, january , . “appoint new trust officer at c.&s. bank,” philadelphia tribune, december , . ibid. the trust department was an immediate success developing $ , in business in its first year and increasing to $ , in its second year. the bank’s motto was “save for a purpose: save to make profit on your earnings.” pursuant to its motto, the bank’s general purpose was to assist african americans in “saving money for the purchase of homes, for the education of their children, and for savings money to obtain various comforts in life.” it offered a number of services including: commercial banking services; savings accounts paying percent interest; time certificates paying . percent interest; and trust and title insurance. it also provided loans for a wide variety of purposes but required that such loans be secured by sound collateral. by , the bank had $ , in capital, over six thousand deposit accounts and thirteen hundred checking accounts. the bank also served the growing african american business community, including: churches, building and loan associations, fraternities, sororities, contractors, doctors, undertakers, and real estate professionals. it also had provided loans to one thousand borrowers for a wide range of purposes including: small business loans, to pay interest on mortgages, to pay building and loan dues, to pay taxes and other floyd j. calvin, “bankers meet in capital,” pittsburgh courier, september , . “a negro bank at the front in philadelphia,” new york amsterdam news, december , . ibid. “rigid loan requirements c.&s. boon,” philadelphia tribune, august , . “home coming week at the local banks,” philadelphia tribune, november , . financial obligations. wright proudly boasted that citizens had never lost any money on any of its loan transactions. central to its growth, the bank deployed a multi-faceted marketing plan designed to reach all parts of the african american community in philadelphia. it advertised continuously in newspapers such as the philadelphia tribune which noted that wright “likes publicity and knows how to get it at the least possible cost.” the advertisements were rather modest in size and frequently appealed to racial consciousness, explaining: “the colored people cannot afford to do without banks of their own” and “our only bank in this city—the race’s most liquid bank.” wright explained that such advertising kept the name of the bank before the reading public and such consistency allowed it to “gradually take a deep and vital hold on the community.” he stated such advertising undoubtedly contributed to the institutions success. but wright did not limit himself to simple advertisements in print medias as he understood the fundamental role of the churches in the african american community. he chose four african methodist bishops, levi j. coppin, john hurst, w.s. brooks, and “federal officer lauds bank on its progress,” philadelphia tribune, march , . “rigid loan requirements c.&s. boon,” philadelphia tribune, august , . “an outsider,” philadelphia tribune, august , . philadelphia tribune, april , ; philadelphia tribune, january , . floyd j. calvin, “calvin calls on philly’s popular bank,” pittsburgh courier, april , . william h. heard, for his board of directors. such directors marketed the bank by sending letters to prominent church members extending invitations to buy shares and attend the bank’s meetings and spoke with church pastors urging them to encourage their flocks to invest in the bank. bishops william heard and j. h. jones wrote a letter addressed to the ministry and laity of the a.m.e. church and the citizens of philadelphia that was published in the tribune. the open letter praised the management of the bank and noted that it had provided a great service to the “race.” the bishops urged all the members of the church to give their complete support to the bank by opening savings and checking accounts as it was the only “philadelphia negro bank.” nor were wright’s efforts limited to the a.m.e church. wright successfully convinced a number of the ministers in philadelphia to preach one hundred “bank sermons” designed to boost their local banks such as citizens and southern. wright also assiduously courted the business of african american fraternal orders. wright arranged for the leaders of the grand united order of odd fellows to inspect his bank and provided an elaborate luncheon on their behalf. wright’s efforts were rewarded when the grand master edward h. morris, a wealthy lawyer from gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . ibid. “c.&s. bank is praised for its management,” philadelphia tribune, july , . ibid. “philadelphia ministers to preach ‘bank sermons,’” new york amsterdam news, october , . chicago, announced that the fraternal organization would, for the first time in its history, deposit funds in an african american bank. likewise, after convening a conference in philadelphia to discuss the matter, the grand lodge of elks informed wright that at least part of their funds would be deposited in african american banks. the bank also sought to attract business by sponsoring an annual homecoming week that provided events for civic and fraternal organizations, business and professional persons, and sponsored a women’s day. wright understood that the collapse of brown and stevens made african americans skeptical of the financial soundness of african american banks. to solidify its reputation, he also sought the endorsement of the white power structure to further legitimize his bank. wright developed and maintained close corresponding relationships with three prominent white banks in philadelphia. wright also sought the support of local and state governments. after a lobbying campaign by wright, in april , city council passed an ordinance authorizing the city of philadelphia to deposit funds in citizens and southern bank. wright proceeded to turn his attention to harrisburg and “g.m.c. makes deposit in bank for first time in its history,” pittsburgh courier, july , . “fraternal orders realizing worth of negro banks,” pittsburgh courier, june , . “citizens and southern plan home-coming week,” pittsburgh courier, november , . ingham and feldman, african american business leaders, - . “colored bank depository of city’s money,” philadelphia tribune, april , . commenced a similar lobbying drive with state officials. after a number of examinations, the commonwealth of pennsylvania recognized wright’s bank as a state depository and began depositing funds in the bank in november . the recognition by both the city of philadelphia and the commonwealth of pennsylvania greatly enhanced the reputation of wright’s bank and “offset” the failure of brown and stevens. wright also understood that the collapse of brown and stevens and keystone cooperative was in large measure due to its investments in fixed assets such as real estate. to avoid such problems, wright sought to invest the bank’s deposits in securities that produced a fair return and were highly liquid. as wright explained: “we don’t owe a dollar to anybody except what we owe in current bills. we have never borrowed one cent. we have on hand, right now, a sufficient amount of cash to take care of every depositor.” wright also understood that speculative lending practices had also doomed previous banks and he adopted conservative lending polices. it was said that “if you need $ , major wright wants you to leave both eyes, both legs and all the collateral you can muster.” while such conservative banking procedures may have cost potential “citizens and southern bank becomes a state depository,” pittsburgh courier, november , . orrin evans, “state makes local bank a depository,” philadelphia tribune, november , . “rigid loan requirements c.&s. boon,” philadelphia tribune, august , . haynes, the black boy of atlanta, . customers, it provided a secure financial foundation for citizens that was sorely lacking in many other banking ventures. wright’s efforts were not limited to his own bank. wright joined the pennsylvania bankers association in and the american bankers association in . he rapidly discovered, however, that neither group was interested in addressing the needs of african american bankers. such a lack of interest or even blatant discrimination from lobby and advocacy organizations was hardly uncommon to african american business enterprises. to counter such discrimination, booker t. washington established the negro business league in . its mission was “to promote the commercial and financial development of the negro” and it established hundreds of chapters throughout the united states. it also established a number of subsidiary organizations including the national negro bankers association. by , forty african american banks were members and, just two years later, the number grew to sixty-one banks. the effectiveness of the organization, however, was limited as the pittsburgh courier described it: “only two or three were meeting each year with the business league and at this meeting they had about ten minutes to discuss banking.” while perhaps a slight exaggeration, the national negro bankers association was a small “history of national negro business league,” atlanta daily world, august , . “success of negro banks,” afro-american, september , ; “national negro bankers hold successful meeting,” afro-american, september , . editorial, pittsburgh courier, september , . subsidiary organization that met just once a year with an agenda largely consisting of general reports on the overall status of african american banking. to remedy such problems, wright was determined to build a permanent group to develop and train the leadership necessary for successful african american banking endeavors. wright’s effort to organize the bankers into a collective entity was in keeping with a central component of his civil rights ideology. as historian june patton explained: “wright believed that the creation of formal organizations not only provided the collective force required to effect contemporary social change, but were also the best means of institutionalizing the struggle for black advancement for the protracted battle that lay ahead.” at every stop in his storied career, wright sought to create such indigenous institutions to capture the intellectual and collective synergies of african americans into collective action to advance the race. he was instrumental in establishing the georgia state teacher’s association in , the savannah negro improvement league in , the american negro academy in , and the national association of teachers in colored schools in . in keeping with his past efforts, on september , , major wright, at the age of , convened a meeting of african american bankers in knights of pythias hall in philadelphia with an ambitious agenda determined to “map out a progressive financial and business program which comprehends a closer relation with all forms of negro life june o. patton, “‘and the truth shall make you free’: richard robert wright, sr., black intellectual and iconoclast, - ,” the journal of negro history ( ): . ibid., - . and commerce.” the two days of meetings resulted in the establishment of a permanent organization, the national negro bankers’ association, which elected major wright as its first president. the primary objectives of the organization were two-fold. first, the organization would serve as a vehicle to allow the members to disseminate knowledge and “exchange ideas on the latest and most approved banking methods, and their adaptation to meet the peculiar needs of negro business men and communities.” second, it would “acquaint the negro public with the indispensability of banks, owned, controlled and operated by negros, and the absolute necessity of supporting these banks by depositing their savings in them.” wright, speaking at the association’s national meeting in offered his succinct explanation of its purpose: “i declare to you that the national negro bankers’ association is a serious attempt to dignify our banking, to organize our banks for bigger and better businesses and for mutual protection in order to accomplish this very purpose.” essentially, wright sought to professionalize the african american banking business in order to instill sufficient confidence in the african american community to utilize indigenous institutions. in support of his position, wright explained that one and a quarter million dollars was deposited by african americans in white banks. wright “bankers form a permanent organization,” philadelphia tribune, september , ; “major r.r. wright chosen president of national negro bankers’ association,” pittsburgh courier, september , . “national negro bankers’ association,” philadelphia tribune, september , . ibid. “major wright addresses bankers at durham meet,” pittsburgh courier, september , . noted that in not a single african american bank failed in contrast to the , white banks that failed, including members of the federal reserve system and national banks. the following year, two african american banks failed but neither was a member of the association. during the same time, over a thousand white banks failed. just two years after its founding, wright and a delegation from the national negro bankers association were received by president calvin coolidge at the white house and later by andrew w. mellon, the head of the treasury department. after wright explained the progress of african american banking and the association, both coolidge and mellon responded by praising wright and the association for its efforts in promoting thrift among african americans. such promotion of thrift culminated in the association launching a “thrift week” in february . the association sought to educate african americans to the importance of savings in its member banks and adopted the slogan, “save in the nearest bank of your group.” in support of the effort, wright embarked on a nationwide tour of a number of member banks to promote “thrift” week through special meetings, “banks which failed not affiliated with national banking association,” pittsburgh courier, january , . ibid. “negro bankers received by coolidge,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid. conferences, and educational programs. wright concluded that each of the banks he visited were in a “prosperous condition” and were led by african americans who are “now going seriously into banking in its most scientific form, and deserve the who- hearted support of our people.” in philadelphia, wright’s citizens bank commenced a drive to raise $ , in new savings deposits as part of the thrift campaign. on september , , the association convened its annual meeting in washington d.c. african american bankers from around the nation heard a wide range of lectures regarding banking practices with titles such as “what makes a bank grow,” loans and discounts,” “the duties of a trust officer,” and “the small, unprofitable account.” these lectures were designed to increase the basic knowledge of the bankers as well as address issues that were unique to african american banks. as wright explained in his annual address in , increased knowledge among african american bankers would lead to stronger banks that in turn would instill greater confidence in african americans to use such banks. wright believed the association was making significant process in obtaining such goals, as he stated: “our own people are beginning to realize that banks are the keystone of business, the basis of economic “our bankers sponsor annual ‘thrift week,’” philadelphia tribune, june , . floyd calvin “‘no bank failures his year’—philly banker’s predication,” pittsburgh courier, march , . ibid. floyd calvin, “ bankers meet in capital,” pittsburgh courier, september , . progress.” the culmination of the annual meeting was a private audience with the newly elected president herbert hoover in his private office in the white house. an editorial in the pittsburgh courier hailed the work of the association and the praised the vision and courage of wright in establishing the association. in late , the philadelphia tribune, in an editorial, entitled: “there must be banks,” celebrated the eighth anniversary of citizens and southern bank and trust company and offered an astute analysis of the thirty year history of black banks in the city of brotherly love. the editorial explained that “the colored citizens of philadelphia need a strong financial institution” to act as a reservoir to pool their resources. the editorial noted that philadelphia, with an african american population of two hundred thousand, “should have a great big bank the pride and joy of their racial life.” while noting the progress of citizens, the editorial recognized that no such great financial institution existed in philadelphia mainly due to lack of support from the african american community. the editorial implicitly recognized that such a lack of support was attributable to the demise of previous african american banks in philadelphia. nevertheless, the editorial explained that such failures developed the necessary experience to build a solid foundation that will allow future generations to successfully “complete the structure.” the editorial implored the african american community to look past previous failures by major r.r. wright, “major wright surveys negro banking field,” pittsburgh courier, october , . editorial, pittsburgh courier, september , . “there must be banks,” philadelphia tribune, november , . arguing that anything that supports “the negro race as a group benefits individual negroes.” it concluded: “the idea is clear—we either go up together or else we stay down and continue to exist as unfortunates in the wealthiest country on earth.” chapter the african american building and loan association movement in philadelphia - - years after its demise, african americans in philadelphia still nostalgically recalled their fond memories of the mighty brown and stevens bank. yet while brown and stevens bank held great symbolic importance to the african american community, even during its heyday the bank had limited capital with which to provide mortgage loans to african americans to purchase homes. in fact, one of the main sources of mortgage loans for the purchase of homes by african americans in philadelphia were building and loan associations. that african american building and loan associations prospered in philadelphia should not come as a surprise as the very first building and loan association in the united states was founded in the city of brotherly love in . in fact, the overall building and loan movement was such a success at financing homeownership for whites that philadelphia was known as the “city of homes.” such success inspired african american leaders such as reverend william creditt, reverend matthew anderson, and william still, the father of the underground railroad, to emulate the movement through the creation of indigenous financial institutions to provide capital in the form of mortgage loans. these leaders recognized that economic development was integral to the larger quest for civil rights and equality for african americans in the united states. the building and loan movement in the african american community in philadelphia grew dramatically with the commencement of the great migration as hardy, race and opportunity, xiv. migrants often arrived in philadelphia with aspirations of homeownership. the growth of the movement was spearheaded by a small group of “new negroes” who recognized the importance of economic development as an integral piece of the larger civil rights movement dedicated to challenging white supremacy. most were professionals who attended elite colleges and professional schools in the north and represented the vanguard of w.e.b. du bois’ “talented tenth.” several of them were prominent lawyers who adopted the legal philosophy of the famed civil rights lawyer: charles hamilton houston. a graduate of harvard university law school, houston articulated a vision for the “new negro” lawyer, explaining: [the] negro lawyer must be trained as a social engineer and group interpreter. due to the negro’s social and political condition . . . the negro lawyer must be prepared to anticipate, guide and interpret his group advancement . . . . [moreover, he must act as] business advisor . . . for the protection of the scattered resources possessed or controlled by the group . . . . he must provide more ways and means for holding within the group the income now flowing through it. legal scholar kenneth mack has explained that houston and other members of the african american bar embraced a professional consciousness of “race uplift” that contained “a voluntarist strand that emphasized intraracial progress, and a legalist strand see alain locke, ed., the new negro: voices of the harlem renaissance (new york: albert and charles boni, inc., ). charles hamilton houston, “personal observations on the summary of studies in legal education as applied to the howard university school of law,” manuscript, may , charles hamilton houston letters, papers, and firm case files, houston & gardner law firm, washington d.c. quoted in genna rae mcneil, groundwork: charles hamilton houston and the struggle for civil rights (philadelphia, pa: university of pennsylvania press ), . that centered on moral and legal claims directed to the larger white majority.” mack argues that, in the s, the voluntarist strand dominated and lawyers “emphasized the promotion of local african american institutions—law firms, businesses, churches, newspapers—while remaining cognizant of the discrimination and segregation that hemmed them in.” the “new negros” in philadelphia, working in conjunction with a number of the major african american churches in philadelphia, built the largest network of african american owned and operated building and loan associations in the united states. the movement, as gunnar mydral explained, was attributed to the inability of african americans to obtain financial assistance from white banks and financial institutions to purchase homes. but the development of building and loan associations and the demand for home loans were both byproducts of the tremendous desire of african americans, particularly recently arrived migrants from the south, to own homes. in fact, the movement was driven by individual families making the conscious decision to live out the american dream of homeownership. after the first building and loan association in the united states opened in philadelphia, african americans joined the movement after the civil war, when a group opened a building and loan association in kinston, north carolina in , and later an kenneth w. mack, “rethinking civil rights lawyering and politics in the era before brown,” . ibid. gunnar myrdal, an american dilemma: the negro problem and modern democracy (new york: harper & brothers ), . association was established in baltimore, maryland. next, several african americans established the tide water building and loan association in portsmouth, virginia, followed by the people’s building and loan association in hampton, virginia in . the founding of the building and loan associations in virginia was motivated by the desire of african americans to secure better housing and to own homes. unable to secure loans from banks and building and loan associations in portsmouth and hampton, african americans created their own institutions to address the credit needs of the african american community and enter the ranks of homeowners. the building and loan movement was such a success that booker t. washington claimed half of the black-owned homes in virginia were financed through an african american association. he explained that, “perhaps the most numerous and popular form of cooperative business in which are people have engaged is that of the building and loan associations.” in , the first african american managed building and loan association in philadelphia was organized and named the century building and loan association. several months later it received its official charter from the commonwealth of pennsylvania. the century’s board of directors consisted exclusively of african mason, from buildings and loans to bail-outs, . samuel a. rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states (hampton, va: hampton institute ), . ibid. washington, negro in business, . i. maximilian martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia: their history and present status (philadelphia, pa: associated real estate brokers of philadelphia, ), . americans employed in a variety of occupations, including teachers, upholsterers, clerks, restaurant owners, and undertakers. as of , its income was $ , with outstanding loans in the amount of $ , . by , century had dwindled to a mere nineteen members and it assisted with the purchase of only one home during the course of the year. its income also declined to $ , with total assets of $ , and, several years later, it ceased to exist due to lack of members. in , the pioneer building and loan association was organized and by it had received its charter from the commonwealth of pennsylvania. its board consisted exclusively of african americans employed as carters, merchants, and upholsterers. by , it had outstanding loans in the amount of $ , and had assisted nine african americans in buying their homes. in , pioneer reported members and it originated four loans for home purchases. for a number of years, pioneer regularly advertised in the philadelphia tribune, encouraging people to join if they wanted to du bois, the philadelphia negro, . ibid. wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . ibid.; martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . ibid. wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . “borrow money or purchase a home” and to “keep your dollars busy.” it allowed members to borrow up to $ . for each share of stock. while the historical record contains scant information regarding the institution, it apparently continued to thrive for a number of decades by providing mortgage loans to its african american members. according to a report it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking in , pioneer listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , that amount increased to $ , ; in , it was $ , ; and in , $ , . as of , pioneer had the third highest total of resources among african american building and loan associations in philadelphia. in the same year that pioneer was organized, reverend matthew anderson founded what would become the most successful african american owed financial institution in the history of philadelphia. anderson was bon in greencastle, pennsylvania on january , . after attending a college preparatory school in ohio, anderson enrolled at oberlin college. he was forced to withdraw due to lack of funds and he philadelphia tribune, march , ; philadelphia tribune, april , . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations (harrisburg, pa: commonwealth of pennsylvania, ), . martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . “berean pastor dies suddenly in hospital,” philadelphia tribune, january , . accepted a teaching position at livingstone college in salisbury, north carolina. after two years of teaching, anderson resumed his studies at princeton university and graduated with a degree in theology. following his graduation, he continued his education at yale school of divinity, completing his studies in . with his education complete, anderson moved to philadelphia and, in , established the berean presbyterian church. anderson located his church in north philadelphia, an area in which african americans had begun to populate. most of the six thousand african american residents in the area were poor and lived in deplorable conditions. anderson, influenced by the social gospel movement, did not limit the work of his church to the spiritual needs of his congregation but sought to better the less fortunate members through a wide range of social and economic programs. as the philadelphia tribune noted, he “understood that the progress of his race depended in large measure upon high economic standards.” to implement his vision, anderson established a kindergarten, an employment agency, a seaside summer retreat, medical dispensary, and a highly successful industrial school. founded in with the financial assistance of white philanthropists such as john wanamaker and robert ogden, the berean manual training and industrial school ibid. matthew anderson, presbyterianism: its relation to the negro (philadelphia: john mcgill white, ), . editorial, “matthew anderson,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “berean pastor dies suddenly in hospital,” philadelphia tribune, january , . provided inexpensive business and vocational classes for the african american community. unlike booker t. washington, anderson believed that industrial education must be taught in conjunction with academic studies. he explained: “that its relation to the higher or intellectual training is as intimate as body and mind, that one cannot exist without the other, any more than that mind in the flesh could exist unless it was connected with a living, organic, puissant body.” anderson’s berean was so successful that du bois, writing just a decade after it was established, stated: “probably no church in the city, except the episcopal church of the crucifixion, is doing so much for the betterment of the negro.” nor was anderson shy in expressing his opinions regarding his civil rights philosophy. in , anderson visited washington and his tuskegee institute undoubtedly to gain insights to assist in the development of his fledgling school. following his trip, anderson wrote washington a letter summarizing his impressions of tuskegee institute and its accomplishments. after initially praising tuskegee, he delicately informed washington that he was making two serious mistakes. first, anderson questioned whether washington was being unduly influenced by many of his gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, ; v. p. franklin, the education of black philadelphia: the social and educational history of a minority community, - (philadelphia, pa: university of pennsylvania press, ), . matthew anderson, “the berean school of philadelphia and the industrial efficiency of the negro,” annals of the american academy of political and social science (jan. ): . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . louis r. harlan and raymond w. smock eds., the booker t. washington papers, vol. , - (urbana, il: the university of illinois press ), . former critics who sought to curry favor with him due to his enormous success. second, he informed washington that he was making the impression throughout the united states that he was opposed to schools for higher education for african americans. he told washington: “now, i think you should set yourself right in regard to this, for i am sure you don’t believe it. you believe with me, that industrial education is the education for the masses; but where one has the capabilities and the opportunity to secure a higher, or the highest, education, he should be encouraged to do so.” at the conclusion of what was a remarkable letter—considering washington was at the zenith of his influence and was extremely vindictive to his critics—anderson had the audacity to request the wizard’s blessing in publishing the critical letter. one area that particularly concerned anderson upon his arrival in philadelphia was the poor housing conditions encountered by african americans. as he explained: one of the first things which greatly surprised us on coming to philadelphia, the city of brotherly love (?) was the difficulty which colored people experienced in securing desirable homes. that they should occupy only certain districts, and these districts being situated generally in small streets, seemed to have been agreed upon by landlords generally. and from this decision, namely, that the colored people should be relegated to the slums, there seemed to be no redress. the good and bad, the pure and corrupt, the refined and vulgar, the educated and ignorant, were as by the laws of the medes and persians, compelled to live together. and as a result our people were being insulted all over the city whenever they attempted to get desirable homes…and what made it more discouraging there were but few colored persons, who once having rented, had accumulated sufficient funds to purchase their own homes. ibid. ibid. “berean founder had dreams,” philadelphia tribune, february , . to address the such issues and inspired by the success of century building and loan association, in , anderson convened a series of conferences with african american and white leaders to discuss the establishment of a building and loan association. after the meetings convinced him of the necessity of such an organization, anderson formally established the berean building and loan association on february , , symbolically on abraham lincoln’s birthday. consistent with his overall theological philosophy that focused on economic empowerment, anderson stated its purpose “was to create of thrift among negroes and provide means by which they could finance the purchase of desirable homes.” recognizing that financial expertise was essential to the success of such an endeavor and also realizing he had limited experience in such matters, anderson recruited a strong board of directors with substantial expertise in business and financial concerns. anderson was aware that building and loan associations were prevalent in white communities throughout philadelphia and were successful in assisting white families of moderate means by homes. to take advantage of such financial experience, anderson brought in several wealthy and influential whites to serve on berean’s board of directors, making it the first integrated building and loan association in the united ibid. “berean savings, loan has an historic past; founded feb. , ,” philadelphia tribune, february , . states. the integrated board consisted of thirteen african americans and six whites who sought to assist african americans in their efforts to purchase homes. anderson assumed the position of vice-president and recruited a strong management team to guide berean. in assembling his team, he did not need to look beyond his own immediate family to find the first president of the newly formed building and loan association. anderson’s first wife was caroline matilda still, a pioneering medical doctor. caroline’s father was none other than william still, “the father of the underground railroad,” who also was a member of berean presbyterian church. given still’s remarkable accomplishments through the course of his life, anderson’s selection provided his new endeavor with immediate credibility in both the white and african american communities. still’s decision to accept anderson’s offer and create an institution whose purpose was to create economic empowerment through home ownership fit within the construct of his broad conception of civil rights activism. william still was born in in medford, new jersey, the youngest of children. levin, still’s father, purchased his freedom, relocating to maryland in , and charity, his mother, escaped slavery to join her husband, leaving behind two of their joseph v. baker, “berean b.&l. association among strongest in city,” philadelphia tribune, july , . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . stephen g. hall, “to render the private public: william still and the selling of ‘the underground rail road,’” the pennsylvania magazine of history and biography (jan. ): . fergus m. bordewich, bound for canaan: the underground railroad and the war for the soul of america (new york: harpercollins publishers, inc., ), . sons. with little formal education, still left home at the age of twenty and, after working on several nearby farms, he migrated to philadelphia in . after several years laboring in a number of menial jobs, in , he was hired as a clerk for the pennsylvania society for the abolition of slavery located on north fifth street in philadelphia. following the passage of the fugitive slave act in , the society sought to revive its dormant vigilance committee that was originally organized in to assist fugitive slaves. still was named chairmen of the revived committee and immediately began aggressively assisting slaves to escape from as far away as norfolk, virginia and washington d.c. under still’s leadership, the philadelphia office became one of the main destinations of the underground railroad and it assisted an average of sixty fugitive slaves a month. still, working closely with harriett tubman and other underground railroad conductors, provided food and shelter to the fugitive slaves as they continued on their journey north in search of freedom. incredibly, one of the fugitive slaves that arrived in his office was his own brother, peter, who had been left behind and sold to another slave master in alabama when their mother escaped slavery. also, it was to still’s office that henry “box” brown arranged to have himself shipped in a crate in one of the more dramatic escapes from slavery. john brown unsuccessfully tried to recruit still for his ibid., . ibid. ibid. peter still and his wife, vina, also published their slave narrative. see kate e. pickard, the kidnapped and the ransomed; being the personal recollections of peter still and his wife “vina” after forty years of slavery (syracuse, ny: william t. hamilton, ). plan to seize the federal arsenal at harper’s ferry and arm the thousands of slaves he was convinced would join his cause in an armed rebellion to abolish slavery. following the unsuccessful attack, several of brown’s men, including john brown, jr. and james redpath, eluded capture and journeyed to still’s office where he assisted them in escaping to canada. still kept detailed records regarding each of the fugitive slaves that he assisted in their attempts to secure freedom. he interviewed each person, and recorded their birth place, family history, destination, and former name, as well as any aliases. in may , the pennsylvania anti-slavery society requested that he compile and publish his “personal reminiscences and experiences related to the ‘underground rail road’” the following year, still completed his work, underground rail road record, the first comprehensive history of the underground railroad—and one which successfully placed african americans at the center of the narrative. still was also one of the founding members of the social, cultural, and statistical association of the colored people of pennsylvania. established in , its mission was “to diffuse knowledge of the condition & wants of the colored people, and to remove prejudice in any directions where their civil rights are discriminated thereby.” under his leadership, the association played a key role in his next civil rights campaign. ibid., ; “noted abolitionist dead,” philadelphia tribune, july , . hall, “to render the private public,” . philip s. foner, “the battle to end discrimination against negroes on philadelphia streetcars: (part i) background and beginning of the battle,” pennsylvania history (july ): . beginning in , a number of companies began to operate street car lines in philadelphia. the companies, however, either refused to admit african americans or segregated them by forcing them to stand on the front platform of the street car with the driver. still endured the bitter humiliation of the segregation when he was forced to ride on the platform of a street car at night during a snow storm. as he walked home after he disembarked from the street car out of a concern for his safety, he felt “nowhere in christendom could be found a better illustration of judge taney’s decision in the dred scott case, in which he declared that ‘black men have no rights which white men are bound to respect,’ than are demonstrated by the ‘rules’ of the passenger cars of the city of brotherly love.” in response to the segregationist policies of the street car companies, still commenced a campaign to desegregate street cars. still published a letter, in the north american and united states gazette and reprinted widely in the anti-slavery press, condemning the practice. after his letter failed to move any of the companies, still proposed that social, cultural, and statistical association of the colored people of pennsylvania circulate a petition requesting the companies end their discriminatory practices among the white leaders of philadelphia. despite the fact that white philadelphians signed the petition, the companies refused to alter their policies. ibid., . ibid., . ibid., - . still continued his efforts through letters and by organizing community protests that culminated in a mass meeting “[t]o take into consideration the question of the colored people and street cars” in january . the integrated meeting, attended by many prominent philadelphians, passed a series of resolutions condemning “the expulsion of respectable persons from our passenger railroad cars on the ground of complexion,” and demanding the companies end their discriminatory policy in the name of “justice and humanity.” in response, the companies proposed to resolve the issue by a poll of the passengers of the cars. not surprisingly, on the same day that the congress adopted the thirteenth amendment to the united states constitution formally abolishing slavery, an overwhelming majority answered the question “shall colored persons be allowed to ride in all of the cars?” with a resounding “no.” with the failure of the protest efforts to achieve any meaningful results, the campaign turned to the pennsylvania state legislature to seek passage of a law to prohibit the companies from discriminating based upon race. in , state senator morrow b. lowery, described by william lloyd garrison as “a most radical abolitionist,” introduced a bill to prohibit railroad companies from excluding african americans from passenger cars. after passing in the pennsylvania senate, the bill was tabled in the house of representative despite the lobbying efforts of still’s social, civil ibid., . ibid., - . philip s. foner, “the battle to end discrimination against negroes on philadelphia streetcars: (part ii) the victory,” pennsylvania history (oct. ): . ibid., - and statistical association of colored people and the pennsylvania anti-slavery society. despite the defeat, lowery, still, and other african americans civil rights advocates tirelessly continued to fight for passage of legislation banning the street car discrimination. such efforts were aided by events unfolding on a national level as radical republicans, led by thaddeus stevens and charles sumner, pushed the united states to adopt an expansive vision of political and civil rights. in february , pennsylvania ratified the fourteenth amendment to the united states constitution mandating equal protection for african americans. just a month later, on march , , pennsylvania governor geary signed a law that prohibited the railroad companies from excluding or segregating african american passengers and provided for civil and criminal penalties for any violations of the law. after eight years of efforts, the passage of the law was followed by a celebration in the african american community at a mass meeting. while still was criticized by some younger african americans for the elitist nature of some of his arguments in support of the law, most praised him for his “self-sacrificing efforts” to secure passage of the law. still’s advocacy work on behalf of african americans was not limited to traditional civil rights activism. he was also an astute businessman and he owned and operated a successful coal and ice yard. as historian stephen hall explained, still firmly believed “in the acquisition of capital by african americans for the purpose of providing ibid., ibid. useful services to the black community.” his decision to become president of berean building and loan association fit squarely with his expansive intellectual conception of a civil rights framework that included economic development as an essential cog. in order to get berean building and loan established, still raised funds for the initial loans through his extensive network of white philanthropists. in its early years, to attract members, berean directors went from church to church to convert people to the worth of buying homes. to encourage membership as a vehicle to achieve homeownership, berean building and loan published a pamphlet entitled “helpful hints on homes” that explained the object and function of building and loan associations. in advertisements, it encouraged african americans to become members if they were looking for “an easy method of buying a home.” it held its meetings on a monthly basis in the basement of the berean presbyterian church located at south college avenue. each month, the members met to discuss the business of the institution and pay their loans. berean commenced with fifty members, none of whom owed their home, hall, “to render the public private,” . ibid., . “ years leading spirit in building homes; honored,” philadelphia tribune, march , . du bois, the philadelphia negro, n . “flashes and sparks,” philadelphia tribune, july , . dorothy anderson, “wm. w. still, abolitionist first berean b and l head,” philadelphia tribune, april , . and fifty shares of stock. at the end of its first year of operation, berean had total assets of $ , . according to du bois, by , it had outstanding loans in the amount of $ , and had assisted forty-three african americans in purchasing homes. under the leadership of anderson and still, berean achieved strong growth in its membership and mortgage loan program. by , less than twenty years after its founding, berean had grown to over members with over , shares of stock. it had assisted members purchase homes with an average value of $ , for a cumulative total of over three hundred thousand dollars. berean had also accumulated total assets of $ , . . by august , berean proudly boasted of assets in the amount of $ , . and nearly four hundred homes had been purchased by its stock holders. after william still died in , anderson succeeded him as president. assisting anderson in the day-to-day management of the organization was w. basil webb, who served as secretary-manager. webb was born in mississippi in and raised in virginia. after completing his education in washington d.c. area, he relocated to philadelphia and became actively involved in real estate and politics. he worked as a anderson, “the berean school of philadelphia,” . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . r.r. wright, jr., “social work and influence of the negro church,” the annals of the american academy (nov. ): . ibid. “ - per cent our net earnings last year,” philadelphia tribune, august , . messenger for the city of philadelphia for five different mayors before he retired in . webb devoted a significant portion of his life into building and developing berean until his death in at the age of . in , anderson died suddenly from pneumonia. following his death, reverend robert s. jackson, who served on berean’s board, became president. jackson was born in poverty in virginia and, after graduating from hampton institute, he migrated to philadelphia. he brought with him deeply held religious convictions as well as practical business experience gained as the operator of a catering business and as president of the model storage company and a department store. jackson was described as “a man of the greatest energy” and “reliable, responsible and straight.” he also was a confidante of department store magnate, john wanamaker, and assisted him in his philanthropic efforts related to african americans causes, including gifts to washington’s tuskegee institute. in the same year, john harris jr., whose father, john harris, sr., served on the board and owned a real estate business, joined berean as its “webb, , in real estate years; b and l leader,” philadelphia tribune, february , . “ years leading spirit in building homes; honored,” philadelphia tribune, march , . ibid. “rev. r.s. jackson, berean president, business pioneer,” philadelphia tribune, july , . director. harris, jr. brought with him nearly ten years’ experience as a real estate broker in his father’s business. under such astute leadership, berean experienced tremendous growth and rapidly became the largest african american owned and operated building and loan association in the united states. as the philadelphia tribune stated: “it is largely due to the patient struggle and energetic usefulness of rev. anderson that the association enjoys such distinction.” by , berean had grown to over three thousand members and had assisted over two thousand, mostly african americans, purchase homes through the provision of mortgage loans. according to its annual reports filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , berean had $ , in mortgage loans on stock shares; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . overall, from through , berean loaned more than $ , , to home buyers and more than $ , in mortgages were paid off by stock maturities. at the beginning of the great depression in , berean had over $ , in assets and dwarfed all other african american building and loans in philadelphia and in the united states. “john harris, jr., succeeds webb as berean b. l. secy,” philadelphia tribune, march , . “berean pastor dies suddenly in hospital,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. joseph v. baker, “berean b. and l. association has withstood withdrawals.” philadelphia tribune, july , . rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, . following the establishment of berean and pioneer in , fifteen years passed before several additional african american building and loan associations were established in quick succession. on march , , the eureka investment company was established with william h. ratliff serving as president and john durham jones, sr. serving as the secretary. both ratliff and jones were members the african american elite in philadelphia due to their solid employment status. ratliff was the first porter on the first parlor car on the pennsylvania railroad and jones was a united states postal worker. while eureka never grew to the size of berean, it provided a steady stream of loans to african american borrowers for a number of decades. according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , eureka listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . later in , the cherry building and loan association was established by the first african baptist church of philadelphia, also know as cherry memorial church, led by reverend william creditt. founded in by a group of escaped slaves from virginia, the first african baptist church was the oldest black baptist church in martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, , . j.h. gray, “pennsylvania,” chicago defender, february , ; “presbyterian layman victim of paralysis,” philadelphia tribune, april , . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . pennsylvania. a native of baltimore, maryland, creditt relocated to philadelphia following his graduation from lincoln college. in , creditt assumed the pastorship over the eight hundred member church. that creditt would seek to establish a building and loan is hardly surprising given his fine record of successful financial and business endeavors. during his tenure, the church eliminated its debt on its property, bought its first parsonage in , and, due to the growth of the congregation under creditt’s leadership, built a new granite edifice in at an approximate cost of $ , . undoubtedly influenced by the social gospel movement, creditt also successfully established and guided the downingtown industrial school and the mutual aid insurance society to “uplift” african americans. while creditt established an industrial school similar to tuskegee and was a proponent of separate public schools for african americans and whites in philadelphia, he was hardly a washington discipline. rather, he was an outspoken critic of racial injustice in the united states. writing in the philadelphia tribune in , creditt commented on the dire situation encountered by african americans, noting: he is marked by color wherever he goes. only the lower forms of labor are open to him. he cannot amass wealth rapidly. although he knows american life and american institutions, yet this same color so stamps him that only in rare cases is he given the opportunity of a full-fledged american citizen. peggy pinder, “first african baptist ends th birthday celebration,” philadelphia tribune, july , . ibid.; ruth rolen, “cherry memorial’s w.a. harrod—lost in maze of civic affairs,” philadelphia tribune, march , . william a. creditt, “rev. william a. creditt, d.d. makes strong suggestions for the race,” philadelphia tribune, march , . he stated it was difficult to believe that “our nation” cannot exert any influence over “the states were our people are lynched without trial, without judge, without jury, and portions of the charred, riddled, mutilated and dismember bodies carried around as souvenirs.” he urged african americans in the north to utilize their political power to assist in efforts to ban lynch law in the south. as african american migrants began to pour into philadelphia during world war i, creditt actively sought to ease their transition to the north. after a disturbance occurred among a group of african american workers employed by the pennsylvania railroad, creditt sought to investigate the matter to ensure that none of the workers lost their jobs. he visited the workers’ camp located just outside philadelphia and organized several “social uplift meetings” to discuss “religion from a practical standpoint.” he also preached the virtues of thrift and urged the men to save their money. his efforts were such a success that he sought to expand his “social uplift meetings” to other pennsylvania railroad camps and to local steel mills that employed african americans. ibid. “wide awake leader organizes an important work: dr. william a. creditt leads movement to help strangers to become worthy citizens,” philadelphia tribune, august , . “dr. creditt pushes work among r.r. employees,” philadelphia tribune, september , . ibid. creditt also personally fled the sting of discrimination encountered by african americans in the housing market as he was met with white hostility when he attempted to move to a white neighborhood in philadelphia. to address such injustices, creditt, working in conjunction with charles h. brooks, who was the president of the board of trustees at first african baptist church, established the cherry building and loan to provide mortgage loans for the purchase of homes by african americans. brooks was chosen as secretary of the organization and was responsible for its day-to-day management until his death in . born in in kentucky, brooks was orphaned at a young age and received little formal schooling. even with his limited education, he taught in the public schools and, later traveled widely selling military uniforms for a manufacturing company. later, brooks graduated from the spencerian business college in and howard law school in . following his graduation, he established a successful law practice and real estate business in philadelphia. he also established the model storage company with robert jackson, president of berean building and loan. he was described by the philadelphia tribune as “a business man of much experience and . . . a worker for racial uplift here [in philadelphia].” creditt and brooks selected john trower as the first president of the new building and loan. trower, born to slave parents in virginia, migrated to philadelphia as a young gregg, sparks from the anvil of oppression, . “chas. brooks, churchman, realtor, dead,” philadelphia tribune, january , . barnett dodson, “busy life of c.h. brooks,” afro-american, october , . man. he established a tremendously successful catering business, one of his main clients was john wanamaker, and amassed an estimated personal fortune of $ , , . trower was also instrumental in the formation of downingtown industrial college as he purchased a acre farm for the school. he was regarded as one of the leading business men in philadelphia. following trower’s death in , brooks turned to his colleague, robert jackson, to become president of the cherry building and loan. the cherry building and loan started slowly, receiving a mere eight dollars during its first months. despite such an inauspicious beginning, by cherry had members and in that year it had assisted two people purchase their homes. by , cherry had provided over $ , in loans for the purchase of thirty homes. it boasted that during its twelve year existence, it had never lost a dollar by a poor investment. the philadelphia tribune proudly noted: “it gives us pleasure to state that this association is a credit to the business ability of our people, and we recommend that every one who desires to begin saving a little money, take at least one share in this g.f. ritchings, evidence of progress among colored people (philadelphia, pa: geo. s. ferguson co. ), . whittier h. wright, “current happenings in the city of brotherly love” afro- american, april , . hardy, race and opportunity, . “two million corporation has a big party,” philadelphia tribune, may , . wright, the negro in pennsylvania, . association.” cherry’s membership grew steadily through advertisements in the philadelphia tribune and mass meetings recruiting new members. overall, its membership came primarily from members of the church’s congregation. in , cherry held a banquet attended by over two hundred people in honor of its twenty-one years of existence. it announced that it had grown into a two million dollar corporation and was receiving $ , a month in dues from members. it continued to note that it still had not lost a penny. by that time it had assisted one hundred and fourteen persons purchase homes and had loaned $ , to finance such purchase. according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , cherry listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . creditt was also instrumental in the founding of the s.j.m. brock building and loan association in june . he hosted the first meeting of the organizers of the “splendid progress: the cherry building and loan association,” philadelphia tribune, may , . philadelphia tribune, april , . “seven thousand dollars distributed: a successful building association,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “two million corporation has a big party,” philadelphia tribune, may , . ibid. pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . building and loan and provided helpful assistance in ensuring the successful commencement of the association. the building and loan was named in honor of seldon j.m. brock who died in . he was described as the “foremost real estate man of the race in pennsylvania” who had assisted numerous african americans in purchasing homes. led by oliver c. brock, the officers of the s.j.m. building and loan recognized the import role building and loan associations played in creating home ownership for african americans. the building and loan enjoyed modest success for a number of years. according to report it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , s. j. m. brock building and loan listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . in the years following the establishment of cherry, several additional associations were established in philadelphia, including: the william still building and loan association in ; the banneker building and loan association in ; the eighth ward settlement building and loan association in ; and the colored of north philadelphia in . with the exception of the eighth ward, little is know about these “brock building loan pays off series,” philadelphia tribune, december , . “loan co. pays matured stock,” afro american, january , . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . associations. both william still, obviously named after the famed “father of the underground railroad” and banneker, possibly named after the brilliant african american author and astronomer, benjamin banneker, were moderately sized institutions headed by william b. southern, an african american businessman. in , richard hill, jr. became secretary for the william still building and loan. born in philadelphia, hill was a graduate of temple university. after serving in world war i, hill worked as a clerk at the philadelphia quartermaster depot, eventually rising to branch chief. he also served as president of the quartermaster credit union for several years and taught at duncan business school. according to a report it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking in , william still listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , , in $ , , in $ , , and in $ , . likewise, according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , banneker listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . “mr. southern’s new garage on bainbridge,” philadelphia tribune, december , . “richard hill, associate of b.&l.’s here,” philadelphia tribune, may , . ibid. pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building the eighth ward settlement house was part of the larger settlement movement, most famously represented by jane addams and ellen starr’s hull house in chicago, which sought to address urban poverty. the movement attempted to assimilate recent immigrants to the united states by instilling middle-class american values, such as thrift and homeownership, and by providing social services to address societal ills. unfortunately, many of the leaders of the settlement movement did not believe that african americans were capable of assimilation into mainstream america and excluded them from the settlement houses. in response to such blatant discrimination, african americans created their own settlement houses to assist migrants from the south and to address poverty in the north. founded in , the eighth ward settlement house provided social services to poor african americans and served as social hub for the african american community. in keeping with the overall mission of the settlement movement, the eighth ward provided a wide range of social, cultural, and educational activities in several departments and rooms, including: a game room; a living room with reading material; a carpet weaving room; a manual training area that focused on carpentry; a banking department that taught young children to save money with the goal of opening a bank account; a laundry room; and free baths with hot water. and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . “an enthusiastic big meeting at the eighth ward settlement,” philadelphia tribune, january , . upon his arrival in philadelphia in , richard r. wright, jr. moved in to eighth ward settlement house. the following year, he organized and later served as president of the eighth ward settlement building and loan association. the association sought to provide mortgage loans to african americans for the purchase of homes. levi a. cottman was selected as the secretary of the newly formed association. born and raised in philadelphia, cottman was a clerk for the united states postal office for a number of years. he was also actively involved in the african american community as well as local politics. cottman “was especially interested in race development and progress and entered heartily into any movement which meant the advancement of his people.” one of his best friends was george mitchell, who later served as the solicitor for the association. cottman served as secretary until his untimely death in at the age of thirty-nine. to encourage homeownership, the eighth ward placed small and direct advertisements in the philadelphia tribune urging people to contact them if they wanted to buy a home or to select a home and join the association. in addition, prominent speakers frequently spoke at meetings at the eighth ward settlement to promote building hardy, race and opportunity, . “dr. wright ends years as editor of oldest race paper,” chicago defender, june , . “death of mr. levi a. cottman of w. philadelphia,” philadelphia tribune, october , . ibid. “flashes and sparks,” philadelphia tribune, november , ; “flashes and sparks,” philadelphia tribune, april , . and loan associations. in , george h. white, the former congressman and president of the peoples’ savings bank, spoke to an audience of over two hundred people on the importance of savings money. several months later, charles brooks, secretary of the cherry street building and loan association, explained the purpose and function of a building and loan and recommended it as the best method to save money. such efforts sought to educate the african american community on the importance of thrift and to encourage membership in building and loan associations, such as the eighth ward, as a vehicle to achieve homeownership. by , the eighth ward settlement building and loan was hailed in the philadelphia tribune as “a remarkable achievement.” it had matured its first and second series of stock at a substantial profit of to percent and its third series was nearly maturity. here, too, african americans were encouraged to join “this progressive organization” if they wished to “buy a home or systematically save money.” by , mitchell was serving as solicitor and richard hill, jr. had succeeded cottman as secretary. overall, the eighth ward settlement building and loan remained one of the smaller african american building and loan associations in philadelphia but it was financially sound. according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , eighth ward settlement building and loan listed mortgage loans on “eighth ward settlement had a grand opening monday night,” philadelphia tribune, november , . “an enthusiastic big meeting at the eighth ward settlement,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “a remarkable achievement,” philadelphia tribune, may , . ibid. stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . as already noted, richard wright, jr. went on to become a leading figure in the african american community in philadelphia and was a protype of du bois’s “talented tenth.” in addition to his involvement with eighth ward building and loan, in , wright also established, in conjunction with his work for citizens and southern bank, the citizens and southern building and loan association. emanuel wright, richard’s brother, served as secretary of the association. however, it apparently did very little business. in , it reported to the pennsylvania department of banking a mere $ , in mortgage loans on stock shares. nor were african american building and loan associations limited to the city of philadelphia. at least two such associations were established in suburb areas in montgomery county directly outside philadelphia. in , the trinity building and loan was established in ardmore and in the la mott building and loan association was established in la mott. both trinity and la mott were successfully in operation for a number of years. in , trinity was described as having made “great pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . progress” and had “aided many of our race in buying property.” in , a state auditor examined the organization’s financial records and found it to be in “perfect condition.” according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , trinity listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . la mott was a smaller institution having listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , in . the building and loan association growth trend increased dramatically beginning in as the first effects of the great migration began to impact philadelphia with the new migrants creating an unprecedented demand for mortgage loans for the purchase of homes. between and alone, fifteen new associations were established in philadelphia and, by , a total of thirty-six african american owned building and loan associations were in operation. the explosive growth was also reflected in the asset expansion of the building and loans. as of , african american building and philadelphia tribune, november , . ibid. pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . martin, negro managed building and loan associations in philadelphia, . loan associations cumulatively had approximately $ , in resources. less than a twenty years later, in , the combined capital of the associations had grown to over $ , , . the driving force behind this rapid expansion of the building and loan association movement among african americans in philadelphia was largely attributable to one person: george w. mitchell. born in , mitchell attended howard university law school and worked in the office of the treasurer at howard university. after graduating, he relocated to philadelphia and was admitted to practice in pennsylvania on september , . he opened a law office at nineteenth and walnut streets. as he embarked on his career, he had tremendous faith in the legal system in pennsylvania explaining the “the laws are not only made but administered with as much fairness and impartiality as in any state in the union.” grounded in his faith in the law, mitchell’s legal philosophy was a protype of kenneth mack’s “race uplift”: he combined institutional building in the african american community with a commitment to civil rights advocacy outside the court room. ibid., - . woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . hardy, race and opportunity, ; george mitchell, the question before congress: a consideration of the debates and final action by congress upon various phases of the race question in the united states (philadelphia, pa: the a.m.e. book concern, ), . “colored lawyers have made good in philadelphia,” philadelphia tribune, october , . mitchell, the question before congress, . nevertheless, most likely, mitchell struggled early to develop his practice as african americans were often reluctant to retain african american lawyers. as historian carter woodson discovered in his research on black lawyers, some african american business men believed that they were not properly trained nor did they understand modern “economic theories.” seeking other legal markets, mitchell recognized that large numbers of jews had settled among the african american population residing in south philadelphia. in order to develop his practice in the absence of an african american clientele, mitchell learned yiddish and developed a jewish clientele. mitchell also rapidly developed an expertise in real estate and his legal acumen was widely praised, as the philadelphia tribune explained: “george w. mitchell is the one colored lawyer whose careful and faithful management of the vast real estate operations confided to his care has made him an important factor in the real estate field in the city and suburbs.” mitchell’s work in real estate focused upon organizing and providing legal advice to the african american building and loan movement. from until his death in , he was responsible for the establishment of nearly all of the african american building and loan associations in philadelphia as evidenced by the fact carter g. woodson, the negro professional man and the community with special emphasis on the physician and the lawyer (new york: negro universities press, ), - . hardy, race and opportunity, . “colored lawyers have made good in philadelphia,” philadelphia tribune, october , . that his name was found on the application for charter filed with the commonwealth of pennsylvania. mitchell was involved with the founding of some of the earlier building and loans, including: eureka investment company; william still building and loan; and banneker building and loan. he rapidly expanded the movement with the organization and establishment of castle hall building and loan association in ; women’s building and loan association in ; haven building and loan association in ; the good samaritan building and loan association in ; and wide awake building and loan association in . (see table . mortgage loans on stock shares – total dollar amounts - ). again, little is know of the institutions with the exception of the women’s building and loan association. table . mortgage loans on stock shares for b & l total dollar amounts, - building and loan castle hall bla $ , . $ , . $ , . ’s $ , . woman’s bla $ , . n/a $ , . $ , . good samaritan bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . wide awake bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . haven bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . source: pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( - ). martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . founded in , the women’s building and loan association had the unique distinction of not only being an african american owned and operated building and loan, but also being the only all-women building and loan association in pennsylvania, and possibly the united states. george mitchell was the only male associated with the association, helping it become established and serving as solicitor. under the leadership of viola lee hill, who served as president, and mary cowdery, who served as secretary, the association was well-managed and its accountant rated it as “in the best financial shape in comparison with many other and larger associations of all races.” it was organized for the sole purpose of assisting home buyers and none of its officers were salaried. by , it had made possible the purchase of over one hundred homes in philadelphia. during an interview in , mitchell offered some extended comments regarding the african american building and loans movement. he explained the most of the organizations were sound financially, noting: “[i]n thirty years of experience it has never known a crash, and it is difficult to fail, given any sort of honest management, because no salaries are paid, and all directors take an active interest.” an additional “viola lee hill heads strong b. and l. group,” philadelphia tribune, december. , . ibid. “viola lee hill heads strong b. and l. group,” philadelphia tribune, december , . woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . bulwark of protection was afforded by annual reporting requirements to the pennsylvania department of banking as well as strict laws governing the associations. as a type of financial institution, the associations also required access to a secure source of credit separate and distinct from its member assets. due to the small number of african american banks, most associations dealt with white owned banks for borrowing and depositing their funds. mitchell also commented that some associations closed due to lack of members as opposed fraud or some other nefarious activity of the directors. to avoid such a fate, he stated that associations’ directors were constantly attempting to obtain new members. while some associations were affiliated with churches, he explained that membership was “really general, especially with the older and stronger associations.” african american building and loan associations also tended to be lenient with their members in the event they encountered of financial hardship that impacted their ability to meet their mortgage obligations. as mitchell explained: there are few foreclosures in the colored building and loan associations. the directors coax a home buyer along rather than have him lose, partly because of the effect on other members. if a borrower can keep up the interest on his loans, he is carried until he can commence to make good again. the only foreclosures in years have been where a death in the family left no resources for paying out. ordinarily, mitchell’s involvement with an association did not cease after it obtained its charter from the commonwealth. he usually continued his involvement as ibid. ibid. ibid. evidenced by the fact that he served as solicitor for at least twenty associations and he attended nearly every monthly meeting of the associations. the role of the solicitor was vitally important as he was tasked with handling all legal matters associated with the loans originated by a building and loan association. economist william loucks explained the details of the solicitor’s role: “[w]hen a new loan is made he draws up the deed and mortgage, sees that each is properly recorded, arranges for title insurance and the issuing of a sheriff’s sale certificate, and handles other legal details of the transaction.” in short, the solicitor was responsible for “making settlement” on the loan and, typically, was paid a fee of twenty-five dollars by the borrower for his services. as solicitor, mitchell’s financial and legal advice erred on the conservative side, selecting only the safest mortgages for origination by the associations. mitchell also served as editor and publisher of a magazine for the african american building and loan associations known as the monthly home visitor. published for a number of years, the magazine was “devoted to the interest of these associations” and was distributed by the associations to their numerous members. martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . loucks, “the philadelphia plan of home financing,” . ibid., - . “viola lee hill heads strong b. and l. group,” philadelphia tribune, december , . martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . ibid. mitchell’s real estate practice focusing on the building and loan movement was not a simple profit making endeavor but rather an integral component of his overall civil rights activism that placed him at the vanguard of du bois’ “talented tenth.” mitchell was at the forefront of du bois’ effort to establish a new civil rights organization to challenge washington’s accommodation philosophy. after attempts to collaborate with booker t. washington in an organization known as the committee of twelve collapsed, du bois determined that the time had arrived to directly challenge the wizard of tuskegee. in june , du bois circulated a call to “organized determination and aggressive action of the part of men who believe in negro freedom and growth” and to fight the “present methods of strangling honest criticism.” mitchell and richard r. wright, jr., were among the fifty-nine prominent african americans who signed du bois’ call to join a conference designed to form an organization that became known as the niagara movement. on july , , thirty people arrived in fort erie on the canadian side of niagara falls for the conference “to inaugurate a permanent national forward movement.” after several days of meetings, the conference participants developed an institutional structure for the new organization david levering lewis, w.e.b. du bois: biography of a race (new york: henry holt and company, ), . “the niagara movement,” university of massachusetts, w.e.b. du bois library, http://www.library.umass.edu/spcoll/digital/dubois/ . . - - .pdf (accessed march , ). ibid. consisting of an executive committee comprised of a chairperson of each niagara state chapter and ten special committees. in addition to adopting a constitution and by-laws, the conference attendees issued a “declaration of principles.” initially, the declaration noted the progress african americans had made in the ten previous years, specifically noting “the buying of property.” in soaring prose, undoubtedly authored by du bois, it proceeded to detail the oppressed status of african americans in a wide range of areas such as suffrage, economic opportunity, and education. in the face of such obstacles, it concluded with a bold pronouncement of defiance, declaring: “we do not hesitate to complain, and to complain loudly and insistently . . . . persistent manly agitation is the way to liberty, and toward this goal the niagara movement has started and asks the co-operation of all men of all races.” the declaration was one of the opening salvos to challenge washington’s position of accommodation and, as historian david levering lewis explained, the niagara movement was “the first collective attempt by african americans to demand full citizenship rights in the twentieth century.” lewis, w.e.b. du bois: biography of a race, . “the niagara movement declaration of principles ,” university of massachusetts, w.e.b. du bois library, http://www.library.umass.edu/spcoll/digital/dubois/ . . - - .pdf (accessed march , ). ibid. lewis, w.e.b. du bois: biography of a race, . while mitchell did not attend the meeting in canada, he was appointed the niagara movement’s secretary for pennsylvania and was actively involved with the development of the organization. as secretary, mitchell provided regular reports regarding the progress of the movement as well as general observations regarding the state of affairs of african americans in pennsylvania. in , mitchell reported that the individual members of the niagara movement were active in prompting the principles of the organization but had limited public gatherings. mitchell noted that for more than a year he had been “waging almost single handed” the “fight against segrating [sic] colored children in the public schools of philadelphia.” he explained that some members of the african american clergy favored separate schools, most likely a reference to william creditt, and that the african american community was split over the issue. since republican president taft was also in the midst of campaigning for re-election as president, mitchell also elaborated on the changing political dynamic in philadelphia as some african americans had begun “to see the difference between the party of sumner, julian and hale and the posthumous bastard political organization which now claims these men as its father.” in , mitchell again reported at the niagara movement conference regarding the work and general conditions in pennsylvania. he reported that limited progress had been made on raising funds for a monument in honor of john brown, his principal george mitchell, “niagara movement report of the secratry (sic) for the state of penna. oberlin, o. meeting aug. -sep. , ,” university of massachusetts, w.e.b. du bois library, http://www.library.umass.edu/spcoll/digital/dubois/ . . - - .pdf (accessed on march , ). ibid. assignment from the previous year. again, he commented on the public school situation in philadelphia. he explained that the superintendent of the philadelphia public schools, martin brumbaugh, supported the creation of additional separate african american schools and had successfully convinced the pennsylvania legislature to make separate schools compulsory. however, following a storm of protest from the african american community, the governor vetoed the proposed legislation. mitchell concluded that silenced many separatists who had allied themselves with the superintendent and resulted in more schools being turned over to “colored teachers though other childredn [sic] may attend if they chose.” mitchell also provided a follow-up to the presidential election of the previous year. while william howard taft had soundly defeated his democratic opponent, william jennings bryant, mitchell noted that republicans were losing support among african americans. after several years, the niagara movement collapsed due to financial difficulties and internal dissention, and formally disbanded in . unfortunately, the niagara movement was never able to match the eloquence of its declaration of principles in terms of developing an institutional movement. nevertheless, the niagara movement is largely credited as the forerunner of the national association for the advancement of colored people (naacp). mitchell and wright, jr. were founding members of the george mitchell, “report of the secretary for the state of pennsylvania to the n.m. conference held at sea isle city, n.j. aug. to th, ,” university of massachusetts, w.e.b. du bois library, http://www.library.umass.edu/spcoll/digital/dubois/ . . - - .pdf (accessed on march , ). naacp’s philadelphia chapter that was established on february , , and wright also served on the executive committee for the national naacp. mitchell was also a skilled historian and a founding member of the american negro historical society in philadelphia. working in conjunction with rev. matthew anderson, rev. henry l. phillips, and several other prominent african americans, the society was created to “collect relics, literature and historical facts in connection with the african race, illustrative of their progress and development.” the society met on a monthly basis to discuss historical issues of interest to its members and convened public lectures to celebrate african american achievements. in , after meticulously reviewing the original records of congress, mitchell published a detailed history of the national politics of race, entitled the question before congress: a consideration of the debates and final action by congress upon various phases of the race question in the united states. mitchell’s work also provided keen insight into his overall intellectual perspective on the intersection of race and class. he stated: “the world has always had a so-called race question, which is but another name for the struggle on the part of one mass, class or individual for mastery over another, or the attempt to adjust relations to their mutual advantage while striving to achieve group ideas.” hardy, race and opportunity, . “g.w. mitchell dies suddenly at residence,” philadelphia tribune, october , . franklin, the education of black philadelphia, . mitchell, the question before congress, . a substantial portion of mitchell’s history also focused upon the reconstruction era. at the time of its publication, william archibald dunning, a professor of history at columbia university, and his protégés dominated the historical narrative of the reconstruction era. du bois described the three basic components of the dunning narrative: “first, endless sympathy with the white south; second ridicule, contempt or silence for the negro; third, a judicial attitude towards the north, which concludes that the north under great misapprehension did a grievous wrong, but eventually saw its mistake and retreated.” preceding du bois’ masterpiece, black reconstruction in america, by seventeen years, mitchell’s narrative joined the works of a small number of other african american academics who sought to challenge the prevailing dunning historiography. in a veiled reference to the dunning scholarship, mitchell explained: “most popular histories, there fore, are written, not to record the truth as it is found, but rather to boost or to disparage the memory of some party or cause.” though ignored by white academia, mitchell presented a balanced portrait of reconstruction era that was largely devoid of the historical hyperbole that characterized much of the dunning scholarship. to mitchell, thaddeus stevens and charles sumner’s fight for civil rights in the halls of congress represented the best of american politics and the freedman’s bureau and its system of public schools were praised as instruments of progress as opposed to heaped with scorn. david levering lewis, w.e.b. du bois: the fight for equality and the american century - (new york: henry holt and company, ), . mitchell, the question before congress, . in , after a long illness, mitchell died at the age of sixty-five. mitchell paved the way for a new generation of african american lawyers in philadelphia who embraced the importance of economic development through homeownership as a central tenant of the larger civil rights struggle. mitchell also left behind as his legacy a large and financially secure network of african american building and loan associations that was unmatched in the united states. i. maximilian martin, director of the commercial department at the berean school, writing in , explained: “[mitchell’s] sane, conservative advice on management and his knowledge of real estate values are in no small measure responsible for the present satisfactory condition of many of the associations.” prior to his death, mitchell had taken into his law practice a young lawyer named herbert e. millen. born in , millen’s family operated a tobacco farm in strasburg, pennsylvania. after completing high school, he attended and graduated from lincoln university in . while working in the evenings at the united states post office in philadelphia, he attended the university of pennsylvania law school. in , he graduated and was admitted to practice law. a short time later, he joined mitchell’s firm and became active in politics in philadelphia. mitchell groomed his protégée in the martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . “g.w. mitchell dies suddenly at residence,” philadelphia tribune, october , . practice of law as it related to the building and loan movement. eventually, millen served as a solicitor to approximately thirty building and loan associations. like mitchell, millen was also a traditional civil rights activist. millen led the legal aid committee of the naacp’s philadelphia chapter and, in november , became president of the branch. he was actively involved in the effort to prevent the segregation of the public schools in philadelphia, focusing on possible legal avenues to challenge such efforts. after mitchell’s death, millen became immersed in politics. after actively campaigning on his behalf in , governor gifford pinchot appointed millen as deputy attorney general. later, attorney general william schnader assigned millen to represent the commonwealth in possible lawsuits challenging the efforts to segregate public schools in several suburbs outside of philadelphia. mitchell and millen were not alone in their efforts to incorporate access to credit and homeownership into the broader civil rights movement as other members of du bois’ “talented tenth” contributed to the development of african american building and loan association’s movement in philadelphia. born in charleston, south carolina, isadore martin spent twenty years teaching in schools in georgia and north carolina with the “arose from farm boy to judge: all philadelphia mourns death of judge herbert e. millen at ,” philadelphia tribune, july , . franklin, the education of black philadelphia, . “arose from farm boy to judge: all philadelphia mourns death of judge herbert e. millen at ,” philadelphia tribune, july , . franklin, the education of black philadelphia, . american missionary association of the congregational church. his exposure to the brutalities of the segregated system of the south convinced martin that he needed to relocate to a more hospitable location to raise his children. after visiting several cities, in , martin and his family moved to philadelphia and, after borrowing some money to get started, he opened a real estate office. he entered the real estate field to take advantage of his interpersonal skills, limited capital requirements, and to capitalize on the emerging market of recent african american migrants in search of housing. to further develop his real estate practice, martin served as president of the associated real estate brokers of philadelphia, described as “a non-profit organization whose purpose is to better housing conditions and encourage home ownership amount colored people in the city of philadelphia and vicinity, and promote cooperation among those who are engaged in that field.” frustrated by the limited ability of his clients to obtain mortgage loans for the purchase of homes, martin established the st. mark’s building and loan association in june and retained mitchell to serve as solicitor of the association. the association started small with only a few hundred dollars in assets and monthly receipts of less than one hundred dollars. it gradually grew by offering shares of stock to hardy, race and opportunity, . ibid. martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia . hardy, race and opportunity, . “ , loaned by st. mark’s b.&l.,” philadelphia tribune, july , . members twice a year to “provide an easy, convenient and systematic way to save either to buy a home or for other purposes.” according to reports it filed with the pennsylvania department of banking, in , st. mark’s listed mortgage loans on stock shares in the amount of $ , ; in , $ , ; in , $ , ; and in , $ , . martin also became active in the naacp’s philadelphia branch and served as president throughout the s. under his leadership, the naacp’s philadelphia branch adopted a conservative posture reflective of the fact that most of its membership was composed of middle class african americans. nevertheless, martin led the naacp as it fought efforts to segregate the public schools of philadelphia and he was also prominent in several high profile criminal cases involving african americans. the naacp’s membership, regardless of class, understood the importance of homeownership. in , of the thirty-six members who were employed in lower status jobs, twenty-six ( . percent) were homeowners; a remarkable statistic when the overall homeownership rate among african americans was . percent. such a high percentage of homeowners among the naacp members with limited financial means ibid. pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), ; pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . h. viscount nelson, “the philadelphia naacp: race versus class consciousness during the thirties,” journal of black studies (mar. ): ibid. suggests their understanding of the importance of economic development in the context of the civil rights struggle. in several prominent cases, martin worked closely with raymond pace alexander, perhaps the foremost african american civil rights attorney in philadelphia. alexander was born in in philadelphia to hilliard and virginia alexander, both former slaves from virginia. he attended the prestigious central high school and earned a four year scholarship to attend the university of pennsylvania. alexander became the second african american to graduate from the university of pennsylvania’s renowned wharton school of finance with a bachelor of science degree in economics. he graduated with honors and received the highest grade of “distinguished” in banking, economics, finance, sociology, and corporate law. following his graduation, alexander sought to put his business credentials to work by seeking a job with one of major banks located in philadelphia. despite his outstanding academic pedigree, the bank was only willing to hire him in its foreign office located in rio de janeiro in brazil. this was hardly alexander’s first encounter with the blatant race discrimination of the north. while a student at the university of pennsylvania, alexander was escorting his future wife, sadie tanner mossell alexander, and two of her friends to a movie theater. after purchasing their tickets, the four students were denied admission due to a purported mix-up with the tickets. immediately, alexander began speaking in spanish with the others joining in with french phrases. david a. canton, raymond pace alexander: a new negro lawyer fights for civil rights in philadelphia (jackson, ms: university press of mississippi, ), - . ibid., . upon hearing the foreign languages, the theater manager stated, “why, they are not niggers!” and proceeded to admit them to the theater. alexander and mossell with typical youthful exuberance, proclaimed: “if we ever become lawyers, we are going to break this thing—segregation and discrimination. and, yes—we are going to open up those restaurants, too. you just wait! just wait.” fulfilling his prediction, in the fall of , alexander enrolled at harvard law school. alexander and his african america classmates, such as charles hamilton houston, were convinced that the legal system as the best tool to challenge racial discrimination and segregation. the budding lawyers were deeply influenced by the sociological jurisprudence advanced by dean roscoe pound and felix frankfurter, two of the foremost legal minds of their generation that directly challenged the prevailing formalistic application of the law that was characteristic of the classical legal thought. originally founded by baron charles louis de montesquieu and further developed by eugen ehrlich, the sociological school of jurisprudence argued that the law must be interpreted in conjunction with the larger social and economic forces behind the law. as pound explained: “i am content to think of the law as a social institution to satisfy social wants—the claims and demands and expectations involved in the existence of civilized society . . . in short, a continually more efficacious social engineering.” houston and alexander incorporated the concept of “social engineering” into, as legal scholar kenneth mack argues, a “race uplift” school of jurisprudence that adopted a voluntarist strand that ibid., vii. roscoe pound, introduction to the philosophy of law (new haven, ct: yale university press, ), . emphasized institution building within the african american community and a legalist strand that engaged in civil rights activities. following his graduation, alexander was again rejected for employment, this time by a prominent law firm in philadelphia. upon arriving for his interview, at which time his race became apparent for the first time, he was told “i am very sorry, we can’t use you.” after briefly working for john r.k. scott, a white attorney and state representative, in , shortly after passing the pennsylvania bar exam, he opened his own law office in the brown and stevens bank building. alexander rapidly developed a reputation as a skilled lawyer following prominent court room victories in several criminal and personal injury cases. according to historian david canton, from to , alexander embraced a “new negro radicalism” that consisted of litigation and mass demonstrations combined with the “black organizational and institution building.” alexander immersed himself into the civil rights struggle in philadelphia with direct challenges to the segregation of african americans in public accommodations. alexander’s initial litigation efforts sought to use pennsylvania’s equal rights law of to attack the discriminatory polices espoused by several theaters. alexander’s efforts to challenge such practices met with mixed success due in part to the legal limitations of the law. kenneth w. mack, “rethinking civil rights lawyering and politics in the era before brown,” . raymond pace alexander, “blacks and the law,” new york state bar journal, (jan. ): . in , following the passage of a new equal rights law that had “some nasty, sharp-edged teeth,” alexander and houston conferred to develop a strategy to enforce the new law. both agreed to wait several months for a proper test case as the opponents of the law had predicted that african americans would flood the courts with frivolous lawsuits following passage of the law. just weeks later, alexander had several test cases, two involving the outright denial of service to african american customers and another involving a restaurant that “deliberately adulterated the food with thick layers of salt.” in january , alexander commenced litigation and was successful in both cases involving the denial of services and both businesses were forced to pay a fine. however, in the third case, an all-white jury ruled that “giving too much salt was not a refusal to serve” and, thus, the law was not violated. nevertheless, after over a decade of efforts, alexander had successfully challenged the scourge of discrimination in public accommodations in philadelphia. alexander also understood the importance of economic development in the black community as evidenced by his involvement in significant institution building. alexander understood that the great migration had a tremendous economic impact on the urban centers in the north, resulting in the development of african american businesses. he urged black lawyers to broaden their practice beyond the traditional area of criminal law into areas such as property law to provide the legal support necessary for the growth canton, raymond pace alexander, . ibid. ibid., . of such indigenous businesses. in keeping with such an objective, he served as trustee for the citizens and southern bank ant trust company and also was the solicitor for s.j.m. brock building and loan association and shiloh building and loan association. alexander also led by example as his solo practice blossomed into the foremost african american law firm in philadelphia, employing a number of african american lawyers trained at elite law schools in the north. among those lawyers was his wife, sadie tanner mossell alexander. an incredibly accomplished civil rights advocate in her own right, she was the first black women admitted to the pennsylvania bar following her graduation from the university of pennsylvania law school in . he was also a key figure in national bar association, established in in response to the american bar association’s refusal to admit african americans to membership. he served as the organization’s president in and encouraged the members to fight for civil rights, economic development, and encouraged political participation. while mitchell, alexander, and millen spearheaded the founding and growth of the african american building and loan movement, its institutional pillars were the african american churches of philadelphia. mitchell explained the prevalence of the african american building and loan movement in : “[n]ow the ground is practically all covered by districts, by groups, through interested real estate men, but principally through churches.” indeed, instrumental in the growth of the movement was the ibid., . ibid., - . woofter, negro housing in philadelphia, . involvement of the black churches whose leaders preached the gospel of thrift and homeownership and were actively involved in the associations. as joseph f. trent, a black contractor and builder, stated: “officers of the churches are officers of the building and loan associations, and are interested in seeing that every members has a chance to join.” following in the successful footsteps of berean presbyterian church and the first african baptist church of philadelphia, at least six building and loan associations were established from to that were directly affiliated with african american churches, including: african zoar methodist church; st. simon’s church; shiloh baptist church; st. paul baptist church; miller memorial baptist church; and calvary baptist church. (see table . mortgage loans on stock shares – total dollar amounts - ). table . mortgage loans on stock shares church b& l total dollar amounts, - building and loan african zoar bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . st. simon bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . shiloh bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . miller memorial bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . calvary bla $ , . $ , . $ , . $ , . source: pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( - ). ibid. originally founded in as a sunday school in the home of bettie houston, in , the miller memorial baptist church established a building and loan association. the impetus for its establishment came from reverend wilkins e. jones, a migrant who left virginia in and came to work at the philadelphia steel works plant. he strongly encouraged african americans to own their own businesses and to buy their homes. to further the twin objectives of his vision, he established a building and loan association and served as its president. he also organized the north philadelphia business and professional men’s association whose purpose was encouraging patronage of african american businesses and create jobs in the community. the association, with mitchell serving as solicitor, prospered and, by , it had grown into the fourth largest african american association in philadelphia. after jones died in , miller memorial became embroiled in a bitter dispute regarding the proper successor to the church’s pastor position pitting jones son, reverend john l. jones, against the church’s deacons and trustees. after court invention, jones formally succeeded his father as “miller memorial history,” http://millermemorial.org/historypg.htm (accessed on march , ). “rev. w.e. jones dead; was ill for three years,” philadelphia tribune, nov. , , . “miller memorial history,” http://millermemorial.org/historypg.htm (accessed on march , ). “n. philadelphia business asso. aids community,” philadelphia tribune, march , . “pastor vs. deacons, trustees in miller memorial baptist court case; master named,” philadelphia tribune, june , . pastor in . unfortunately, in , the association was placed in receivership, most likely falling victim to the internal dissention. likewise, over thirty years after founding the st. paul’s baptist church in , reverend edward w. johnson established the st. paul building and loan association in march . shortly after its founding, johnson, serving as president, appointed fleming tucker as secretary of the association. tucker was a graduate of atlanta university and two technical schools in boston where he studied banking, finance, and business administration. in addition to being an authority on bank management, he was also a highly regarded accountant and auditor. tucker was also an attorney who was first admitted to practice law in georgia. after practicing for several years in savannah, he moved to philadelphia in and was admitted to the pennsylvania bar as was his father, a. l. tucker. the philadelphia tribune, in describing him, stated: “no young man has come to philadelphia in recent years that has possessed higher qualification or is better prepared to weld himself into the life of the people of our community than mr. tucker.” tucker used his skills to expand the building and loan as well as serving as secretary and promoter of john asbury’s keystone cooperative bank. according to its “court settles church fight,” philadelphia tribune, september , . rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, . “prominent young southern attorney admitted to the pennsylvania bar,” philadelphia tribune, august , . report filed with the pennsylvania department of banking in , st. paul had issued over $ , in mortgage loans on stock shares. in the same year, st. simon church also established a building and loan association. originally founded as the church of the crucifixion, reverend henry l. phillips, the charismatic, jamaican-born rector, implemented a number of social welfare programs to benefit the elderly, sick, homeless, and impoverished. du bois commented that no other church provided more for the betterment of the african american community. in , the church changed its name to st. simon the cyrenian protestant episcopal church, choosing its name to commemorate the person of color from north africa who carried jesus’ cross. in may , reverend john r. logan, sr. assumed the rectorship of st. simon’s church. he continued and expanded the vision of reverend phillips during his forty- five years of leadership. a central component of his vision was economic development through homeownership as demonstrated by the founding of st. simon building and loan association on april , . logan served as president and it rapidly grew into one of the largest african american owned building and loan associations in philadelphia. he was close with george mitchell as evidenced by the fact that he pennsylvania department of banking, pennsylvania building and loan associations ( ), . “st. simon’s celebrating its centennial,” philadelphia tribune, may , . du bois, the philadelphia negro, . “st. simon’s celebrating its centennial,” philadelphia tribune, may , . ibid. officiated at his funeral service. by , st. simon was the fourth largest african american building and loan association in terms of total resources—$ , . . several years later, the zoar community building and loan association was established by the african zoar methodist church. in , a group of african americans in philadelphia left the st. george’s methodist church to protest the discriminatory practices they encountered within the congregation. two years later, the group was granted recognition as the african zoar methodist church. the members chose to include african in the name as a way to embrace their religious and cultural past and zoar was chosen from the bible representing a “spiritual life-giving station, a place of refuge and shelter.” the church was primarily a working class congregation and, in its early years, was active in the fight to abolish slavery, serving as a stop on the underground railroad and holding public meetings in support of the vigilant (fugitive) association. the church grew rapidly and provided a wide range of spiritual, social, and economic services to it congregation, including: a local community center; a “well-baby clinic”; homemaking and sewing classes; providing office space to the armstrong “g.w. mitchell dies suddenly at residence,” philadelphia tribune, october , . martin, negro managed building& loan associations in philadelphia, . “zoar methodist has th anniversary,” philadelphia tribune, march , . ibid. association—the philadelphia branch of the urban league; and a building and loan association. in , dr. w. harry barnes, a member of the church’s board of directors, founded the zoar community building and loan association to provide a source of financing for african americans seeking to buy homes. born in philadelphia, dr. barnes was a graduate of the university of pennsylvania medical school and later became the first african american admitted to a specialized medical board – the american board of otolaryngology. in his illustrious career, dr. barnes also served as an assistant surgeon in the united states public health service during world war i, was member of the naacp’s philadelphia branch, and served as an assistant secretary-treasurer for the philadelphia housing authority. barnes and several other founding members pooled their own personal funds to establish zoar building and loan association and immediately sought members to buy shares. it held its first meeting on april , and collected a mere $ . from its inception zoar building and loan was guided by several fundamental principles. first, the general policy of the board of directors was “to advocate unswerving ibid. obituary, “mattie e. barnes, dead at ,” philadelphia tribune, july , . ibid. “zoar association founded years ago, mortgage loans total ¼ million,” philadelphia tribune, april , . “treasurer depicts growth of zoar b&l,” philadelphia tribune, october , . dedication to the accumulation of resources as the only sure way to solid economic stability.” central to such a policy was homeownership for african americans. second, the board sought to instill the educational principle of thrift in its membership as a methodology to achieve systematic savings and wealth accumulation. in keeping with its principles, zoar’s management was conservative, keeping its operational expenses low, owning no real estate, and carefully choosing its mortgage loan investments. while such conservatism resulted in slow growth, it also provided a solid financial foundation “without the loss of a penny by any member.” by , zoar was the smallest african american building and loan association in terms of total resources— $ , . . such conservatism proved invaluable in assisting the institution to survive the great depression. the extensive network of african american building and loan movement undoubtedly had a major impact on the black community in philadelphia by providing access to credit on reasonable terms to enable blacks to purchase homes. by , blacks were homeowners or just percent of african american population. philadelphia’s african american homeownership rate was comparable to other major “zoar b&l continues traditional concept,” philadelphia tribune, november , . ibid. “zoar shareholders enjoy % dividend,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “zoar b&l ass’n opens new series,” philadelphia tribune, april , . martin, negro managed building and loan associations in philadelphia, . northern cities such as chicago ( . percent) and new york ( . percent). by , the number of black homeowners in philadelphia had increased to , , representing . percent of the population. of the , african american homeowners, owned their homes free of debt and , had mortgages on their homes. in the ’s, at least ten black building and loan associations were in operation in philadelphia. cumulatively, the ten building and loan associations originated at least mortgage loans for the purchase of homes. (see table . number of mortgage originations by building and loan association, - ). while it is difficult to accurately gauge the exact impact of such mortgage originations on the homeownership rate in philadelphia, the raw numbers suggest that african american building and loan association movement was a significant factor in the increase in the homeownership rate among african americans. in contrast, in , the overall black homeownership rate in new york had increased less than percent to . percent and in chicago, the rate increase just over percent to . percent during the same time period. neither new york nor chicago had a strong african american building and loan presence. as a result, it seems likely that the building and loan movement in philadelphia was one factor in explaining the significant growth in homeownership from percent to . percent in a mere ten years. charles e. hall, negroes in the united states, - (washington d.c.: ; reprinted new york: arno press and the new york times, ), . woffter, negro housing in philadelphia, . ibid. woffter, jr., negro problems in cities, . table . number of mortgage originations by african american building and loan associations, - bla source: philadelphia city archives, mortgage indexes, - . berean banneker eighth ward pioneer william still colored n/a cherry n/a eureka n/a castle hall n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a st. mark n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a totals by , the number of african american homeowners in philadelphia had nearly doubled to , and the overall rate of homeownership had increased to . percent. again, in new york, the african american homeownership rate increased slightly to . percent and in chicago the rate had climbed to . percent. during the roaring twenties, approximately thirty-six african american building and loan associations were in operation in philadelphia making mortgage loans for african american home buyers. an examination of the mortgage lending records of nineteen of the african american building and loan associations established that, collectively, the institutions originated at least mortgage loans, nearly double the amount of the previous decade. (see table . number of mortgage originations by building and loan association, - ). some scholars, such as andrew wiese, have argued that african american financial institutions "were small and often poorly equipped to meet the urgent demand for home loans within growing black communities." even historian charles hardy, who acknowledged the importance of african american building and loan associations in philadelphia, concluded that they never funded more than a small percentage of african american home purchases. however, both wiese and hardy significantly underestimated the financial strength of the movement and its overall impact in terms of providing a source of credit for mortgage loans to african americans andrew wiese, “black housing, white finance,” . hardy, race and opportunity, table . number of mortgage originations by african american building and loan associations, - bla berean banneker eighth ward pioneer william still cherry eureka castle hall st. mark miller mem. st. simon women’s s.j.m. brock n/a n/a shiloh n/a n/a zoar n/a n/a n/a calvary n/a good sam. n/a n/a n/a haven n/a n/a n/a wide awake n/a n/a n/a totals source: philadelphia city archives, mortgage indexes, - . . during the two decades of the great migration, the african american homeownership rate in philadelphia more than tripled with nearly seven thousand new home owners. in contrast, new york and chicago had much more modest african american homeownership rate increases during the same time period. furthermore, the nineteen building and loans examined from to originated at least , mortgage loans for african american home buyers. the associations, collectively, also had over $ , , in assets. by , philadelphia had the highest number of african american home owners of any major urban city in the united states. despite such impressive gains, the black homeownership rate paled in comparison to the overall rate in philadelphia. in , the overall rate was . percent. just a decade later, the rate had increased an amazing . percent to . percent. such a dramatic increase was unique to philadelphia as in chicago the homeownership rate increased less than percent from . percent to . percent over the same time period. likewise, the rate in new york increased percent from . percent to . percent. the significant rate increase in philadelphia, as opposed to other major cities, was fueled by transportation innovations that in turn led to the development of new housing construction in the street car suburbs. residential mobility, afforded by new occupational opportunities, allowed “old” immigrants, mostly native whites and johnson, negro housing, . ibid., . hershberg, “tale of three cities,” . descendents of irish, german, and british immigrants, to move to the new housing in the suburbs. for the most part, “new” immigrants, consisting of italians, russians, and poles who arrived between and , had more limited occupational opportunities due to language barriers and lack of education. in turn, with the exception of russian jews, the “new” immigrants residential mobility was defined by work location as approximately one third walked to work. for “old” and “new” immigrants, residential mobility were largely limited by socioeconomic conditions, for blacks race was the defining factor. while the rate of homeownership is certainly reflective of a number of factors, it is undeniable that the african american building and loan movement, spearheaded by dynamic african american leadership, was a contributing factor to the high rate of homeownership among african americans in philadelphia by providing access to credit on reasonable terms to allow for the purchase of homes. unfortunately, just as the african american building and loan movement was making substantial progress in providing credit for homeownership, in october , the united states was confronted with the start of the worst economic crisis in its history – the great depression. ibid., - . ibid. chapter the federal government, redlining, and the decline of african american financial, to the great depression and african americans while subtle negative economic indicators had begun to appear in the last few years of roaring twenties, americans were ill-prepared for the financial calamity that would descend upon the united states starting with the collapse of the stock market on “black thursday,” october , . in the following decade, the people of the united states experienced unparalleled economic despair with millions losing their jobs, savings, and homes as the nation endured its greatest financial crisis in its history. the great depression had an even more pronounced impact upon african americans. often “the last hired and first fired,” the african american unemployment rate soared and, by , an estimated percent of african americans were regarded as incapable of self-support in contrast to percent of whites. by , in some major cities, the number of african americans on the relief rolls reached as high as percent. in philadelphia on the eve of the great scholars have found a limited causal relationship between the stock market crash and the great depression. most concluded that, at best, that the stock market crash was one of a number of factors that caused the great depression and some even argue that their was not relationship between the two historic events. see robert sobel, the great bull market: wall street in the s (new york: norton, ); peter temin, did monetary forces cause the great depression? (new york: norton, ); micahel a. bernstein, the great depression: delayed recovery and economic change in america, - (cambridge: cambridge university press, ). john hope franklin and alfred a. moss, jr., from slavery to freedom: a history of african americans, th ed. (new york: mcgraw-hill, inc., ), . ibid. depression, the unemployment rate among african americans was . percent. just four years later, the rate had soared to a staggering . percent. while it declined slightly in subsequent years, in , the rate remained stubbornly high at . percent. such dismal economic circumstances also caused approximately one-third of african american homeowners in philadelphia to lose their hard-earned homes. at the center of the crisis was the united states banking system. as president herbert hoover explained: “our banking system was the weakest link in our whole economic system, the element most sensitive to fear . . . the worst part of the dismal tragedy with which i had to deal.” even prior to the cataclysmic events of the great depression, banks in the united states failed with disturbing frequency—averaging approximately five hundred a year during the s. consisting of over twenty-five thousand banks, the vast majority were unitary and woefully undercapitalized and subject to fifty-two different regulatory regimes. such fissures lines were exposed by the economic crisis as thousand of depositors stormed their local banks demanding their savings which in turn created unsustainable liquidity problems. between the stock market crash and the commencement of president franklin roosevelt’s new deal in march , more than five thousand banks franklin, education of black philadelphia, . ibid. herbert hoover, the memoirs of herbert hoover: the great depression, - (new york: macmillan, ), , , quoted in david m. kennedy, freedom from fear: the american people in depression and war, - (new york: oxford university press, ), . kennedy, freedom from fear, . closed, taking with them over $ billion in depositor funds. in , , banks ceased operations and the following year a record , banks suspended their operations. during the course of the decade, a total of , banks failed in the united states. building and loans also closed in high numbers as , ceased operations. and african american building and loans were not immune from the effects of the great depression. by the end of the decade, the number of african american owned and operated building and loan associations in philadelphia declined from thirty-six to seven. out of the ashes of the financial carnage, a new banking and mortgage system emerged—spearheaded by the federal government—that made homeownership possible for millions of americans. unfortunately, in the process of reinventing the financial structure, race remained a salient feature that soured the new system’s undeniable benefits and, yet again, resulted in credit discrimination that hampered the ability of african americans to buy a home. in the face of such obstacles, several african american financial institutions survived the carnage of the great depression to provide credit to african americans on fair terms to turn the dream of homeownership into a reality in philadelphia. the federal government and homeownership prior to the s, the united states government had traditionally refrained from involvement with the selection, construction, and purchase of homes, viewing such activities ibid., . mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . as inherently individual and private decisions. such a position was irrevocably altered by the great depression and the crippling damage it wrought upon both the homeowner and the housing industry. between and , home construction declined by percent and spending on home improvements fell by percent. in response to the crisis, in december , president herbert hoover convened a national conference to address the issue of homeownership. the assembled representatives identified a number of factors as responsible for the crisis, including: unstable real estate values, low-percentage loans, short- term financing, poor appraisal practices, uneven flow of mortgage credit, and lack of construction standards. following this conference, president hoover and congress passed the home loan bank act that created a system that allowed building and loan associations to borrow monies to ease possible liquidity problems. president hoover explained that it would “further the promotion of home ownership, particularly through the financial strength thus made available to building and loan associations.” the home loan bank act, however, was relatively small and poorly managed, and had limited success in stemming the rapidly rising foreclosure tide. by , one-half of all home mortgages jackson, crabgrass frontier, - . ibid., . amy hillier, “who received loans? home owners’ loan corporation lending and discrimination in philadelphia in the s,” journal of planning history (feb. ): , . ibid. mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . hillier, “who received loans,” . the bank opened with total capital of $ million and, within a few months, it had approved $ . million in loans and had in the united states was technically in default with foreclosures reaching the rate of over one thousand per day. in just and , over five hundred thousand homes were in foreclosure. as president herbert hoover adeptly stated: “all this seems dull economics but the poignant american drama revolving around the loss of the old homestead had a million repetitions straight from life, not because of the designing villain but because of a fault in our financial system.” following his election, in the spring of , president franklin roosevelt formally defined a new relationship between the federal government and homeowners with a new national policy, explaining: this policy is that the broad interests of the nation require that special safeguards should be thrown around home ownership as a guaranty of social and economic stability, and that to protect home owners from inequitable enforced liquidation, in a time of general distress, is a proper concern of the government. pursuant to his national policy, president roosevelt introduced a series of programs, including: the home owners loan corporation; the fair housing administration; and the veterans administration. while these programs had enormous impact upon housing in the unites states, they also substantially contributed to the development and implementation of the practice of racial redlining. pending applications for an additional $ . million. mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . hoover, memoirs: the great depression, , quoted in kennedy, freedom from fear, . hillier, “who received loans,” . ibid. home owners' loan corporation in , the home owners' loan corporation (holc) under the governance of the federal home loan bank board (fhlbb) was established as an emergency measure to assist families with delinquent mortgages in danger of foreclosure, to stabilize the financial sector by purchasing loans in default, and provide for a transition to a new mortgage market. as scholars kristen crossney and david bartelt have pointed out, the holc was not just a simple housing program. rather, it represented an effort to bail out building and loan associations that were failing due to an overabundance of non-performing mortgages that restricted their cash flow. the holc sought to increase liquidity to building and loan associations and other financial institutions by refinancing their non-performing mortgages in order to avert runs that rapidly depleted financial reserves, resulting in closure. the holc accomplished this task by exchanging holc bonds, with federal government guarantees, for a lender’s home mortgages in default. it also provided “cash loans for payment of taxes and mortgage refinancing.” following the exchange between the lender and the holc, homeowners were eligible to refinance their mortgages with new fifteen-year, fully amortized mortgages at interest rates of crossney and bartelt, “residential security, risk, and race,” . kristen b. crossney and david w. bartelt, “the legacy of the home owners’ loan corporation,” housing policy debate ( ): - . c. lowell harriss, history and polices of the home owners’ loan corporation (new york: national bureau of economic research, ), . percent. the holc loans were restricted to mortgages in default and secured by non- farm properties with not more than four families. also, the property needed to be appraised by the holc at less than $ , . an holc loan could not exceed percent of the holc appraisal and could not exceed a total of $ , . the holc was the first government sponsored program to utilize low interest, fully amortized mortgage loans with uniform payments extended over a fixed period. in a remarkable feat, in just three months, the holc established a vast administrative bureaucracy in forty-eight states, hawaii, and washington d.c. consisting of district offices. while the holc’s policy function was largely centralized, the state and, later, regional offices operated with substantial autonomy. each state had a manager that was responsible for the holc offices within their respective state. the offices were staffed by a wide array of employees, including: managers, lawyers, accountants, clerks, stenographers, bookkeepers, telephone operators, and janitors. the holc’s employees were hired from the local communities, subject to final approval by officials in washington d.c. at its peak, holc employed , people. american homeowners responded to the holc with roughly percent of all qualified mortgage properties seeking assistance. between july and june , when it completed hillier, “who received loans,” . harriss, history and polices of the home owners’ loan corporation, . ibid. jackson, crabgrass frontier, . harriss, history and polices of the home owners’ loan corporation, . the majority of its direct loans, the holc supplied over three billion dollars for over one million mortgages. since the holc was dealing with mortgages in default with the possibility of foreclosures, it introduced standardized appraisals of the fitness of particular properties and communities for both individual and group loans. as c. lowell harriss stated, "[t]he success of the holc in its over-all program and in its handling of individual cases hinged on its appraisal policies." in particular, while the appraisal itself was standard in the real estate industry, the holc created a "formal and uniform system of appraisal, reduced to writing, structured in defined procedures, and implemented by individuals only after intensive training." the appraisers were usually drawn from the local community, including: real estate agents; building and loan officials; bankers; and holc employees. in an effort to ensure objectivity, they were paid for their services regardless of whether a mortgage was originated by holc. as the holc was completing its lending activities in , it commenced a city survey program to appraise the level of real estate risk in cities in the united states. ibid. the holc received , , applications for $ . billion dollars for an average of $ , per application. nearly half the applications were rejected or withdrawn. approximately one million refinancing loans totaling $ . billion were approved averaging $ , per loan (ibid). jackson, crabgrass frontier, . harriss, history and polices of the home owners’ loan corporation, . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . crossney and bartelt, “residential security, risk, and race,” - . essentially, holc appraisers divided cities into neighborhoods and developed neighborhood appraisal sheets, which were distributed to real estate professionals, requiring specific answers related to the area and inhabitants. following the completion of the forms, the holc developed a rating system that established four color-coded categories of quality. the first category (a) was coded green and “the areas were described as new, homogenous, and in demand as residential locations in good times and bad." homogeneous was defined as "american business and professional men." the second category (b) was coded blue and consisted of areas that had reached their peak, but were still desirable and could be expected to remain stable. the third category (c) was coded yellow with the neighborhoods described as "definitely declining." the fourth category (d) was coded red and the neighborhoods were defined as areas "in which the things taking amy hillier, “redlining and the home owners’ loan corporation,” journal of urban history ( ): , - . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . first, the appraiser conducted an informal appraisal, typically a look at the property from the street, to determine if there was a reasonable prospect that the property would qualify for a loan. harriss, history and polices of the home owners’ loan corporation, . if the informal appraisal was favorable, a detailed appraisal was ordered. the appraisal utilized a form containing ninety-eight terms to be filled in by the appraiser and eleven items to be completed by the reviewers. each report contained a photograph of the building, a location map, dimensions of the lot and other relevant information concerning the neighborhood and property. in valuing the buildings, the appraiser considered the building code classification, the material used, the quality of the structure, the number and type of rooms, necessary repairs and an estimate of reproduction cost less depreciation. the final element considered was the capitalized value of rentals based upon a ten-year average normal rental. (ibid., - ). jackson, crabgrass frontier, . ibid. ibid. ibid. place in (c) areas have already happened." following completion of the rating system, the holc prepared color-coded residential security maps that detailed the various grades. in the process of rating neighborhoods, the holc incorporated the “notions of ethnic and racial worth” utilized by real estate appraisers. appraisers assumed that the natural tendency of any area was to decline due to the age of the physical structure and the transition of the housing to families with lower incomes. richard hurd, an economist, ibid., - . jackson, crabgrass frontier, (noting that the holc applied these notions “on an unprecedented scale”). a widely reproduced list ranked ethnic groups in order of “most desirable” to those believed to have the most adverse effect on property values. homer hoyt, one hundred years of land values in chicago: the relationship of the growth of chicago to the rise in its land values, - (chicago: university of chicago press, ), - . the list was later reproduced in mcmichael’s appraising manual, the “bible” of appraising. the list ranks the ethnic groups as follows: ( ) english, germans, scotch, irish, scandinavians ( ) north italians ( ) bohemians or czechs ( ) poles ( ) lithuanians ( ) greeks ( ) russians, jews (lower class) ( ) south italians ( ) negroes ( ) mexicans. stanley mcmichael, mcmichael's appraising manual: a real estate appraising handbook for use in field work and advanced study courses, th ed. (new york: prentice-hall, inc., ), . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . this theory of urban and neighborhood development originated at the university of chicago, school of human ecology by robert park and homer hoyt. calvin bradford, “financing home ownership: the federal role in neighborhood decline,” urban affairs quarterly ( ): , . the model was premised upon a comparison of urban development and plant biology (ibid). the model’s premise was that just as certain pieces of land are best suited for explained that socioeconomic characteristics of a neighborhood were much more important in determining the value of a dwelling than structural characteristics. none of the socioeconomic criteria were more important than race, as noted real estate expert frederick babcock explained: most of the variations and differences between people are slight and value declines are, as a result gradual. but there is one difference in people, namely, race, which can result in a very rapid decline. usually such declines can be partially avoided by segregation and this device has always been in common usage in the south where white and negro populations have been separated. this relationship between race and property values was adopted by the holc and reflected in its rating of neighborhoods. in evaluating socioeconomic characteristics, holc officials monitored the movement of african american families and charted the density of african american neighborhoods. in philadelphia, the neighborhood appraisal forms specifically asked whether the area contained any foreign born and negro inhabitants and requested their particular type of plant, certain urban areas are best suited for particular types of persons. ibid. when an invading plant takes over an area inhabited by another plant, it drives out the original plant because it is best suited for the environment (ibid). such a theory applied to neighborhood development suggested that different groups of people “infiltrated” and “invaded” territory held by other groups and, through a darwinistic survival of the fittest struggle, eventually assumed control over the area completely (ibid). in , homer hoyt elaborated on this theory in the structure and growth of residential neighborhoods in american cities (ibid., ). hoyt developed the “filtering” or “trickle-down” model which suggested that as properties and neighborhoods got older they filtered down to poorer and less capable persons until they were transformed into slums (ibid). jackson, crabgrass frontier, . frederick babcock, the valuation of real estate (new york: mcgraw-hill book company, inc., ), , quoted in calvin bradford, “financing home ownership: the federal role in neighborhood decline,” urban affairs quarterly ( ): , . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . specific numerical population percentages. the forms also asked whether there was an “infiltration of” any specific race, any detrimental influences, and provided a space for various clarifying remarks. for example, one form, prepared on june , , noted the appraisal area had a “[h]eavy concentration of negro”; an “[i]nfilitration of negro”; and a negro population of - percent. despite the fact that the form indicated that a “[b]etter class negro [resided] in the section,” the area received a security grade of d. such philosophical conceptions of property value combined with the endemic racism existing in american society invariably resulted in black neighborhoods being rated d. for example, in detroit, every neighborhood with any degree of african american population was rated "d" or "hazardous" by federal appraisers. also, any location subject to "infiltration" by "an undesirable population" received a "d" rating. such “infiltration” invariably included african americans seeking to challenge segregation by purchasing homes in white neighborhoods. crossney and bartelt, “the legacy of the home owners’ loan corporation,” . ibid. jackson, crabgrass frontier, . for example, lincoln terrace in st. louis was originally intended for middle class white families. the project, however, was unsuccessful and it developed into a black neighborhood. despite the fact the homes were relatively new and of good quality, the holc gave the area a d rating in and . it asserted that the houses had "little or no value today, having suffered a tremendous decline in values due to the colored element now controlling the district.” (ibid., ). sugrue, the origins of the urban crisis, . ibid. despite such ratings, a number of historians have concluded that the holc issued most of its mortgage loans impartially and made large numbers of loans in neighborhoods rated yellow and red. for example, in chicago, illinois and newark, new jersey, the holc made percent of its loans to homes located in the “c” or yellow and “d” or red areas and in memphis, tennessee, percent of its loans went to such areas. the holc, however, did avoid making loans to african americans in white neighborhoods. in particular, when the holc obtained a property through foreclosure, it relied upon local real estate brokers to sell the property and typically its sales policy was to “respect segregation and encourage it.” overall, however, the major damage that the holc caused was by adopting, elaborating, and implicitly placing the federal government’s seal of approval upon notions of real estate value and race. while there is some debate regarding the extent of the distribution of the actual residential security maps, it is clear that the rating system that served as the basis for such maps was emulated by the lending industry. for example, the federal home loan bank board encouraged private financial institutions to prepare maps and provided directions to assist in the preparation of such maps. consequently, private jackson, crabgrass frontier, . hillier, “redlining and the home owners’ loan corporation,” . charles abrams, forbidden neighbors: a study of prejudice in housing, (new york: harper brothers, ), . hillier, “redlining and the home owners’ loan corporation,” ; douglas s. massey & nancy a. denton, american apartheid: segregation and the making of the underclass (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ), . ibid., . banks adopted the holc’s racially discriminatory policies, thereby institutionalizing and disseminating the practice of racial redlining. while the holc was centralized in washington d.c., its operation was largely carried out in the field by local offices and officials who often received their appointments as political patronage for supporting president roosevelt in the election. the holc office in philadelphia opened for business on august , . jacob h. mays, former treasurer of the democratic state committee, was appointed as the head of the holc offices in pennsylvania and hugh f. quinn, a real estate operator who supported roosevelt at the democratic national convention in chicago, was appointed as chief appraiser for the philadelphia region. prior to the official opening, mays conducted instructional classes for potential applicants and prepared his office to handle as many as five hundred applicants every half hour. he was richly described in the philadelphia tribune as a “sturdy build, middle aged man” who believes in president roosevelt “like a bible.” the holc office in philadelphia opened strongly as evidenced by its approval of the agency’s first loan. top holc officials from washington d.c. journeyed to philadelphia to commemorate the loan provided to john flannagan and his wife. “home owners loan office ready for business tuesday,” philadelphia tribune, july , . ibid. “negroes fail to respond to loan plan here,” philadelphia tribune, august , . hiller, “who received loans?,” . between and , the holc originated approximately fifteen thousand loans totaling an amount of $ million in philadelphia and , loans totaling $ million in the greater philadelphia metropolitan area. while such volume appears significant, the overall totals pale in comparison to the holc loan activity in other major cities. for example, in chicago, los angeles, and new york, the local holc offices doubled the loan activity of philadelphia. such limited assistance is all the more remarkable considering that philadelphia’s overall homeownership rate was more than percent, well above the overall percent rate for urban areas in the united states. the limited effectiveness of the holc was largely attributable to a combination of factors including poor management, fraud, and the conservative republican leadership that dominated local politics in philadelphia. the impact of the great depression on homeowners in philadelphia was staggering as the overall homeownership rate tumbled over percent from to . no other major city in the united states suffered a greater proportional loss of homeowners than philadelphia. the holc did have some limited success in reducing foreclosure activity by percent from to and by percent from to . nevertheless, the pace of foreclosures—seventeen hundred every month in —continued nearly unabated throughout the first half of the decade and did not drop below ten thousand annually until . despite the efforts of the holc, , philadelphians lost their homes at ibid., . ibid., n , n . ibid., . ibid.; “homeowners face difficulty,” philadelphia tribune, august , . sheriff’s sales from to . by , the holc held nearly ten thousand mortgages, representing slightly less than percent of the market share, in philadelphia. to philadelphians, the holc was in large measure a bitter disappointment. the holc was followed with great anticipation in the african american communities in philadelphia. in a bold headline, the creation of the home owners loan corporation was hailed by the philadelphia tribune as “[b]y far the most important piece of legislation enacted by the late seventy-third congress as far as negroes are concerned.” the article provided a very detailed analysis of the organizational structure and operating procedure of the holc in order to ensure that african americans. the purpose of such an analysis was to educate the african american community in order to ensure that they were in a position to take advantage of the holc and were not “left in the cold.” donald w. wyatt, the industrial and research secretary for the armstrong association, pointed out in the article, that “of the seven thousand eight hundred and twenty-nine homes owned, or being bought, by negroes in philadelphia, only thirty-five were too highly appraised to be eligible for mortgage-covering loans, under the provisions of the act.” in other words, african americans were uniquely positioned to take advantage of the holc’s loan program. overall, the article reflected the recognition in the african american community crossney and bartelt, “residential security, risk, and race,” . joseph baker, “home owners loan law boon to negro mortgagors, new congressional firm to refinance loans on easy plan,” philadelphia tribune, june , . ibid. ibid. of the potential importance of the holc to stem the rising tide of foreclosures and delinquencies that were threatening the gains in homeownership made in the previous two decades. given the importance of the holc, mays was closely scrutinized by the african american community in order to gauge whether he would provide mortgage loans in a fair and non-discriminatory manner. joseph baker, reporting in the philadelphia tribune, stated that mays was determined to have “his record clear of any charges of prejudice.” baker reported: “he [mays] says that he has no prejudice; that is not true, every man has, but what he means is that he has nothing against people merely because they happen to be black.” baker also reported that “those under him may try to get away with their petty prejudices but i think they would face stormy weather if they were carried in on the mays carpet about it.” with jobs scarce, the african american community was also keenly aware that the local holc offices would be hiring thousands of employees and the philadelphia tribune advised job seekers to contact “some one in a position to be of use as soon as possible.” upon its opening, the holc office did not employ any african americans. baker again reported: “he [mays] hasn’t hired any negroes yet, but he says that he is going to do it; and despite the fact that they are not yet on the payroll, a fact that is just a little disturbing, you baker, “negroes fail to respond to loan plan here.” ibid. baker, “home owners loan law boon to negro mortgagors.” feel you can depend upon him to do it.” true to his word, in november , lelia lawrence, a secretary of the allied roosevelt club, received an appointment to the local holc office. mays aggressively sought to provide assistance to the african american homeowners by dispatching some of his top deputies into the african american community to explain the newly created organization and its application process. shortly after its establishment, john w. doughten, counsel for the philadelphia office of the holc, addressed a banquet of african american building and loan officials sponsored by the zoar community building and loan association. doughten explained the purposes of the holc and it operating procedures. the leading building and loan officials gathered such as herbert millen, w. basil webb, dr. w. harry barnes, eagerly plied doughten with questions in an effort to gain an understanding of the organization and its possible impact upon delinquent mortgage loans in their portfolios. likewise, theodore spaulding, associate state counsel of the holc, addressed jointly the first anniversary celebration of temple a.m.e. church and the philadelphia tribune golden jubilee. he stated: baker, “negroes fail to respond to loan plan here.” “several ward leaders named by democrats,” philadelphia tribune, november , . “home loan attorney talks to b.&l. men,” philadelphia tribune, october , . ibid. “home loan setup not being fully used by negro property owners here, aide discloses,” philadelphia tribune, april , . when i first went to the home owners loan corporation i found, after a personal investigation, that colored people were not being permitted to share in this project as fully as some other racial groups. this was due to the fact that many colored people lacked the proper interest to seek the aid offered, and most mortgage holders on colored people’s homes were jewish and they did not particularly care about interesting colored people in the best features of the holc. despite such obstacles, spaulding urged african americans to take advantage of the aid offered by the holc. despite such outreach efforts, a limited number of african americans applied for assistance from the holc. baker conducted an informal survey of the race of the applicants by regularly visiting the local holc office in philadelphia. he reported that one in about sixty-five to seventy applicants was african american and that such applicants often had “a look of shame of their face.” baker, in an impassioned plea in the philadelphia tribune, implored african americans to take advantage of the holc. he stated: “any glance at building and loan association reports will show conclusively that negroes are not among those people who can afford to stand by while others walk away with the cake of something quite so valuable as the aid being offered by the home owners.” the fact that a limited number of african americans in philadelphia utilized the holc does not appear to be due to the fact that local holc officials refused to make loans in areas rated as “d.” at least in philadelphia, holc officials, such as jacob ibid. baker, “negroes fail to respond to loan plan here.” ibid. mays, reassured african americans that he would not tolerate any type of racial discrimination and the holc engaged in conspicuous outreach efforts to reach out to the african american community. the african american press in philadelphia, such as the philadelphia tribune, also did not report any issues of racial bias in the operation of the holc. since the holc operations were localized, however, african americans in other parts of the united states may have encountered discriminatory redlining if the local holc officials acted on racial biases. in other areas of the united states, local branches of the naacp were active in challenging practices of the holc that they viewed as discriminatory. for example, in cincinnati, the local branch submitted a formal protest to henry g. brunner, the holc’s state manager in ohio. the protest alleged that african american properties were routinely under-appraised in value by to percent; that african american neighborhoods were routinely classified as “blighted areas”; and that applications from african americans were “designated in various ways as ‘colored.’” theodore berry, the local branch president and an attorney, concluded that “[n]o explanation of such a practice can refute the fact that it is flagrantly discriminatory, intolerably unjust, and a violation of the spirit and purpose of the act creating the home owners loan corporation.” the protest “cincinnati n.a.a.c.p. protests home loan corporation’s unfair practices,” pittsburgh courier, july , . ibid. demanded an order abolishing the discriminatory appraisal process and reappraisal of african american properties to determine their “fair worth.” likewise, the national office of the naacp also contended that the home owners’ loan corporation unfairly considered race in the denial of the loan application of andrew morton, who lived in new york city. morton contacted his congressman, joseph a. gavagan, and he in turn contacted the holc. in response to congressman gavagan’s inquiry, a high ranking holc official, in explaining the loan denied noted: “it seems that the applicant is colored and is years of age, etc.” the naacp contended that “the fact that his race is mentioned at all indicates clearly, we clearly believe, that this was a factor in weighing the application.” the naacp requested that morton’s loan application be reconsidered by holc in light of the “plain racial angle.” scholar amy hillier’s analysis of the holc lending in philadelphia provides further support for the lack of bias in terms of providing credit to “d” areas inhabited by african american. specifically, she determined that the holc made percent of its loans for homes located in areas designated “d” or red and an additional percent to areas designated “c” or yellow. however, hillier did conclude that the holc supported racial segregation and engaged in discrimination in selling properties it obtained in foreclosure. ibid. “discrimination in granting loans is charged o holc,” baltimore afro- american, december , . ibid. hillier, “who received loans?,” - . ibid., . she also determined that areas marked as “d” and classified as “hazardous” received higher interest rates. overall, hillier’s work confirms that the holc, itself, did not engage in redlining african american neighborhoods but it did charge african americans more for their loans in terms of higher interest rates. building of the work of hillier, in a sophisticated statistical analysis of holc and census data in philadelphia, scholars kristen crossney and david bartelt sought to determine if the holc’s appraisal practices as well as the residential security maps resulted in other financial institutions redlining african american neighborhoods in philadelphia. first, they determined that few areas received an “a” grade from the holc and that nearly percent of the census tracts were graded “d.” they concluded that race and ethnicity resulted in a downgrading of an holc rating for an appraised area. crossney and bartelt also sought to determine if lenders, besides holc, made loans in areas designated as “d.” using data from the census of housing: supplements to the first series, crossney and bartelt determined that of the , reported mortgages, , or approximately percent were located in “d” areas, with the next highest total of percent in “b” areas. although significantly less than the holc lending rate in hillier’s work, such an analysis suggests that lenders did originate mortgages in areas graded “d.” crossney and bartelt carried their analysis a step further by examining the market segmentation of the various types of financial institutions in each geographic area. in hillier, “redlining and the home owners’ loan corporation,” . crossney & bartelt, “residential security, risk, and race,” . ibid., . philadelphia, building and loan associations accounted for the largest market share— . percent—followed closely by individuals at . percent. together, they combined for nearly half of the mortgage market share in philadelphia. furthermore, building and loan associations made over percent of their loans in “d” graded areas and individuals constituted . percent in such areas. in contrast, savings banks made only percent of their loans in such areas and mortgage companies only . percent. such evidence suggests that certain types of financial institutions may have avoided or redlining “d” graded areas. crossney and bartelt concluded that there was little evidence to demonstrate that the holc’s appraisal maps had a major impact on the lending industry. they concluded: “federal polices that emphasized racial separation or discriminatory lending practices are better seen as extending common practices within the lending industry rather than creating a de novo impact.” the greatest effect of the holc rating system was its influence on the underwriting practices of the federal housing administration and the veterans administration . federal housing administration and veterans administration historian kenneth jackson has proclaimed: "no agency of the united states government has had a more pervasive and powerful impact on the american people over the ibid. ibid., . ibid., . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . past half-century than the federal housing administration (fha)." following the work of the holc, the fha, established in , and the va, established in , were designed "to encourage improvement in housing standards and conditions, to facilitate sound home financing on reasonable terms, and to exert a stabilizing influence on the mortgage market." while the fha and the va did not lend money, they provided financial incentives to encourage lenders to invest in residential mortgages by insuring them against losses on such instruments. in particular, the fha program guaranteed over percent of the value of collateral for loans made by private banks which decreased the size of the down payment to percent. the fha program extended the repayment period to twenty-five or thirty years, which resulted in low monthly payments; fha also demanded that the loan be fully amortized, thereby allowing the borrower to own the home at the end of the loan term. with risk greatly reduced to the lender, the fha's success was remarkable as housing starts exploded from , in to , in while the national rate of mortgage foreclosure fell from , non-farm units in to , in . overall, by , nearly eleven million families had entered the ranks of homeownership ibid. ibid. ibid., . ibid. ibid., - . in , there were , housing starts. ibid., . following the establishment of the fha, housing starts and sales dramatically increased as follows: , , ; , , ; , , ; , , ; , , (ibid). with the assistance of the fha and an additional twenty-two million families were able to make improvements to their homes. for the first time in united states history homeownership became a reality for many americans. this remarkable success came at a price, as it was largely confined to whites in the suburbs to the detriment of african americans residing in urban areas. as charles abrams explained: a government offering such bounty to builders and lenders could have required compliance with a nondiscriminatory policy . . . . instead, fha adopted a racial policy that could well have been culled from the nuremberg laws. from its inception fha set itself up as the protector of the all-white neighborhood. it sent agents into the field to keep negroes and other minorities from buying houses in white neighborhoods. as a result, it is necessary to examine the fha’s policies and their impact upon african american homeownership. the administrative dictates in the fha functioned in several ways to favor the suburbs at the expense of the nation’s center cities, thereby creating a disparate impact upon african americans who were migrating to urban areas. indeed, by , nearly three- fourths of the african american population was concentrated in cities throughout the united states. first, the fha favored the financing of single-family detached homes over multi- family projects by adopting polices which favored open areas outside the congested center city. in particular, the fha established minimum standards for lot size, setbacks, and separation from existing structures which in effect precluded many center city residences ibid. abrams, forbidden neighbors, . august meier and elliott rudwick, from plantation to ghetto, d ed. (new york: hill & wang, ), . from loan eligibility, including row houses and attached dwellings. second, the fha favored new purchases over repairs of existing homes by providing only small home improvement loans for short durations. again, such a requirement operated to the detriment of african americans as it favored new construction in white suburban areas over urban areas. third, the fha required an "unbiased professional estimate” as a prerequisite to any loan guarantee in order to ensure that the value of the property would exceed the outstanding mortgage debt. acting on the holc's rating system, the fha developed even more elaborate advice for its appraisers in its underwriting manual. foremost among the variables considered by the fha appraisal were the location of the property and the racial composition of the surrounding neighborhood. the underwriting manual stated "if a neighborhood is to retain stability, it is necessary that properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes." further, appraisers were warned of the jackson, crabgrass frontier, . ibid., . ibid., . oliver & shapiro, black wealth/white wealth, . see generally jackson, crabgrass frontier, (stating that the fha utilized eight weighted factors to assess the quality of a residential area, including: relative economic stability ( percent); protection from adverse influences ( percent); freedom from special hazards ( percent); adequacy of civic, social, and commercial centers ( percent); adequacy of transportation ( percent); sufficiency of utilities and conveniences ( percent); level of taxes and special assessments ( percent); and appeal ( percent).) dangers of infiltration of “inharmonious racial groups or nationality groups." to prevent such infiltration, the underwriting manual “recommended ‘subdivision regulations and suitable restrictive covenants’” as an excellent method to maintain neighborhood stability via racial segregation. the fha did not officially change this policy until february , two years after racial covenants were declared unenforceable and contrary to public policy by the united states supreme court. the entire appraisal process was based upon the premise that racial segregation was necessary to ensure maintenance of property values. while exact figures regarding the fha's discrimination against african americans are not available, data analyzed on a county level show a clear pattern of redlining in center city counties and abundant loan activity in suburban counties. for example, between and over , homes were constructed with fha financing in northern u.s. federal housing administration, underwriting manual (washington d.c.: government printing office, rev. jan. , ), sec. , cited in jackson, crabgrass frontier, . ibid.; massey and denton, american apartheid, . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . “such covenants, which were legal provisions written into property deeds, were a common method of prohibiting black occupancy” (ibid). by the s, it was estimated that percent of the residential land in chicago was subject to restrictive covenants. u.s. president’s commission on civil rights, to secure these rights (washington d.c.: government printing office, ), . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . see, shelley v. kraemer, u.s. ( ). oliver & shapiro, black wealth/white wealth, . jackson, crabgrass frontier, . “of a sample of new homes insured by fha throughout metropolitan st. louis between and , a full or percent were located in the suburbs.” (ibid.). see also raymond mohl, making the second ghetto in metropolitan miami, in ed. kenneth goings & raymond mohl, the new african american urban history (thousand oaks, ca: sage publications, ); sugrue, the origins of the urban crisis. california of which less than one hundred went to african americans. indeed, white developers would often undertake extraordinary efforts in order to secure fha mortgages. for example, in detroit, a developer proposed an all-white subdivision next to a black neighborhood in the eight mile-wyoming area of the city which a holc appraiser had rated as "d" or "hazardous." the fha denied the developer financing due to its close proximity to the "hazardous" black neighborhood. in a compromise, the fha agreed to provide loans and mortgage guarantees for the proposed development provided the developer build a foot-thick, six-foot-high wall for a half mile in order to separate the black and white neighborhoods. perhaps, the most significant aspect of the fha and va was their impact upon private financial institutions. as kenneth jackson summarized: the lasting damage done by the national government was that it put its seal of approval on ethnic and racial discrimination and developed policies which had the result of the practical abandonment of large sections of older, industrial cities. more seriously, washington actions were later picked up by private citizens, so that banks and savings-and-loan institutions institutionalized the practice of denying mortgages "solely because of the geographical location of the property." troy duster, “the ‘morphing’ properties of whiteness,” in the making and unmaking of whiteness, ed. birgit rasmussel et al. (durham, nc: duke university press, ), . sugrue, the origins of the urban crisis, n . ibid., . ibid. bradford, financing home ownership, , jackson, crabgrass frontier, . such damage was captured by an examination of commercial banks and life insurance companies in chicago that found the institutions refused to make “even a token number of conventional mortgages . . . for the typical negro home buyer.” likewise, in detroit, financial institutions were reluctant to provide mortgages to areas inhabited by prosperous african americans and refused to originate any mortgage loans to african americans seeking to acquire property in the vicinity of white neighborhoods. an urban league study determined “that to make such mortgages . . . would incur the hostility and wrath of their white depositors” and “court the great disfavor of other investors, realtor, and builders.” in philadelphia, i. maximillan martin, writing in , described, the level of discrimination encountered by african americans seeking mortgage loans: today, however, a very decided bias exists on the part of mortgage lending agencies when applications are received from colored property owners. upon learning the racial identity of the applicant or on finding that the property is occupied by colored people the loan is often immediately rejected without further investigation. in other cases the concern offers to loan only a ridiculously small amount. there is no basis for such a lending policy. if all of the essentials of a good loan are present—character, capacity to keep up the carrying charges and ample security in the property offered—it is difficult to see wherein the fact that a colored person is the borrower adds to the risk of the loan. the record of the negro managed associations, practically all of whose loans are made on properties occupied and owned by colored people, certainly disproves conclusively such a contention. arnold r. hirsch, making the second ghetto: race and housing in chicago, - (chicago: university of chicago press, ) . sugrue, the origins of the urban crisis, . ibid. martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . likewise, in , david m. walker, executive director of the philadelphia redevelopment corporation, criticized the fha for failing to insure mortgages for new housing for african americans as well as in existing african american neighborhoods. he stated in seeking to find a solution to the housing problems confronting african americans, “[a] great hindrance has been the fha, which has refused loans to colored people. it is not fair, and the fha should not take this attitude.” without access to fha insured financing, the philadelphia housing association in its study of african american housing, explained that the older housing purchased by african americans required large down payments, often at least a third of the purchase price and had shorter amortization periods resulting in higher monthly payments. in short, it concluded that from to , approximately , african american families purchased homes under more demanding financial terms customary to used housing. the lack of fha insurance in african american neighborhoods was further supported by scholar amy hillier’s statistical analysis of a sampling of mortgage loans in philadelphia from to . while difficult to prove, she concluded that the fha policies “virtually guaranteed that few homeowners in these areas [older homes and concentration of african americans] were the beneficiary of fha insurance.” “fha refusal to back home loans peril city’s growth,” philadelphia tribune, april , . philadelphia housing association, philadelphia’s negro population, . ibid. amy hillier, “searching for red lines: spatial analysis of lending patterns in philadelphia, - ,” pennsylvania history ( ) . given the importance of the fha and va in residential housing markets, by the late s many blacks were denied access to traditional sources of housing finance by institutionalized procedures, resulting in a spiral of decline in many large cities. overall, during the time period from to , scholars have demonstrated that “fewer than one percent of all mortgages in the nation were issued to african americans.” with african americans unable to obtain the same type of financing available to whites from traditional financial institutions, they were forced to rely on less favorable, often predatory, forms of mortgage financing. at least, in philadelphia, the african american community, as one possible alternative, was able to turn to several african american owned and operated financial institutions to obtain credit for home mortgage loans. african american financial institutions in the great depression and beyond as the dark clouds of the great depression began to descend upon philadelphia, richard r. wright sr.’s citizens and southern bank and trust company had just completed a drive to expand its depositors with a slogan of “over the top to a million plus.” for years, wright had encouraged african americans to patronize citizens, arguing that his bank was just as safe and secure as any white bank. ironically, the great depression served to vindicate his argument as citizens actually grew stronger during the economic crisis. daniel kirp et al., our town: race, housing and the soul of suburbia (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press, ), . bradford, “financing home ownership,” . l. b. thompson, “c.&s. bank in great drive for depositors,” philadelphia tribune, april , ; pittsburgh courier, may , . in the first part of , three major white banks – northwestern trust, bankers trust, and aidine trust – failed in quick succession in philadelphia. each bank was heavily patronized by african americans and their closure resulted in major losses for their depositors. in northwestern trust alone, african americans had deposited over $ , , and, overall, several million dollars in deposits by african americans was lost as a result of the closures of white banks in philadelphia. in contrast, while admitting that it had been a struggle to survive, wright proudly reported on january , , at the annual meeting of citizens stockholders—two-thirds of whom attended—that the bank had earned a profit of $ , . in the previous year. consistent with his conservative management, wright informed the stockholders that it was best not to pay a dividend with the profit but rather to increase the bank’s reserves by $ , . wright reported that citizen’s $ , in cash and $ , in bonds was sufficient to meet the withdrawal demands of its approximately six thousand depositors. he also reported that a recent examination by the pennsylvania department of banking had concluded that it was among the most liquid banks in philadelphia and pennsylvania. in floyd j. calvin, “hundreds lost as white philly bank fails, but wright’s still stands,” pittsburgh courier, july , . joseph rainey, “negroes face loss of millions of dollars on deposit in local banks that have been closed,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “c.&s. profits show a gain of $ , . ,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. short, citizen’s stood on solid financial ground in contrast to a number of its white peer institutions. to wright, the great depression represented an opportunity to demonstrate the worth of citizens and other “race banks” to the african american community. wright advanced a multi-faceted argument to make his point. first, wright repeatedly stressed the importance of banks to the economic development of the african american community. he explained: we all know that we must have banks if our group is to make the progress the other groups of our cosmopolitan nation are making. we cannot forfeit or relinquish the financial part of our economic progress to any other race. we must therefore show that we can manage money and we are going to do it. second, wright sought to educate the african american community regarding the basic principals of banking. he routinely wrote articles in the philadelphia tribune that answered simple questions such as “what is money” and “what is a bank and how does it function?” wright believed that if african americans understood the concepts and operations of banks they would be more likely to use them. by , he noted that such an education campaign was successful as citizens was receiving deposits from a large number of people who had never previously used a bank. “r. r. wright tell race about banks,” chicago defender, february , . r. r. wright, sr., “what is a bank?—how does it function,” philadelphia tribune, july , ; r. r. wright, sr., “banker reviews evolution of money for tribune readers,” philadelphia tribune, august , . “stresses value of local banks to communities,” philadelphia tribune, october , . third, he emphasized that african americans had sufficient resources to support indigenous financial institutions. he found it a “deplorable fact” that african americans had deposited over $ , , in white banks as compared to the $ , that was deposited in citizens. he urged african americans to embrace self-help and cooperative principals by patronizing african american institutions. he also explained that citizens used such resources to assist people in buying homes, paying taxes, and paying their building and loan dues. fourth, wright was keenly aware that the failures of african american banks – such as brown and stevens bank – had made many african americans distrustful of “race banks.” to address such concerns, wright sought to re-instill the confidence of the african american community by demonstrating the integrity of such banks with factual evidence in support of his position. for example, he explained that bank failures were not unique to african american banks. he noted that in , over , white banks closed in contrast only four “race banks” closed in the same year. he also pointed out that no citizen depositor had ever been unable to withdraw the full amount of their funds if they so desired and he routinely noted that citizens cash and investments exceeded the total of the depositors invested money. based upon his arguments, wright’s reached one inescapable conclusion, as he explained in an article in the philadelphia tribune: “our “c.&s. bank and trust co. holds big mass meeting,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “stresses value of local banks to communities.” “r. r. wright tell race about banks.” “c.&s. bank and trust co. holds big mass meeting.” group should not only rejoice that they have a bank or banks that have stood the test but they should give their deposits to enable them to continue to stand that test.” to implement his vision, wright again launched a campaign to aggressively recruited african americans to open accounts with citizens. in january , wright called for a national drive for economic improvement, urging african americans to support “negro business” which in turn should open accounts with a “successful negro bank.” locally, wright secured pledges from a number of african american baptist and methodist ministers to open personal accounts and to us their pulpits to encourage their parishioners to do likewise. citizens bank’s reputation was also enhanced in when the united states department of treasury named it as a special depository of public funds. wright’s efforts paid dividends as during the first six months of , citizens deposits increased by more than $ , . unfortunately, citizens’ success was not mirrored elsewhere as yet another bank crisis descended upon the united states in early . as the united states awaited the inauguration of franklin d. roosevelt as its new president on march , , the new york r. r. wright, sr., “people’s money must be safe at any price,” philadelphia tribune, november , . floyd j. calvin, “major wright urges big nat’l economic drive,” pittsburgh courier, january , . “the people are getting solidly behind our only bank,” philadelphia tribune, december , . “wright’s bank named federal depository,” pittsburgh courier, march , . “deposits swell in city’s lone negro bank,” philadelphia tribune, july , . stock exchange had halted trading and banking system had virtually shut down as thirty- two states had closed all of their banks, six other states had closed nearly all of their banks, and another ten states had limited withdrawals to percent of deposits. the entire financial system of the united states was on the brink of collapse. after boldly declaring “[t]he only thing we have to fear is fear itself,” roosevelt immediately sought to address the financial crisis by declaring a four-day national bank holiday that was extended until march , . as the banks reopened, deposits and gold began to flow back into the financial system and as raymond moley, a close roosevelt advisor, stated: “capitalism was saved in eight days.” citizens, along with nine other african american banks, opened for unrestricted business immediately at the conclusion of the “bank holiday.” the “race banks” reported that in most cases deposits exceeded withdrawals that was “indicative of the confidence that the patrons have in the institutions.” by october , citizens’ assets had increased by approximately $ , or percent from the previous year, a conrad black, franklin delano roosevelt: champion of freedom (new york: public affairs, ), . kennedy, freedom from fear, , - . ibid., . “ banks open, three more are still hopeful,” baltimore afro-american, march , . ibid. remarkable growth considering the dire financial circumstances of the united states. overall, citizens had cash and investments in excess of $ , , more than adequate to cover the $ , in depositor’s accounts. as wright accurately summarized the year: we are particularly proud of the expansion in assets and deposits during the hard weeks and months of depression which threw many of the bank’s depositors out of work. possibly no bank in the city has retained the confidence of its patrons more firmly than has the citizens’ and southern bank and trust company. to have kept open for unrestricted business and to have increased assets and deposits without lowering the liquid position of the bank is the best testimony we can find to the place of such an institution in the life of the community. citizens was also positively affected by additional legislation passed in president roosevelt’s “hundred days.” in june , president roosevelt signed into law the glass- steagall banking act which created the federal deposits insurance corporation (fdic). the fdic insured depositors funds up to $ , and provided instant confidence and stability to the banking system. it effectively ended “runs” on banks and, accordingly, the number of bank failures plunged from hundreds per year to less than ten a year in the subsequent decades. in the beginning of , after a careful examination of its financial position, citizens and seven other african american banks were admitted as members to the fdic. the insurance threshold provided complete protection for percent of the “c.&s. bank in liquid shape report shows,” philadelphia tribune, november , . ibid. ibid. black, franklin delano roosevelt, . kennedy, freedom from fear, . deposit accounts held in citizens and the other seven african american banks. citizens’ admittance into the fdic significantly bolstered wright’s argument that african american banks were just as safe for depositors as white banks and help ease the memory of the failure of brown & stevens bank. at the beginning of , a number of african american bankers, like much of the united states, concluded that the worst of the economic crisis had passed. c. c. spaulding, president of the mechanics and farmers bank in durham, north carolina, noted that in the previous year more money had been deposited into african american banks and more homes were built and bought by african americans than in anytime in the past seven years. such growth was also reflected in citizens’ improved financial position. by the end of , citizens had grown to nearly seven thousand depositors with total assets approaching $ , , of which $ , was allotted to the reserve fund. unfortunately, the guarded optimism expressed by the african american bankers disappeared during the course of the year as the united states slid back into an economic depression. in addition to his duties as president of citizens bank, wright also continued to serve as president of the national negro bankers association, a position he occupied for “national negro bankers in f.d.i.c.,” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. “hope for race seen in rising tide of business,” pittsburgh courier, january , . “c.&s. bank boasts , depositors,” philadelphia tribune, december , ; “c. and s. bank has $ , ,” baltimore afro-american, january , . sixteen consecutive years. at the annual meetings of the association, several of which were held in philadelphia, one of the main topics of discussion was the various federal loan programs. in , the association met in philadelphia and robert irvin, the underwriting supervisor from the federal housing administration, made a presentation to the members entitled: “profitable use of fha mortgages by our banks.” the following year at the meeting in richmond, virginia, another representative from fha addressed the association with a speech entitled: “f.h.a. loans profitably made.” in same year, citizens announced it was offering african americans the opportunity to purchase homes under the fha program with a percent down payment. the announcement noted that the fha was helping thousands of whites purchase new homes and citizens did “not see why colored people should not enter the home-buying field.” in , the association again returned to the topic of the fha when warren forster, vice-president of hamilton national bank, urging african american banks to take advantage of fha mortgage financing. with the advent of world war ii, the united states economy finally emerged from its decade slumber to become, as president roosevelt described in one of his famous fireside “bankers hold annual meet,” philadelphia tribune, july , . “major wright named president of bankers,” atlanta daily world, july , . “bank offers race change to buy homes,” philadelphia tribune, august , . ibid. “negro banks report assets of million at d.c. meet,” philadelphia tribune, july , . chats, the “great arsenal of democracy.” after the japanese attack on pearl harbor, citizens actively supported the war effort by buying and selling war bonds. by the conclusion of its fourth war bond drive, it had purchased $ , , in bonds and sold more than $ , , to its depositors. as wright described: “the bank is doing everything it possible can to aid the war effort, and we feel that through our bond purchases we are helping to buy the planes, ships, tanks and guns needed to defeat germany and japan.” during the war years, citizens continued to experience steady growth with its assets crossing over two million dollars in . in the aftermath of the war, wright continued his service by providing african american veterans, many of whom had been rejected by white banks, mortgage loans to buy homes. in july , major richard robert wright sr., who had risen from a slave to the leader of the african american banking movement, died at the age of ninety-four. the passing of the “grand old man of philadelphia” was mourned around the united states. his life and accomplishments were remembered in glowing newspaper editorials, as the pittsburgh courier described: “he was, for longer than we can remember, a symbol of black, franklin delano roosevelt, . “bank buys $ , , bonds since pearl harbor,” philadelphia tribune, march , . ibid. “philly bank’s assets at record high, $ , , ,” chicago defender, april , . “pa. banking journal in tribute to major-wright,” atlanta daily world, august , . “major r.r. wright,” atlanta daily world, july , . negro achievement, an example of american persistence and ingenuity, a living token of the opportunity america offers to all of its sons and daughters, regardless of color or origin.” wright’s son, emmanuel, succeeded him as president of citizens in . under his leadership, citizens continued to prosper and grow in philadelphia. in , citizens received over $ , in new deposits and its assets totaled $ , , . in the same year, it also extended over $ , in new consumer credit, mortgage loans, and personal loans, including a number of loans to churches and fraternal organizations. in , bishop r. r. wright, jr. assumed the presidency of citizens and, by ; it had resources totaling $ , , . overall, in , there were fourteen banks owned and operated by african americans in the united states serving , depositors with combined assets of $ million which was more than double the total of slightly over $ million in and over quadruple the $ million in . “major r.r. wright: two great careers,” pittsburgh courier, july , . “hundreds commemorate major r.r. wright’s life,” philadelphia tribune, may , . “citizens bank made many significant gains in ’ ,” afro-american, january , . ibid. “bishop wright re-elected head of citizens bank,” atlanta daily world, february , . jessie parkhurst guzman, lewis w. jones, and woodrow hall eds., negro year book: a review of events affecting negro life (new york: wm. h. wise & co., inc., ), ; “over million in assets listed by nba members,” afro- american, july , ; “banks show increase of $ million in years,” pittsburgh courier, october , . the great depression and the restructuring of the mortgage market by the federal government also had a profound impact on the building and loan movement in the united states. like other financial institutions, building and loans were challenged to remain in operation during the depths of the financial crisis, struggling to maintain their liquidity as members withdrew their funds and payments on mortgage loans ceased. the total number of building and loans in the united state dropped percent during the great depression, from , in ; to , in ; to , in . likewise, the total asset of building and loans declined every year of the s, plunging from $ , , , in to $ , , , in —a percent decline. overall, however, building and loans fared better in the great depression than commercial banks. certainly, african american building and loans were not immune to the hardships of the great depression. overall, in the united states, there were more than eighty such institutions at the beginning of the great depression and by the number had dwindled to fifty, representing a . percent decline. while the decline in total numbers was slightly below the overall decline, the asset decline was much more pronounced in the african american building and loans. in , the total assets of such building and loans were $ , , . just seven years later the total had declined to mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . ibid., . ibid. rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, . $ , , . such a decline was nearly percent—and significantly higher than the overall rate of asset decline for building and loans. samuel rosenberg from the hampton institute offered the following explanation for the disparity: one of the causes for this difference is quite apparent. economic conditions were such that the negro worker found it more difficult than the white worker to maintain the standard of living to which he was accustomed. jobs were scarce for the negro and continued to become scarcer, and more and more negroes went on relief. those who had money in banks had to withdraw it, while others who had funds invested in shares of building and loan associations had to surrender their certificates in order to keep body and soul together. other members of building and loan associations who were paying for their homes found it very difficult to meet the payments, and many lost their homes. by , the number of african american owned and operated building and loans associations operating in the philadelphia area had decreased from thirty-six to twenty- two. several of the associations’ appraisal and lending polices had been excessively lenient during the boon times of the s and, to avoid financial collapse, several building and loan mergers were consummated. several other associations were poorly managed and were forced into liquidation as the crisis exposed their financial weaknesses. less than ten years later, the number of african american building and loan associations in philadelphia had declined to just five: berean, calvary, eighth ward, st. mark, and zoar community building and loan. in addition, trinity and la mott, the two african american building and loan associations located in the suburbs of philadelphia, also survived. likewise, the total assets of the philadelphia building and ibid., - . martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . ibid. loans declined by over percent from $ , , in ; to $ , , in ; to $ , , in . as one building and loan official adeptly stated: “they [african americans] are still afraid to invest their money and those who are not afraid do not have the money to invest.” the great depression was also challenging time for foremost african american owned and operated building and loan in the united states, berean building and loan association in philadelphia. as the economic crisis worsened following the collapse of the stock market in , african americans faced increasingly dire circumstances as the unemployment rate in philadelphia approached percent. not surprisingly, african americans, who were building and loan members, were forced to withdraw their hard earned savings, not to fulfill their dream to buy a home, but to simply survive. in , berean members withdrew $ , . ; in , $ , . ; in , $ , . ; and in , $ , . . in just four years, berean’s members made cash withdrawals of over $ , . despite the severe drain on its resources, berean paid all its members percent of their money upon receipt of a request to withdraw it and no member lost any money. rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, ; martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, . joseph v. baker, “berean b. and l. association has withstood withdrawals,” philadelphia tribune, july , . “berean savings: years of success,” philadelphia tribune, february , . the overall economic impact was further reflected in the decline of berean’s total assets. at the beginning of the crisis, berean’s assets were the largest in the united states for an african american owned building and loan, totaling nearly one million dollars. throughout the decade, berean’s assets continued a steady decline to $ , in ; to $ , in ; to $ , in . not only did its members withdraw their funds, berean’s members were also often unable to pay their mortgages or pay for their shares. indeed, prior to the crisis, berean members paid approximately $ , per month to the association. by , the payments had declined to a mere $ , . an additional consequence of the great depression was that building and loan members were simply unable to make their mortgage payments. usually, such a failure to pay resulted in a foreclosure by the building and loan followed by a resale of the property to recoup the loan investment. during the crisis, however, financial institutions were reluctant to foreclose as it resulted in a financial loss and, once foreclosed upon, the property had to be resold—a difficult prospect given the status of the economy. in addition to the obvious financial implications of foreclosure, w. basil webb, berean’s secretary, also empathized with the plight of homeowners, explaining: “[t]hey are having difficulty refinancing their homes because so many of these finance companies ibid.; martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, ; rosenberg, negro managed building and loan associations in the united states, . “berean bldg. and loan assn. in good shape,” philadelphia tribune, october , mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . are being liquated by the state. as a result, they have to foreclose; and the home buyers are left in the middle.” berean also made use of the holc as a way to assist its delinquent borrowers. by , the holc had taken over the loans of over one hundred berean members whose loans were delinquent and faced foreclosure. based upon the financial reality and berean’s commitment to its members, it foreclosed on few of its members as reflected in the fact that in it owned less than $ , in real estate. led by w. basil webb, reverend robert jackson, and john harris, jr. in such harrowing economic times, berean implemented a number of conservative practices to ensure its survival and, more importantly, maintain the confidence of its members. first, berean greatly restricted its mortgage lending, and, by , no applications for loans were considered due to the sharp decline in the payment of funds by members. this was in stark contrast to it its relatively lenient lending policy prior to the great depression when applicants could apply for a loan as little as two weeks prior to a meeting and usually receive approval of the loan request. second, berean maintained a substantial reserve fund of $ , , primarily to protect for any possible real estate losses caused by foreclosure. third, berean maintained “[r]obber insurance” for protection of funds collected both inside and outside of meetings. fourth, to avoid any financial losses “berean b. and l. association has withstood withdrawals.” “berean bldg. and loan assn. in good shape.” “berean b. and l. association has withstood withdrawals.” “berean b. & l. now member federal loan,” philadelphia tribune, october , . caused by mismanagement or fraud, berean required all of its officials who handled money to be bonded. such conservative practices resulted in a favorable inspection by officials from the federal home loan bank in philadelphia. following the inspection, berean was encouraged to apply for membership in the organization. on september , , berean became the first african american owned financial institution accepted as a member of the federal home loan bank. the association was accepted for membership due to its strong financial fundamentals as reflected in its large reserve fund and due to the limited number of risky second mortgages on its ledger. as a member of the federal home loan bank, berean was able to borrow money at a very low interest rate which had the effect of easing the liquidity problems caused by large numbers of cash withdrawals and defaulting mortgages. as the financial calamity began to recede, berean implemented several significant changes beginning in the s that strengthened the association’s financial position. after operating out the basement of berean church for over fifty-two years, in , berean became a full-time operation and opened its first office on north nd street in west philadelphia. the following year in a momentous accomplishment, berean “berean bldg. and loan assn. in good shape.” “berean b. & l. now member federal loan.” ibid. ibid. joseph woods, “berean savings in new building, after years,” philadelphia tribune, august , . was admitted to membership in the federal savings and loan insurance corporation. such membership considerably strengthened the credibility and financial soundness of the institution as its member’s deposits, up to $ , were insured by the federal government. next, the creation of the federal savings and loan system also lead to an active campaign by thrifts to adopt the moniker of “savings and loan.” as martin bodfish, executive manager of the united states savings and loan league, explained: “the opinion is gradually developing that the term ‘savings and loan’…is the more appropriate since it emphasizes the investment and systematic savings phase as well as the provision of home ownership.” in the same year it became federally insured, the association changed its name to the berean savings and loan association. webb explained that the name change was for “psychological effect” because building and loan associations had “got such a hard name” during the great depression. following the death of w. basil webb in , john harris jr. was elected by the board of directors to the position of secretary of the berean savings and loan association. harris was superbly prepared to assume the reins of berean as he had extensive experience in real estate and was politically connected to the republican party in philadelphia. after serving in the united states navy during world war i, harris “berean s. & l. asso. continues record service to city,” philadelphia tribune, october , . mason, from building and loans to bail-outs, . joseph woods, “berean savings in new building, after years.” “j.w. harris, jr., heads berean loan association,” afro-american, march , . worked for a number of years as a real estate broker with his father – john harris, sr. he joined berean in and worked for fifteen years as the association’s director. in this position, he worked closely with webb to gain a detailed understanding of the institution and the industry. harris was also politically active, serving as a republican member of the pennsylvania house of representatives in - and as a republican committee person for fifteen years. under harris’ leadership, berean enjoyed tremendous success and growth. from through , berean originated at least mortgage loans, averaging seventy- eight loans annually. its most successful years were and when it originated over a hundred loans each year. by , berean’s assets had grown to a total of $ , , . just three years later, harris estimated that berean had approximately two million dollars in outstanding mortgage loans with its members, approximately percent of whom were african americans. approximately percent of its loans were made to veterans. harris stated that the average mortgage loan amount was from $ , to $ , and the proceeds were used to purchase homes ranging in price from “harris, berean’s president dies,” philadelphia tribune, february , . “j.w. harris, jr., heads berean loan association.” city of philadelphia, mortgage indexes, - . amy hillier, assistant professor, university of pennsylvania, provided the author this data. ibid. guzman, negro year book, . dorothy anderson, “wm. w. still, abolitionist first berean b and l head,” philadelphia tribune, april , . $ , to $ , . harris also explained that most loans were made to people “who had worked long and hard and had been able to save enough money for a down payment on a home.” in addition to berean, several other smaller african american building and loans in philadelphia were able to survive the great depression. at a banquet held in , zoar community building and loan association commemorated the maturity of its first series of stock by presenting checks totaling $ , —representing the maturity values of their shares—to two stockholders, hans warrick and dr. w. harry barnes, who was also president of the association. that dr. barnes reaped the rewards of the first series of stock was hardly surprising given he had invested his own personal funds to start the association. hattie sharp, the keynote speaker of the event, “urged greater unity on the part of colored people in order to build substantial business enterprises.” as of , zoar was the smallest african american owned and operated building and loan association, and to attract new members and expand its business it advertised regularly in the philadelphia tribune. the advertisements invited potential members to come and hear “how the zoar community building and loan association is helping people” become home owners, save for old age, establish educational fund for their children, and “other features relative to regular and systematic saving.” zoar’s leadership also aggressively sought new members by acting as “’walking, talking, branch ibid. “b. and l. pays $ to two stockholders,” philadelphia tribune, june , . philadelphia tribune, april , . offices’” urging people to buy shares and save their money to improve their personal circumstances. zoar experience steady growth over the years and, by the mid- s, it had over $ , of invested capital from over , shareholders. in , it was generating an average of $ , at each of its monthly meetings. as described by the philadelphia tribune, “[t]hose savings over the years have enabled zoar to help hundreds of families in the purchasing of their own homes, homes they might not have gotten otherwise.” by , zoar had outstanding mortgage loans to homebuyers representing over $ , . in the previous year, it originated mortgage loans totaling $ , . in achieving its growth, zoar never abandoned its conservative management principles. it carefully selected the mortgage loans it chose for investing, maintained a reserve fund of $ , , and kept its operating expenses and overhead low. in , with assets of nearly $ , , zoar celebrated its fortieth anniversary, to which it “zoar association founded years ago; mortgage loans total ¼ - million,” philadelphia tribune, april , . “zoar shareholders enjoy % dividend,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “treasurer depicts growth of zoar b & l,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “zoar association founded years ago.” ibid. “zoar shareholders enjoy % dividend.” invited all citizens “interested in helping to improve the economic status of the negro community.” in , in the midst of some of the darkest hours of the great depression, calvary building and loan association celebrated the maturity of its first series of stock. it was proud to report that it held only first mortgages and it had not foreclosed on any member nor it had ever referred a single delinquent account to the solicitor for collection. it also was able to survive the great depression due to its conservative management. calvary maintained a very high reserve fund, consisting of percent of its total assets, which was four times the legal requirement. by , calvary had assets totaling $ , , placing it in the mid-range size for african american associations. calvary also sought to grow its membership with public meetings, which were advertised in the philadelphia tribune, featuring prominent speakers such as john harris, jr. and representatives from the pennsylvania department of banking. calvary encouraged its members to save their money with such innovative ideas as dime savers and a save-by-mail system with pre-paid postage envelopes for mailing “b & l assn. plans th anniversary,” philadelphia tribune, september , ,. “building and loan matures first series,” philadelphia tribune, feb. , , . “calvary b&l’s save-by-mail system aids stockholders,” philadelphia tribune, april , . martin, negro managed building & loan associations in philadelphia, . philadelphia tribune, april , ; philadelphia tribune, october , . payments. calvary used such funds to originate mortgages and, as the philadelphia tribune proclaimed: “calvary can well be proud of the homes it has financed and the tangents of financial security that it has helped to create—important weapons in the struggle to eliminate slums and the fight against delinquency.” by , calvary’s assets had grown to a total of $ , . another building and loan association that survived the great depression was eighth ward settlement building and loan association. it remained a rather small operation: as of , its assets totaled nearly $ , . in , the pennsylvania department of banking approved the name change of the eighth ward to the george w. mitchell building and loan association. the name change was unanimously approved by the shareholders and was “the culmination of a long standing feeling of obligation to perpetuate the name of george w. mitchell for his outstanding efforts and legal guidance in the organization and progress of our first building and loan associations.” shortly after its name change, the george w. mitchell association opened a new full-time office in the heart of the african american community in north philadelphia at west columbia avenue. marked by a large multi-colored neon sign that was visible for “calvary b&l’s save-by-mail system aids stockholders.” ibid. guzman, negro year book, . ibid. “b&l directors honor pioneer,” philadelphia tribune, october , . blocks, the office aspired to become a focal point for thrift, financial security and home ownership throughout philadelphia. the association proceeded to launch a campaign to increase its members and hosted a luncheon addressed by the honorable herbert e. millen, who had previously worked closely with mitchell in representing a number of african american associations. , the association’s assets had grown to nearly $ , reflecting a $ , increase over the previous year. the philadelphia tribune praised the association for “doing its part in helping to improve what has been aptly termed the ‘better side of negro living conditions in philadelphia.’” berean, zoar, george w. mitchell, and calvary, all retained a young attorney named hebert r. cain, jr. to serve as solicitor. cain represented the next generation of african american lawyers in philadelphia that continued the work of the “new negro” lawyers such as alexander, mitchell, and millen. born in new york city, cain was raised in philadelphia and graduated with honors from central high school. next, he graduated from lincoln university, cum laude, and later received his law degree from howard university law school in the early s. by the time, he attended howard, “association plans new office opening,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “george w. mitchell b.&l. assn. has full time office,” philadelphia tribune, april , . “mitchell lending firm’s luncheon at sylvania,” philadelphia tribune, october , . ibid. “george w. mitchell b.&l. assn. has full time office.” jack saunders, “outstanding philadelphians,” philadelphia tribune, november , . charles hamilton houston had completed his transformation of the school from a unaccredited night school to the foremost training ground for african american civil rights lawyers. in , houston left howard to accept full-time employment with the naacp. even after his departure, houston still returned to howard to rehearse his oral argument, before students and faculty, for major civil rights cases pending before the united states supreme court. while houston most likely was no longer at howard when cain attended, his powerful vision of social engineering as a methodology to challenge racial inequality continued to resonate throughout the school and was instilled in the howard students. in , cain was admitted to the pennsylvania bar and worked as an attorney for the united states war department. later, cain became a protégé of herbert e. millen and they worked together on a number of legal matters. millen undoubtedly educated cain on the niceties of corporate and business law, including the unique responsibilities associated with serving as a solicitor for building and loan associations. after millen was elevated to municipal court bench, cain succeeded him as solicitor to the four african american associations in philadelphia and he also served as general counsel for a number of other corporations. cain’s practice was largely devoted to providing legal support for the development of african american institutions. in many ways the circle was mcneil, groundwork, . ibid., . ibid., - , . saunders, “outstanding philadelphians.” complete: cain, trained by herbert millen, a close associate of george w. mitchell, was representing the building and loan association named for george w. mitchell—“‘the father of the building and loan associations.’” “george w. mitchell b.&l. assn. has full time office.” chapter epilogue in november , at the corner of th and south street in philadelphia, a wrecking crew demolished a three-story brick building with an elegant white façade. the building was destroyed to make room for an addition to graduate hospital. as the last bricks fell, it marked the closing chapter of the last african american owned and operated bank in the city of brotherly love as the demolished building was home to the citizens and southern bank and trust company for over four decades. even prior to its final demise, major richard r. wright, sr.’s proud “race bank” had undergone a number of fundamental changes as had the african american community in philadelphia. beginning during world war ii and continuing through the end of the ’s, over five million african americans left the south and migrated north as part of the second great migration. again one of the major destinations for the second wave of migrants was philadelphia. from to , the african american population in philadelphia more than doubled, rising from , to , or percent of the total population of the city. during the same time, the white population began to decline for the first time in philadelphia’s history. in fact, during the ’s, over , whites moved to the suburbs surrounding philadelphia and over , whites left the city. “last of the black banks?” philadelphia tribune, november , . “gregory, “the second great migration: a historical overview,” . thomas j. sugrue, sweet land of liberty: the forgotten struggle for civil rights in the north (new york: random house, ), . as the second generation of african american migrants was arriving, philadelphia was undergoing fundamental structural changes in its economy. like other major cities, following world war ii, philadelphia’s manufacturing base began a painful process of deindustrialization. in , nearly half of the jobs in philadelphia were in the manufacturing sector. from to , three out of four of those industrial jobs were lost in philadelphia. such economic shifts combined with the influx of african americans, produced significant racial spatial changes in the housing patterns in philadelphia. at the same time that african americans were arriving by the thousands, whites began to leave to leave the city proper for new housing built in the suburbs in northeastern philadelphia and in the surrounding counties, such as the , new units of housing built in levittown in bucks county. the new construction was essentially off-limits to african americans. as historian david mcallister has demonstrated, real estate agents and the white community itself were pivotal in ensuring that the new developments remained strictly segregated by race. the success of their efforts was captured by a survey of new private housing available to african americans in philadelphia and the surrounding areas from to conducted by the philadelphia david w. bartelt, “housing the ‘underclass,’” in michael b. katz, ed., the “underclass” debate: views from history (princeton, nj: princeton university press, ). adams et al., philadelphia: neighborhoods, . david mcallister, “realtors and racism in working class philadelphia, - ,” in kusmer & trotter, ed., african american urban history since world war ii. housing association. the survey found that, of the approximately , units of housing that were built in the area; only unites were for sale to african americans. of the units, were concentrated in a single development in darby, pennsylvania. remarkably, only two-story rowhouse units of new construction were available for purchase by african americans in philadelphia and of those units were concentrated in a single development in west philadelphia that was built in . in , philadelphia mayor richardson dilworth correctly pointed out that a “white noose” prevented african americans from moving into white neighborhoods. despite such limitations, like the earlier generation of migrants, the new arrivals strove to own a home. following world war ii, a nationwide survey of african american veterans residing in philadelphia, detroit, indianapolis, atlanta, houston, and baton rouge found that one-third to one-half expressed the desire to buy or build a home in the next twelve months. in , a survey of fifteen hundred african americans in philadelphia asked how each would send a $ , “windfall.” over half responded that they would use the money to buy a home or payoff an existing mortgage. the structural and spatial changes that were occurring in conjunction with the arrival of the migrants provided many with the opportunity to achieve their homeownership dream. philadelphia housing association, philadelphia’s negro population, . ibid., - . mcallister, “realtors and racism in working class philadelphia,” . andrew wiese, “the house i live in: race, class, and african american suburban dreams in the postwar united states,” - in kusmer & trotter, ed., african american urban history since world war ii. ibid. as thousands of migrants arrived and settled in the main african american neighborhoods in north, south, and west philadelphia, the areas rapidly became overcrowded and exerted pressure to expand into nearby all-white neighborhoods. such population pressure combined with the suburbanization of the white population, opened up neighborhoods for african americans to purchase homes. unfortunately, realtors exploited the racial transition of such neighborhoods with the practice of blockbusting. the practice started with the sale of a home to an african american at an inflated price in an all-white neighborhood. following the first sale, realtors, using sophisticated marketing techniques, incited the other whites in the neighborhood to sell their homes immediately to avoid the specter of depreciating property values. i. maximilian martin, a prominent african american realtor and building and loan official, explained: “the end result of such pressure is to demoralize a neighborhood and in effect to intimidate many owners to sell who otherwise would be satisfied to remain in their present location.” realtors also profited tremendously from the practice, often buying the homes from whites at reduced prices and selling them to african americans at highly excessive prices. as oscar i. stern, a realtor and president of central mortgage mcallister, “realtors and racism in working class philadelphia,” - . i. maximilian martin, “the effect of ‘fair housing legislation’ on residential values,” realtor (november ): quoted in mcallister, “realtors and racism in working class philadelphia,” . company, explained the “excess prices paid by negro [sic] home buyers represent a form of economic exploitation.” as whites rapidly left the neighborhoods after the arrival of african americans, the areas experienced significantly higher levels of racial segregation. in , the level of segregation in philadelphia as measured on the dissimilarity index was . , meaning that just under half of the african americans would have to move to achieve evenness or balanced integration. such indices were only slightly higher than those experienced by european immigrants from germany and ireland in the same time period. by , the african american and white dissimilarity index actually fell to a modest . . however, by , the dissimilarity index had drastically increased, nearly doubled to . ; by it reached . , and by it was . . while african americans were able to purchase homes, they typically paid excess sales prices for second hand properties that were located in highly segregated neighborhoods. one additional factor facing african americans was problem of financing the home purchase. oscar i. stern, “prices of negro housing: are they excessive?” realtors magazine, june , quoted in mcallister, “realtors and racism in working class philadelphia,” . massey & denton, american apartheid, - . the index of dissimilarity is a standard measure of segregation. typically, evenness is defined by the overall racial composition of the city. the index provides the percentage of african americans that would have to move to achieve an even residential pattern that mirrors the overall racial composition of the city. generally, a percentage of to is considered low, to modest, and anything above is high. (ibid). see ira goldstein, “the wrong side of the tracts: a study of residential segregation in philadelphia, - ,” (ph.d. diss., temple university, ). ibid. for much of new construction in the suburbs build in the late ’s and ’s, federal housing administration insured financing was available to prospective home buyers. however, such insurance was not generally available for the purchase of second- hand or older homes, precisely the type of housing stock that was available for african americans. scholar amy hillier’s analysis of mortgage lending patterns in philadelphia from to demonstrated that while areas with concentrations of older homes and african americans did have access to credit, they had fewer credit options, certainly not fha insured loans, and paid higher interest rates. one of such financing option used by african american home buyers remained the installment contract. while the historical evidence is rather scant, it appears that use of installment contracts, also known as lease purchase plans, were “increasingly prevalent in the philadelphia housing field” in the ’s. historian beryl satter, in her study of installment contracts in chicago, noted that “homes for sale” advertisements in the african american newspapers that listed down payments, but not the total sales price for a home, were a “sure sign of a building’s being sold on contract.” during the ’s and early ’s, the philadelphia tribune was filled with entire pages of realtor advertisements listing real estate for sale and providing low down payments with no total hillier, “searching for red lines,” . lenerte roberts, “roberts says lease-purchase plan is ok if used constructively,” philadelphia tribune, april , . beryl satter, family properties: race, real estate, and the exploitation of black urban america (new york: metropolitan books, ), . sales price. furthermore, the philadelphia tribune, on several occasions, published articles warning african americans of the dangers of a lease purchase plan with such bold headlines as “negroes expose shady lease purchase deals.” while noting that the plans had aided a number of families become homeowners, howard thomas, a real estate correspondent for the philadelphia tribune, explained that “it was “possibly the most feared instrument used in the purchase of real estate” as “many unscrupulous real estate agents have converted the friendly instrument into a dangerous weapon and have driven it to the hilt.” thomas described the exploitative characteristics of the plan: in many instances, the selling price of the property is ‘jacked up’ far above the fair market value. however, the greatest ‘demon’ in the lease purchase plan is the ever-burdening carrying charge on the prospective home buyer. when the buyer is unable to meet the excessive monthly installments, the property is re-acquired by the seller and all monies paid thereon are forfeited in accordance with the terms of the contract. nor were the use of such plans limited to philadelphia as such installment contracts were one of the main financing options available to african americans throughout the united states. for example, an attorney in chicago familiar with such transactions estimated that eighty-five percent of the properties sold to african americans in neighborhoods undergoing racial change utilized installment contracts. likewise, a study conducted by the chicago commission of human relations of one square block in the “negro expose shady lease-purchase deals,” philadelphia tribune, july , . howard h. thomas, “buying a home: lease purchase plan hurt by unscrupulous,” philadelphia tribune, july , . ibid. hirsch, making the ghetto: race and housing in chicago, . englewood area of the city found that between and , a total parcels changed ownership. of the properties, were purchased with installment contracts. the study found that "[m]any of the interviewed contract purchasers conveyed the impression that the installment contract was the only means by which negro families in chicago could acquire property." in addition, the study found evidence that installment contracts were subject to predatory practices, as the african american consumer’s price paid in the contract ranged anywhere from thirty-five percent to one hundred fifteen percent, with an average of seventy-three percent, greater than the original price paid by the investor. one real estate speculator recalled that he made more than percent on his original investment in less than a year by evicting any one who missed a payment and collecting subsequent down payments. generally, most sellers were able to recoup their entire cash equity in the property within two years with the remaining payments sheer profit. with limited financing options available, african americans again turned to the two major surviving african american owned and operated financial institutions in philadelphia: citizens and southern banking and trust company and berean savings and loan association. on september , citizens and southern bank and trust company celebrated its thirty-fifth anniversary. bishop richard r. wright, jr., who became president in , noted that was the “best year in many years” for the bank as its assets rose to ibid. ibid. ibid. “citizens and, southern bank celebrates th anniversary” philadelphia tribune, september , . over two and half million dollars. he also noted that the bank did not have a single foreclosure in and in his over years with the bank it averaged less than one foreclosure a year. wright attributed the low foreclosure rate to the bank’s strict lending requirements, he noted: “…the money we lend is the people’s money, not mine or the directors, and we can’t let anybody play with it.” in the same year, wright also announced that the bank had $ , to lend to at least fifty persons in amounts ranging from $ , to $ , to help them “purchase homes, improve their businesses, and for education or travel.” in april , responding to reports of a sale of the bank’s stock to a local businessman, bishop r. r. wright, jr. explained that he did not foresee a “…time in the near future that the majority stock of this bank will be owned by anybody except our citizens.” wright also noted that the bank was “encouraging integration” and that it was “no longer a ‘colored bank’ so far as depositors are concerned or so far as loans are concerned. in fact, less than percent of our loans are made to members of our race.” wright cited, as evidence of integration, the nomination and election to the bank’s board of directors two white businessman, myron freudberg, an insurance and “citizens & southern bank resources over ½ million” philadelphia tribune, january , . ibid. theodore graham, “citizens and southern bank has $ , to lend,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “citizens-southern now integrated bank,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid. financial executive, and harry galfand, a lawyer. despite his assurances, just months later, the wright family sold their controlling stock interest in the bank to galfand, freudberg, and albert gerber, also a lawyer. later in the same year, freudberg replaced wright as president and galfand was named the chairman of the board of directors, effectively ending citizens and southern’s status as an african american owned and operated bank. throughout the rest of the ’s and into the ’s, members of the wright family and several other long-term african american employees remained involved with the management of the bank. it continued to prosper with its assets climbing past three million dollars by june and to four and half million dollars by october . the bank also expanded by opening three branch offices in philadelphia. however, by the mid- ’s, the last members of the wright family and its management team retired from active employment. in june , harriet wright hines, major r. r. wright, sr.’s daughter, retired from the bank after many years of service. hines began working as a clerk and later worked as an assistant treasurer. in , she was chosen as first vice- ibid. “citizens & southern now an interracial bank,” philadelphia tribune, july , . “citizens-southern bank prexy quits,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “bank assets smash three million mark,” philadelphia tribune, july , ; “citizens-southern bank prexy quits.” “bank career ends for lady c & s executive,” philadelphia tribune, june , . president, a position she occupied until her retirement. several years later, charles ealy also retired, marking the end of a forty-six year career with the bank. ealy joined the bank just months after its founding and retired as vice-president after having served in nearly every possible position in the bank. in , after the bank shortened its name to citizens bank, it was involved in a major corruption scandal. after an extensive grand jury investigation, it was discovered that frank steinberg, chairman of the philadelphia housing authority, transferred three million dollars of funds from the philadelphia housing authority to citizens bank. the deposits boosted citizens total deposits by more than percent during a single quarter in and substantially increased the bank’s revenue. at the time of the money transfer, it was determined that steinberg was also a director and a principal investor in citizens bank. likewise, a grand jury also determined that sander field, chairman of citizens, and his wife made a capital gain of over one million dollars in just months through fraudulent dealings with the common stock of the bank. he was charged with counts of embezzlement, stock fraud, illegal political contributions, and perjury. following the scandal, in , citizens bank changed its name again to centennial bank. eustace gay, writing in the philadelphia tribune, shortly after the “charles a. ealy retired from citizens bank job,” philadelphia tribune, january , . “grand jury report mentions citizens bank’s operations,” philadelphia tribune, august , . ibid. “grand jury accuses citizens bank head of stock fraud, embezzlement,” philadelphia tribune, october , . name change, nostalgically hoped that major r .r. wright’s citizens and southern bank was not erased from the history books, stating: “years from now when some historian is listing the banks in the city, one of them will be the centennial bank. somehow, we hope the historian will mention that, prior to the present name, it had three others.” despite the name change, problems plagued the bank and, in october , william e. whitesell, the pennsylvania secretary of banking, announced that centennial bank had failed and the commonwealth of pennsylvania had taken possession of the bank. the following week, lincoln bank, with the assistance of $ . million dollar advance by the fdic, purchased the assets and assumed the liabilities of centennial bank. despite its sad ending, african americans in philadelphia remembered major richard r. wright, sr. and the wright family as the ones who “more than redeemed negroes in banking in philadelphia in the story of citizens bank.” in , berean savings and loan association hosted a “housewarming” to celebrate the opening of its new renovated offices in west philadelphia that were described as “one of the most modern and best equipped offices in the city.” the opening of the offices marked yet another accomplishment for berean considering for the eustace gay, “facts and fancies” philadelphia tribune, january , . “centennial bank, aided by $ . million from fidc, opens today,” philadelphia tribune, october , . ibid. james cassell, “black educator, major wright, started centennial bank in ’ as citizens and southern bank,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “berean saving & loan asso. opens swanky new offices,” philadelphia tribune, march , . first fifty years of its existence it operated out of basement of the berean presbyterian church. the new office contributed to a period of rapid growth with berean’s assets growing over percent in just over two years. berean’s positive growth trend in assets and originating mortgage loans continued throughout the ’s and ’s. for example, in the first six months of , berean made over $ , in mortgage loans, mostly to african americans, to buy homes ranging in value from $ , to more modest amounts. by , it had over $ million in savings account deposits as well as over $ million in outstanding first mortgage loans. in , berean’s assets exceeded $ and half million and it made over $ million in mortgage loans in the year to meet the financing needs of homebuyers. in , john harris, jr. finally retired from berean after a remarkable forty-one years of service. upon harris’ retirement, dr. lawrence d. christmas, chairman of the board, declared that “the association is pledged to continue its sixty-one year old policy of making home ownership available for all qualified persons in the urban core as well as “berean s & l asso. began in a church basement,” philadelphia tribune, november , . “berean saving & loan asso. opens swanky new offices”; “berean s. & l. asso. continues record service to city,” philadelphia tribune, october , . “berean home loans exceed one half million,” philadelphia tribune, september , . “berean s & l asso. began in a church basement.” “berean savings and loan association loaned over $ million last year to help people buy homes,” philadelphia tribune, february , . other parts of the greater philadelphia metropolitan area.” to carry out its homeownership policy, berean selected i. maximilian martin as its new president. the choice of martin was hardly surprising given his in-depth knowledge of the history of the african american building and loan movement in philadelphia. even beyond his institutional knowledge, he represented a direct link to glory years of african american building and loan movement as he was the son of isadore martin, a prominent african american realtor and founder of st. mark’s building and loan association. martin obtained a b.s in economics in and an mba in from the prestigious wharton school of finance and commerce at the university of pennsylvania. following his graduation, he joined his father’s real estate business - isadore martin inc., realtors – and became president in . he also served in world war ii and eventually rose to the rank of lieutenant colonel in the untied states army. by the time martin ascended to the leadership of berean, it was one of only three african american owned and operated financial institutions in philadelphia. the following year, in , zoar community building and loan association and calvary building and loan – the other two remaining african american building and loan “new president of berean savings loan assn. elected,” philadelphia tribune, june , . “pres. martin keeps dreams alive,” philadelphia tribune, february , . ibid.; douglas dabney, “berean savings: a unique success,” philadelphia tribune, march , . kendall wilson, “though retired, martin still a presence at berean,” philadelphia tribune, february , . associations – announced that they were merging with west penn building and loan association to form the cosmopolitan building and loan association. the merger effectively ended the separate existence of the other two african american owned and operated financial institutions. meanwhile, martin continued berean’s historic trend of outstanding leadership as he guided it to continued success. in , berean originated mortgage loans worth $ , , ranging in amounts from $ , to $ , . berean’s mortgage loans were mainly for homes in west philadelphia and it borrowers were often people “…who were unable to secure loans from other institutions, although they qualified as to character, credit and property.” the following year, berean shortened its name to berean savings association and it originated $ . million in conventional, fha, and va mortgage loans. in , berean’s celebrated its ninetieth anniversary and its growth forced it to move to a new and larger office in west philadelphia. its assets had grown to $ million and it loaned over $ million in mortgage loans to the african american community. “zoar, calvary, west penn building loans combining” philadelphia tribune, april , . eustace gay, “local black bank doing billion dollar business,” philadelphia tribune, april , . ibid. maximilian martin, “president’s annual report,” philadelphia tribune, february , . “berean savings: years of success,” philadelphia tribune, february , . in , berean expanded into a full service financial institution and became know as berean savings bank. at the end of the year, martin retired after being associated with berean for over fifty years and serving for over twenty years as president. under his leadership, berean expanded from $ million to $ million in assets. martin proudly noted that berean continued to provide financing opportunities for african americans, explaining: “we have constantly made it possible for blacks to own and repair their homes with loans they could not get from other banks in the city.” after an in-depth search process, berean hired rodney green, a former african american banking official with fidelity bank and provident national bank, to replace martin. by the late ’s, berean had been contracting in the face of stiff competition from other banks. in , berean was acquired by advantage bank, a minority owned bank based in baltimore. john hamilton, president of advantage, praised the deal for preserving “the african american legacy and the mutual form of ownership.” as in the south a generation earlier, the dream of homeownership for african americans often did not measure up to its reality. homeownership, while achievable, came at a significant cost for african americans as they often paid excessive prices for older homes in segregated neighborhoods. the number of indigenous financial “though retired, martin still a presence at berean.” ibid. kendall wilson, “the challenge of legends is familiar to berean bank’s new president,” philadelphia tribune, september , . joseph n. distefano, “baltimore bank to buy berean,” philadelphia inquirer, february , . institutions, that were successful during the great migration at originating mortgage loans to black borrowers, had significantly declined by the time of the second great migration. as a consequence, african americans were often forced to turn to alternative sources of financing that imposed additional costs and onerous terms and conditions. in contrast, whites were able to purchase new homes in the suburbs on with favorable terms offered through fha insured mortgage loans. despite the numerous obstacles, the african american were able to achieve home ownership in increasing numbers in the post-world war ii era as reflected in the increase of the overall from percent in to percent in . likewise in philadelphia, the african homeownership rate rose tremendously rising from . percent in to . percent in to . percent in . nevertheless, such rates significantly trailed the white homeownership rate of . percent in and . percent. despite the continued racial homeownership gap, the resolve of blacks to overcome credit discrimination to purchase homes through the creation of race financial institutions was a key part of the broader struggle for civil rights in the united states. the words of a young african american boy spoken during reconstruction – “tell them, general, we’re rising” – were certainly prophetic in the context of homeownership in philadelphia. ibid. philadelphia housing association. philadelphia’s negro population, . bibliography primary sources alexander, raymond pace. 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affidavit drafting b. court affiliated mediation - mandatory mediation iv. conclusion chapter the deconstruction of child custody mediation i. introduction ii. twentieth century developments in custody mediation v iii. deconstructing the methodology of mediation a. normalization b. future focusing c. summarizing iv. conclusion chapter creating a space for feminism in child custody litigation and mediation i. introduction ii. family justice centres iii. feminist conceptions of caring a. the mother/child metaphor b. " caring f o r v. "caring about" c. mothercare and - either, both, or neither iv. kinscripts - kincare v. child care plans vi. conclusion chapter conclusion bibliography vi acknowledgement thank you to susan boyd, my thesis advisor and primary reader, for taking my ideas under your wings and for ever patiently and professionally guiding me through the many metamorphoses of my thesis. thank you to marlee kline, my secondary reader, for always providing me with encouragement to continue with my writing and for supplying another perspective of motherhood from which i could learn. thank you to pitman potter who opened the doors to the faculty of law at ubc to me and to wes pue who finally saw me out. thank you to lillian ong for all the calls that kept me on track and to deanna clark for the friendly salutations from your desk. thank you to my cohorts in the masters programme. we w(h)ined and dined our way clear! cheers deirdre, dora, doris, jennifer, michelle and rachel! special thanks to deirdre-dear who made me laugh and shared my passion for procrastination, chocolate, movies and novels. i will miss you. i can never properly thank my family and friends who through all the years of my education have supported me with their belief in my abilities (and for diplomatically not mentioning that i was "still in school"). thank you to my mother...on your love and guidance i have always depended. thank you to my three children, jared, michael and genevieve. i have learnt more from the three of you about my head, my soul and my heart than from any other source. and finally, thank you to my husband, michel. after years you still make me laugh. thank you for your support that has helped me make "a room of my own". vll to my mother, maureen bourbonnais chapter introduction over the course of my years practising family law, many women have shared with me their stories and their experiences of child custody dispute resolution or non-resolution. at various points of their battle, women introduced me to the frustrations and anger they felt for and with the courts, judges, mediators and lawyers. many women have told me stories of how their spouses, families, friends and children sometimes silenced their voices as mother. but sadly, even more told me that if their husbands silenced them, the legal system muzzled them; visibly ostracizing them in the public forum, often marginalizing their existing maternal connections and child caregiving relationships by imposing upon them different legal positions and constructs about caring. these impositions most often differed from the realities of their everyday child caregiving and motherwork experiences. in a significant number of experiences, women were shuttled between court litigation services and court mediation services, with very little real and substantive choice of venue to address their child custody concerns. it is from this privileged position of shared insights and perspectives that i begin the naming of my thesis. i was an active practising family law lawyer in manitoba from july, until april, . my argument is that neither the litigation nor the mediation of child custody disputes in canada address the systemic problems associated with the marginalization of women and children in canadian society and its manifestation in the child custody context. throughout my thesis, i will argue that canadian custody litigation and mediation are essentially white, male, middle class, heterosexual cultural expressions, productions and perpetuations of patriarchy. they are sexist, racist, and class-biased. i will further argue that the rules, methods and procedures of custody litigation and mediation rely on dominant mediation, herein, will refer to any government sponsored or court-affiliated mediation and not private mediation. private mediation has not formed any part of my experience of mediation. my position is that women entering into private mediation contracts do so from a position of greater financial power. i acknowledge that other groups, not just women, are marginalized in canadian society and that the feminization of poverty is a systemic problem, attributed, in part, to separation and divorce; see moqe v. moqe [ ] s.c.r. . i recognize that both formal and informal negotiations are also strong forces in the resolution of child custody disputes. see hilary astor and christine chinkin who support the position that lawyers are not the aggressive gladiators of battle that they often are portrayed to be. they present statistics that support that most child custody and other family disputes are settled before litigation or mediation arise. hilary astor and christine chinkin, dispute resolution in australia (sydney: butterworth, ) at - . kenneth kressel has concluded, on the basis of his research on lawyers and mediators, that substantial or patterned differences were not observed on goal settlement, obstacles and attitudes about divorce mediation. he concludes that "mediation is an alternative form of dispute resolution no better or worse than the more traditional approaches used by lawyers in negotiation" kenneth kressel, the process of divorce (new york: basic books, ) at . it is beyond the scope of this thesis to study the area of negotiation. throughout my thesis, the term patriarchy will be used to refer, "to this system of social relationships that privileges men while disadvantaging women, although the precise form of power inequities varies historically and cross-culturally." gillian creese and veronica strong-boag, "introduction: taking gender into account in british columbia", in gillian creese and veronica strong-boag, eds., british columbia reconsidered, essays on women (vancouver: press gang publishers, ) - at . legal and social constructions of the meaning of woman, mother and child within the family in ways that serve to limit the opportunities, experience and autonomy of women in this context. as well, courts and mediators use patriarchal definitions of mother and motherhood in an effort to keep the family functioning together even after separation and divorce. this thesis will explore the social constructs of mother, woman, child and family. my perspective will be feminist, but with a capital " f " because i am not sure i align with any one theory, method or epistemology of feminism. i would like to work in reciprocity between different theories and practices of feminism and women to inform my work, identifying these as i engage with them. the naming of mother, as both an ideology and a reality will be my beginning place. i begin, in chapter , with an examination of "mother". i view the examination of "mother" as essential to an understanding of how both the litigation and mediation of child custody can sever the ties that bind the existing patterns of care between mother and child. if change is to take place, if mothers are to feel validated by the legal processes they engage with in child custody disputes, and if children are to continue to receive the care they depend upon, see: celina romany, "ain't i a feminist?" (fall ) : yale journal of law and feminism at wherein she discusses feminism with a capital "f", "the feminism i see myself associated with has a capital f. that which aims at eradicating the various forms of oppression that affect all women...i am willing to risk being outside current theoretical trends by supporting capital letters. my capital letters connote expansion, breadth and inclusion. far from claiming privileged access to the truth with a capital t, feminism with a capital f thrives in a room with a great view of narratives about intersections." see: bell hooks, "theory of libratory practice" (fall, ) : yale journal of law and feminism at for a discussion of theory and practice working in reciprocity to capture women's voices. shulamit reinharz, feminist methods in social research (new york: oxford university press, ). then the legal constaict of mother must be flexible enough to embrace several definitions of mother, motherwork and caregiving. i am not a visionary. i cannot augur that this change is probable. i only make the argument that it may be possible. i take the position that part of the feminist agenda to combat the oppression of women and children obligates the inclusion of a constant review of child custody issues with a mandate to reunite mother and child. in the modern canadian nuclear family of small self-centred units, mother, father and child are each viewed as an axis in a triad of. patriarchal familial relationships. the child within this conjugal unit is important as its product, the reason for its maintenance, although less important as an economically productive unit. this triad of dependencies between father, mother and child is the structure that holds the modern family together and is encouraged by the canadian socio-legal system to subsist even after the conjugal separation of mother and father. the construct of the modern family is used by the legal system in child custody determination. using post-structural analysis and deconstruction, feminists such as carol smart and martha fineman challenge the definitions assigned to mother and child in the triangular view of family. for example, smart argues that we cannot assume that motherhood (as well as sexuality and reproduction) solely exists within the private sphere of family, but rather that at least since the mid-nineteenth century, it has been a matter of shulamith firestone, the dialectic of sex. the case for feminist revolution (new york: quill, william morrow, ) at in thibaudeau v. canada (minister of national revenue) [ ] s c r . , two of the supreme court of canada judges (both men) talk of the "post-divorce family unit" and the importance of using the tax system to benefit this unit versus the individual spouse. public policy, concern and regulation. her point is that the definition of certain behaviors, e.g. motherhood, as private is itself part of the regulation of the behavior to produce a specifically gendered set of consequences. fineman's deconstruction of the modern family discerns that traditional placement of the child as one focal point or axis of the triadic family is a false placement which when deconstructed, can be exposed as a patriarchal artifice or ruse where, ...the child is an abstraction, significant for assessing the status of the adults...for measuring the dimensions of power and control lost or accumulated in the symbolic struggle between men and women, in which the family is a primary contemporary battleground. fineman argues that a less oppressive arrangement for women and children would be diatomic. children and mothers would be the focus. paternity would be of little consequence. i view fineman's concept of the mother/child focus as a mother and child reunion. the original, substantive and functional relationship between mother and child would ideally be reaffirmed by our socio-legal system. carol smart, ed., regulating womanhood: historical essays on marriage, motherhood and sexuality (london & new york: routledge, ) at martha fineman, the neutered mother, the sexual family and other twentieth century tragedies (new york: routledge, ) at ibid., at . at this point, i think it necessary to clarify my position on men and in particular, father. throughout my thesis, the term mother and the term "mothering" will be used instead of or interchangeably with parenting as: [w]ork in which child-tending men and women engage. this terminology acknowledges the "fact" that mothering has been - and still is - primarily the responsibility of women...also, by the slight if passing frission of referring to men as mothers, i hope to jar a listener into reflecting...upon the heterosexist knot in which our ideas of mothering are told. the work of "mothering" can and is carried on by many people: men and women, straight and gay, single, coupled, or in many kinds of social arrangements. the mother/child metaphor is a symbolic embodiment of nurturing that does not mandate that all women be mothers or that "bad" mothers would not be deprived of their children. it is acknowledged that there are women who abuse, neglect and abandon their children. fineman believes that men can and should be mothers in the sense of being engaged in caretaking. she also states that child in her dyad includes all forms of inevitable dependency - "the dependency of the ill, the elderly, the disabled, as well as actual children. the child is the embodied concept, exemplifying the need for physical caretaking." what is important to hold in mind throughout my thesis is that the vast majority of maternal caregiving is done by women and for children and that this is why i focus on women and children, the mother and child reunion. sara ruddick, "thinking about fathers" in barrie thorne with marilyn yalom, eds. rethinking the family: some feminist questions (boston: northeastern university ' press) - at fineman, supra note at . ibid., at . ' . ' i have divided the second chapter into three sections: the first section will address the universalism, the ideologies and the myths of motherhood; the second section will address the construction and deconstruction of motherhood; and, the third section will address the realities of the diversity of mothering and caring experiences. throughout this chapter and indeed my entire thesis, i will argue thematically that child custody decision making processes are laden in ideologies about motherhood that blind and silence women's voices, ethnic and racial diversity and class differences. my ultimate conclusion will be that mediation and litigation are born of the same western liberal philosophical origins and assumptions about law, gender and motherhood which oppress all women and children to varying degrees. in the third chapter, following from the examination of mother in her many complexities, i address my concern that many women who are divorcing or separating must first deal with the day-to-day deliberations and economics of childcare, food and shelter, often having to protect themselves and their children from the frontline abuses of the nuclear family fallout: mental, physical, sexual and economic abuses. to survive today and into the early morrow, they must engage, out of practical considerations, with the patriarchal legal and social welfare institutions which promote the litigation and the mediation of child custody disputes. in chapter , an introduction to feminist legal research methods is presented and i begin to explore whether it is possible to dismantle or infiltrate any methods and procedures used in mediation and litigation of child custody issues without waiting for a revolution that eliminates and destroys both forms. can feminist legal methods, aside from assisting in chapter will continue the review of the possibilities for the introduction of change into the legal system. reviewing existing formal socio-legal systems of child custody dispute, actually inform feminist practise in the system? two stories about women's struggles with existing legal remedies to child custody determination that occurred in my practice will be told to provide a concrete context within which to base feminist inquiries. the first story is about litigating a child custody dispute by way of affidavit evidence. i will introduce examples of the limitations of fact finding and story telling of affidavits and oral evidence in child custody disputes. the second story is about court-affiliated mediation. i will argue that the lines between the two primary methods of child custody dispute resolution (litigation and mediation) have become murky, both reproducing dominant ideologies. perhaps they are not so very different after all, perpetuating, as some feminists have suggested, the same patriarchal norms and myths. in chapter , present a brief history of family mediation's rise to popularity. i then proceed with the deconstruction of child custody mediation, primarily at its methodological level. i characterize some of the methodologies used in family mediation in an attempt to show how they actually distort reality and therefore invalidate women's stories. i will conclude that family mediation, as a form of child custody dispute resolution, is inappropriate in all but the narrowest of family situations, as its assumptions and methods are saturated with normative ideals about family and motherhood rather than family realities. this chapter's emphasis on custody mediation and the deconstruction of its methods is very important because of the false sense of optimism and security many women initially place in mediation. in my see: elizabeth pickett, "family ideology, family law and mediation: law costs more than a 'shadow"' ( ) : the journal of human justice . practice, too often women would resort to and adopt the rhetoric of custody mediation as being cheaper, quicker, non-aggressive and "a way to finally stop all this fighting without lawyers." in my experience, mediation was not a panacea to lawyers and litigation. in canada, only the affluent can afford private mediation. in reality, mediation became one more time consuming step in the court process. mediators were assigned, not chosen. mediation may have been ostensibly voluntary but in reality, judges demanded it. court appointed mediators try to fit the methods of private mediation into a court supported system. most of my female clients felt it a disaster. in the final chapter, i will review some of the research used by the b.c. government to introduce something new in the neighbourhood of family justice i will also explore whether it is possible to preserve and yet transform aspects of existing child custody dispute resolution discourses and practices by creating and/or identifying a space for feminism within litigation and mediation. is it a contradiction to identify as a "feminist litigator" or a "feminist mediator"? is it possible for women to passionately engage in these contradictions of their identity rather than be broken by them. i believe so. various feminist alternatives recall having heard this phrase or similar phrases quite often during my practise. had only one client out of a few hundred use a private mediator. it failed. the family justice centres are a project currently funded by the ministries of attorney general, human relations and social services designed to serve the community in which they are located as a one-stop shop for family justice services. more will be addressed in chapter . celia kitzinger, "resisting the discipline", in erica burman (ed.), the practice of psychology of feminists (london: sage, ) - to traditional familial caregiving and mothering will be presented to recognize the shifting demographics noted by shelley gavigan: the ideology of the patriarchal nuclear family provides the prism through which relationships are examined and the measure against which they are judged, notwithstanding a shifting demography which indicates that the idealized nuclear family household may be becoming increasingly less typical any feminist method of child custody dispute resolution must recognize the difference between dominant norms and realities at all times. shelley gavigan describes this as, "the analysis of 'experience' through the concept of 'ideology' may illuminate significant dissonance between many (but not all) lived experiences in the dominant ideology of the family" my underlying argument against mediation and litigation is that they are based on the assumption that the family is white, nuclear, heterosexual and middle class. it will be essential to my argument that the reader acknowledge that, "all societies contain a multiplicity of family forms whose structural arrangements respond to complex conditions." judith stacey notes that, like postmodern culture, contemporary u.s. family arrangements are diverse, fluid, and unresolved. the postmodern family is not a new model of family life equivalent to that of the modern family, not the next stage in an orderly shelley a. m. gavigan, "paradise lost, paradox revisited: the implications of familial ideology for feminist, lesbian and gay engagement to law" ( ) osgoode hall l.j. at ibid., at - . rayna rapp, "family and class contemporary america: notes towards an understanding of ideology", in barrie thorne with marilyn yalom, eds., rethinking the family (revised edition) some feminist questions (boston: north eastern university press, ) at progression of family history, but the stage in that history when the belief in a logical progression of stages breaks down. didi herman has noted the lack of uniformity in the usage of 'family' because it is complicated by the personal experiences of some feminists versus its use as an ideological construct by others. i plan to define the concept of family on the one hand as an ideological construct, as well as its use to denote a fluid, changing reality for "a group of people who love and care for each other" i will attempt to move away from the triad of relationships between father, mother and child commonly associated with the term "family". my thesis that the socio/legal system in canada is not responsive to the systemic problems of marginalization facing women will be reassessed in terms of whether the socio/legal system can be responsive with the introduction of feminist theory and methodology and what insights in particular inform the process of child custody dispute resolution in both mediation and litigation. i ask that three important points be kept in mind throughout the reading of this thesis. my first point is that i am not trying to distinguish motherhood myths from motherhood realities judith stacey, "backward towards the post modern family: reflections on gender, kinder and class in the silicone valley", in barrie thorne with marilyn yalom, eds., rethinking the family (revised edition) some feminist questions (boston: north eastern university press, ) at didi herman, "are we family?: lesbian rights and women's liberation" ( ) osgoode hall l.r. . also see generally susan boyd, "some postmodernist challenges in feminist analysis of law, family and state: ideology and discourse in child custody law" ( ) c. j. of f. l. see the study by albert solnit quoted in "most regard family highly", new york times october, . it is also cited in stacey, supra note at . it is arguable that "loving and caring for each other" are not always necessary for there to be "family". for the purpose of identifying one motherhood truth amidst motherhood falsehoods. my purpose is to support the position that motherhood categorically "is constantly subject to differing constructions" depending upon the most dominant discourse on family at any given time. as well, non-dominant discourses also define mother by producing different motherhoods as a challenge to dominant discourses or as a simple necessity of survival for that particular mother and child. the second point i make is that any discussion of mother necessarily envelops child as well. the category of mother can only be constructed as it relates to the category of child. the link between women and children and the development of discourses on motherhood and caring is an important theme within this paper. my third point is that i have not been able to resolve the dilemma inherent in advancing one method or procedure in child custody resolution over another. the perplexing problem is how not to fall into the trap of grand theorizing and rather, advance methodology of child custody determination that recognizes varying truths of childcare and motherwork. if i were to promote a particular methodology, even from a feminist perspective, would i not risk contributing to the social and legal construction of mother and child in such a way as to defeat my objective of acknowledging non-dominant discourses of mothering and how these non-dominant discourses affect the ways that mothers and children give and take care? i carol smart, "disruptive bodies and unruly sex: the regulation of reproduction and sexuality in the nineteenth century" in carol smart, ed., regulating womanhood: historical essays on marriage, motherhood and sexuality (london and new york: routledge, ) ibid., at . believe my thesis will be successful if i can in some way challenge and raise consciousness about existing legal and social discourses of child custody determination and their resistance to change. part of my conclusion will be that neither the litigation nor the mediation of child custody disputes in their present practise help women and children. i will argue that the current debates and research favouring one or the other are overstated in their claims and are more polemical than empirical. i will also conclude that of the two forms of dispute resolution, litigation appears more suitable to the introduction of feminist methodology and practise and therefore, i conclude that it is potentially less oppressive to women and children than mediation. chapter challenging dominant ideologies of motherhood: the ideology of universalism and the reality of diversity i. introduction in canada, and indeed most of the western world, motherhood is largely defined in the context of the ideological norm of the nuclear family. as i will show later in this thesis, when a "family" breaks up, the litigation and mediation of child custody disputes perpetuate the dominant patriarchal ideologies about family, child, mother and father emulated by the idealized nuclear family. the form of this idealized family becomes an important standard of measurement used by litigators and mediators to encourage or dictate particular child care arrangements. the resulting child care arrangements may not reflect the existing or previous patterns of care for the child. in the introduction to this thesis, i stated that the original, substantive and functional relationship between mother and child should be reaffirmed and not invalidated by the canadian socio-legal system. child custody decision making should consider stories that do not fit into ideological constructs of mother and child in the family. it is from the perspective of motherhood that i wish to begin my analysis of the marginalization of women and children in the litigation and mediation of child custody decision making. in the canadian socio-legal system, motherhood has stayed locked into prescribed, acceptable manifestations that prohibit its transformation within the system to better reflect everyday realities. in this chapter, the ideology of the universal mother and family will be challenged and deconstructed and the reality of the diversity of mothering, child care giving and family experiences will be examined. by looking at the complexity of meanings and processes encompassed under the rubric of mothering, i will challenge some conventional notions about biology, gender and family which are present in the legal processes of mediation and litigation of child custody disputes. in the first section of this chapter, i cannot address all the political, legal and cultural debates that surround the issues of mothering. i do, however, wish to look at connections between mothering and the reproduction of social inequality, and the dilemmas created by the simultaneous idealization of motherhood and the devaluation of caring work. patriarchal control of mothering will be looked at in its inter-relationship with technological and capitalistic controls. secondly, i will look at the ideology and construction of mothering in order to deconstruct it at two levels. at the first level, i will attempt to break motherhood down into some of the elements that fuse it so securely as "an undifferentiated and unchanging monolith". at the second and broader level, i will deconstruct motherhood by attempting to reverse and displace the notion of dichotomy and binary opposition that western philosophical liberal barbara katz rothman, "beyond mothers and fathers: ideology in a patriarchal society" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey eds., mothering: ideology, experience and agency (new york: routledge, ) - evelyn nakano glenn, "social constructions of mothering: a thematic overview" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agency (new york: routledge, ) - @ traditions rest on. mothering has been defined by bipolarities such as male-female, mind- body, nature-culture, reason-emotion, public-private and labour-love with motherhood being assigned to the subordinate poles. in the third section of this chapter, i will present situations where women have already constructed their own ways of mothering that transcend constructed oppositions and traditional bounds or dominant ideologies. finally, some motherhood experiences defy categorization within the constructs or constraints of patriarchal ideologies. i will ask the reader to look beyond the deconstruction of motherhood on the basis of patriarchal ideologies and bipolarity when factoring in the experiences of women of differing colours, class structures and sexual orientations. rather than being dichotomous, some women of colour, working class women and lesbians see their experiences as interwoven, gender inequality working in tandem with racial domination, economic exploitation and homophobia. some of these diverse experiences and some innovative forms of parenting and creating "family" will be addressed. stories can be told, but each reality itself cannot be identified as the universal truth. it will vary with the individual, the group and society and their interaction with each other. ** ibid., at - . see: eileen boris, "mothers are not workers: homework regulation and the construction of motherhood, - " - ; margaret k. nelson, "family day care providers: dilemmas of daily practice" - ; and denise a. segura, "working at motherhood: chicano and mexican immigrant mothers and employment" all in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agencvfnew york: routledge, ) - . katz rothman, supra note at - . ii. motherhood: the ideology of universalism ideology can both let us see and blind us, give us language yet silence us.- ideologies may be defined as, systems or currents of generally accepted ideas about society and its character, about rights and responsibilities, law, morality, religion and politics and numerous other matters [which] provide certainty and security, the basis of beliefs and guides for conduct. according to douglas hay, an ideology will endure based on its elasticity (the degree to which people think it is a product of their own mind and experience) and its generality (its capacity as a general reservoir of belief, free from challenge). however, there is no universal definition of ideology nor do the definitions have equal sway. postmodernists question its validity and instead speak of discourses. in the context of this thesis, i will ^ ibid., at - . r. cotterrell, the sociology of law: an introduction (london: butterworths, ) at and see gavigan, supra note , introduction. douglas hay, "property, authority and the criminal law" in d. hay, p. linebaugh, j.g. rule, e.p. thompson and c. winstow, eds., albions fatal tree: crime and society in eighteenth-century england (new york: pantheon, ) at see: susan boyd, "some postmodernist challenges to feminist analysis of law, family and state: ideology and discourse in child custody law" ( ) c.j.f.l. at and wherein she comments on the post-modern concept of discourse which focuses on the production of power through the acquisition of knowledge through discursive practices. power is constructed through language, whereas in theories of ideology, there remains an outer realm of truth. susan boyd notes that postmodern discourse theory may seem incompatible with feminism which relies on both the ideologies and the truths of women's experiences. in practice, she notes, there is often "slippage" between the two words (ideology and discourse) and, perhaps, they are not so far apart in the way each word is actually socially constructed. adopt the definition of "ideology", as it relates to motherhood, as a way a dominant group of people look at mother and the way it organizes their thinking about mother. i also acknowledge that ideology organizes the way non-dominant groups of people and individuals think about and adapt, resist or embrace dominant ideologies. a. the universal assumption of the white heterosexual middle class mother the place i will start to examine the ideology of motherhood is with my own white, middle class, heterosexual personal experience. my experience is paralleled, enriched and complicated by the work of white middle class feminists concerned with the patriarchal control of male-dominated institutions over mothers and women. feminist writers have been criticized for presenting a universalized definition of motherhood from their narrow positions within race and class relations however, i believe that white heterosexual middle class katz rothman, supra note at . see adrienne rich, of women born: motherhood as experience and institution (new york: w. w. norton, ) reproduced and edited by adrienne rich, "anger and tenderness", in juanita h. williams, ed., psychology of women: selected readings (new york: w. w. norton and company, ) at - ; and ann oakley, "feminism, motherhood and medicine - who cares?" in juliet mitchell and ann oakley, eds., what is feminism? (oxford: basil blackwell, ) . nancy chodorow uses psychoanalytic object relations theory to argue that nurturance and care become part of a woman's personality due to a girl's continuous attachment and identification with her mother, nancy chodorow, the reproduction of mothering (berkeley: university press, ) at ; feminism and psychoanalytic theory (berkeley, university of california press, ). sara ruddick argues that motherhood involves higher philosophical thought, as opposed to instinct, with focus on survival in the preserving and fostering of life which can be learned by anyone, sara ruddick, "maternal thinking" (summer ) : feminist studies - ; both theorists have been challenged by women of colour for universalization of motherhood from their narrow classed and raced perspective. feminist experience is an integral and important part of the collective of experiences of motherhood. arguably, the feminist experience as it has emerged as part of western culture has influenced dominant ideology too. dorothy e. roberts notes that, "perhaps women who occupy different social positions possess differing abilities to identify particular aspects of oppression in each instance of domination." my position as part of the dominant group in canadian society is that white women should shoulder more responsibility in ensuring that the complexity and multiplicity of mothers' voices are heard. feminist writers who come from this dominant group, even as oppressed women, have arguably more power than the men and women in less dominant groups and positions in society. and yet, despite the fact that white middle class women may in some ways be privileged, relative to other groups of men and women, their experience of the ideology of motherhood is not privileged. living up to the expectations of the ideology is restricting and oppressive and it is very easy for "mother" to fall from grace. my own experience as a mother, despite my being a woman whose experience meets some of the expectations of the dominant ideology of motherhood, has not been in accordance with the expectations of the ideology of motherhood. as a first-time mother, i recall an ambivalence towards my son that was both overwhelming and unexpected and did not accord with the expectations of the ideology of motherhood. during my labour, my confusion and terror were dismissed as hysteria. i was strapped down flat on my back, my dorothy e. roberts, "racism and patriarchy in the meaning of motherhood" ( ) : journal of gender and the law - at this insight has been developed from the helpful comments of my thesis advisor, susan boyd, chair of feminist legal studies and professor of law, university of british columbia. examples of the "good" and "bad" mother will be integrated throughout my thesis. body penetrated with an antipsychotic drug. in this position, my inverted uterus could not offer me deliverance of my child. due to my body and mind's stubborn unwillingness to cooperate, they cut him out of me like a paper doll. when i emerged from the unconscious, i did not feel love; only anger, guilt and pain. i was appalled when my uterus further contracted in pain as he first nursed at my breast. i associated him with pain. i impatiently awaited the time when i would bond with him. he demanded my constant attention with his cries and his incessant hunger. we were both fighting for our survival at that time. neither one of us talked about mother love. adrienne rich recalls, ...the times, when suckling each of my children, i saw his eyes open full to mine, and realized each of us was fastened to the other, not only by mouth and breast, but though our mutual gaze: the depth, calm, passion, of that dark blue, maturely focused look. i believe this to describe what eventually occurred between my son and i, but i cannot be sure or exact on this point. the good and bad moments seem to have merged. i do know that i love my children with a commitment that, at times, i think, borders on insanity and i know i learned to love this way. adrienne rich further remarks that this interpretation of the pain and the pleasure, the frustration and the fulfillment of motherhood is sometimes mistaken for the human condition, correcting this by saying that it is patriarchal and not natural: ...the patriarchal institution of motherhood is not the "human condition" any more than rape, prostitution, and slavery are... motherhood has a history, it has an ideology... my individual, seemingly private pains as a mother, the individual seemingly private pains of the mothers around me and before me, rich, supra note at . whatever our class or colour, the regulation of women's reproductive power by men in every totalitarian system and every socialist revolution, the legal and technical control by men of contraception, fertility, abortion, obstetrics, gynecology, and extrauterine reproductive experiments- are all essential to the patriarchal system, as is the negative or suspect status of women who are not mothers... adrienne rich is describing alienation from her body and spirit by the institution - not the fact - of motherhood, which allows only certain patriarchal views and expectations. the interactions of mothers with the social institutions that reproduce patriarchal ideologies of motherhood must be appreciated in order to understand the ideology itself. shelley gavigan states that in conditions of subordination, women (and men) are active moral agents who participate in the construction of their experiences and their world, and in changing both. from both adrienne rich and shelley gavigan, i understand that the pain and confusion of my childbirth experience resulted from a patriarchal medical system that shaped my own self construction as an inadequate mother; a woman to be controlled, sedated and invaded with a technology superior to my own body's ability to expel my child. i was the patriarchal embodiment of the woman who complicates childbirth by being there. (without my body the baby's delivery would have been so much easier!) i was a flower pot ibid., at . shelley gavigan, supra note at ; shelley gavigan is speaking of historical materialism methodology, cultural and historical specificity and the changing and different forms of women's oppression and resistance. she speaks of women's involvement as active and not passive agents in their social construction. growing the seed of a patriarchal liberal society over the years, i have wrestled with my identity as a mother and still do not know what part of my self-concept as "mother" is biological, and what part is socially constructed. this is an example of my active moral agency in constructing my experience and my world. no doubt, it would be easier for me to simply dismiss my birthing experience as a complicated birth that required aggressive medical intervention to save our lives and that my tears and fears of afterbirth were only hormonal imbalance. this construction of my experience was the acceptable white middle class encounter with the ideology of motherhood, even though it complicated my reality. b. motherhood and the ideologies of patriarchy, technology and capitalism a more diverse look into the societal controls over mothering is necessary because, to some degree, these controls have oppressed all women, regardless of race, culture, class, disability, sexual orientation or the fact of motherhood itself. i find the work of barbara katz rothman helpful in understanding the powers exerted over motherhood. she identifies three, deeply rooted ideologies that frame and construct our views of motherhood: patriarchy, technology and capitalism. patriarchy see: caroline whitbeck, "theories of sex difference" ( ) the philosophical forum at wherein she defines the "flower pot theory of pregnancy" as the concept of liberalism that children are born to men out of women. katz rothman, supra note at - . one example of the patriarchal ideology of motherhood is the "flower pot theory of pregnancy." this is caroline whitbeck's metaphoric explanation of the liberal theory that children are born to man out of woman's body. many of us have heard the baby question being explained as, "daddy plants a seed in mommy!" initially in the patriarchal system, women were considered the soil in which men's seeds grew. however, with the advent of scientific genetic discoveries and advanced technology, women's "eggs" could not continue to be overlooked. in our present patriarchal society, the answer to preserving the value of the seed is to simply extend patriarchal seed rights to women by confronting their eggs as seeds, as well. women then have some privileges of patriarchy. women can own their children, as men do. they have "rights" to their babies; as men have always had rights to their children: "...children are, based on the seed, presumptively half his, half hers - and might as well have been grown in the back yard." this modified patriarchal system can be contrasted to mother-based systems where the relationship between mother and child is based on nurturance and not on motherhood per s e . caring and nurturance is devalued in patriarchal societies. but now, since men cannot gain and maintain control over women and children exclusively by their seed anymore, more importance must be placed on men's economic superiority in capitalism and their other patriarchal social based privileges. for o u whitbeck, supra note at . for an example think of the verses in the old testament that dwell on male lineage ie. "such and such a man beget such and such a son" and so on. katz rothman, supra note at where she notes that the "growing in the backyard" theory displaces the "flower pot" theory in the typical largesse of capitalistic thought. ibid., at . example, men can gain control over women in a patriarchal society by using women to have their babies. katz rothman states, a man can use this woman or that woman to have his children. he can hire this woman or that woman to substitute for one or another aspect (biological, social, or psychological) of the mothering his child needs. from the view of the man, his seed is irreplaceable; the mothering, the nurturance, is substitutable. katz rothman argues that what makes the child ours, as women, is nurturance, the work of our bodies and not the seed. i find that her nurturance argument becomes complicated in issues of adoption or surrogacy where the initial nurturance and work of the female body is not done by the eventual "mothef of the child. i would suggest that a patriarchal society would classify adoption and surrogacy as importing seedlings (adoption) and cross-pollination (surrogacy), still maintaining the use of women's bodies to have their babies, extending patriarchal rights to women of privilege who can afford to choose their pseudowombs. in a patriarchal and capitalistic society, a metaphorical umbilical cord is pumped by money invested to beget a legitimate offspring. some women and men have argued that surrogacy can be seen as a freely chosen occupation based on rational, informed market choices. in response to the "freedom of women to contract out their bodies" argument, katz rothman notes the patent absurdity of claiming fairness of opportunity to contract because although both well- ibid., at . ibid., at . educated women and poor women have the same rights to be surrogates, only the wealthy have the means to hire surrogates. theories of motherhood are also informed by the liberal assumptions of the atomized individual. this assumption is rooted to a larger western construct of the relationship between the individual and the community. the process between freely choosing rational individuals engaged in bargaining assumes that in an exchange based, white, male, middle class market place, all economic decisions are rational. it stresses individual rights regardless of the effect on the collective. it therefore legitimizes domination because, in reality, there is competition for scarce resources. those who are non-dominant are denied existence or treated as unimportant and are less able to bargain freely. susan boyd notes that the ideology of equality can complicate the ideology of motherhood, creating tension between the two. one example is that men have an equal right (though not necessarily equal responsibility) to children. this can create an unequal bargaining power between fathers and mothers because, ostensibly, men's rights are more often symbolic of control than actual increased caregiving to children. the father assumes d ibid., at . nancy harstock, money. sex and power (boston: northeastern university press, ) boyd, susan, "child custody, ideologies and employment" ( ) c.j.w.l. at and - ; also see zillah eisenstein, "the state, the patriarchal family, and working mothers" in irene diamond, ed., families. politics and public policy: a feminist dialogue on women and the state (new york: longman inc., ) an equal bargain based on the children being chattels. this exchange presumably takes place in the male dominated market. these assumptions of contractual ownership contradict and do not represent the realities of mothering and the roles most mothers and fathers play in their children's care. pat and hugh armstrong, have researched and written about canadian women's paid and unpaid work for over years. they note that when a child is born, although demands may change with age and numbers, child care becomes constant, compulsory and full- time. mothers continue to feed, clothe and worry about their offspring, often long after they leave home. they most significantly note that, women may take on paid work, get help from relatives and other children or from paid substitutes, but asleep or awake, in sickness and in health, in the labour force or at home, most women still retain the primary responsibility for the children. see for a discussion on male ownership of women and children based on katz rothman, supra note at - . pat and hugh armstrong, the double ghetto: canadian women and their segregated work. rd ed. (canada, mcclelland and stewart inc. ) ibid., at . ibid, at . ibid., at and see ann oakley, the sociology of housework. (new york: pantheon, )and meg luxton more than a labour of love: three generations of women's work in the home (toronto: the women's press. ) their research also supports that most women with paid jobs outside the home take primary responsibility for domestic work. to sum it up neatly, "...[t]he house work, the child care, and the emotional work are all mainly women's responsibility" and it clearly displaces any assumptions of equality of child care rights between male and female in a patriarchal and capitalistic society. technology the ideology of technology in the context of child care is best summarized as "when we think of our relationships with our children as a job to be done well". this approach involves systemizing, rationalizing, ordering our day, programming out our lives and budgeting our time, all in the name of efficiency. katz rothman claims that this approach harms the human spirit because not everything is best viewed as an economic resource she uses the medicalization of pregnancy and childbirth as the most obvious application of the technological ideology of motheitiood, which results in a focus on the mechanics of production and not a social transformation of motherhood. the social order is also seen ibid., at ; more comment on the "double shift" women take on as mothers and wives which results in more work for woman (and unpaid) in child care and domestic work will be discussed throughout this paper. ibid., at . katz rothman, supra note at . fitting a baby's feedings into our schedules is one example. pushing for a baby to "sleep through the night" is another. toilet training in one day is the ultimate example of constipated efficiency (and i admit to reading this treatise despite my knowledge that i know very few adults who didn't eventually become 'toilet trained'). katz rothman, supra note at - . ibid., at - . as mechanical in liberal philosophy. society is not seen as an organic deeply connected whole but rather a collection of parts. alison jagger further informs our understanding of the ideology of technology by defining decontextualization as the liberal, positivist process by which researchers become detached observers, eliminating values, vested interests and emotions generated by their class, sex, race or unique experiences. they also try to remove the object of study from its context, supposedly in order to create scientific descriptions of reality in a rational liberal society. feminists such as zillah eisenstein, do not argue against impartiality or reason, but rather take a middle ground approach. the implications for motherhood raised in the works on technology by katz rothman, jagger and eisenstein are problematic for the everyday realities of child care. motherhood contradicts the concept of technology and liberal positivist processes. the physical embodiment of connectedness and pregnancy is the living proof that we were not begotten into this patriarchal world as atomized individuals. the implication is that a society committed to liberal philosophical principles cannot deal well with motherhood. ibid., at . alison m. jagger, feminist politics and human nature (ttowa nj: roman and allenheld, ) at wherein the theory of liberalism, the body is not seen as an essential part of oneself. zillah eisenstein, the female body and the law (berkeley calif.: university of california press, ) katz rothman, supra note at . ibid., at . consequently the valuation of rational work results in the devaluation of the physical work of the child bearing body and the child caring body. an example of this devaluation was given earlier in this chapter when i referred to my personal experience of being strapped down during childbirth, my body's natural ability to give birth being preempted by the rational, efficient, technological child birth processes that men had mastered. i was treated with utter disdain and then ignored, put under a general anesthetic probably to spare my deliverers from the loud, aggressive and creative verbiage i had construed to capture my feelings about my birth work. capitalism the ideology of capitalism conceives motherhood as work. children are produced by the labour of mothering. workers do not own or control the products of their labour, nor are all workers or products equally valued. and though mothering is conceived by capitalism as work, it is perceived as work not to be valued as paid work. this approach has deceived many women into undervaluing their own mother caring work. capitalism is the accumulation and investment of capital (wealth), by people who are in a position to control others. it assumes women's freely chosen and informed consent to perform the unpaid and undervalued work of child care. pat and hugh armstrong state that, "it is simply assumed that because women love their children, they will also love looking after them and ibid., at . pat and hugh armstrong, supra note . katz rothman, supra note at . love all the other tasks that go along with child care." they state that the above assumptions stem from the linking of caring for and caring about. the assumption of self- sacrificing motherhood does not consider that many motherhood choices result from poverty or need and are not freely chosen, liked or based on full information. the ideologies of motherhood do not exist in isolation but rather "...as part of complex ideologies that buttress male dominance (patriarchy), the economic system of exploitation (capitalism), and the privileging of mind over body (technology)". pat and hugh armstrong note how the dominant class is concerned with establishing and maintaining the legitimacy of the social structure by selectively reinforcing both conscious and unconscious ideas through ideological institutions. they note a "but": "but the ideas presented through the institutions are limited by the 'real life processes' by the 'real existence' of individuals in their daily lives." and so the task becomes how to reflect the 'real life processes' and the 'real existence' of mothers in our socio- legal institutions and ideologies. katz rothman's solution is to value the motherwork of intimacy and nurturance and to view motherhood as an intellectual pursuit, an activity moving beyond a paternity standard and towards a nurturance standard. sara ruddick defines this intellectual pat and hugh armstrong, supra note at . ibid., at . nakano glenn, supra note at . pat and hugh armstrong, supra note at . ibid., at . katz rothman, supra note at . pursuit as "maternal thought". she defines maternal thought as a unity of reflection, judgement and emotion. a shifting of focus occurs. we look at what mother is doing; not who she is, and this "doing" need not be gender based. the discipline of mothering requires a social, not a genetic base. social relationships, not sexual, would give rise to obligations to care for children. similarily, carol smart presents support for "caring for" versus "caring about" in what is called the moral discourse of care. joan tronto also contributes to the moral discourse of care: caring suggests an alternative moral attitude. from the prospective of caring, what is important is not arriving at a fair decision, understood as how the abstract individual in this situation would want to be treated, but at meeting the needs of particular others or preserving the relationships of care that exist. in this way, moral theory becomes much more closely connected to the concrete needs of others. using this analysis, mothering would be the work of caring for rather than the abstract of caring about. in child custody determination "caring for", typically performed ruddick, supra note at - . fineman discusses at length the concept of family not being based on sexual relationships; martha fineman, the neutered mother, the sexual family and other twentieth century tragedies (new york: routledge, ) carol smart "the legal and moral ordering of child custody"( ) : journal of law and society - at - ibid., at citing j . tronto, "women and caring: what can feminists learn about morality from caring?" a. jaggar and s. bordo, eds., in gender/bodv/knowledge ( ).the concepts of caring as a moral discourse will be expanded upon in chapter . methods will be attempted to be extracted from this theory to create a space for feminism within existing mediation and litigation paradigms. the issue of "caring for" in motherwork ties in with evaluating the needs of children in child custody disputes. by women, would be considered at least as important as "caring about", a terrain more o o typically claimed by men. the effects of patriarchy, technology and capitalism on motherhood as an ideology permeate the undervaluing of women's work generally. it is an understatement that both motherwork and caregiving and those who perform it have been undervalued in our society. this statement applies, as well, to women's work performed outside the home. this oppression of women has been well researched and documented by feminists even though the effect of motherwork on women's lives has largely gone unscrutinized because of its invisibility and the low value assigned to it. c. the myth of the natural mother ibid., at ; pat & hugh armstrong, supra note at - . see for examples luxton, supra note , pat & hugh armstrong, supra note ; "women, family and economy" in nancy mandell and ann duffy, eds., reconstructing the canadian family (toronto and vancouver: butterworths, ); "theorizing women's work (toronto: garamond, ); margaret eichler, families in canada today: recent changes and their policy considerations nd ed. (toronto: gage publishing, ); judy fudge and patricia mcdermott, eds., just wages: a feminist assessment of pay eguitv (toronto: university of torontopress, ); donna s. lero and karen l. johnson, canadian statistics on work and families (ottawa: canadian advisory council on the status of women, ); susan a., mcdaniel, "the changing canadian family: women's roles and the impact of feminism" in burt, s., code, l, dorney, l, eds., changing patterns. women in canada. second edition (toronto: mcclelland and stewart inc, ) - , - ; roxana ng, "racism, sexism, and immigrant women" in sandra burt, lorraine code and lindsay domey, eds., changing patterns: women in canada. second edition - at - . kathyrn f. mccannell and barbara m. herringer, "changing terms of endearment: women and families " in joan turner, ed., living the changes (winnipeg: the university of manitoba press, ) - more than any other single description of motherhood, the word "natural" encapsulates patriarchal ideologies locking women into reproductive roles and denying women an existence outside of mothering. this myth of natural has been studied by ann oakley as perpetuating three beliefs: "that all women need to be mothers; that all mothers need their children; and, that all children need their mothers." arguments have been put forth that a mother needs to bond with her child for the child's healthy development. meg luxton states that, [a]s for the vast majority of women in advanced capitalistic countries, the two aspects of having children - bearing them and raising them - are inseparably linked. it is important to note that such association is by no means natural. it is fostered by a lack of alternatives and by a powerful social belief that having children is "natural" for women, that the essential responsibility for bearing and rearing children is located within the nuclear family, and that mothers make the best rearers of their children. further to douglas hay's analysis of an ideology's elasticity and generality, e. ann kaplan finds that the power of an ideology rests in its ability to accommodate complex and oakley, supra note at . see: diane e. eyer, mother infant bonding: a scientific fiction (new haven, ct: yale university press, ) wherein she notes that in actuality, the evidence for bonding was minimal, based only on the research of human subjects and studies of infant-mother rejection in nonhuman subjects. luxton, supra note at . hay, supra note at . e. ann kaplan, "look who's talking, indeed: fetal images in recent north american visual culture" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agency (new york: routledge, ) - at - often contradictory elements. the ideology of motherhood encompasses multiple contradictions. mothers are romanticized as life-giving, self-sacrificing and forgiving. mothers are also demonized as smothering, overly involved and destructive. in "the fantasy of the perfect mother", nancy chodorow and susan contratto note that both blame and idealization of mothers have become part of our cultural identity. they further note that the tendency of some feminists to blame "the mother" fits into this cultural patterning: "[w]e deny mothers a place in a two-way relationship with their children, manifold relationships with the rest of the world; and we deny ourselves as mothers." to some extent, it would seem that all women, feminists included, are themselves affected by the dominant ideologies and fantasies about motherhood and child development. throughout her book, my mother. myself. nancy friday notes that we are raised to believe that mother love is different from other kinds of love in that it is not open to error, doubt, or to the ambivalence of ordinary affections. she notes that: "[t]his is an illusion. mothers may love their children, but they sometimes do not like them." she also notes nakano glenn, supra note at . also note that this sets up yet another dichotomy within liberal ideology-virgin/vamp. nancy chodorow and susan contratto, "the fantasy of the perfect mother" in barrie thorne with marilyn yalom, eds., rethinking the family (revised edition) some feminist questions (boston: northeastern university press: ) - at ibid., at . both blame and idealization are two sides of the same coin: the belief in the all-powerful mother. ibid., at - . ibid., at . nancy friday, mv mother. myself: the daughter's search for identity (ny, ny: laurel, ) ibid., at . that when our own mothers try to tell us or teach us of "her own anxiety and lack of belief in over-idealized notions of womanhood/motherhood", we often perceive them as unauthentic or bad mothers. the tyranny of the patriarchal ideologies of maternal instinct idealizes motherhood beyond human capacity, making it oppressive to women, as no woman can live (or love) up to its ideal, and yet, no woman can afford not to. and so a gap is created: "mother feels the mixture of love and resentment, affection and anger she has for her child, but she cannot afford to know it." this discussion is important to feminists, mediators, lawyers and judges in as much as they should examine their relationships to their own mothers and the social constructs they identify with mother as an ideology. iii. the deconstruction of the ideology of motherhood the autobiography of my mother i'm an i. sometimes i'm a she. sometimes i'm even a he. sometimes i'm veryvery i. sometimes i'm my mother. joanna r u s s ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at . joanna russ, "old thoughts, old presences" in the hidden side of the moon (new york: st. marten's press, ) at the dominant ideology of motherhood will be deconstructed at two levels. firstly, it will be broken down into its essential elements. secondly, its dichotomous roots will be reversed and displaced. evelyn nakano glenn speaks of elements that are fused with the definition of mother. one element is that both the actor and the activity are conflated with the word "mother". this results in women being seen in only one role, whereas men are seen as having many. a second element is that women are recognized as the main nurturers and caregivers. the second fusion of maternal care excludes people other than mothers from taking any responsibility for nurturing roles. thirdly, mother and child are conflated as one entity which effectively denies either one separate agency. the act of naming these fusions potentially allows the diffusion of them to occur. it depends on our ability to be open minded. our view of who can perform the roles of motherhood, motherwork and caregiving should potentially enlarge. our view of motherhood as just one aspect of womanly identity is potentially secured. seeing the child in more than his or her identity as "only a child" also occurs. at a broader level of analysis, the binary opposites of male-female, mind-body, culture- nature, reason-emotion, public-private and labour-love (and i would add control-care), which have defined mothering in western culture, must be deconstructed. motherhood has nakano glenn, supra note at . for a study of the area of feminism, the child and the nuclear family see: lee mackay, children and feminism (vancouver. b.c.: the lesbian and feminist mothers political action group, ) these oppositions will be examined in the discussion of the cartesian dialogue in detail in chapter . always been assigned to the subordinate poles of the dichotomized paradigm. yet, polarities are interdependent upon each other, because as well as being hierarchal, they derive their meaning from their contrast. it is helpful to the deconstruction of the dichotomous nature of motherhood in dominant ideology to acknowledge that its polarized position may have arisen from motherhood as portrayed by th and th century european and american bourgeoisie. this recognition limits the origins of the ideology to an historically specific time frame. the oppositions, if valid at all, only applied to a very limited subgroup within a narrow period of time. this is the first step to breaking down the ideology's validity. its narrow application to both class and time leads to the conclusion that it never reflected the reality of the majority of working class white and native north americans, african-americans, and other racial and ethnic minorities. i would submit that the dichotomies between the public-private and labour-love and full-time motherhood for women and full-time employment for men did not exist for most of these people. the work of mothering must be viewed as not simply taking place in the private realm of the household, but also outside and at the boundaries of the two. these boundaries have been transended by even white, nuclear family mothers. an example is charity work in the community. mothers often work both inside and outside the home. and finally, mothers must often mediate the private and public in co-ordinating family schedules, in negotiating needed resources and in political involvement to better children's lives. by continuing to see mothering as distinct from and in opposition to economics and politics, nakano glenn, supra note at . ibid., at . patriarchal institutions reinforce that mothering is all love and altruism, endlessly self- sacrificing and in need of no reward. patricia hill collins, a feminist and woman of colour, has contributed to the process of deconstructing the dominant ideology of motherhood by noting that work and family do not always function as dichotomous spheres for women of colour. they are interwoven. gender inequality has worked in tandem with racial domination and economic exploitation to oppress women of colour as mothers. she claims that looking at women only in terms of gender inequality distorts the experiences of women in alternate family forms. the experiences of women of colour, for example, must be shifted from focusing only on gender inequality, allowing us entry into the diverse experiences of mothering that represent the reality for many mothers and caregivers. iv. motherhood: the reality of diversity the following section of my paper will be presented as a sampling and is by no means intended to be a comprehensive representation of different forms of mothering. i will refer to some feminist works and retell stories of mothering that span a few centuries and an ocean. my purpose is to raise consciousness to the roles that historical specificity, class, gender, patricia hill collins, "shifting the centre: race, class and feminist theorizing about motherhood" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agency ( new york: routledge, ) and . ibid., at and , and see patricia hill collins, "black women and motherhood" in barrie thorne and marilyn yalom, eds., rethinking the family: some feminist questions (rev. ed.) (boston: north eastern university press: ) - . her thesis is that white feminist theories have limited utility for african american women at . race and sexual preference play in shaping our concept of mother. hopefully, raised consciousness will help to transcend viewing mother in only dominant ideological constructs as she relates and engages with canadian socio-legal systems. my purpose is also to move away from viewing mothers as 'good' or 'bad', where the mother of the modern nuclear family is used as the standard of measurement in social and legal arenas. as a canadian white middle class, heterosexual mother and woman living in the last decade of the second millennium in a western capitalistic society founded on liberal philosophical premises, i cannot, without great difficulty and effort, really imagine what it is like to be any other variety of woman and mother than what i am narrowly defined to be. and yet, few women are as privileged as i am with the time and the resources and the choice to indulge in an inquiry into a variety of perspectives on mothering as socially- constructed relationships. i do not apologize for who i am. my intention is to champion the various stories of mother to provide thought about the devaluation of caring work and the meaning of mother in social and legal arenas as they relate to child custody determination. feminist writers have been concerned primarily with patriarchal control of mothering, referring not only to individual husbands and fathers controlling their wives and daughters reproduction, but also to male-dominated institutions controlling women as a group. patricia hill collins' concern is that the patriarchal control of the individual woman and with women as a group does not capture the unique problems that women of colour have as mothers. she describes, nakano glenn, supra note at . ...the existing dichotomies in feminist theorizing about motherhood that posit rigid distinctions between private and public, family and work, the individual and the collective, identity as individual autonomy and identity growing from the collective self-determination of one's group. racial ethnic women's mothering and work experiences occur at the boundaries demarking these dualities. " hill collins is referring to the position that mothers and women of colour have taken that concern themselves with their power and poweriessness within an array of social institutions that frame their lives as mothers. she notes that much feminist theorizing about motherhood has failed to recognize the diversity in mothering and is based on two assumptions of white, middle class experience: that women have the luxury of a search for personal autonomy instead of some realities where women are members of a community fighting for survival, and second, that mothers and children enjoy a degree of economic security, which is laughable to many mothers of non-dominant ethnicity and all poor mothers. instead of emphasizing maternal power in dealing with male dominance in general, their issue is: racial ethnic women's struggles for maternal empowerment have revolved around three main themes. first is the struggle for control over their bodies in order to preserve choice over whether to become mothers at all...a second dimension...for maternal empowerment concerns the process of keeping children that are wanted, whether they were planned for or not....a third dimension...concerns the pervasive efforts by the dominant group to control the children's minds. the boundary that frames "motherwork" is identified by nakano glenn as existing in many asian american households, as well. asian american women were valued as cheap labour hill collins, supra note at and . nakano glenn, supra note at . ibid., at and . and domestic workers and this took precedence in society over their value as mothers. they moved back and forth over the public and private divide. mothering responsibility was shared within their families and communities and their work was seen as benefitting the entire family. marilou awiakta, a native north american, also places "motherwork" at the boundary between public and private, but from the presence of her arms i also feel the stern, beautiful power that flows from all the grandmothers, as it flows from our mountains themselves. it says, "dry your tears. get up. do for yourselves or do without. work for the day to come. it appears that "work for the day to come" is part of the essence of "motherwork". the locus of conflict is often outside the household for many mothers from nondominant nuclear families, although admittedly there are issues of gender within these families too. individual survival for these people often requires group survival. the best interests of the group can take priority over the best interests of the child in some situations. this theme and the moral dilemmas that it presents are found in barbara kingsolver's novel, pigs in heaven, wherein the survival of the navajo indian tribe is seen as an important consideration to an individual child's "best" custody arrangement with an adoptive white mother. evelyn nakano glenn, issei. nisei. war bride: three generations of japanese american women in domestic service (philidelphia: temple university press, ) marilou awiakta, "amazons in appalachia" in beth brant, ed., a gathering of spirit: a collection of north american indian women (ithica n.y.: firebrand, ) - barbara kingsolver, pigs in heaven (new york: harper collins publishers, ) at and . i have reviewed concerns that women of colour express when they feel that white feminist writers essentialize mother to a construction which reflects white women's perceived truths of mothering and gender oppression. now i wish to move on to two stories reflecting the diversity of mothering experiences of both white women's and black african american women's ancestrial mothers. it would shock many of us to learn that in th century france, infanticide was not frowned upon as a violation of any moral or social code. not poverty nor ignorance but rather the indifference of a mother to her child was given as the explanation for this lack of concern about infanticide. elisabeth badinter, a french feminist, has examined the relationship between mother and child during th and th century france. she concludes that mothers exhibited maternal indifference in consistent ways regardless of wealth and class. she notes three pervasive signs of maternal indifference during this historical period: first, children's deaths were perceived as routine, and were not grieved; second, mothers showed selective love by an incredible inequality of treatment from one child to another according to sex and order of birth; and third, within days or even hours of their elisabeth badinter, "maternal indifference" in toril moi, ed., french feminist thought: a reader (oxford: basil blackwell, ) at ibid., at - . ibid., at . ibid., at - ; it is debatable that given the fact that infant mortality was much higher in the th century than it is today, mothers learned not to grieve. ibid., at - . births, babies were farmed out to nurses. depending upon the financial resources of the family, this could mean a hired nurse or it could mean abandonment to a hospital where babies were kept until resources could be gathered. the babies were then loaded into wagons and sent to wet nurses who were often sick and diseased themselves. only one-third to one-half of the babies survived and those who returned home two to five years later, often were ill or deformed. children were then taken charge of by a guardian or tutor and by the age of nine years, they were sent to boarding schools. badinter, somewhat facetiously, states that one explanation for the maternal indifference could be that mothers would surely die of sorrow if they allowed themselves grief comparable to infant mortality rates. she notes that this glib justification would preserve and reinforce belief in an ideology of the marvellous continuity of motherhood throughout the ages, reinforcing our conceptions of that unique feeling, motheriove. motherlove could therefore vary in intensity dependent upon the external difficulties of the epoch and still maintain itself as a constant. but closer to the truth, badinter argues, was a complicity between father and mother to adopt specific forms of behaviour such as a joint indifference to children because they restricted their social lifestyles. the woman of this period had the means to strive to define herself free from the role of mother because society had not yet accorded the child ibid., at - . ibid., at - . ibid., at - . ibid., at . the importance that we do today. the acts of abandonment of child to nurse, tutor and boarding school or to the hospitals or streets were supported by the fathers, as well as mothers, for social and/or economic reasons. men objected to their wives nursing as a threat to male sexuality and a restriction of men's pleasure: "clearly some men found nursing women repulsive, with their strong smell of milk and continually sweating breasts. for them nursing was synonymous with filth - a real antidote to love." badinter argues that we are less shocked at the father's response to his children because no one has ever claimed that fatherlove confirms a universal law of nature. she concludes that rather than to blame the mother of th and th century france for not caring for her children, we should accept that there are various qualities of motherlove, and that motherlove is not a natural law of nature. across an ocean, in the mid s, an african-american slave woman walks twelve long miles at the end of a long day of field work to cradle her son to sleep. her son recalls this happening on four or five occasions. he stated that when his mother died, he did not grieve her death anymore than he would grieve the death of a stranger. she was gone each morning before he woke. he said that he did not know her and was never able to enjoy her tender and watchful care, bell hooks notes that this black slave, fredrick douglass, in ibid., at . ibid., at . louis joubert, cited in jacques gelis, mireille maget, marie-france morel (eds), entre dans la vie (paris: coll. archives, ) at badinter, supra note at . bell hooks, yearning: race. gender. culture (boston: south end press, ) at his narrative, nonintentionally devalues black womanhood by not recognizing that his mother chose to travel those twelve miles to hold him: "in the midst of a brutal racist system, which did not value black life, she valued the life of her child enough to resist that system, to come to him in the night, just to hold him." she speaks of the "homeplace" black women created as a powerful place of resistance to racism and preservation of the continuity of race and life. dorothy roberts states that, "black women historically experienced work outside the home as an aspect of racial subordination and the family as a site of solace and resistance to white oppression." it has been suggested by hill collins that the public- private split for black women is the line separating the black community from whites rather than that separating their homes from the community. another story is told, one hundred and forty-four years later. in canada, a woman of colour, clarita roja, a filipina revolutionary and one of the most distinguished militant writers in the phillipines, writes a poem: are you my mother? we have not much in common. you strut around boasting of the riches of your sons and daughters, priding yourself in their careers. your world is of marble and parquet floors fredrick douglass, narrative of the life of fredrick douglass: an american slave (houston: a. baker, ) at f i hooks, supra note at . ibid., at . roberts, supra note at - . patricia hill collins, black feminist thought: knowledge, consciousness and the politics of empowerment (new york: unwin hyman // routledge, ) - polished and scrubbed day after day by a retinue of meekened maids. and the cushions the thick abominable cushions, that slitheringly whisper your treacherous language of surrender, surrender to the heathen god. you are not my mother. my vision is not your vision. my lingo is not creams that banish scars but of scars that banish bourgeois dreams. my mother is she who waits in a hut by the hills with a cup of malunggay soup and urges me always to fight on, daughter, fight on. the hills are filled with huts inside of which are mothers and so everywhere i go the atmosphere reverberates with the warmth of soup and revolutionary understanding. and always, the eternal echoing call: fight on, daughter, fight on! a r e you my mother? clarita r o j a the medium of film presents another story of mothering: in s atlanta, an old black chauffeur serves a peevish, stubborn jewish widow with endless patience; over the decades, weathering the racial tensions of the civil rights era, they develop a friendship. the white woman's son, well-to-do but weary of meeting her emotional and physical demands, eventually puts her in a rest home. now accepted as her "best friend", the chauffeur visits his former employer and spoonfeeds her like a clarita roja, "are you my mother?" in fireweed's issue , the issue is 'ism: women of colour speak out (toronto: sister vision black women and women of colour press, ) sau-ling c. wong, "diverted mothering: representations of caregivers of colour in the age of multiculturalism" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agency (new york: routledge, ) - , describes driving miss daisy (directed by bruce beresford, ) sau-ling wong examines a number of late s and early s films which vary in genre and tenor, and span from romance to thriller, to illustrate examples of men or women of colour who nurture and even rescue white patrons with selfless devotion and qualities often associated with exemplifying motherhood. where the caregiver's family is located in his or her life is most often left a mystery, relegating it to a secondary position or dismissing it altogether. sau-ling wong calls this diverted mothering and claims that people of colour have been providing this mothering to white men, women and children since slavery. she views the recent trend in film as one example of active multicultural enrichment of the lives of whites to replace their own cultural decline and to provide them with "psychological mothering", as well. i would offer this as an example of how mothering goes beyond gender and becomes racialized. another example of mothering, which illustrates that mothering intersects with class, as well as gender and race, is the number of immigrant women who are currently locked into caretaking jobs such as working in hospitals, nursing homes and child daycares. in north america, the jobs of maids, child care workers, nurses aides, seamstress and food preparation are filled mostly by women of colour. ibid., at . ng. supra note at - . roberts, supra note at . finally, heterosexual privilege has forced lesbian mothers to struggle against dominant constructions of mothering and construct their own identities as mothers in the face of cultural denial of their existence. ellen lewin has conducted a study based on interviews with lesbian mothers which revealed that lesbian mothers challenged the cultural or dichotomous opposition between "mother-lesbian" by demanding rights to be mothers. these women's demands to be seen as mother should have blown apart the dichotomy that perceives lesbians as women seeking pleasure for themselves versus the selfless, altruistic non-lesbian mother. but in reality, lewin notes that many lesbian mothers, in order to survive in the realities of the world, often require a separation of "lesbian" and "mother" into the very opposition that should be subverted. lesbian mothers who find themselves in these situations are denied the experience of their mothering being valued in society. v. conclusion motherhood, the most essentialized aspect of woman's experience, has been examined in some of its complexity of meanings and practices. the dominant ideology of motherhood and its universalism have been identified, constructed and deconstructed. motherwork has been explored as an expanding concept of motherhood. some of the diversity of mothering nakano glenn, supra note at . ellen lewin, "negotiating lesbian motherhood: the dialectics of resistance and accommodation" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace change, and linda rennie forcey, eds., mothering: ideology. experience and agency (new york: routledge, ) - ibid., at . experiences has been illustrated through the telling of stories. these stories provide only a small picture of the complexity and diversity of motherhood. looking at the historical and social specificity of mothering draws our attention to the importance of social contexts and human agency within those contexts. we can recognize both differences and commonalities arising from people's actions within similar and dissimilar contexts. we do not have to suppress or minimize differences among women and/or mothers to develop a sense of community, or to engage in collective action to nurture growth and preserve human life...community is built on difference as well as sameness. the purpose of story telling and consciousness raising has been to provoke thought that will filter down to judges, lawyers, mediators and the public and provide insight that mothering takes on different meanings to different people and that there exists a vast range of options for child care giving in custody litigation and mediation. finally, i wish to share the prose of adrienne rich which first inspired me to explore motherhood in its multiplicity, slowly, i came to understand the paradox contained in "my" experience of motherhood; that although different from many other women's experiences, it was not unique; and that only in shedding the illusion of my uniqueness could i hope, as a woman, to have any authentic life at a l l . nakano glenn, supra note at . rich, supra note at . chapter from feminist legal theory to feminist legal practice in child custody dispute resolution "our search leads us back to where it all began, to that moment when a woman or child, who may have thought she was all alone began feminist uprising, began to name her practice, began to formulate theory from experience." bell hooks i. introduction in this third chapter i begin a search to name a feminist practice of child custody dispute resolution. i continue to formulate theory from my experience and those of others. this leads me to ask the perplexing question as to whether or not feminist legal methods can inform and ultimately be integrated into the legal and social processes with which women as mothers attempt to engage. the focus of my search is on both the litigation and mediation processes used in canadian child custody dispute resolution. in my legal practice, i often heard the voices of women telling me that their stories as women and mothers were not being heard in the courtrooms or in mediation. yet, a breakdown of the traditional bell hooks, supra note at . throughout this chapter and the remaining chapters the term "feminist methodology" is used to define the sum of "feminist methods", reinharz, supra note at . as a working definition reinharz defines "methods" as what an author calls 'method' at . she defines "feminist research" (as opposed to other research) as the researcher's self- identification as feminist. she acknowledges that this definition may exclude feminists who have not self-identified but who are considered by feminists to have contributed to feminist research, at and . "method" will be used to refer to a specific effort and "methodology" to the collective. these stories were told to me as a legal practitioner in the province of manitoba from july, to april, . systems of litigation and mediation is not imminent. for many women, pragmatically, it continues to be necessary to engage with existing legal and social systems. but, women's engagement with these systems is fraught with difficulties. in both the introduction and chapter of this thesis, i have argued that child custody decision making processes are laden in ideologies about motherhood that blind and silence women's voices, ethnic and racial diversity and class differences. i argue that all women and children who are compelled to engage with these processes are oppressed to some degree. in an attempt to confront some of the difficulties described, this chapter will explore whether feminist legal methodology can be reconciled with more traditional legal methodology and be jointly applied to mitigate traditional courtroom and mediation processes used in child custody disputes. one goal is to promote thought about socio/legal systems capable of listening to women naming their experiences as mothers. i will attempt to identify what work needs to be done to shift women's experiences as mothers from the margins to the center of child custody dispute resolution. i will first identify feminist legal methods and theories of knowledge which arguably better capture women's child custody experiences than traditional legal methods. second, two women's experiences in child custody litigation and court-affiliated mediation will be recounted. some of the ideological assumptions underlying each form of dispute resolution will also be introduced although a more thorough discussion of ideological assumptions and origins of mediation will be offered in chapter . finally, i will plant seeds which consider whether feminist legal methods as contrasted to the traditional methods presented in the examples, could have made the experiences of women more audible and visible. this discussion will be more fully developed in chapter . ii. feminist l e g a l methodology i have chosen to focus my review of feminist legal methodology on the representative work of katharine bartlett. she presents a clear summary of the area. bartlett identifies feminist legal methods as basic tools used to challenge and develop alternatives to traditional legal methods which take better account of women's experiences and needs. she argues that feminist legal methods, grounded in women's experiences of exclusion, w see: katharine t. bartlett, "feminist legal methods" ( ) harv. law rev. - . i also find her work less laden in the rhetoric of a specific stance or focus of theory. for example, i find catherine mackinnon's work on the feminist legal method of consciousness-raising to be too focused on women's sexual oppression. this is not to say that what she argues is wrong or unimportant, just that by following her rhetoric, i have trouble seeing how her method can be used in other situations. see: catharine a. mackinnon, "feminism, marxism and the state: toward a feminist jurisprudence" in sandra harding, ed., feminism and methodology (indiana: indiana university press, ); toward a feminist theory of the state. (cambridge, mass.: harvard university press, ); "from practice to theory, or what is a white woman anyway?" ( ) : yale journal of law and feminism . also see: mary jane mossman, "feminism and legal method: the difference it makes" ( ) australian journal of law and society at for a discussion of whether feminism has the ability to transform legal method, concluding that they may be mutually exclusive at ; and see carol smart, "law's power, the sexed body and feminist discourse" ( ) journal of law and society at - where she cautions us not to overlook the mundane aspects of law and how women must interact with the law on a daily basis. finally, for a current examination in feminst legal theory and research and a beginning point in an effort to expand legal methodology to include the mundane and mechanical details of law practise, see: lori beaman-hall, "abused women and legal discourse: the exclusionary power of legal method" (spring ) : canadian journal of law and society at - . ibid., bartlett at - . reveal features of legal issues that more traditional legal methods overtook or suppress. in addition, she states that each method reflects the status of, "women as 'outsiders,' who need ways of challenging and undermining dominant legal conventions and of developing alternative conventions". she examines the place of feminist legal methods within the general context of legal method and rejects that there is a dichotomy between abstract, deductive (male) reasoning and concrete, contextualized (female) reasoning: the differences between the two methodologies, i argue, relate less to differences in principles of logic than to differences in emphasis and in underlying ideals about rules. traditional legal methods place a high premium on the predictability, certainty, and fixity of rules. in contrast, feminist legal methods, which have emerged from the critique that existing rules over-represent existing power structures, value rule-flexibility and the ability to identify missing points of view. the following is a synopsis of the feminist legal methods which bartlett identifies: ) asking the woman question: "identifying and challenging those elements of existing legal doctrine that leave out or disadvantage women and members of other excluded groups" ) feminist practical reasoning: "reasoning from an ideal in which legal resolutions are pragmatic responses to concrete dilemmas rather than static choices between opposing, often mismatched perspectives" ) consciousness raising: "seeking insights and enhanced perspectives through collaborative or interactive engagements with others based upon personal experience and narrative" , o : ) ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid, at . ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at . bartlett also addresses the nature, basis, limits, and validity of feminist legal methods by examining "the claims to truth that they generate." for example, what do feminists mean when they say that they have "done law right"? she addresses the epistemological implications of four theories of knowledge reflected in feminist legal writing and ...evaluates them on how that position can help feminists, using feminist methods, to generate the kind of insights, values, and self-knowledge that feminism needs to maintain its critical challenge to existing structures of power and to reconstruct new, and better structures in their place. these four theories of knowledge are: ( )rational empiricism, ( )standpoint epistemology, ( )postmodernism, and, ( ) positionality. the rational/empirical position is adopted when, feminists challenge assumptions about women that underiie numerous laws and demonstrate how laws based upon these assumptions are not rational and neutral, but rather irrational and discriminatory...feminists operate from a rational/empirical position that assumes that the law is not objective, but that identifying and correcting its mistaken assumptions can make it more than objective. ibid., at . ibid., at . for a review of "feminist knowing in law" see bartlett, ibid., at - . it will not be critically addressed in this thesis except where it has specific application. ibid., at - . ibid., at - . ibid., at . an example of the rational/empirical position in child custody law would be when feminists argue that particular reforms would better meet the law's express purpose of meeting the best interests of the child. the adoption by feminists of standpoint epistemology occurred because of their concern that women's ways of 'knowing' were being overdetermined by male culture. according to bartlett, standpoint epistemology identifies women's status as a victim, privileging it by saying only the victim can understand her oppression: "the experience of being a victim reveals truths about reality non-victims cannot s e e . " it provides feminists a claim to their own legal methods, legal reasoning and proposals for substantive legal reform. postmodernism or post-structural critique rejects the essentialist thinking of there being only one right truth or way of thinking. in postmodernism the subject has "no core identity but rather is constituted through multiple structures and discourses that in various ways overlap, intersect and contradict each other." reality is particular and fluctuates within complex sets of social contexts. feminists can use the method of deconstruction to reveal the hidden gender bias of laws and legal assumptions which are seen as socially constructed. it is arguably more empowering to not refer to women as victims, as bartlett's wording does, but rather as "women's stance or position on the oppressed side of a power relationship". this alternative was suggested to me by susan boyd, chair in feminist legal studies, faculty of law, university of british columbia ibid., at . ibid., at . bartlett defines 'essentialism' as it refers to feminism, as the tendency to treat woman as a single analytic category and a standard for women's experience that is "fixed, exclusionary, homogenizing, and oppositional". standpoint epistemology would be more on the side of essentialism. ibid., at . ibid., at . in the fourth stance on feminist knowledge, positionalitv. bartlett embraces parts of the three previous stances. she views it as a position that is capable of reconciling some of the inconsistencies noted among the previous three positions: the positional stance acknowledges the existence of empirical truths, values and knowledge, and also their contingency. it thereby provides a basis for feminist commitment and political action, but views these commitments as provisional and subject to further critical evaluation and revision...like standpoint epistemology, positionality retains a concept of knowledge based on experience... like the postmodern position, however, positionality rejects the perfectability, externality, or objectivity of truth. instead, the positional knower conceives of truth as situated and partial... because knowledge arises within social contexts and in multiple forms, the key to increasing knowledge lies in the effort to extend one's own limited experience. a child custody example which illustrates how positionality works is, "when feminists debate the legal alternative of joint custody, positionality compels appreciation of the desire by some fathers to be responsible, co-equal parents." whatever resolutions finally emerge from a positional stance are the social product of what is considered to be better. in this respect, positionality is neither essentialist or relativistic. the final point i wish to make about feminist methodology and epistemology is that the lines between the three methods and the four theories of knowledge described can and do intersect. my analysis is by no means limited to these methods or theories. the challenge is for feminists to continually find new methods and to create opportunities to transform both individual and collective expression from the theory to the practice of law. each of the four ibid., at - . ibid., at . ibid., at . feminist theories of knowledge can use each of the three feminist legal methods in any combination to make the legal system less oppressive to women. in the next section, i will attempt to give examples of how the feminist legal methods of feminist practical reasoning, asking the women question and consciousness-raising could have been used to make a woman's story more audible in the legal system. iii. from the theory to the practice of child custody dispute resolution: two stories of jane when a woman wishes to engage with canadian socio-legal systems to facilitate the resolution of child custody disputes, her options are largely limited to litigation or the government supported mediation of the dispute. it is my position that the procedures currently promoted marginalize women, children and caregiving. in the following section i will retell two stories of women who each followed a traditional legal procedure of child custody resolution. one filed affidavit evidence in a motion for interim child custody and the other attended court-affiliated mediation services. both stories end in tragic results, marginalizing the women and their children. by retelling their stories, i hope to be able to explore and confront whether each woman would have been better served by feminist methodology being used in the litigation and mediation of their child custody disputes. and i name each woman anonymously as jane. the universal jane represents the oppression of all women engaging in the system while at the same time acknowledging her unique story. both stories take place in manitoba. i was the acting lawyer for each woman. if so, would it even have been feasible to think about the possibility of the integration of feminist legal methodology into the existing system of child custody dispute resolution. a. litigation - affidavit drafting the first story i will retell is about one woman's efforts to secure custody of her children on an interim motion using the interim corollary relief provisions of ss. ( ) and ( ) in the divorce act r.s.c. , chapter ( nd supp.) and provincial legislation. determination of custody can be heard on an interim basis upon the separation of parents without a final disposition of their rights. evidence is presented by affidavit. a decision about custody is delivered on an interim basis until the trial or settlement of issues. , b the relevant jurisdiction in this story was the manitoba court of queen bench's bench - family division. the legislative provision for custody was found in the family maintenance act r.s.m. and amendments thereto(hereinafter the "fma") at subsections ( ), ( ), ( ), and ( ) which state that rights of parents to custody and control are joint (unless they have never cohabited after the birth of the child and then it vests solely with the parent that the child resides with). a court or an agreement may specify sole or joint custody. conduct is not to be considered unless the court is satisfied that the evidence bears directly on the parent's ability to care properly for the child. the queen's bench rules (the court of queen's bench act (c.c.s.m. c.c ) - r.m. / ) (hereinafter the "rules"), rule allows for interim motions for custody. all provincial legislation provides for interim custody relief. there are some variations as to which court, federal or provincial, a provincial government will confer jurisdiction. for example, except in jurisdictions where there are unified family court systems (new brunswick, p.e.i., manitoba & ontario), there is quite a fragmented court system which arguably causes confusion, greater expense, conflicts between provincial orders, and conflicts between provincial and extraprovincial orders, and uncertainty in the choice of remedy. these debates will not be covered in my thesis. for the purposes of this thesis, only the federal and provincial laws that provide for interim custody matters proceeding by way of motion in court or chambers supported only by affidavit evidence are considered. each province provides this avenue in their superior court with inherent jurisdiction. the considerations for determining custody vary negligibly. the principle is the best interests of the child. an affidavit is a written statement of evidence sworn by the person giving the evidence before a person authorized to take affidavits. an interim custody order will often have a profound effect upon the final outcome of a custody trial because it is very difficult to alter the status quo of custody. courts are loathe to upset the status quo without very strong evidence that the child care arrangement is clearly and unequivocally not in the "best interests" of the child. the significance of the affidavit is that it is the first and often the only means of presenting evidence in a child custody determination which likely will never be overturned. effectively, the history of child care before the granting of the interim order is crystallized in the judge's decision. at trial, the evidence of child care is largely confined to a consideration of the period between the making of the interim order and the trial date. the skill used in the drafting of the affidavit is therefore very important. lawyers are taught that the affidavit should be complete, accurate and coherent. women must be concerned with both the quality of the affidavit and the reception it receives in court. it is my position that the instruction provided to assist in the drafting of affidavits, the minimal rules which govern its content and the brevity of the judicial consideration of the affidavit, along with inadequate legislation and statutory interpretation which reinforce patriarchal ideologies, all play a role in marginalizing women in their caregiving and child caring. professional legal training course - , practice material: family law the continuing legal education society of british columbia, may, at . ibid., at . the amount, degree and quality of judicial preparation for interim custody matters varies but we are advised that in motion's practice, "always assume a judge or master has not read it". the length of time allotted to the hearing of an interim custody matter averages one- half hour; sometimes less, seldom more. to summarize, a child's life and patterns of care are considered in approximately thirty minutes of adversarial posturing and argument based on evidence presented in an affidavit which the judge or master has most probably not read. the rules provide only a minimal amount of direction for the drafting of affidavits. they state that an affidavit may be struck out or expunged in whole or in part on the grounds that it is scandalous, frivolous or vexatious. we are cautioned that extraneous or irrelevant matters should not appear in an affidavit because they only serve to distract the, master's or judge's attention from the issue at hand. rule . ( ) states that affidavits may contain statements based on the deponent's information and belief with respect to facts which are not contentious if the source is stated. courts are afforded a wide degree of discretion in interpreting what are necessary or unnecessary, scandalous, frivolous or vexatious facts or statements. as well, the common law rules of evidence come into play. professional legal training course - , practice material: civil litigation. the continuing legal education society of british columbia, may, at . generally, a typical chambers day involves potential preparation for - civil cases and - family files. the justification given for not reading affidavit materials is that % to % of the cases are adjourned and therefore reading them in advance would be a waste of time. a judge will usually opt to write reserved judgments rather than read cases for the following day. the rules, supra note , rule . . the court rules of procedure are more similar than dissimilar in all canadian jurisdictions. bar admission: civil litigation, supra note at . affidavits are not supposed to contain hearsay, opinion, irrelevant material, and information and belief except as stated in rule . ( ). for women seeking custody of their children, one troublesome aspect of the rules for drafting affidavits is the emphasis upon factual information. this information must be non- emotive, rational and based on a liberal interpretation of the court rules and rules of evidence. but the experiences of family law custody disputes invite a contradiction to the demands of the legislation and common law. family law evidence often cannot be considered as anything but opinion-based and highly emotive. it is difficult to make an allegation of sexual or physical abuse without having scandal, opinion or inflammation alleged. hence, a war of affidavits often begins in which women's experiences become lost or masked in legal warfare. the theory behind the common law rules of evidence and the procedural rules of court in the drafting of affidavits is based on the ideological assumptions of rational, factual, nonemotive information. it assumes that truth is provable only by this method of fact finding and that the certainty demanded by law cannot contain experience as it relates to opinion or feelings. see lori beaman-hall, supra note at , , , and nicholas bala ."spousal abuse and children of divorce: a differentiated approach" ( ) canadian journal of family law at , , , . both articles review the difficulties of putting evidence of abuse into court but bala is less open to the evidentiary problems that women have in getting their stories told. ngaire naffine, "the community of strangers," and, "keeping women in their place (rewarding the good woman, enshrining motherhood and punishing the bad)", in ngaire naffine, law and the sexes: explorations in feminist jurisprudence. (sydney: allen and unwin, ) - at at first glance, both federal and provincial legislation appear to exclude any evidence of parental conduct in determining the best interests of the child and custody. in the divorce act, subsection ( ), an injunction on consideration of conduct is only partial ie. "...[t]he court shall not take into consideration the past conduct of any person unless the conduct is relevant to the ability of that person to act as a parent of a child". similarly, section ( ) of the fma states that conduct is only to be considered if the court is satisfied that, "evidence bears directly on the parent's ability to care properly for the child". therefore, in both federal and provincial legislation, if a connection can be made to "best interests" or if the material can be tailored to fit the question of the "ability of that person to act as a parent of a child" then it would not be excluded. len fishman states that: virtually anything that might be considered as "misconduct" can be characterized, or would be subject to attempts by determined counsel to so characterize, as relating to the question of "parenting" skills. one can readily imagine the courtroom colloquy. there are many mothers who do not meet the dominant cultural and middle class expectations that constitute the ideology of motherhood. these mothers are often made len fishman, the divorce act : preliminary thoughts on the custody, access and child support provisions (unpublished) for review by family law students at the university of manitoba, - at . another question arises as to whether or not fishman's prediction has born fruit. could the finding of misconduct be a gendered exercise? this might explain why the courts have not taken spousal abuse seriously under subsection (a) of the divorce act. although bala, supra note claims that there is now strong canadian jurisprudence allowing spousal abuse to be considered. but are the courts still more apt to apply the section to incidences of "bad" mothering? these questions are considered by susan boyd in "w(h)ither feminism? the department of justice public discussion paper on custody and access" ( ) ( ) c j of fl at - . chapter dealt extensively with both the predominant ideology of motherhood as the self-sacrificing, all giving, white, middle class, heterosexual woman in a nuclear marriage and alternate forms of mothering. for a review of the dominant ideology of motherhood and the subject of an inquiry into the acceptable conduct of a mother. as was discussed in chapter two, the "acceptability" of a mother's care is judged predominantly by only one standard in the courts and in mediation. this standard is the white, middle class, heterosexual mother in the nuclear family and any deviation from this standard is often deemed misconduct. this is the standard that a judge uses to inquire as to whether conduct compromises the best interests of the child. appropriate conduct can easily be construed according to societal norms and the judge's own values and attitudes. conduct becomes an important issue to meet in custody litigation and mediation if a mother differs from the perfect ideal of mother that the court measures them against. marlee kline notes that, "[ijmportantly, the construction of first nation women as "bad mothers" is mediated by the dominant ideology of motherhood." susan boyd notes that women may be penalized when they do not play traditional maternal roles, as when they work outside the home or make "personal lifestyle choices". bad conduct becomes equated to any difference from acceptable dominant idealized patterns of child care. as shelley gavigan notes: and alternate forms of mothering. for a review of the dominant ideology of motherhood and the social construction of good mothers and bad mothers, see: chapter and see: susan b. boyd, "investigating gender bias in canadian child custody law: reflections on questions and methods" in j . brockman and d. chunn, eds., investigating gender bias: law. courts and the legal profession (toronto: thompson educational publishing, ) - ; fineman, supra note ; gavigan, supra note at - ; marlee kline, "complicating the ideology of motherhood: child welfare law and first nation women" ( ) queen's l.j. - and ngaire naffine supra note at - . kline, ibid., at . see boyd, supra note at - wherein she notes that the discussion paper raises the possibility that courts are influenced by the differential expectations of mothers and fathers that operate to the disadvantage of mothers and see susan b. boyd, "child custody and working mothers" in s. martin and k. mahoney (eds.), equality and judicial neutrality (toronto: carswell, ) and "child custody, ideologies and employment" ( ) ( ) canadian journal of women and the law . the family is presented in law and popular culture as the basic unit in society, a sacred, timeless and so natural an institution that its definition is self-evident and the ideology of the ideal family is taken to mean a social relationship sanctioned by law and preferably church, comprising male adult, female adult and their biological or adopted children. the judging of the "good" or "bad" mother will be illustrated in the story that follows. it illustrates how affidavit material is interpreted by the court to create a legal "bad mother" and how this conclusion by the judge affects his custody decision. it is now time for me to introduce you to jane. she has asked that i tell you her story. at the time of her story, jane was years old, metis, had a grade education and did not affiliate with any particular church. she loved to laugh and read historical romances. she was the mother of a year old boy and a year old girl. she had been married for five years to a white man with whom she had had a relationship with for twenty years. jane worked part-time evenings outside the home as a paid government homemaker. during the days, she cared for her own children. jane was a recovering alcoholic. her husband still drank every day but said he could "handle it". jane used to drink with him. jane says his drinking sometimes brought out a "nasty streak" in him. sometimes, jane's husband hit her and forced her to have sex with him. he would tease and punish the children until they cried. she cried too. she says her husband was a "new age" man. he was very articulate and had freely discussed her (and not his) alcoholism with family, friends and neighbours. she was not so articulate, she said. jane had never told anyone that her husband hit her or her children. shelley gavigan, "law, gender and ideology" in anne bayefsky, ed., legal theory meets legal practice (edmonton: academic printing and publishing, ) at one day, her husband physically threw her out of the house. she went to the local women's shelter (hereinafter the "shelter"). she sought out a lawyer. with the help of her lawyer and workers from the shelter, she removed her children from the house while a babysitter was looking after them. she then petitioned the court for interim custody of her children and told her story, as drafted by me, in an affidavit. the parts of her affidavit which alleged that her husband drank and teased and punished the children were struck by the judge as being scandalous. the part of her affidavit wherein she stated that she had never told anyone that her husband hit her was struck as being irrelevant. the part where she alleged he had hit her was struck as being inflammatory. the part of her affidavit where she admitted that she had problems with alcohol was left in because it corroborated her husband's allegations. her affidavit stated that her husband had never had any involvement in the children's care. he had not wanted children and always made it clear that they were her responsibility. her husband did not dispute this. in his affidavit, he said that the children had now become his responsibility because of his wife's irresponsibility and he would now meet the future challenge of child care with the help of his mother to look after the children. he denied the part of her affidavit where she claimed that he sometimes hit her and forced her to have sex. he said that he had had to restrain her because she became irrational and violent when she was drinking. he said she had hurt herself attacking him. this statement was not struck from her husband's affidavit because jane had admitted she was an alcoholic. by contrast, the parts of her affidavit outlining forced sex were struck. jane was a real woman. she was my client. i have changed some of the facts and details of her story to preserve her anonymity, but i believe that the integrity of her story has not been compromised. much of jane's story was invalidated by being struck from the affidavit as either being scandalous, inflammatory, irrelevant or opinion. the judge said that she should be ashamed to have made her marital disagreement and her foul language open to the public. what if her children should read this one day, he asked. this concern seemed to be his reason for using a broad brush to wipe out jane's concerns. the affidavit now read differently and jane took on a new persona with her dominant feature being that of an alcoholic and a "bad" mother. so too, her husband took on a new persona. when his affidavit was read in conjunction with hers, he was now a struggling, valiant, confused father and husband who had expressed concerns to neighbours. the judge said that he hoped jane's husband would not harm her in any way because there was a zero tolerance to wife abuse. he said he hoped that her allegations of abuse were just reactive and designed to hurt her husband. the judge said that if any evidence of abuse ever came before him he would be very unhappy (jane thought she had given him the evidence of abuse). jane was chastised: firstly, for leaving her children and secondly, for taking them. the judge advised that she join alcoholics anonymous as her husband suggested. her husband was given interim primary care and control of the children. she was given specified care and control periods. no order was made as to custody per se. some months later, jane and her husband reconciled. jane told me she had no choice. she said she needed to be with her children. within two months i visited jane in the hospital. her face was black and blue. her mouth was swollen shut; her jaw wired. she could not give voice. her husband was charged with assault and once again argued that he had only used reasonable restraint in silencing her. jane could no longer tell her story. lying there, she reminded me of the poem "uniform of the dispossessed" by emma la rocque, i know the sorrow of the poor the sorrow of the woman the sorrow of the native the sorrow of the earth the world that is with me in me of me. the final part of my analysis of jane's story is whether the feminist legal methods introduced in the first part of this chapter could have helped to inform the court as to who jane was and therefore arrive at a custody decision that did not marginalize jane or her caregiving. without this information about jane, any standard applied to determine custody (whether it be the best interests of the child, primary caregiver presumption or any other conceivable standard or test) is meaningless, as a child can have no legal relationship to a caregiver who has no identity, who has no voice and who is not known. and even in a custody decisions most normative inquiry, mother is a key player. by any standard, jane must be identified. if we ask the women question, can we identify any gender implications in the rules and practises of jane's court experience that might otherwise appear neutral or objective? i believe so. the traditional idea that law is certain, predictable and dispassionately emma la rocque, "the uniform of the dispossessed", excerpt taken from la rocque, emma, "tides, towns and trains" in joan turner ed., living the changes (winnipeg: the university of manitoba press, ) . evenhanded in its dealings with people, on closer look appears to be dependent on the exclusion of other competing voices and experiences? jane's voice and story were competition with her spouse's voice. she did not fit into the traditional role of woman and mother in the legal ideology of family. only the voice of the "man of law" can be heard. jane's husband, with some editing of his story, was the "man of law", rational and reasonable. it has been pointed out that certainty is achievable in an uncertain world only if the group of key thinkers, who invoke and thus perpetuate the dominant paradigm, are sufficiently like minded. in other words, it is vital to the maintenance of the appearance of law as an essentially fair and impartial institution that the members of the legal world remain "necessarily out of touch". yet at the same time, it would seem a paradox takes place. because of the highly normative inquiry the judge makes in custody dispute litigation, he is anything but evenhanded. it becomes impossible to tell which parts of jane the judge used to strike her out; the woman, the metis, the alcoholic, the romantic, the mother? i would submit that jane cannot be identified in this system. no part of her is the "man of law" and she therefore has no place in the affidavit. the rules and procedures that the affidavit reproduces are deeply rooted in and perpetuate ideological assumptions of family, women and children as white, middle class, heterosexual and nuclear. ultimately they practically and metaphorically silence jane. two practical concerns that i have about identifying jane where asking the woman question has value are that, first, what gendered assumptions about alcoholism were held by the m. cain, "realism, feminism, methodology and the law" ( ) international journal of the sociology of law ibid., at . court (and which most probably reflected societal values). second, what were the gendered implications that the court may have made about a parent using their mother to assist with child care. on the first question, would there have been a corresponding custody result if it had been the husband who had admitted to being an alcoholic (would he have been denied custody)? my experience has taught me that when a man puts in his affidavit that he is attending alcoholics anonymous (hereinafter " a a " ) the court treats this as a positive step and his future ability to care for his children is seen as improved. by contrast, jane's admission of alcoholism was taken to be a negative comment on her past and future ability to care for her children. it no doubt affected the decision. the judge patronizes her by telling her to go to a.a. despite that her evidence states that she is a recovering alcoholic. another issue to think about is the effect that jane being metis and an alcoholic had on the decision. when multiple issues need to be considered, the positionalitity stance works well to plot them out and consider where they intersect. i also ask the woman question when i consider the differences between how a court views a father using his mother to help with the child care versus a mother who uses her mother to help with the care of her children. often, i have heard the argument made on a motion for interim custody that the father will have his mother move in or come over daily to mind the kids while he is working. the courts seem to particularly like this arrangement and many orders for joint custody are made upon this premise. on the other hand, it tends to be used more as an accusation of inadequacy if evidence is presented that a mother relies on her mother to care for the children. in jane's case, she felt that if she told the court that her mother helped her with the kids when she had been working nights, the inference might have been made that she was "just another drunk indian" who couldn't look after her kids. it may sound draconian but i am sure that when the woman question is asked many uncomfortable assumptions and opinions that underlie societal norms will surface. i suggest that the woman question be asked and answered in the courtroom. the feminist lawyer should present evidence in the affidavit that will prove capable of supporting an argument that will logically and succinctly show which women's viewpoints are being subordinated. women and their lawyers must creatively work together to inject feminism into affidavit drafting despite the probability that judges, husbands and their lawyers will use the rules of affidavit drafting to dissect mothers' carefully drafted affidavits. feminist practical reasoning could have been used in formulating a child care plan from the context of jane's story putting jane at the centre. it could form part of the body of the affidavit or be attached as a schedule to the affidavit. the care plan should be used both as a sword and a shield and not as parenting plans have been anticipated by certain legislation and mediation schemes where their drafting is mandatory, agreed upon by both parties and then ratified by the court. parenting plans have been criticized as being a design of the child care plans will be addressed in chapter . briefly, i define a care plan as a written or oral history, profile and identification of how major needs considered to be common to all dependent children have been met and will continue to be met. parenting plans have been popularized by the helping professions as gender neutral contracts between parents as to the care of the children. see: john haynes, alternative dispute resolution: the fundamentals of family mediation (great britain: old bailey press, ) for a discussion of parenting agreements in mediation and also see, report of the family review working group, breaking up is hard to do: rethinking the family justice systems in british columbia (british columbia: the ministry of the attorney general, ) well educated middle and upper classes. they should not by their design incur greater legal expense because attention to the content of the affidavit must be addressed in any event. the care plan is not designed to address the concerns of only well educated and affluent parents because it addresses common needs of children which can and have been met by varying lifestyles and types of care giving. besides a paradox, there also is an irony to jane's story. in her affidavit, she actually attempted to follow the legislation when she spoke of the health and emotional well being of her children and their views. she spoke of the love, affection and ties that existed between the children and herself. she felt the conduct of her husband was a factor as enunciated in section ( ) of the fma. but the information was not presented in a clear, concise and easily referred to manner. in proposing a plan for the children, i should have spoken of her past involvement with the children as it would influence their future care. by jane initiating the suggestion of a specific child care plan, the seed may have been planted in the judge's mind as to a care and control arrangement. the lawyer, in oral argument, could work with - , for a discussion of the use of parenting plans in the jurisdiction of washington state, where the parenting act wash. laws - (codified at wash. rev. code . . -. ...( )) (effective january, ) and a list of the presumptions and limitations on which it is based have been legislated; also see jane ellis, "plans, protections and professional intervention: innovations in divorce custody reform and the role of legal professionals" ( ) u. of michigan j . of law reform - at ; et seq.. see: susan boyd, "w(h)ither feminism", supra note . both note that parenting plans can be more expensive than completing a standard separation agreement and are for relatively educated and affluent parents; also see: the national association of women and the law, response to custody and access: public discussion paper (ottawa: nawl, january, ) at ; and see: canadian advisory council on the status of women, child custody and access policy: a brief to the federal / provincial / territorial family law committee (february , ) at , - (cacsw brief) for policy and legislative requirements for parenting plans. ibid., ellis at . the child care plan and support the woman's story of both the past patterns and future plans of child care. part of the feminist lawyer's job in working within the parameters of litigation would be to anticipate the questions and ideological challenges to alternative caregiving and family styles that form her client's story and to meet them with practical reasoning. in this aspect, the oral argument could be used by feminists to make inroads into raising judicial and lawyer consciousness. the feminist lawyer would meet anticipated resistances to alternate family forms or alternate child care patterns by presenting an argument of how in each individual case, it could be seen to be in the child's best interest. finally, consciousness-raising may have helped jane gain custody of her children. bartlett notes that even litigation, "bears witness to evidences of patriarchy as they occur, through unremitting dialogues with and challenges to the patriarchs." she sees this method as more part of the substructure or a meta-method. but i think it still has utility in the courtroom. for example, one way to raise the consciousness of the "patriarch" and make the court responsible for their reasons as well as their decisions is to fill the courtroom with feminist supporters. a more long term approach is to organize feminist lawyers and judges who will inevitably have an impact on the collective feminist conscious. the feminist lawyer needs to take the legislation on child custody in its current form and fill it with the feminist perspective that would address where the legislation leaves out or denies women's concerns. for example, in the story of jane this would ideally involve reconsideration of the conduct clause in the divorce act or an expansion of the factors to be considered in the best interest of the child test that would better reflect the consideration of the child "caring bartlett, supra note at . for" work that mothers more often do. there is no guarantee that all judges will hear it, yet when it is a woman's personal decision that the legal forum rather than mediation is to be the judge, then this is one way to work within the existing legal system and maintain a feminist perspective. and even if the judge does not hear it, women will hear it and it will help to name the frustration and anger that they have been feeling. the education of lawyers in the areas of the protective functions of custody law, the dynamics of lawyer negotiation and the lawyer's role in assisting or impeding law reform is vital. jane ellis identifies the lawyer's role in facilitating or impeding change through the use of legal devices (as in a parenting plan or care plan) as an area for future research. the attitude of a lawyer is very important in affecting the proposition that a legal device can either have an immediate effect on a party's emotions or a long term effect on societal norms. b. court-affiliated mediation - mandatory mediation another example of the complexity of a woman's story and voice being legally denied is the situation in legal jurisdictions where courts align themselves very closely to court conciliation-mediation facilities. i will argue that the courts pass the responsibility for child custody decision making to the mediators and through this process they completely deny the story of the woman by what almost amounts to mandatory mediation m ellis, supra note at . ibid., at . court appointed mediators are only sometimes trained in the process of mediation and usually have experience in branches of the social sciences. they are often the same personnel who, in another case, would be performing the court-ordered assessments often mediation is so rigorously promoted by the judiciary that it is almost mandatory and refusal to attend is considered a strike against the refusing party. many jurisdictions in the united states require that a divorcing couple who disagree on custody or visitation issues see a conciliator before getting access to the courts or at the least, during the litigation process. court-ordered mediation involving custody and visitation issues is recognized by many states authorizing the court to order mediation or conciliation to help the parties formulate a custody or visitation plan in the interests of "protecting the rights of children and preserving a stable family life" other states have set up conciliation courts or conciliation services to work out custody and visitation issues. required in contested custody cases. in british columbia, many of the court-appointed government mediators are probation officers! bette j . roth, randall w. wulff & charles a. cooper, the alternative dispute resolution practice guide (new york: lawyers cooperative publishing, ) ; for example, in alaska and maine, the court is authorized to order mediation in a divorce, dissolution, or annulment action [see, e.g. ak. stat. . . ( & supp. ), me. rev. stat. tit. , , (west ).] in other states, such as connecticut, indiana, and iowa, the superior court in local districts may provide programs for mediation services for persons filing for dissolution of marriage.[see, e.g., conn. gen. stat. ann. b- a (west supp. );ind. code - - . - (west ); la. code ann. . (west ).] in others, such as connecticut, illinois, kentucky, nebraska, and ohio, the court is authorized to order the parties to meet with a conciliator. [see, e.g., conn. gen. stat. ann. b- (west ); iii. ann. stat. ch. , para. (smith-hurd ); neb. rev. stat. - ( ) ohio rev. code ann. . (anderson ).] some states provide for a stay of the divorce proceeding pending the mediation or the conciliation. [see, e.g., ariz. rev. stat. ann. - . (west ); n.h. rev. stat. ann. : -a ( ).] ibid. ,at and and [see, e.g., colo. rev. stat. ann. - - . , - - . (west ); conn. gen. stat. ann. b- a, b- a (west ); fla. stat. ann. . (west ); iii. ann. stat. ch. . (smith-hurd ); iowa code ann. . - . (west ); la. rev. stat. ann. : (west ); me rev. stat. ann. tit. , (west ); nev. rev. stat. . (michie & supp. ); n.m. stat. ann. - - . (michie ); n.c. gen. stat. - . (michie ); ohio rev. code ann. . (anderson); or. rev. stat. tit. , . ( ); r.i. gen. laws - - ( ); s.d. codified laws ann. - - ( ); utah code ann. - - - - - ( )] in canada, there is no legislation that directly mandates mediation, but, the divorce act, promotes its use and protects its confidentiality. lawyers are exhorted to promote mediation but there is no direct statement exempting mediators from subsequent court appearances and giving evidence in the event of failed mediation. by contrast, a lawyer is not permitted to give testimony of failed negotiations. a canadian report by james richardson claims its central focus of research to be a concern for the role of divorce mediation in reducing the impact of marriage breakdown on children. two research projects evaluating court-based divorce and family mediation services in four canadian cities were conducted. the second project was referred to as the "winnipeg study" and focused specifically on the winnipeg family mediation service. the report acknowledges the then recent substantive and procedural changes in family law in and [see, e.g., cal. civ. proc. code - (west ); ariz. rev. stat. ann. - , - et seq.(west ); iowa code ann. . - . (west )]. colorado additionally provides for court-mediation for issues arising from child support [colo. rev. stat. ann. - - (west )]. the protection of confidentiality makes assessment of the process and objective inquiry into power imbalances difficult. reports must come from the subjective evaluation of a party to the mediation. it is publicly regulated by making its content private, much the same as women are legally regulated in the family by being told that family matters will not be regulated. question whether or not the difference in the legislative treatment between lawyers and mediators will result in the public being skeptical of the supposed confidential nature of mediation? c. james richardson, court based divorce mediation in four canadian cities: an overview of research results a report prepared for the department of justice, canada, february at manitoba and winnipeg, "in particular what is nearly mandatory divorce mediation in disputed cases". the results of the winnipeg study showed that if it appeared that there was some desire on the part of the father for custody, both lawyers and mediators and, evidently, the couples themselves were more likely to offer joint custody than seems to have been true in the past (pre - ). the data collected from the court records and client interviews suggested that those who attended mediation, whether or not custody was in dispute, were four times more likely to opt for joint legal custody than those who used a purely legal process ( . % compared with . %). further, court records indicated that sole custody to a mother is much less likely when the case is mediated ( . % compared with . %) it is acknowledged in the report that the figures, particularly in the montreal site were somewhat distorted by "the obvious preference of those mediators for agreements which result in joint legal custody and shared parenting." the report is also dismissive of concerns that women may be coerced into joint custody. it states that, ibid., at . ibid., at ; martha fineman has also demonstrated the ways in which ostensibly neutral procedural devices - like mandatory mediation, often mask the implicit substantive agenda of shared parenting, martha fineman, "dominant discourse, professional language and legal change in child custody decision making" ( ) harvard l. rev. at ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at . joint custody was chosen by only % of the non-mediation cases but by % of the mediated cases. this contrasts st. john's and saskatoon where joint custody was chosen by % and . % of mediated cases. custody outcomes do suggest that mediators encourage couples to enter into joint custody arrangements. however, the data - both quantitative and qualitative - do not, in anyway, suggest that women (or men for that matter) felt compelled to accept this kind of order. j a n e emerges as a phoenix from ashes to tell her story. she would disagree with the above commentary that women do not feel coerced into mediation and shared parenting. jane is the mother of two small boys aged three and one. both jane and her husband work full time in the canadian armed forces. jane left her husband, with police assistance, taking her children to a shelter after her husband had punched and attempted to choke her. he decided to hang himself instead. his attempt failed due to jane's intervention. jane wanted nothing to do with her husband. she did not wish to see him, speak to him or for him to have any contact with the children, unless it was supervised by a professional. jane told me that her husband abused the children and lacked parenting skills. he went through a program to control his anger, and one for parent effectiveness. he never disputed the fact that he had abused his wife or children, both on a physical and mental basis. but, he said he had changed. he had found god, a supportive therapist, and a good lawyer. as a result, not only did he want access to his children, he wanted joint custody. he also wanted mediation. jane did not want mediation because she believed that her husband only wanted contact with her. she did not trust his new found trinity of god, therapist and lawyer. ibid., at and . again, jane is a former client of mine. to protect her anonymity, some minor details have been changed. jane desperately wanted her story told in a public forum. whatever her reasons, this was very important to jane. she felt that she needed the assistance of a lawyer to represent her interests as she perceived an incredible power imbalance between her and her husband's positions. jane's case went to the winnipeg family division of the court of queen's bench. despite having read jane's story by way of affidavit evidence and the affidavits of a physician and child psychologist, the judge all but mandated mediation by firm encouragement to the parties to mediate their differences. he called the conciliation services and arranged an immediate interview from the court room. he applauded the husband's efforts in taking therapy and anger management. his interim order granted specified periods of care and control to each parent and a referral to mediation. a family assessment was also ordered. the judge reasoned that all these helping professionals could quickly determine the necessity for supervised access. the parties went to mediation. it did not succeed. as jane suspected, her husband's focus in mediation was to try to reunite with her. he stalked her despite a restraining order. jane's life was a nightmare. despite the court ordered periods of care and control, she would not let her husband see the children without supervision. when the judge refused to listen to jane's story and instead, made an order for specified care and control periods, he effectively wiped out the past history of abuse. he set a new status quo, the current order of "specified periods of care and control". i have heard judges using their position of persuasiveness to promote and, in some instances, force women into mediating, despite women attempting to have their voices heard and their fears expressed that their spouses would only attempt to manipulate both the mediator and themselves. women often told me of their spouse's ability to lie very smoothly in mediation. they expressed concern that they would have a better chance of having their story told and heard in affidavit evidence where their spouse could not gaze them down, interrupt, mock or sweet talk them. even recognizing the problems inherent in legal proceedings, they felt better about having a judge decide things than having their husband involved in the decision making. ellen lewin reports that although only a small percentage of men actually seek custody in court, as many as one-third of women report custody litigation threats being raised in the course of divorce negotiations. effectively, this can force compliance with other paternal demands. when a judge refuses to make an order of custody or even primary care and control of children in order to refer the matter to mediation, the true experience of primary care and control is often left behind in the legal arena. the court abrogates its power. this allows the mediation process to smoothly take over the issue of decision making by erasing the history and pattern of child caring, wiping out the status quo and replacing it with the neutral wording of specific care and control times. this enables mediation to focus only on the ellen lewin, "claims to motherhood: custody and maternal strategies" in diana wells, ed., getting there: the movement toward gender equality (new york: carroll & graft publishers / richard gallen, ) - at ibid., at . low child support payments are often secured by men in exchange for abandoning their quest for custody. this could potentially change with new legislated child support guidelines. future with the sanction of the court. jane aptly refers to this order of care and control, as "i get all the care; he gets all the control!" how can this seemingly unusual alliance of court and mediation be explained? asking the woman question can help. to assist in understanding power relationships and unequal bargaining positions in mediation and in the court, it is useful to look at the ideas of formal justice, the traditional polarization between culture and nature, and the way law is used to control the uncertainties and emotionality of the natural. i refer to susan william's work. susan william's critique and analysis of social construction, the cartesian model and feminist epistemology can be used to understand legal theory as it relates to practice, whether it be in the court or mediation. i propose that the "care and control" that a judge orders or a mediator facilitates is part of the cartesian dichotomy ie. control/care. control represents the reasoned responses of the parent to control the upbringing of the child with respect to education, medical care and religion. care represents the uncontrollable, unpredictable and time-consuming, day to day tasks of child caring. carol smart calls this type of care "caring for", using joan tronto's concept of a moral discourse of care, while the work of "caring about" is often the caring work men do - the friendship, loving and fun things. the work involved in "caring about" is more intangible and future focusing, as a method used in mediation will be deconstructed in chapter . susan williams, "feminist legal epistemology" ( ) berkeley law journal - smart, supra note at . tronto, supra note and moral boundaries: a political argument for an ethic of care (new york & london: routledge, ) i would suggest more symbolic. are men who are given periods of care and control by the courts or mediators doing any more "care" in the sense of the day-to-day care or are they actually acquiring or maintaining symbolic control over their children? smart notes that we continue to place "caring about" above "caring for" and that this marginalizes woman and the mother work they do. smart piloted a small empirical study of divorced families and studied how child custody was negotiated between parents. when the "caring for" issue became "transformed by solicitors and mediators into a question of welfare, the children were put centre stage thus quite marginalizing the mother and avoiding discussion of predivorce child care arrangements" "caring for" work can get characterized as selfishness by mothers and is devalued. this analysis supports jane's contention that, "i get (give) all the care, he gets (takes) all the control!" ^ u smart concluded that: . there was a considerable sensitivity by both parents to the positions of fathers in the process of divorce. . there was a stated concern by both parents to preserve relationships after the divorce "for the sake of the children". . "but it also showed that because "caring for" as a form of work is invisible and yet also collapsed into the moral category about "caring about", mothers who "care for" have no legitimate voices unless they speak the language of equal rights (for fathers) or welfare (for children)." also see chapters and for a more detailed discussion of "caring for" and "caring about". ibid., at . for an example of how "caring for" can be devalued by "caring about" even when custody is given to the true caregiver, see subsection ( ) of the fma , "the non- custodial parent retains the same right as the parent granted custody to receive school, medical, psychological, dental and other reports." if we can assume that the custodial parent is providing the majority of the "caring for", then the non-custodial parent can still exercise a large number of demands and therefore control over the relationship by using this "caring about" clause. iv. conclusion feminist legal theory and methodology should be given the opportunity to be celebrated and valued in both written and oral narrative in the areas of litigation and mediation. women, people of colour and aboriginal peoples historically have not been allowed access or entry into the cartesian dialogue involved in the legal process because of assumptions of their "chaotic" nature and their supposed inability to reason. but many groups developed or maintained story telling as a survival technique to preserve group affinity e.g. old wives tales, indian story telling. informal, oral approaches to story telling defied cartesian reason and logic and largely went unchallenged because oral story telling was not considered valid as contrasted to written language. therefore, the rhythm and history of oral story telling prevailed. i believe that it is this rhythm in the history of women, their lived experience and their pain, that preceded any feminist theory and ultimately named it. feminist theory and practice is less the individual practice than we often think. it usually emerges from engagement with collective sources. jane has many different stories to tell to many different people and in many different ways. yet they remain jane's stories until we allow them to become part of our own stories. i believe this to be converting feminist theory to practice and, as one thinks about and make sense of the practice, practice is converted to theorizing, completing a circle. williams, supra note at and . this analysis also uses the rational empiricist position to challenge assumptions about women that underlie laws. bell hooks, supra note at . both litigation and mediation continue in their present forms to silence, censor and devalue feminist theoretical and practical voices. those involved in the legal and social processes of child custody dispute resolution should engage in critical reflection and engage in the practice of feminism as a means to "reflect the reality of child care as it is currently organized, without creating obstacles to alternative forms of caring that might develop". the concept of feminist theory and practice enabling each other in reciprocity of self discovery and collective liberation is extremely exciting if it can be applied to the traditional legal system. the silencing of a woman's past and the invalidation of past fact finding that takes place in both mediation and litigation denies feminist legal theory entry into the practice of child custody law. the telling of women's stories and addressing the woman question are not yet possible. but introducing feminist methodology into the legal system might allow a multi-dimensional inquiry within the situation of a particular family's parenting and expectations prior to separation. using feminist methods, gender, social, racial, ethnic, class, religious, sexual orientation and disability issues can be addressed. individual and collective values which inform parenting relationships held can be examined. i realize that this may not be and has not been readily accepted by the judiciary and mediators, but feminist lawyers and mediators must raise their voices louder. this approach is not radical and does not suggest a breaking down of legal or social processes in any fundamental way. part of my purpose has been to provide practical suggestions to help women who have no choice but to address the system as it exists. i again acknowledge that applying feminist carol smart, feminism and the power of law (london: routledge, ) at . a postmodern position allows for the deconstruction of the existing discourse and a consideration of all factors that affect a custody decision. methodologies to traditional methods has been largely untested and that i cannot predict if such an exercise would be accepted or even effective. but feminism does provide hope and has had some influence: if there has been one growth area in the social sciences during the 's, it has been in feminist research and women's studies. nowhere has this growth been more evident than in areas of justice, the sociology of law and legal research generally. feminist perspectives have often wedded theory and practice with the result that there has been mounting pressure, backed sometimes with solid research, for legislation to be made more sensitive to the particular situation of women, so that well meaning reforms do not have the unintended consequence of worsening the already disadvantaged position of women in contemporary society. (my emphasis) perhaps, in the long term, this would mean evolving a new form of feminist dispute resolution suitable to child custody involving legislative change. finally, i conclude that in order to evaluate the success of whether or not feminist methodology can be introduced into the courts and mediation, giving voice to women's stories and experiences, all women must be allowed to name their practice and pain, and those who are enabled and privileged, such as lawyers, must assist in formulating theory from the experiences of all women. richardson, supra note at . this will be addressed further in chapter . in the interim, i am proposing practical steps for women who must make decisions today. also see: david d. duff and roxanne mykitiuk, "parental separation and the child custody decision: toward a reconception" ( ) university of toronto faculty of law review - . duff and mykitiuk state that, "in contrast to traditional communitarian and liberal conceptions, we develop a feminist approach to understanding both the family and the legal resolution of intra-familial disputes" at . they continue with a lengthy review of child custody, best interests, joint custody and primary care giver presumptions, but never really develop alternatives, either using feminist or any other methodology. they note in conclusion that institutional reforms designed to facilitate cooperative solutions are required and simply leave it at that, at . chapter the deconstruction of child custody mediation i. introduction in the previous two chapters i have shown how women's mothering and caregiving are undervalued and rendered invisible in our society because the dominant ideology of motherhood informs and is reinforced by our legal system in child custody disputes. i have introduced the reader to a sampling of the diversity of real mothering experiences which i argue should be considered in custody dispute resolution. i have explored the possibility of introducing feminist methods into the legal procedures used by the courts in both litigation and court-affiliated mediation. but i have not yet explored the methods used in custody mediation to determine if they are less oppressive to women than those used in litigation. the content of this chapter responds to the particular and disturbing fact that child custody mediation is largely presented in legal and social reformative writing as a panacea to the ills of traditional litigation. popularly, custody mediation conjures up images of empowerment, equality, and private ordering contentiously, i take the position that mediation disempowers women. my objective in this chapter is to there is a plethora of family mediation texts, articles and government sponsored studies that contrast mediation to litigation, listing alleged advantages to mediation and disadvantages to litigation. among the books on family mediation reviewed for this thesis are : john m. eekelaar & sandford n. katz, eds., the resolution of family conflict (toronto: butterworths, ); howard h. irving and michael benjamin, family mediation (toronto: carswell, ); barbara landau, mario bartoletti, and rith mesbur, family mediation handbook (toronto: butterworths, ); and haynes, supra note . for the most part, the advantages of mediation mechanisms for coping with family disputes are said to be that they are "inexpensive, discretionary, personalized, voluntary, consensus - oriented and therapeutic, and that, unlike the formal methods, they empower the participants" (my emphasis). anne griffiths, "mediation, conflict, and social inequality: family dispute processing among the bakwena" in robert dingwall and john eekelaar, eds., divorce mediation and the legal process (oxford: clarendon press, ) at show that despite whatever claims mediation proponents make, men, in general, have more power than women in child custody mediation. this observation in its own right would make mediation "unjust". it is not a system of freely bargaining equals mediated by a benign third party. anne bottomley notes that, private ordering can only be detrimental to women; economic, social and psychological vulnerability all militate against the image of the equal bargaining situation which is presumed to be present in mediation for it to be a truly mutual agreement. ignoring power relationships within the "private" domain can only reproduce them...women suffer in three ways: they face their partner with lack of equality; they face a mediator who even in practising seeming neutrality between the parties is actually the purveyor of the dominant social values which are oppressive to women. finally, as a group whose position in society is controlled through family, fundamental problems become hidden by relegation to the "private" sphere. they are blocked from bringing their problems and needs into the public sphere of formal justice. some mediation proponents take the position that there is an overreaction to the shiboleth or watch cry "inequality of bargaining power". i find this position especially dangerous for women because it fails to comprehend the roots of the complex power relationships that are manifested in mediation. the power imbalance and the "inequality of bargaining power" go much deeper than the more obvious issues of violence and anne bottomley, "what is happening to family law? a feminist critique of conciliation" in julia brophy and carol smart, eds., women-in-law (london: routledge and kegan paul, ) at - john h. wade, "forms of power in family mediation and negotiation" ( ) australian journal of family law - . wade lists ten types of power that can be exercised. his position is that by naming the types of power used in mediation, each can be addressed with strategy to overcome any inequality resulting from the exercise of power. this is a step in the right direction but wade's analysis falls short of an inquiry into the norms and values which frame the exertions of power. abuse against women power imbalances have a social, historical, legal and cultural context shared by both formal and informal justice processes and procedures. it is my position that mediation most likely has sprung from the brow of litigation. for example, both systems are reflective of the construction of gender ordering in our society. both are rooted in patriarchal concepts. both are informed by community values and norms about motherhood, family and work that reproduce and sustain patriarchal power and devalue women's work and caregiving. litigation and mediation are not separate for example, the canadian advisory council on the status of women, child custody and access policy: a brief to the federal/provincial/territorial family law committee (february , )[hereinafter c a c s w brief] at states that mediation is problematic and disempowering for women because of the following factors: generally, men are greatly advantaged in divorce mediation, as a result of their higher socio-economic status, dominant behaviours, relatively low levels of depression, higher self-esteem, higher reward expectations, and assertive rather than accommodating tactics in negotiating. all of these factors are reinforced by traditional sex role ideology. abuse and violence against women have begun to be acknowledged as situations where mediation is inappropriate or that at the very least safeguards need to be put in place to ensure that there is not an imbalance of power. for example, society of british columbia, gender equality in the justice system: a report of the law society of british columbia gender bias committee volume ii, , chapter at - to - (hereinafter called the "gender equality report") and the working group report, supra note at (hereinafter called the "report") and c a c s w at & . see chapter , supra note for a definition of patriarchy as used in this thesis. it is defined as a system of social relationships that privileges men while disadvantaging women, although the precise form of power inequities varies historically and cross- culturally. see chapter , part ii, for an analysis of the ideology of motherhood and the social construction of "good" and "bad" mothers, and for examples of patriarchal considerations of "good" and "bad" mothering, see the chapter stories of women's experiences with both litigation and court-affiliated mediation. both chapter and this chapter also deal extensively with the topic of women's work both in and out of the home being undervalued and the effect this has on women's disempowerment. entities. they are not mutually exclusive. their norms and values become blurred. they influence each other and wider social values. but, i argue that ultimately, mediation poses a greater threat to women because unlike litigation, the relevance of mediation's systemic problems is obscured by romanticism and rhetoric. in addition to issues of women's disempowerment in mediation, i focus on custody mediation in this chapter because of the increasing and obdurate trend in common law courts to defer decision making power to the processes of mediation services under the assumption that custody issues are inherently suited to mediation, that mediation reduces the hostilities of divorce, and that mediation as a means of achieving a custody result is in the best interests of children. the traditional emphasis and role that canadian governments have played in shaping and maintaining accountability for social welfare issues may partially explain both the low levels of private mediation and the ever z i b pickett, supra note . pickett does not view law and mediation as radical alternatives. she sees law and mediation in an alliance along a continuum perpetuating the same ideologies. she critiques martha fineman's work (see fineman, supra note at ) which suggests that the mediation of custody disputes is the appropriating of the business of child custody decision making by the helping professions through an active campaign to discredit the existing legal processes of custody resolution. she does acknowledge the value of fineman's work in accounting for the diverse interests of varying social groups, but sees as problematic "[fineman's] thesis that the use of particular 'narrative strategies' has enabled mental health professionals to appropriate the mechanism of child custody decision-making." pickett is not convinced that the shift from the public (litigation) to the private (mediation) for the resolution of child custody disputes has actually taken place despite those proponents of mediation who advocate that it has or should. she submits that courts still retain jurisdiction as jealous keepers of the final decision making authority in child custody. she sees judges as becoming more involved in an interventionist rather than a neutral arbiter role. see the second story of jane in chapter for an example of how the court's defer their power to mediation services. increasing level of referrals to court and government affiliated mediation services. it is very much in the interests of government to ensure that child custody disputes are settled in an ostensibly non-costly, timely fashion, with results that reflect the values and dominant ideologies of the time. therefore, it can be argued that child custody mediation has become another process in the larger picture of child custody litigation. so in terms of systemic problems, again i stress that i do not view litigation and mediation as polarized but rather as two processes along a continuum of patriarchal interests in child custody dispute resolution. in this fourth chapter, i will review and deconstruct the origins of mediation in north america and its rapid rise into the realm of child custody discourse. in order to do this, i will also look at some of the history of child custody because it is my proposition that the two are linked. second, i will show how specific methods such as future focusing, summarization and normalization, used by mediators perpetuate existing legal patriarchal ideologies with mediation simply mimicking the law and disempowering women in their stories. deconstructing the specific methods used in mediation to show that they perpetuate the same assumptions present in litigation has not yet to my knowledge formed part of the feminist inquiry into mediation, although elizabeth pickett in canada most of these mediation services are court affiliated or government funded. cost and inconvenience are two other forces preventing any significant reliance on private mediation. just as pre-trial conferences and motions form steps in the litigation process, so does the court-affiliated mediation service. the judge encourages its use and arguably demands it. see pickett, supra note . does write that mediation perpetuates litigation and that both are along the same continuum that represents patriarchal ideals. i will also attempt to provide some suggestions about whether feminist methodology might be used to introduce women's voices, more audibly, into the mediation process. i recognize that the present methods used in mediation are designed to perpetuate patriarchal ideologies about mothers, fathers, children and family and may prevent the possibility of feminist reform. nevertheless i will explore the possibility in the interests of women who must engage with the system. ii. twentieth century d e v e l o p m e n t s in custody mediation in order for mediation to have merged into the discourse of child custody, i argue that certain historically and culturally specific circumstances had to occur simultaneously. it is therefore necessary to look at the history of child custody in order to explain the rise of custody mediation as an alternative to custody litigation. over millennia of the human story, fathers have been the legal guardians of their children. in the latter part of the nineteenth and into the twentieth century the concept carol smart argues that law is unable to hear women's stories. an example is that women reformulate demands grounded in women's experiences rather than abstract notions of rights which are seen as selfish. she maintains the position that though the law resists and denies women's concerns, it is still important to understand the law in order to construct an alternative reality other than that manifested in legal discourse. smart, supra note at - . jay folberg, "custody overview" in jay folberg, ed., joint custody and shared parenting (second edition) (new york: guilford press, ) of the nuclear family as the foundation of society emerged partially due to the specialization of parental functions and the smaller economic units fostered by the industrial revolution. jane ursel has traced the canadian state's increased authority over children and families by the implementation of welfare law. this reordering of state and parents' familial authority led to the new concepts of children's "rights", welfare and "best interests". emphasis was placed on women providing child care thus allowing men to work. this encouraged the sexual division of labour and the fostering of the nuclear family. correspondingly, in the late nineteenth century, women began to be selectively awarded custody of minor children. from the s until the mid s, there was a presumption of maternal custody, judicially referred to as the "tender years doctrine". young children were believed to need mother's loving care and tender touch. eventually, the courts began to redefine children's needs as the paramount consideration in awarding custody. thus, the "best interests test" emerged, first with case law and then with statute law defining the best interests of the child by listing specific factors to be considered by the courts. tension arose in the s between the notion of the "single psychological parent" on marital breakdown and the concept that jane ursel, "the state and the maintenance of patriarchy: a case study of family labour and welfare legislation in canada", in james dickinson and bob russell eds., family, economy and state: the social reproduction process under capitalism. (toronto: garamond, ) - ibid., at . ibid., at & . j . goldstein, a. freud and a. solnit, beyond the best interests of the child (new york: the free press, ) "both parents are forever." much weight was given to a child's need for stability of environment and continuity of both parental relationships. three social factors emerged in the s that were identified as having made an impact on custody awards: first, more women were working outside the home; second, it was perceived that more men were participating in child care and household tasks; and third, there was a greater concern about sexual discrimination and gender neutrality. these trends coincided with the passing of joint custody laws in the united states and in canada m l j . wallerstein and j . kelly, surviving the breakup (new york: basic books inc., ) and see julien payne and brenda edwards, "cooperative parenting after divorce: a canadian legal perspective" in jay folberg, ed., joint custody and shared parenting (second edition) (new york; guilford press, ) for a more comprehensive discussion of the ideologies of the "single psychological parent" and "both parents are forever" at - leonard marlow and richard s. sauber, the handbook of divorce mediation (new york and london: plenium press, ) at - . the authors provide a list which defines the best interests of the child as consistently, universally and essentially identifiable "needs" and the post divorce continuing relationship as a part of family. the two most instructive (and suspect) items on their list state propositions that represent mediator's views on the continuing post-divorce relationship are: . the needs of children are always the same - to be able to maintain an ongoing relationship with both their parents, free of interference and free of any undue tension between them. . to be sure, the family is going through a traumatic and painful reorganization. but it remains a family, nevertheless - the same as it would have had that reorganization been as a result of death, incarceration, permanent institutionalization, disability or the induction into the military... - there are studies which indicate that women who work during the day outside the home take on a second shift on returning home and that men are only marginally more involved in child care and house work. see: mcdaniel, supra note at ; pat and hugh armstrong, supra note at ; and, lero and johnson, supra note at . landau, bartoletti and mesbur, supra note . the legal stage was set for the introduction of mediation to promote joint custody and parental sharing of children. it has become the practice of almost all canadian and american courts in almost all situations to urge parents to seek the aid of mediators where parental conflicts exist. according to alfred w. meyer, mediation responded to two identifiable concerns. the first concern was pragmatic - mediation was a supposedly cost effective remedy to the congestion in the courts and the second concern was idealistic - community values were reflected in mediation. the process of mediation was said to emphasize problem solving, not winning or losing, and was therefore advanced as being particularly conducive to divorcing couples who presumably had a joint interest in establishing financial and custodial arrangements for their children. folberg, supra note at ; joint custody legislation was passed in california in . in canada, see the divorce act, ,subsection ( ); anne marie delorey, "joint legal custody: a reversion to patriarchal power" ( ) c j w l ; payne and edwards, supra note at - . see richardson, supra note at . also for a review of current jurisdictional requirements see, landau, bartoletti and mesbur, supra note . as well, see payne and edwards, supra note at - and see chapter , supra notes & noting the various mediation requirements in the united states and finally, see the divorce act. r.s.c. , chapter ( n d supp.), ss. ( ) legislating joint custody as an option. it is not a legislated preference nor is it mandatory. the divorce act. ss. ( ) also requires that the lawyer must discuss the advisability of negotiating custody matters and advise the spouse of mediation facilities that might assist in the negotiating. see alfred w. meyer, "to adjudicate or mediate: that is the question" [ ] valparaiso university law review at and . meyer provides us with a comprehensive review of both litigation and mediation. he notes that community values are defined as being motivated by bargaining and the performance of bargaining in relationships of heavy interdependence. ibid., at . no one can doubt that mediation has become a popularized and widely promoted alternative to the litigation of child custody disputes. i note the irony that it has become so successful as an alternative to litigation that the courts have co-opted it and reintegrated it into the judicial process. child custody mediation is government mandated in certain american states and all but mandated in others. in canada, all provincial jurisdictions have some degree and form of court affiliated mediation services. for example, in manitoba, it is so highly promoted and encouraged by the judiciary that it can be considered almost mandatory it is perceived by the court as a mark against the party if she refuses to attend. it is often encouraged even where abuse has been alleged. my analysis of mediation as an alternative form of child custody dispute resolution, as known in north america, begins with the work of lon l. fuller during the s. besides mediation, fuller also addressed four other subjects: adjudication, contract, ibid., at . for example, many jurisdictions have court-affiliated mediation. see pickett, supra note wherein her thesis is that mediation and adjudication are part of the same process on a continuum. see chapter three, supra notes & . richardson, supra note at . for an example, see the story of jane and court-affiliated mediation in chapter . lon l. fuller, "mediation - its forms and functions" ( ) s. cal. l. review ; "the forms and limits of adjudication" ( ) harv. l. rev. . lon l. fuller was the then carter professor of jurisprudence at the harvard law school. he retired in , acclaimed by many as the preeminent american legal philosopher of his time. legislation and managerial direction. fuller's purpose was to show that each of the above five processes served a distinctive function: "its appropriate use depended on the nature of the problem to be resolved, the resources available, and the values to be realized". the distinguishing principle between mediation and adjudication was mediation's moral force being derived from parties making their own agreements and law, rather than being restricted to only enabling people to participate by the legal presentation of proofs and reasoned arguments. within fuller's framework of dispute resolution, adjudication was inappropriate to "polycentric issues" or "many centred tasks", where all parties were affected by all aspects of a problem. mediation was considered more appropriate to the polycentric issues associated with human relationships that would otherwise be potentially destroyed by adjudication's formal delineation of rights and wrongs. fuller used the example of a marriage contract to illustrate a situation where mediation would be more appropriate than adjudication in arriving at a resolution and at the same time preserving a relationship. from this example the family mediation movement extrapolated that mediation was the best form of dispute resolution in family breakups. they assumed that all familial relationships needed preservation. the jump to equating the negotiation of a marriage contract (between two consenting adults entering into a legal and personal relationship) with the ibid.,( ) at and ( ) at . meyer, supra note at wherein fuller is cited. ibid., at . fuller, supra note ( ) at . meyers, supra note at , mediation of a separation contract (involving possibly only one consenting adult wanting to dissolve a legal and personal relationship) involves a questionable leap of logic. in her feminist critique of child custody mediation, martha bailey argues that the family mediation movement stretched fuller's analysis of mediation in an attempt to appropriate the authority and neutrality of his work. they equate dispute resolution within a functioning family to the dispute resolution required when the traditional husband-wife relationship dissolves. bailey concludes that mediators advocate divorce or separation as simply a reorganization rather than a termination of family relationships. bailey, and others, have noted this relatively new assumption of what is coined as the post-divorce continuing relationship. bailey states that, the power of the new discourse of divorce as a restructuring of the family is such that fuller's analysis of ongoing families is applied without distinction to separated couples. fuller's original point has been overtaken by the ungrounded and politically loaded assumption that separated couples maintain a continuing relationship much the same as those who live together or carry on business together. martha bailey, "unpacking the "rational alternative": a critical review of family mediation movement claims" [ ] c.j.f.l. at jessica pearson and nancy thoennes, "a preliminary portrait of client reactions to three court mediation programs" ( ) mediation q. at write: "given the 'polycentric' nature of most divorce disputes (fuller, ) and the need for divorcing parties to maintain a parenting relationship, mediation seems a natural means of achieving resolutions to custody or visitation differences" and see feminist scholar, martha shaffer, "divorce mediation: a feminist prospective"( ) : university of toronto faculty of law review at bailey, supra note at . one way to encourage a continuing relationship between parents is to promote joint custody or some form of a shared parenting scheme which obligates parents' continuing involvement with each other ostensibly because of the children. this may explain the focus on joint custody that mediators have. it is arguable that joint custody found its way into the mediator's agenda, at least initially, as a means to ensure the continuing viability of the patriarchal dominant ideology of the nuclear family and not because it was in the best interests of children. not all feminists support bailey's contention that family mediators have misapplied fuller's analysis. a feminist mediator, janet rifkin, cites fuller for her authority that the central quality of mediation is its unique capacity to "reorient the parties toward each other, not by imposing rules on them, but by helping them to achieve a new and shared perception of their relationship, a perception that will redirect their attitudes and dispositions toward one another. rifkin is apparently in support of a continuing post- separation relationship between the parties. it is debatable that the best interests argument evolves from the premise that "what's best for the family is best for the child". the difficulty is that "best" is largely a subjective measurement dependent upon which particular ideology is held by both the individual and society. the linkage of mediation and joint custody will be further looked at in part iii of this chapter and in chapter , part ii, family justice centres. janet rifkin, "mediation from a feminist perspective: promise and problems" ( ) journal of law and inequality at fuller( ), supra note at . efforts to maintain and establish mediation through the government and courts in british columbia are currently being made. family justice centres are being piloted through the ministries of the attorney general, social services and women's equality with a major emphasis on increasing and promoting mediation of child custody and other family matters. a s well, recommendation . of the law society of british columbia's gender equality report recommends that the ministry of the attorney general continue its existing practice of offering mediation on a voluntary basis as an alternative to the court system for the resolution of family disputes. this report further recommends that family court counsellors receive additional training in mediation and that they must be sensitized to the signs of unequal bargaining power and the dynamics between the parties, the danger of unfair concessions and the effects of abuse on the parties and their children. it would appear that the government of british columbia and proponents of mediation are attempting to meet the legitimate criticisms of mediation. yet, women should still be advised to resist the "siren call" of mediation. report, supra note . the breaking up report was one of the thirteen reports studied by a review of family justice working group which resulted in recommendations for family justice centres and increased mediation of family disputes. in chapter , i will inquire as to whether or not the british columbia government's initiated and funded concept of a neighbourhood family justice centre, promoting custody mediation and discouraging custody litigation, provides anything new or is it just a perpetuation of the same western liberal origins and assumptions about law, gender and motherhood which continue to oppress women. gender equality report, supra note . smart, supra note wherein carol smart warns feminists to avoid the "siren call" of law at . a growing body of literature exists that "expresses a concern that divorce mediation, as a form of informal justice, is not in the best interests of women and children." some of the problems with divorce mediation identified by the british columbia gender equality report, are: . lack of rules of procedure, substantive law or precedent may result in more cost to women and children versus using a well trained lawyer. . unequal bargaining power of spouses. women may need skilled negotiators to represent their side. . experience and qualifications of mediators are not regulated. biases of mediators are not evaluated. . neutrality of the mediator may be compromised by their own personal values and biases. . a preference for joint custody is a concern of women's groups because of the lack of an assessment of a man's parenting skills. . joint custody often results in the physical care and control assigned to the mother. she often bears most of the financial responsibility for child rearing on fewer resources, especially if the support order is smaller as a result of joint custody. . women feel they are forced to accept joint custody or be seen by judges and mediators as uncooperative. . mandated mediation is not advisable as many disputes do not belong in mediation. . violence against women is not adequately addressed. . power abuses are not adequately addressed. martha bailey criticizes the most commonly cited claims of family mediators, questioning and disproving each of the claims. the most commonly cited claims in favour of mediation according to the gender equality report are: gender equality report, supra note at - . ibid., at - and - . advocates of family mediation say it is more humane than traditional legal approaches because it: (a) provides a more therapeutic approach to family disputes; (b) reduces rather than exacerbates the pain and bitterness associated with mariage breakdown; (c) protects the children's interests; (d) produces more amicable settlements; and (e) encourages former spouses to recognize and accept their ongoing role and responsibility as a parent. mediation advocates say there are cost benefits to this type of process; it reduces court costs and court time, decreases the costs of lawyers and litigation, reduces the number of subsequent applications, and decreases default on maintenance orders. (there are studies, however, that show mediation does not increase the likelihood of compliance with maintenance orders.) each, according to bailey, fails on empirical grounds as being either unsupported or contradicted by the available evidence. barbara landau published a rebuttal to martha bailey's article, stating that bailey's criticisms of the ontario association for family mediation (oafm) were unfounded. landau's commentary shows that criticism of mediation is a highly volatile issue. those who question its applicability in legal practise are held suspect. " ° ibid., at - . bailey, supra note . barbara landau, "mediation article elicits response" ( ) c j f l at - . in her rebuttal, barbara landau, former president of the ontario association for family mediation (oafm) and the author of ,the position paper cited by bailey in her article states that the oafm did not lobby for mandatory court-connected mediation or ignore issues of screening for domestic violence and other matters which might make mediation inappropriate. she denies that mediators advocate joint custody. landau also criticises the work of judith wallerstein as having great methodological weakness and she criticises bailey's reliance on wallerstein's research on joint custody and the best interests of children. see supra note for reference to wallerstein's work. in the next section some of the problems of mediation which oppress women, especially problems with power imbalance, will be deconstructed as they arise in specific mediation techniques. iii. deconstructing the methodology of mediation in this section, three methods traditionally taught and used by mediators will be deconstructed to reveal the replication of patterns in the litigation of child custody decision making which oppress women. these methods are normalization, future- focusing and summarizing. my assumption is that by reducing mediation to its barest units, the opportunity to replace existing methods with feminist methods becomes possible. this, in turn, might create the opportunity to replace existing ideologies with feminist thinking. a. normalization normalization is the process mediators use to convince their clients that their problems are "normal" and therefore solvable, rather than unique and difficult to solve: "[t]he mediator undermines the uniqueness of each problem definition by normalizing the situation." this method responds to the mediator's position that each person comes to mediation with a story to tell. the job of the mediator is to take control by haynes, supra note at . putting doubt into a party's mind about the validity and fairness of their story." to achieve the mediator's goal of coming to an agreement, people's voices must be selectively silenced, their stories invalidated and made suspect. their truth is measured against the truth of the mediator. this approach assumes an ultimately correct version which can only be attained by completely normalizing the situation. in order to normalize, a relational norm must be constructed - what is "normal" within the patriarchal ideology of family. this relational norm will almost inevitably privilege men. martha fineman has argued that male lobby groups have found a friend in mediation's normalization of the family. men are rewarded with joint custody for coming up to a bare minimum involvement with their children which is considered as normal. fineman writes: joint custody or shared parenting, however, empowers fathers as a group without requiring any demonstration of responsibility. i consider this inappropriate. in no other area does the law reward those who have failed in their duties as an incentive for them to change their behaviour. studies show that men are either only slightly or no more greatly involved in domestic chores and parenting then they ever have been in the majority of households women invalidating the story is analogous to what happens, too, in litigation in the drafting of affidavits. see: chapter for the first story of jane. fineman, supra note at and for an example where normalization occurs in litigation, see susan boyd, "child custody, ideology and employment" ( ) c.j.w.l. at , in tvndale v. tvndale and foster( ). r.f.l. ( d) , - (sask. q.b.), the judge found a father who "talks a good act but there is little evidence of performance" was granted custody over a "sufficiently strong mother" so as that he would not lose interest in his children. ? haynes, supra notel at . lero and johnson, supra note at . still perform the majority of daily housework and childcare. anne marie delorey has written that joint legal custody gives rights and responsibilities to mothers and rights without responsibilities to fathers. mere legal control of children is simply an assignment of power. assigning the veto power to a non-caretaker reduces the caretaker to a puppet. and in the vast majority of mediated cases, the woman is the caretaker and therefore marginalized. her power and ability to bargain for her needs and those of her children are diminished when the method of normalization is practised. b. future focusing mediation can erase women's voices and concerns about child care through future focusing. the idea behind future focusing is that change, hope and the solution to problems will always lie in the future. future focusing invalidates past concerns and the reality of the situation that preexisted the separation. martha fineman addresses the possible inconsistencies of future focusing as it applies to the best interests of the child. future focusing involves a great degree of speculation and psychological assumptions about what is best for a particular child in a future of uncertainties. by delorey, supra note at . fineman, supra note at . haynes, supra note at . also note that martha fineman points out mediators' criticism that lawyers and judges are biased, dwelling on the past, finding fault and failing to focus on future conduct and that by contrast, through future focusing, mediators see themselves as neutral decision makers encouraging the post divorce continuing relationship at . fineman, supra note at . contrast, she would prefer to see addressed the more action-centred exercise of inquiring into the details of the past care of the child. but, in future focusing, discussions about the past are considered only to lead to an emotional encounter of who was right and who was wrong. the mediator is advised to exclude non-useful information and is taught that, "in general ... non-useful information includes social talk, emotional and emotive statements and legal and therapeutic questions". i would suggest that what women need to say concerning the past care and caregivers of their children would largely be considered 'non-useful' according to hayne's definition of future focusing. the feminist concern with future focusing is that it would appear to invalidate past concerns before and during the family breakdown. issues such as abuse, power imbalances and the experiences particular to parenting styles are effectively ignored. i argue that discouraging past fact finding blocks feminist methodology being used in mediation. the telling of the women's story is ignored. it does not address the woman question of how she has been disadvantaged in a gendered way through the assumed caretaking roles during marriage. it is not grounded in practical reasoning because situational issues cannot be addressed and solutions offered. all of these feminist haynes, supra note at . also note that the idea that women's stories be considered non-useful if they delved into the past replicates the same idea of it being next to impossible for a woman to tell her story in an affidavit without it being alleged irrelevant (inflammatory or scandalous, too). see jane's first story in chapter . for a review of feminist methods see bartlett, supra note at and chapter , part ii. methods would arguably allow a multi-dimensional inquiry into the situation of a particular family's caregiving expectations prior to the separation. fineman also explores the dilemma facing mothers who seek sole custody in mediation. they are seen as having illegitimate motivations towards their children's best interests. according to fineman, to an unsettling extent, women's stories of allegations of mistreatment, abuse or neglect on the part of husbands to wives and children can be trivialized by the mediator and lost in the psychological rhetoric that reduces a mother's desire to have custody and control of her children to pathology. a pathetic irony takes place as a result of future focusing. a father who has had no previous involvement with his children will now be encouraged to spend as much time as possible with them. joint custody or shared parenting will be encouraged. fineman points out the irony that in no other area of law is a father rewarded for failing at his duties as a parent. his reward, as a result of future focusing, is joint custody. the mother, on the other hand, is punished and accused of being non-cooperative. in alternative dispute resolution: the fundamentals of family mediation. john haynes tells the story of a mother, father and their eleven year old diabetic daughter. the mother has been solely responsible for her daughter's emotional and physical care in fineman, supra note at . ibid., at . ibid., at . haynes, supra note at . the past. the father has had great difficulty in accepting his daughter's illness and admittedly has had no previous interest or involvement in her care. he simply felt it was too much for him. at mediation, the husband has a change of heart. he decides to become involved in his daughter's care. he wants joint custody. the mother objects; she does not believe that he will sustain any long term interest in their daughter's care. she believes that he wants to continue to control her as he did during their marriage and that joint custody will allow this manipulation. she wants to tell her story of the number of times she has been left alone with the child, attending to all of the child's medical needs including the numerous times the child has been taken to the hospital without her father's support. she wants to voice her concerns that he doesn't have the skills or temperament to assist his child. she wants to say that their daughter is not comfortable with her father and that if he fails to follow through with skilled and consistent care, it will harm their daughter's physical and emotional health. in haynes' fact situation, the mediator is told that it is in the best interests of the little girl for her father to become involved. the father's motives are not examined. the mother, however, is thought to be unrealistic and unfeeling in questioning a father's right to involvement where previously there had been none. mom is supposed to be happy and not ask questions based on her past concerns. in this future focus her care giving is undervalued and rendered irrelevant in the bargaining process. she and the child are both oppressed by the methodology of future focusing. ibid., at . c. summarizing in summarizing, the mediator is taught that only one universal story can be summarized and accepted. when discussing parenting issues, the parties are not supposed to talk about spousal differences such as parenting styles or personal issues or feelings. to ignore differences, again, assumes a normal or standard type of a family where differences are not allowed. feminism would challenge this ignorance of difference. here, mediation is guilty of invoking the same sort of "universal family" that law is accused of invoking in the "universal man". mediation perpetuates the ideology of liberal positivism. the mistakes of litigation that it seeks to remedy are simply perpetuated. mediation treats neutrality as law treats "equality for anyone anywhere, abstracted from their specific place in the social world" the legal system has been criticized for not being equal to all because "[i]t anticipates and assumes a very particular type of social order in which a particular type of individual is thought to flourish. and it is this individual, not anyone, whom law in fact endeavours to serve." the methods of mediation perpetuate this "social order" by endeavouring to serve only one particular type of family. they exclude any consideration of differences based on class, race, culture, disability, sexuality and gender. the "social order" of mediation is haynes, supra note at and . summarizing has elements of normalizing and future focusing, bringing up considerations of neutrality as well. see ngaire naffine, law & the sexes: explorations in feminist jurisprudence (sydney: allen and unwin, ) at and see chapter , jane's affidavit story wherein the "universal man of law" erases jane's identity in her affidavit. ibid., at . ibid., at . predominantly white, male, nuclear, heterosexual and middle class family norms and values. differences are discouraged altogether or barely tolerated. in summarizing, all issues are reduced to keeping the separating family in a continuous viable relationship with two opposite sexed parents who supposedly have the resources, time and maturity to accommodate joint custody. mediators participate politically in the story transformation process by asking questions and summarizing. the mediator makes summaries and recontextualizes important events in the plot of the story, finding symmetry in the stories of both parties and collapsing them into one story the problem is that this involves the assumption that there is only one story (as does normalization). cobb and rifkin make the point that in twenty-four out of thirty mediation sessions that they taped and studied, the second speaker in mediation was never able to tell their story in a way that was not colonized or marginalized by the first story which dominated. this means that eighty percent of the time, the second person's story is colonized by the first speaker and the second person is not able to legitimize herself. unfortunately, cobb and rifkin did not provide statistics ibid., at for a discussion of how the man of law takes the form of a certain exaggerated style of middle-class masculinity: assertive, articulate, independent, calculating, competitive and competent. i would argue that this style is replicated in mediation. sara cobb and janet rifkin, "practice and paradox: deconstructing neutrality in mediation" ( ) law and social inquiry, - generally and specifically at . cobb and rifkin are feminist mediators. they have conducted longitudinal studies on mediation including neutrality. ibid., at . ibid., at and . as to whether men or women more often told the first story, but, they did observe a distinction of results based on gender: "[m]any times the "linear" plot (more often than not told by the males) will predominate over a "circular" plot (more often than not told by women)." they also refer to gender-based differences in speaking styles and story logic, noting that women use relational or circular logic on the basis of story themes; which differs from linear plot sequencing, which men often u s e . i would argue that the circular logic of women would make it more difficult to summarize. therefore, mediators may be more inclined to use men's plot sequencing. there is some support for my argument in cobb and rifkin's study of narration in mediation. one description or analysis always became dominant, accepted and used as the natural description of events. any alternative story that contested the dominant story was colonized or silenced altogether. i conclude that mediation is a hegemonic process precisely because it generates only one story as dominant, true, good, legitimate and appropriate and predominant. i argue that this is the male story. ^ ibid., at . ibid., at wherein cobb and rifkin cite carol gilligan, "in a different voice: women's conceptions of self and morality" ( ) harv. educ. rev. and mary belenky, blythe clinchy, nancy goldberger, and jill tarule, women's ways of knowing (new york: basic books, ) ibid., at & . in their analysis and deconstruction of the narrative organization as the discursive structures in the process of mediation in which conflicts are constructed and transformed, they identify a plot (events sequenced), a theme (based on causal logic) and characters (positions people take). they found that in all cases the position of the first speaker was to locate themselves as the good or right in a moral order in which the other disputant was always responsible for the problem. this is an adversarial technique. i note that the feminist postmodernist theory of knowledge as defined by bartlett, supra note would challenge the universal story created by summarizing. n o the symmetry created by collapsing the dominant story denies that stories are important in different ways. feminist methodology would allow differing stories to be told. feminist practical reasoning views legal resolutions as pragmatic responses to concrete dilemmas rather than static choices between opposing, often mismatched perspectives. feminist practical reasoning might assist the mediator to comprehend the extent of their own role in creating alternative stories. mediators, themselves, noted in interviews that summarizing provided an important opportunity for them to shift the semantic frames and moral orders in disputants' stories. the mediator's values and norms, including the rules and methods they are taught are based on patriarchal ideologies. the dominant story becomes the more powerful story and therefore the more right and legitimate in their eyes. ideological processes go unchecked in mediation, marginalizing and delegitimizing the non-dominant disputant, who i have argued is most often the woman. the mediator needs to become aware that they are not exempt from supplanting unrealistic expectations of mothers (and fathers, too!) into the family story that they create when they summarize. it is not surprising that many women's complaints about mediation are that it paints a picture of parenting as very different than their ibid., at . cobb and rifkin, supra note at . the gender equality report supra note , at - quotes from a letter to the committee from associate professor susan boyd(as she then was), carleton university, dated january , : ...[m]any of the unrealistic expectations of mothers are held by mediators just as they are held by judges, and the seemingly consensual framework offered by mediation may well conceal the power dynamics which prevail nonetheless... ill personal perception and experience. women also complain that in the process, they often feel that they are defending themselves against spousal attacks and not getting their stories told. iv. conclusion in this chapter, i have presented an argument that child custody mediation is not the answer to the ills of child custody litigation. instead of amelioration, i have argued that mediation perpetuates litigation's patriarchal norms and values, thus oppressing women. i have focused on the power imbalances in mediation that go beyond the obvious (violence against women) and extend to its patriarchal roots. the mediation methods of normalizing, summarizing and future focusing have been deconstructed to expose their legal positivist and patriarchal roots and i have illustrated how women are oppressed and power imbalanced by these methods and the ideologies that they perpetuate. i have argued that litigation and mediation are not so very different and that courts have arguably appropriated mediation. jocelyn gifford notes: in british columbia, as elsewhere, family court counselling services are justified on the basis that conciliation and mediation are a more humane and less costly alternative to the adversarial system of the courts for settling disputes which arise in separation or divorce proceedings. these are the voices of women speaking to me as a legal practitioner in family law between july and april . since their voices are silenced in the process of summarizing, they are not heard and are not represented even in the few studies presented e.g, rifkin's study. jocelyn gifford, "delivering family conciliation and mediation services: the british columbia model" (november, ) c j f l - at and finally, my position is that mediation is more oppressive to women than litigation because of the rhetorical masquerade that it hides behind as being better for separating parties and their children. its cloak of confidentiality and private ordering discourages and denies any feminist study into its methodology and ability to address women's concerns and power imbalances inherent in our society. by contrast, courts, judges and lawyers are constantly under public surveillance and subject to criticism, which can be used by women to further feminist inquiry. in the next and final chapter i will take up the issue as to whether feminist systems, methodology and concerns can be introduced into our legal system to address child custody. chapter creating a space for feminism in child custody litigation and mediation i. introduction in this chapter i will examine whether it is possible to create a space for feminist methodology in the litigation and mediation of child custody disputes without a complete breakdown of either system. the previous chapters have demonstrated that a shift in emphasis from litigation to mediation has brought little change that results in improved custody decisions for mothers because both systems are informed by the dominant patriarchal ideologies about women, mother, father, child and family. my position is that the shift that has taken place in child custody dispute resolution has really masked the rhetoric of existing, predominant ideologies instead of promoting progress. despite legal changes in the last ten to twenty years that support and encourage the use of child custody mediation, joint custody and the preservation of the nuclear family, it can be safely said that our society's traditional legal instruments of change, legislatures and courts, have not been very successful in changing patriarchal ideologies about family which remain informed by dominant ideology. the status quo has been maintained. in contrast to much literature on dispute resolution, my thesis has examined the likeness of mediation and litigation. there is much cross over between the legal and non-legal arenas. there are at times uneasy alliances such as in court-affiliated mediation schemes. for a definition of feminist methodology see reinharz, supra note wherein "feminist methodology" is defined as the sum of feminist research methods. this has been discussed in chapter , part ii. there are feminists who engage directly with the law to bring about the end of oppression against women, for example in rape law, in the belief that legislation and case law are capable of changing thinking and ultimately some ideologies, albeit often slowly. other feminists caution against resorting to law because of its deep rooted resistance to women's concerns. carol smart questions why law is so resistant to the challenge of feminist knowledge and critique. she argues that even though it may not hold the key to unlocking patriarchy, law should remain an important site of struggle for feminists to be heard: [t]here is a congruence between law and what might be called a 'masculine culture' and that in taking on law, feminism is taking on a great more as well. ironically it is precisely for this reason that law should remain an important focus for feminist work, not to achieve law reforms (although some may be useful) but to challenge such an important signifier of masculine power... [i]t provides the forum for articulating alternate visions and accounts. each case of rape, sexual abuse, domestic violence, equal pay, and so on provides the opportunity for a different account to emerge. this account may not emerge in court (indeed it would be silenced there), nor in the media, nor in the formulation of reformed legislation, but it can and does emerge in women's writing and feminist groups. these resistant discourses are growing in power, and it is often law that provides a focal point for the voice to be heard. see for an example of feminists who use existing law to effect legal changes for women: a. scales, "towards a feminist jurisprudence: an essay" ( ) : yale law journal - ; k. mccann, "battered women and the law: the limits of the legislation" in j . brophy and c. smart (eds.), women in law (london: routledge and kegan paul, ); carol smart, "feminism and law: some problems of analysis and strategy" ( ) : international journal of the sociology of law - ; and catharine mackinnon, feminism unmodified: discourse on life and law (london: harvard university press, ). smart, supra note . ibid., at and . martha fineman also sees little hope for any "uncontaminated" alternative for those women and others who seek to reform the law. maybe there can be some change on a case by case basis but she does not see large scale transformation in the near future. despite feminist pessimism about the extent to which the legal system can change, i view my task as much more immediate - how to prevent the marginalization of women's stories in child custody disputes as they engage with the legal system today? how can each woman's story retain its own uniqueness without maternal caregiving becoming essentialized? to start with, i believe that the patriarchal definition of mother as white, middle class and heterosexual must be transcended and that one of the most essentialized aspects of mothering - caregiving - should be focused on in all its diversity and complexity. in chapter two, i reviewed and deconstructed the dominant fineman, supra note . by using the term essentialized, i mean the process wherein dominant patriarchal institutions, such as the legal system, force a non-dominant practice(s) (for example motherhood), to be categorized and reduced to one primary definition that the dominant system wishes to portray. this dominant portrayal will weaken the non- dominant practice and strengthen the essentialized definition. in the above paragraph, i am referring to maternal caretaking, which i argue can be undertaken in many ways that if recognized by the legal system would prevent maternal caretaking from being essentialized into a prescribed definition ie. all mothers should provide hour care for their children. see amy rossiter. from private to public: a feminist exploration of early mothering (toronto, ontario: the women's press, ) at wherein she states, "maintaining relationships of domination between man and woman depends to a considerable extent on seeing women as caretakers. the activity of caretaking is devalued and socially denigrated; the work of power, then, is to fashion women's subjectivities so that doing caretaking is common sense, 'natural and normal'". ideological constructs of mother, caregiving and family. in the next chapter i introduced two women's stories that provided a context through which to view how the legal system marginalizes mothers' stories. the stories also provided a means to explore the possibilities of introducing feminist methodology as an immediate way to assist women in custody litigation and mediation. in this chapter, i look a little bit deeper to see if a space for feminist methodology exists in litigation and mediation that will not essentialize women's individual ways of mothering. i will try four different approaches that thematically relate to maternal caring and which might help bring women's diverse caregiving experiences through the doors of litigation and mediation. first, i will review the new british columbia family justice centres (hereinafter "fjcs") which have an impact on child custody dispute resolution. i first review the methodological weaknesses found in the research results of the family justice review working group's (hereinafter the "working group") report called breaking up is hard to do: rethinking the family justice system in british columbia (hereinafter called the "report"). among other things, the report recommends that the justice system adopt family justice centres, mediation and shared parenting. i base my review of fjcs on my premise that because the results of the working group's research are flawed, the f j c s will be flawed and perpetuate the same problems that i observed in the report. i conclude that if feminist research methods had been used by the working group in the report, women could have been more empowered and child caregiving better recognized by the legal system. breaking up report, supra note . second, i present a few examples of feminist conceptions of maternal caring found in feminist scholarship, literature and utopian constructions of mother and caring. the purpose is to stimulate thought and raise consciousness about different feminist ways of looking at "mother" and "caregiving" which can provide useful insights for women litigating or mediating child custody disputes. third, i review the kinscripts family framework which focuses on the interplay between family ideologies, norms and behaviors over the family's life. fourth, i introduce child care plans as a tool which uses feminist practical reasoning both to name and explain child caregiving. all the above constructs have potential uses in the court setting which would allow women's caregiving stories to be better heard. the purpose of my eclectic presentation of ideas in this chapter is that it may lead towards improving women's position in custody litigation and mediation in the interim period of time before a large scale feminist transformation of the justice system might take place. hopefully, thoughts and ideas about caregiving and maternal connections will spark both practical and imaginative solutions for women who must cope with the everyday realities of separation and the devaluation of their caregiving. i hope to raise consciousness, tell stories, ask the woman question, use feminist practical reasoning and feminist social research methods. ii. family justice c e n t r e s over the last three to four years in british columbia, fjcs have emerged in an attempt to meet the needs of women, men and children that arise in child custody issues. they also ostensibly address the power imbalances between women and men. in british columbia, the ministries of attorney general, social services (as it was then called) and women's equality established a pilot project launching fjcs in four communities chosen to reflect b.c.'s "geographic and demographic diversity". the fjcs were set up in burnaby/new westminster (a large, urban, multicultural community in the lower mainland), kamloops (a relatively large, self-contained community in the interior), kitimat (a small, relatively remote northern community), and nicola valley (an aboriginal community in the interior). the projects were to commence by july , and run for approximately to months. there were some delays and extensions, but ultimately, within the last year the four fjcs have become considered permanent government projects within their communities. the concept behind fjcs is to open a front door to the justice system to families experiencing separation and to provide information and education about the family justice system and family breakdown which reflect the unique needs and interests of the community in which the family lives. at face value, the concept seems to have the potential to address women's concerns that their unique stories of child caregiving are not being heard by the justice system. so one of my concerns about the family justice centres is whether or not this government initiated and funded concept of neighbourhood family justice promoting custody mediation and discouraging custody litigation provides women with anything new. or do f j c s just perpetuate the same western liberal origins and assumptions about law, gender and motherhood which continue to oppress women? another and perhaps more practical concern is whether or not the information gathered by the breaking up report actually and accurately reflects clients' preferences for custody mediation and shared parenting. is it possible the discussions and the province of british columbia ministry of attorney general, "the family justice reform project", agpms- , march at . breaking up report, supra note at . recommendations in the report were summarized in a way that further perpetuated the patriarchal interests of government and its service providers. the process of information gathering itself may have contributed to the bias in favour of mediation and joint custody. i will address my second concern first. the breaking up report states that the working group gathered information on separation and child-related issues by holding informal, open-ended workshops throughout various communities. the workshops were to have focused on the concerns and experiences encountered by clients who had engaged with the justice system during the process of separation or divorce. they were to be comprised of a mix of to people ( / from the client group and / representing internal and external service providers). at the workshops, comments and recommendations made by participants were recorded and summarized. the methods used by the report to gather information on what it refers to as "client- based" concerns and recommendations about the family justice system and the interpretation of this information are highly questionable. the working group recognize that their process of information gathering did not meet, there were reports and studies considered by the working group but the breaking up report was considered the most recent and significant in considering the fjc concept, province of british columbia attorney general, supra note . "clients" is the term used throughout the report to identify the workshop participants as those people who had used the family justice system in the past or were now using the system to deal with the legal issues of separation and divorce. client does not include service providers, whether divorced or not. the law society of british columbia did not formally participate but each group manager was to identify a family lawyer who might participate. breaking up report, supra note at . ...the standards and tests used to measure the reliability and validity of more empirical social and scientific research. it was not our intent to arrive at quantifiable and definitive solutions to the issues raised but to give the people who have used the services the best opportunity possible to reflect on their experiences and offer suggestions on how the "system" could be improved. were the clients responding to topics designed to elicit strong anti-litigation, anti-lawyer responses? the report repeatedly states that its veracity and validity are based on "what the client told us". there are examples of how "what the client told us" could have been summarized to fit a preconceived bias to mediation as being the most viable form of dispute resolution. for example, the report states unequivocally that workshop participant "were most vocal about the need to have alternate dispute resolution services offered in a non-adversarial setting outside the courts" and that "[w]hen clients discussed the concept of a c f j c , they made it clear that they value alternate dispute resolution as a method for resolving family conflict". how was alternate dispute resolution (hereinafter "adr") defined? what was their experience with a d r ? how was the issue put before them? if they were given the impression of having a choice between, "spending a large sum of money fighting in a prolonged custody battle and exposing all the skeletons in your closet" versus "attending a free, quick, nonaggressive, nonadversarial, private resolution to custody", i think the choice would be obvious. were they given statistics on the percentage of custody cases that actually are litigated? mediated? resolved by negotiations or by the parents themselves? were they led to believe that it is always in the best interests of children that a broken family be patched, maintaining a relationship with both parents? what were they told about other forms of ibid., at . ibid., at . adr and why have they not been implemented in the f j c s as the report suggests? i am sure that several more questions can be raised as to the reliability of the information gathered and its interpretation. my point is that the report has chosen to rely on research that it has not adequately measured. and although the working group acknowledges this point, as i noted earlier in this section, it seeks to justify excluding any checks on reliability and validity by saying that it would have compromised the integrity of the participants' experiences. i disagree. even if the working group was adverse to using traditional research methods, using feminist research methods such as feminist action research, feminist oral history, feminist survey research and other statistical research formats, feminist ethnography, feminist interview research, or ibid., at , wherein it is recommended that fjcs promote a range of dispute resolution alternatives that allow family members to choose the mechanism most compatible with their needs, financial abilities and legal requirements. this has not materialized. the f j c s offer only family mediation and conciliation services, see ministry of attorney general, province of british columbia, "family justice centres: services for families experiencing separation and divorce" brochure # agpms . i was advised by the fjc directly that they only do mediation. the mediation was performed by family court counselors who often did double duty as probation officers. they may have very limited training in mediation. ibid., at and gender equality report, supra note . feminist action research can be defined as an action oriented study repudiating the status quo and oriented to social and individual change. the method is described and examples are given in reinharz, supra note at chapter , - . ibid., at chapter , - . there is some debate as to whether oral history exists as a separate entity or overlaps with the various disciplines. but if the method had been employed according to its design it would allow for experiences to be recorded with a greater degree of accuracy than that used in the report. ibid., at chapter , - . ibid., at chapter , - . this alternative method focuses on the researcher's immersion in social settings, and aims for "intersubjective understanding between researchers and the person(s) studied" at . this method does not have to be at the sacrifice of reliability and it purports not to skew knowledge in an andocentric or male oriented way. a multiplicity of feminist methods research would have allowed the client-focused approach to have been maintained and more credible, meaningful results to have been obtained. the nature of feminist research methods is to ensure that both women's and men's experiences are assessed in a nonpositivist and nonpatriarchal manner transcending gender relations and the societies in which we live. learning and using feminist social research methods should not be difficult for a researcher because feminist methods build upon existing disciplines and traditional research methods to inform feminist methods: feminist social research...is research that requires a method supplied by the disciplines (e.g., experimentation, ethnography, survey research, content analysis) or created by the researcher (e.g., drama, genealogy, group diaries). that method is not supplied by feminism itself. the researcher has to learn the disciplinary methods, rules of logic, statistical procedures, procedures for "writing up" research projects, and whatever else is relevant to the field in which she wishes to work. she may learn them only to criticize them, but she has to learn them nonetheless. another aspect of the report which may have skewed the results, which state that the participants wanted mediation and shared parenting, is that the target ratio for the workshops ( / clients and / service providers) was not acheived. further, this ibid., at chapter , - . this method uses semi-structured or unstructured interviewing which serves as a qualitative data-gathering technique which, " differs from ethnography in not including long periods of researcher participation...and differs from survey research or structured interviewing by including free interaction between the researcher and interviewee" at . this method would again improve on the credibility of the results of the breaking up report. ibid., at chapter , - at . feminist multiple methods research uses a variety of methods in order to generate multifaceted information. ibid., at . ibid., at and . information was not adequately presented in the narrative of the report, except for a brief statement at the end that it was not always possible to achieve the ratio. the statistics were only presented in the tables, thus requiring a reader to decipher the statistical results. the reader could also easily be misled into relying on the ratios presented in the section of the report on "information gathering". for example, in the workshop held in vancouver, there were only six clients to seven service providers. more than % of the workshop participants were service providers. in the kelowna workshop, there were seven service providers and only three clients. the ratio was greater than two service providers to every client. there is a potential problem that occurs because the working group does not attempt to differentiate between the experiences of two distinct groups (as in clients and service providers). the results of their research can become skewed because the service providers may bring into the workshop setting their professional biases which may support patriarchal systems. the working group makes assumptions about the clients being comfortable with the service providers but they do not provide any research or study on this point. they rely on "a feeling". would the stories of the service providers colonize the stories of the clients? breaking up report, supra note at . ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at & . because there would be service providers and clients in the workshops, the working group initially felt that they should have conducted exercises around consensus-building to ensure that everyone's feelings were respected and that confrontation would be avoided. the working group concluded that consensus-building would not be necessary because they felt that they had spent a lot of time on the phone with potential participants(both clients and service providers) explaining that they wished everyone to feel comfortable. they state that taking this phone time to explain the i question how the working group could have been so sure that there was no sense of "we/they" mentality between the clients and the service providers. but, the most distorted and disturbing statistic was that in the prince george first nations community workshop, there was only one client present! by contrast there were five service providers. the resulting ratio of / service providers to first nation clients calls into question whether or not the first nations community in prince george was truly interested in government family justice reforms, let alone supportive of adr, co- parenting or mediation as defined by the report. then, further complicating how workshop decisions were applied indiscriminately, chinese-canadian and the indo- canadian workshops were comprised of only clients. there were no service providers. i question why these workshops were confined in theory to only clients whereas the first nations workshops were not. what cultural and ethnic considerations were at play? were "cultural sensitivities" not considered as far as first nations people were concerned? the statistics provided in the report identify women clients and only male clients among the workshop participants. it would be interesting to see the difference, if any, in ground rules paid off and that the workshops were very conciliatory, congenial and respectful. they added the comment that, "[pjerhaps not surprisingly, many of the service providers had been divorced, and so they shared common experiences with the clients. there was no sense of a "we/they" mentality." ibid., at . there were no service providers because community workers indicated that ethnic clients would not feel comfortable in the same workshop as service providers, as many of the problems associated with family breakdown are considered shameful. a s well, men and women were not to be in the same group because of "cultural sensitivity". as it turned out there were no male clients at all, at . ibid., at . the workshop concerns and recommendations enunciated by women and men clients that were quoted and/or summarized in the report. in chapter four i presented research showing that in mediation the first story told was normalized, thereby colonizing the second story. i also presented research that suggested that the male story was most often taken to be the dominant story. would these results also apply by analogy to a workshop scenario? would the male concerns colonize the female concerns despite there being a far greater number of female participants? were male or female comments proportionately quoted in the report? we are not given statistics as to the number of male and female service providers attending at the workshops. a number of significant questions arise as to why this information was not provided. one question that arises is whether male and female service provider concerns were constructed differently. if so, were the male service provider concerns enunciated more often than those of female service providers? the working group itself states that right and wrong comments were not the concern of the report but rather that it was preferable to identify participants' perceptions of the justice system. therefore the participants' perceptions should have been more reliably and accurately presented. this may have helped to allay some of the concerns that i present. the use of feminist research methods would have been one way of accomplishing this. one final concern that should be noted is that the report states that it recognizes that adr may not be appropriate in cases where power imbalances exist between parties or see research results of cobb and rifkin, supra note . breaking up report, supra note at . where family violence has occurred. the working group also states that it is its position that government should consider amending existing legislation to state that when a child has witnessed family violence, it should be considered a factor in determining custody. both these positions are a positive step in the interests of women; however, the report also supports washington state's assumptions that proceeded its the parenting a c t : cases in which there is substantial ground for concern about child abuse or neglect should be isolated for special treatment. in all other cases, both parents are to be presumed fit. they should be encouraged to agree on both residential issues and the process for making decisions about the child's upbringing. this statement is problematic because it is indicative of the attitude that does not recognize power imbalances between men and women. there is a failure to recognize that inequality of bargaining can exist because of the more systemic marginalization that women confront in issues of child care and poverty and abuse. despite legislation in the washington state parenting act ( . . - restrictions in temporary or permanent parenting plans) that put limits on mutual decision making and dispute resolution other than court where a history of domestic violence has been revealed or alleged, section is largely unenforceable because in only comes into consideration if it is noted as a "section limitation" in the parenting plan. and it will only be noted if both the spouse and the lawyer agree. the lawyer may not believe the allegations of abuse. issues of ibid., at - , & - . ibid., at . washington state's parenting act, supra note for information on parenting plans. and the lawyer agree. the lawyer may not believe the allegations of abuse. issues of confidentiality and disclosure arise when a spouse remains silent about the abuse or asks that it not be disclosed. the parenting act places the onus on the abused party to disclose rather than on the court or lawyer to inquire during negotiations. this problem also presents in mediation. hilary astor notes the problems with the silence of fear in abused women. at the beginning of the section i asked if the fjcs provided anything new and empowering for mothers in child custody litigation and mediation. the report is quite clear that it is pro-mediation and anti-litigation. the fjcs promote the concept of co- parenting and mediation. for example, in november, , i attended at the burnaby/new westminster fjc. i was given a poster advertising a "parent education and peer support group" which stated that, "[t]he task of continuing to co-parent while experiencing the emotional, social and financial turmoil of the separation process can be a difficult burden" (my emphasis). the group assisted separating parents with co- see ellis, supra note at - & - & specifically - . also see hilary astor, "the weight of silence: talking about violence in family mediation" in m. thornton, ed., public and private: feminist legal design (melbourne: oxford university press, ) - at - and - , wherein she observes that there are likely many cases that find their way into mediation where violence has occurred or remains a continual threat to women but that the woman has kept her silence about the violence for any of many reasons. she may be afraid of the "parking lot violence" that may occur before mediation. in this situation, the woman is threatened or beaten into remaining silent about violence. (this happened in the second story of jane when she was stalked.) she may keep silent believing that it will never happen again or believing that matters will settle more quickly. whatever her reason for silence, mediation cannot screen it out or provide for an equal bargain when there is silence. this begs the question whether mediation should ever be used as long as there is a risk of the silence of abuse slipping into the process. parenting, obviously holding it out to be the norm for separating parents. i have argued throughout my thesis that the promotion of joint custody and the methods used in mediation devalue the caregiving that mothers do and laud any efforts fathers make at child care. based on my limited observations, the devaluation of motherwork may be perpetuated at the f j c s . my conclusion is that, on a balance, the fjcs in british columbia have not provided women with any new empowerment in child custody issues nor do they work at eliminating ideologies which essentialize maternal caregiving. further, they purport to be largely premised on the report, which in itself, has not convincingly or reliably presented valid information on the adr interests of the representative sample. the fjcs are a good example of how difficult it is to assist women without first changing ideologies about motherhood and caregiving. in the next section, i will address feminist conceptions of caring which may work towards creating a space for feminism in custody it is interesting to note that at the bottom of the poster it stated that, "child care services are not available"! considering that the report's first of fifty-five recommendations contained the statement that fjcs, "be physically designed to accommodate children who accompany their parent/parents", supra note at . i consider the lack of child care ironic. during my two hour visit at the f j c , i also observed that there were no clients. two of the five mediators were obviously engaged in non work related activities i.e. reading the newspaper. i was told that most of the clients were referrals from legal aid and that there were virtually no walk-in clients. this raises questions as to whether the f j c is actually a front door to family services serving the unique needs of the community or is it merely a government service designed to take up the slack of an over burdened legal aid service. is it partly motivated by monetary concerns? is it a service that colonizes women who cannot afford the services of a lawyer? does it force women into accepting its policy of co-parenting? there are several issues that arise as to whether or not the fjcs work to empower women. i will not be addressing these issues in my thesis, except in a limited manner at the end of this section, but i feel it necessary to draw the readers attention to the existence of these issues. litigation and mediation. iii. feminist conceptions of caring feminists have not been idle in attempting to find ways for women to transcend exclusive caregiving roles without undervaluing women or caregiving. they have been addressing the construction of woman and mother in the family and formulating theories of caregiving which take steps to free women from oppressive ideological constraints of caregiving work. different types and ways of maternal caregiving have been theorized, written about and practised by feminists. in the next section, i will explore the works of feminists martha fineman, carol smart, anne marie delorey, toni morrison, ursula leguin and shulamith firestone. these works are important in helping women to conceptualize new ways of viewing maternal caregiving that may empower women in child custody disputes. a. the mother/child metaphor in the neutered mother. martha fineman speaks of a new definition of a "core family unit" which makes family and sexuality nonconfluent: [r]ather, the mother-child formation would be the "natural" or core family unit - it would be the base entity around which social policy and legal rules are fashioned. the intergenerational, nonsexual organization of intimacy is what would be protected and privileged in law and policy. the work of each feminist will be cited as they arise in the next sections. fineman, supra note at - . in the introductory chapter, i clarify that fineman uses the mother/child metaphor as a symbolic embodiment of nurturing because as a cultural symbol its positive aspects exemplify caretaking. in her dyad she focuses on all inevitable dependencies that traditionally go undervalued both inside and outside of the family. she uses the mother/child pairing in a non-gendered way. mother may be a male. child may be an elderly, ill or disabled person. within the core family unit the caregiving paradigm is the mother and child relationship. she desexes the family. no legal privileges are based on s e x . (or in other words marriage!) fineman challenges assumptions about the male's role in the family as being defined in terms of sexual affiliation with the female. in her mother/child formation, sexual affiliation does not constitute family. men do have family roles as sons, brothers, uncles and grandfathers. and, there may be males who are either sexually or non-sexually affiliated with the mother and/or child who may have caring relationships within this structure. i accept fineman's metaphor of the mother/child dyad and her concept of its gender neutrality but for the purposes of my thesis, as noted in the introduction and in the previous chapters, i focus on the literal mother and child relationship and maternal connections because in our society women, as compared to men, are still responsible for the majority of child care. i will refer to this relationship as the mother-child dyad. ibid., at - at . ibid., at - . ibid., at - . arguably fathers, too, can have a role to play with children but according to fineman, it is not to be based upon a "right" of paternity. eliminating paternity as a consideration or "desexing" the family can become conceptually difficult when explaining why grandfathers, uncles and brothers would even take an interest in children that are "related" to them. they may not have a sexual affiliation with the mother but their interest no doubt partly arises from a related male's sexual affiliation with the mother. this is just one example of a conceptual difficulty with fineman's paradigm. toni morrison's pulitzer prize winning novel, beloved, explores the meaning of "care" for sethe, a t h century african-american slave mother. in beloved, morrison explores the placing of males within the family unit as sons or brothers in caring roles rather than sexual roles, "halle was more like a brother than a husband. his care suggested a family relationship rather than a man's laying claim." halle is sethe's husband who is the biological father to all her children. yet, his membership in the "family" is not based exclusively on a sexual relationship, but rather on his capacity to care. halle's mother, baby suggs, has had six different fathers for her eight children, conceiving some of them by having been raped by white men. it is her son, halle, and not any of the fathers, who sells himself to buy his mother's freedom from slavery. this causes baby suggs, in later life to muse, "a man ain't nothing but a man...but a son? well now, that's somebody." by contrast to men's care within the family not being seen as inherent in the concept of paternity, the essence of women's care is seen as maternal and nurturing. sethe observes, anybody could smell me long before he saw me. and when he saw me he'd see the drops of it on the front of my dress. nothing i could do about that. all i knew was i had to get milk to my baby girl. nobody was going to nurse her for me. nobody was going to get it to her fast enough, or take it away when she had enough and didn't know it...nobody knew that but me and nobody had her milk but m e . toni morrison, beloved (new york: plume, penguin publishers, ). she has killed her own baby rather than see her taken back into slavery. ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at . sethe goes on to describe how she was beaten and raped by a group of white men while she was pregnant and also nursing. it was not the rape and beating that she considered to be the most painful violation of her body; it was the fact that these white men viciously sucked her milk from her " '...and they took my milk.', they beat you and you was pregnant?', 'and they took my milk.' " (my emphasis). literally and metaphorically, these white men broke the family bond. mother and child became disunited. perhaps, sethe's words, "and thev took mv milk," are like the auger to the fate of th century motherhood. we now must look forward to a mother and child reunion. fineman makes the point that if marriage (the sexual tie) was taken right out of the law as a legal construct, it would repave the way for family law and policy to be constructed and treated legally with the mother/child metaphor at its base. this creative reorganization would obviously affect the process of custody litigation and mediation as it is now understood and practised. the dyad to focus on would not be the husband/wife or the mother/father but, rather, the mother/child. but, there are foreseeable problems with fineman's paradigm. dispute resolution will always be relevant to people and societies. one can envision disputes based on the recognition of the right of entry into the core family unit. how will membership be determined? will it be the relationship to the mother or to the child, or both, either exclusively, independently or simultaneously, which defines membership? obviously, there would be changing membership, but which is it, the mother or child which is the ibid., at . pith of the core? what begins or ends the family unit: symbiosis, codependency or the caretaking need? one could also be part of many families simultaneously, as would a mother with many children. competing interests between different families would have to be sifted through and could lead to disputes. but, in any event, fineman's fecund thinking attempts to transcend patriarchal and gendered oppression within the dynamics of family. reconceptualizing the family as the mother/child dyad places the relationship of the mother and child at centre. mother and child are looked at in unison with their relationship being connected potentially with a variety of others. this way of looking at the relationship is more empowering for women because it recognizes the care that they give to their children. as well, all their maternal connections are valued as sustaining and nurturing the symbiotic relationship. the litigation and mediation of child custody would eventually become a moot point if fineman's move to end family law as we know it occured," [tjhis caretaking dyad would replace the historic dyad of the heterosexual married couple as the core intimate family unit upon which family policy and law are constructed." but in the interim, the mother/child dyad could still be useful in informing the legal processes of child custody mediation and litigation. for example, the best interests of the child test (the welfare principle) which i have argued is used presently in many instances to gain "rights" and control for fathers would not be the appropriate test to apply because rights to children based on a sexual connection between parents would not be supportable without evidence of a nurturing or other supportive connection to the fineman, supra note at wherein talks about her utopian revisioning of family. mother-child dyad. the supportive connection that would/should be considered to give rise to custody rights would/should not be based on sustaining a post divorce continuing relationship between the adults but rather on the connections that the mother-child dyad has nurtured and maintained to ensure its survival and growth. in chapters three and four, i spoke of the method of future focusing used by the courts and mediators to help determine the "best interests" of the child. i showed how future focusing can empower men who have previously not been actively involved in the care of their children (or not as actively involved as the mother). essentially, i have argued that future focusing can give men rights without responsibilities, as was the case in chapter three when jane's husband's mother would be watching the children for him while he worked or pursued other interests. remember that he had admitted that he had had little interest in his children. in mediation, i gave the example of how a mediator encouraged the mother of a diabetic girl to agree to joint custody under the thinly veiled threat that she would be seen as a "bad" mother if she did not. in that situation, not only had the father not contributed to his daughter's care, his daughter did not feel comfortable with him. if the mother/child relationship is used as the focus of a future inquiry into the child's "best interests", relationships that have not provided value to the support of the mother-child dyad would not be improperly elevated. if the mother-child dyad was the court's focus in custody litigation, one of the tasks for the feminist lawyer would be to use feminist practical reasoning to map out the significant relationships in the lives of the mother and child and to inform the court practically why the father might not be entitled to custody, joint custody or even access see chapter , part ii. the post divorce continuing relationship was discussed in chapter , part ii. see chapter , part iii for the stories of jane and chapter , part iii, section b on future focusing. because he does not fare significantly in the mother-child dyad. using a mother's evidence, maternal and child connections would be presented to the court emphasizing how the care, nurturing and work provided in the mother-child dyad would be devalued by the court if not recognized and also how the mother-child dyad would be devalued if the father's non-involvement is recognized by giving him custody rights that do not reflect his level of involvement with the mother-child dyad. lawyers should also draw on social science studies and research that recognize the hidden and under-valued work that women do and the second shift that they take on when they come home from work. this research would help to confront the father who challenges that he is the one who provides the primary care. in social research studies there is information that would set up a presumption against the father being considered as part of the mother- child dyad. if he can rebut the presumption, then the dyad does provide for his inclusion. cases which support custody decisions based on looking at the mother-child dyad or similar concepts that look at the devaluation of maternal caregiving are severely limited at this time. but with constant legal argument and appeals that argue that the maternal connections of the child must be assessed on a practical inquiry that empowers women in their caregiving, it is possible that there will be more reported c a s e s . the fact that lawyers can use methods such as feminist practical reasoning and asking the woman question allows for the creative distinguishing of the facts of cases that may potentially encourage judges to listen to well-presented alternative the supreme court of canada decision in moqe v. moqe [ ] s.c.r. deals extensively with the "feminization of poverty" which provided a way of enhancing judicial notice of how women and children are economically marginalized after separation. this is a step in the right direction. for an example where single mothers' contributions to child caregiving are recognized by the courts see the comments of madame justice bowman in brockie v. brockie ( ) r.f.l. ( rd) at - and also referred to in the moge decision wherein she recognizes all the extra work that women do to ensure the preservation of the mother-child unit after separation. visions of family such as the mother/child dyad. conversely, it has been argued that precedent setting rules such as stare decisis hinder the court's ability to envision change. the feminist lawyer will have the task to prove to the court that the unique woman's story of caregiving that she presents is worthy of consideration on a distinguishment of facts. in the mediation of custody disputes it is not as clear to me how the use of the mother- child dyad could be introduced. the concept would lend itself well to the mediation setting because there are no judicial precedents which would prevent the mediator from looking at different visions of family. yet, there is no way to ensure that the woman's story will be heard. the lawyer or another advocate of the woman is not present in court-affiliated mediation. perhaps the possibility of having any interested parent's lawyer or some other champion present would ensure that the woman's story is heard. in conclusion of this section, i reiterate my position that the legal system disempowers women but that for the time being, we must live and work with it to help women achieve some degree of result that better fits their child care stories. the alternative, waiting until the patriarchal ideologies that define our society change, is unacceptable and unrealistic! the mother/child (and the mother-child) dyad provides a focus for looking at maternal connections and nurturing in a more empowering way. i do not tout it as the best or only approach. it is simply one approach to try that does allow the use of feminist methodology and is worthy of consideration. an argument can also be made that rules such as stare decisis, "give content to the primacy of precedent and compel adherence to the status quo, thus ensuring that revolutions in conceptualization seldom occur." martha albertson fineman and isabel karpin, eds.. mothers in law: feminist theory and the legal regulation of motherhood (new york: columbia university press, ) at xii. b. "caring for" v. "caring about" carol smart identifies "how to be heard" as the hardest problem that faces mothers' engagement with law: although the repertoire of maternal instinct is alive and well in everyday life, it is increasingly an exhausted script in the divorce courts and the solicitor's offices...this does not mean mothers are saying nothing only that what they say in relation to motherhood cannot be heard or will not register because legitimate speech is in the mouths of those whose subject position has been freshly constituted. mothers may make recourse to the previously acceptable language of maternal love or instinct, but this is now discredited and is made to appear as self-interest speaking. smart's observes that speaking about mothercare is being "silenced by the dominant discourse of contemporary family law. this silenced discourse is what may be referred to as the moral discourse of care." reference has been made throughout my thesis to the fact that the voice of mother - the maternal caring actions- are largely ignored and/or silenced in both the litigation and mediation of child custody. in particular, context is given to this argument by the telling of the two stories of jane in chapter . each story illustrates that the large amount of work that women do - the "caring for" work- is lost in the legal rhetoric of the "caring about" work that men typically have the luxury of doing more. in chapter two, i introduced the reader to smart's use of joan tronto's moral discourse of care where the w o r k of caring for is primarily done by mothers as contrasted to the a b s t r a c t concept of caring about which they say *' b carol smart, "the legal and moral ordering of child custody" ( ) : journal of law and sociology at and see selma sevenhujsen, "fatherhood and the political theory of rights: theoretical perspectives in feminism" ( ) international j . of the sociology of law - . ibid., at . is more often claimed by men. in this section i hope to illustrate the difference that the two different types of caring have in the way custody determinations are and should be made. carol smart claims that society places "caring about" above "caring for" and "turn(s) the moral claims which rest on acts of caring into self interest." smart's solution is to understand women's (and some men's) voices about "caring for" as being non- synonymous to "caring about" by using a different conceptual framework. "caring for" (the practicalities and responsibilities of caring) should not be used by the legal system and other social systems as a reiteration of the ideology of motherhood and maternal instinct. traditionally, women's caretaking is looked at as "caring for", a natural acknowledgment that needs no acknowledgment while men's "caring about" is seen as having a higher morality and as based more on concern and friendship with their children rather than on the day-to-day tasks and nurturing work that women most often d o . smart's research showed that "the parents who had 'cared about' but did little 'caring for' often seemed angry at the emotional and practical work suddenly required in separation." it also showed that a lot of invisible work was shared by parents who i £ see chapter , part ii, section b, and ibid., at . ibid., at . although neither smart nor tronto say the following explicitly, i believe that the moral discourse of care does not claim that women do not do caring about or that men do not do caring for. it is arguable that women do both types of caring and that the extra "caring for" work that they do is largely ignored by the legal system. by contrast, it can be argued that men consider their "caring about" work to be largely in lieu of any need to "care for". ibid., at . had actually successfully joint parented before separation - all the extra work of planning and negotiating (versus fathers who had had little involvement in their children's care). smart found, too, that some women "covered up" for fathers, allowing them to keep on only "caring about" after separation. other women, who felt their husbands had abrogated their duties in the relationship, did not do "cover up work". they did not discourage men from doing "caring for" work, they simply refused to do it for the men and sustain "the father's status in the eyes of their children." however, smart concluded that in both litigation and mediation, the father's moral claim was often equated to the welfare principle (best interests of the child) and consequently the welfare i principle was often used to override the moral principle of "caring for". thus mothers were expected to preserve father's relationships (even "bad fathers") at all costs or be branded as "bad or vindictive mothers": alternatively, the issue became transformed by solicitors and conciliators into a question of welfare, the children were put center stage thus quite marginalizing the mother and avoiding any discussion of pre-divorce child care arrangements. this could deflect conflict but it still rendered the work of 'caring for' an unspoken and unspeakable element in the debate. smart's research on the moral discourse of care can possibly assist women in their " ° ibid., at . ibid., at . ibid., at . and consider delorey, supra note at . similar to smart's observation that lawyers and conciliators focus on the welfare principle which too often allows bad fathering to be deflected is anne marie delorey's observation that in situations of joint legal custody where the mother does the primary caregiving, a veto power over caregiving decisions is given to the non-caregiver by the judge and the caregiver is often reduced to a puppet because, "joint legal custody gives rights with responsibilities to mothers,-but it gives rights without responsibility to fathers. mere legal control of children is simply an assignment of power, and when this type of power is given to fathers, judges are merely reinforcing patriarchal power." awareness that there are two very different ways of caring for children. it appears that the courts and mediation appear to make the assumption that anyone can do the "caring for" that children need and therefore it has not become an important part of the best interests test. instead the legal weight is placed on "caring about" which is considered worth preserving between a father and child, even to the point of fictionalizing. the fiction is created, for example when in smart's research, mothers allowed fathers to continue "caring about" by mother continuing all the "caring for" work that father should have been doing after the separation. another example is when mothers make excuses to their children concerning their father's lack of "caring about" behavior in order to protect their children from being hurt. a third example that illustrates mother's "caring for" work being rendered invisible is in the mediation method of summarizing. the mediator tries to find symmetry in the two stories of child care and then collapses and recontextualizes important events in the plot. the mundane details of "caring about" are easily envisioned as irrelevant and dropped. fatherhood statements such as, "you know jane, that i would give my right arm for the kid! go ahead, tell her." and "remember that time there jane that i took him to the zoo! go ahead, tell her" can easily dominate the overall story. the sheer sentimentality and seeming strength of these statements are good examples of how the mother's story pales by comparison to the father's. (she made their lunches for them to take to the zoo and finished up the week's laundry that sunday afternoon while they were out). what women can glean from these examples is that their stories will remain unheard in the courts and mediation unless they can convincingly holler about the importance of the see the section on deconstructing the methods used in mediation and specifically summarizing in chapter . mundane as well as the more exciting details of their "caring for" work. women should have their lawyer tell the court about the importance of the plethora of things that they "care for" as well as how they "care about" their children. i am not optimistic that anything can be done in mediation in the immediate future because there is no one there to advocate the story of the woman. as in the mother/child metaphor, the small changes that can be done now are primarily in the litigation of custody and these small changes are largely dependent on lawyers who are willing and able to expand consciousness and perception by gaining insight into how to construct arguments for mothers from feminist analysis, such as that provided by smart. a practical approach for the lawyer to take in the courtroom is to ask the woman question: "how is woman as mother left out of the examination of the best interests of the child?" (the answer is that the "caring for" work that she performs is not considered important because she is expected to do it.) the next part of the woman question is to ask how this omission might be corrected? (the answer is to show the court that they can correct their exclusion by asking why they consider "caring about" work to be more important and why they undervalue both the "caring for" and "caring about" work that women do.) the third part to the woman question is to consider what difference including woman in the consideration would make? (the answer could be that by the court doing so they would be better considering the child's best interest.) the lawyer can frame the questions and the answers to meet the result that she wishes to get. there is no one correct answer and the answer that will be arrived at is "situated provisionally" as bartlett has pointed out. this makes it an attractive stance for mothers to take in custody litigation when they do not want their stories to be bartlett, supra note at . ibid., at . essentialized it remains somewhat dubious whether women would get a proper hearing from the court, but by making the effort of asking the woman question the lawyer at the very least establishes a record of the efforts made. c. mothercare and fathercare - either, both, or neither in this section i will present a discussion on utopian conceptions of mother, father, and family present in certain feminist nonfiction and fiction writing in order to emphasize the importance of transcending the spaces that have been created by patriarchal and gendered traditional disciplines. answers to alternative legal constructions of family may be found in other disciplines and in earlier feminist writings. at the very least, negotiating these spaces can stir the imagination to think about new ways of constructing family which are more conducive to the interests of mothers and children in custody litigation and mediation. an alternative conception of women, children and family was presented over twenty-five years ago by shulamith firestone. her position was that both the biological and patriarchal nuclear family would need to be eliminated in order to give women and children total independence. her work recognized the gendered nature of caretaking relationships as they extended to children. one of her ideas was that she envisioned a ibid., at - . positionality is a feminist stance on knowledge that situates the truth or "being right at law" provisionally. firestone, supra note at . concept of family as a "household" and in this respect it was similar to martha fineman's work on the desexed family because the biological parents did not necessarily stay involved in the children's care and in particular the fathers did not stay involved. firestone's concepts were considered radical because she proposed revolution (a complete breakdown of the family). firestone viewed that the most important characteristic of any revolution was its ability to remain flexible, proposing "...multiple options to exist simultaneously, interweaving with each other, some transitional, others far into the future. an individual may choose one 'lifestyle' for one decade, and prefer another at another period." two of the options she presented were labeled: single professions and living together. to this point, children were left out of the analysis. she then presented "households" as a system to satisfy the needs of children and reproduction. firestone's goal was to present a revolutionist's alternative to family. she cynically stated that the classic trap for a revolutionary was always, what's your ibid., at - . ibid., at and . ibid., at . a "single profession" was chosen by people who did not want a partner relationship but did want a career. it did not exclude others from having a profession. "living together was the loose social form in which, "two or more partners, of whatever sex, enter a non-legal sex/companion arrangement, the duration which varies with the internal dynamics of the relationship." the non-legal relationship as used by firestone meant legally unrecognized and not illegal. ibid., at ; see at - a comprehensive account of "household" defined as the proportion of the population who wish to live at any given time in reproductive social structures, this unit i shall call a household rather than an extended family. the distinction is important: the word family implies biological reproduction and some degree of division of labour by sex, and thus the traditional dependencies and resulting power relations, extended over generations...'household', connotes only a large grouping of people living alternative? "[b]ut even if you could provide the interrogator with a blueprint, this does not mean he would use it, in most cases he is not sincere in wanting to know." firestone presented three reasons why concrete proposals for change in the social structure of family would be difficult: "[fjhere have been no precedents in history for feminist revolution; there has been no utopian feminist literature and the nature of the family unit is it penetrates the individual more deeply than any other social organization." despite her statement that there was no feminist utopian literature, firestone's own ideas were utopian and there actually was feminist utopian literature in existence. utopian feminist literature questioning existing ideologies and constructing alternative visions of family and mother were available at the time of her writing. in , ursula k. le guin had published her hugo and nebula award winning science fiction novel. in the left hand of darkness, winter is a world where not quite hermaphrodites, not quite humans, confront a murderous ice age cold. leguin creates a vision of a world free from the socio/psycho gendered causes and effects of sex, motherhood, fatherhood, rape, war and freedom of choice. there, difference is recognized as important, essential, balanced, shared, doubly enjoyed and revered: i can be both mother and father, (either, both or neither)- but regardless of i, mother exists, child bearing is recognized...[n]o one is tied down to together for an unspecified time, and with no specified set of interpersonal relations... ibid., at - . ibid., at . ursula k. leguin, the left hand of darkness (new york: ace books, ) childbearing as a woman is elsewhere. these people do not underscore sexuality, male and female is latent in each...a person can be both mother and father. winter envisions equality, burden and privilege as shared out equally, yet it escapes the trap of equating women to men as the standard of equality...therefore nobody is quite so free as a free male anywhere else. iv. kinscripts - kincare between and , an ethnographic study of rural and urban, low-income, multigenerational, black, extended families in the northeastern, southeastern and midwestern united states was undertaken. this study revealed that caring for kin in these families is shared among male and female adults, elders and children. this shared mothering has been characteristic of african-american communities since slavery. carol stack and linda burton introduce kinscripts as, [a] framework representing the interplay of family ideology, norms, and behaviours over the life course. kinscripts encompasses three culturally defined family domains: kin-work, which is the labour and the tasks that families need to accomplish to survive from generation to generation: kin- time, which is the temporal and sequential ordering of family transitions; and kin-scription, which is the process of assigning kin-work to family members. the kinscripts paradigm might be instructive to both custody litigation and court- ibid., at and . carol b. stack and linda m. burton, "kinscripts: reflections on family, generation, and culture" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang, and linda rennie forcey, eds. mothering: ideology, experience, and agency (new york and london: routledge, ) - . carol stack, all our kin (new york: harper row, ); and deborah gray white, ar'n't i a woman: female slaves in the plantation south (new york: nortin, ) stack and burton, supra note at . affiliated mediation because it introduces the concept of involving the entire family and those intimately involved in a child's care in these processes. aside from the ethnographic study, kinscripts is also derived in part from the family life course perspective, studies of kinship and literature on family scripts. based on the premise that families have their own agendas, interpretation of cultural norms and stories, families assist individual members in constructing not only their personal life courses, but also in the process, families as collectives create a life course of their see: joan aldous, "family development and the life course: two perspectives on family change" ( ) : journal of marriage and the family - ; glen h. jr. elder, "families and lives: some developments in life-course studies" ( ) journal of family history - ; gunhild o. hagestad, "social perspectives on the life course" in robert k. binstock and linda k. george, eds. handbook of aging and the social sciences third edition (new york: cambridge university press, ); tamara k. hareven, "family time and industrial time: the relationship between the family and work in a new england industrial community (new york: cambridge university press, ); "historical changes in the social construction of the life course" ( ) : human development - . joyce aschenbrenner, lifelines: black families in chicago (new york: holt, rinehart, and winston, );micela di leonardo, "the female world of cards and holidays: women, families and the work of kinship" ( ) signs: journal of women in culture and society - ; john hinnant,"realization of the life cycle" in c.l.fry and j . kieth, eds. new methods for old age research (mass: bergin and garvey, ) see: john byng-hall, "the family script: a useful bridge between theory and practice" ( ) journal of family therapy - ; john byng-hall, "scripts and legends in families and family therapy" ( ) family process, - ; c m . steiner, scripts people live: transactional analysis of life scripts (new york: grove press, ). gunhild o. hagestad, "dimensions of time and the family" ( ) american behavioral scientist - ; david reiss, the family's construction of reality (cambridge, ma: harvard university press, ); david reiss and mary ellen oliveri, "the family's construction of social reality and its ties to its kin network: and explorations of causal direction" ( ) journal of marriage and the family - ; and charles telly, "family history, social history, and social change" ( ) journal of family history - . own. the kinscripts framework was developed to organize and interpret qualitative observations: (a) the temporal and interdependent dimensions of family role transitions; (b) the creation and intergenerational transmission of family norms; and (c) the dynamics of negotiation, exchange, and conflict within families as they construct their life course. kinscripts can be a useful framework for both the mediation and litigation of child custody decision making. it addresses basic questions concerning how families and individuals negotiate, construct and reconstruct their life courses. some of the issues that african american, immigrant and first nations families have historically wrestled with in juggling work and family roles for mothers, women, single parenthood, extended family relationships and poverty have only begun to have relevance to the mainstream and nuclear family. this makes kinscripts useful not only for the study of the variety of family forms present in our society but also for an action-oriented approach to developing a family picture of how family responsibilities are worked out among members. this picture can inform courts and mediators on their methods of child custody decision making. i will present an example of how each script can inform the litigation or mediation about motherwork. kin-work is the collective labour expected of family networks over time. this may require members to cross back and forth over the public-private divide, including wage and non-wage labour. it is defined as self-sacrificing and hard work. it ensures the susan c. watkins, "on measuring transitions and turning points" ( ) : historical methods - stack and burton, supra note at . ibid., at . survival of the collective. it may provide family labour for reproduction, intergenerational care or a migratory support network across geographical boundaries in order to allow some members to send remittances to the homebase. one example is that a young adolescent female may be expected to bear children and seek employment while her mother is still young enough to keep up with the demands of "mothering" grandchildren. centering on this experience of multiple and shared "mothering" can assist the mediator or court to look at new ways of mothering and caregiving instead of the ideology of the experience of the dominant culture's "mother" and "family". in my example, imposing any form of a legal assignment of care and control to this young adolescent mother and the biological father would upset the internal balance of the individual and collective aims of the entire family for its survival. it would impose responsibilities on the young mother and father that would interfere with their ability to work at paid employment for the benefit of the entire family. it would also undervalue u mbid., at . evelyn nakano glenn, "social constructions of mothering: a thematic overview" in evelyn nakano glenn, grace chang, and linda rennie forcey, eds. mothering: ideology, experience, and agency, (new york and london: routledge, ) - at . katharine bartlett and carol stack, "joint custody, femininity and the dependency dilemma" ( ) berkley women's law journal, - would disagree because they make note of ethnic black rural and urban kin systems [at ] and kinscripts to explain a consciousness that they claim has developed from the experience which accepts both men and women as able parents and nurturers of children. they admit gender oppression exists but not with respect to the capability of both genders to raise children. they equate this to joint custody. they also state that women of colour and black women, "do not necessarily depend on their children for identity and security", [at ]. their implication means that these women, as contrasted to white women, can handle joint custody. i find their analysis essentializes and marginalizes both white women and women of colour and black women. they proscribe a white middle class, heterosexual patriarchal label like joint custody on black families and tell them they are giving them what they always had anyway. but this is not so. kinscripts does not even necessarily involve the biological parents in the relationship. stack and burton are still pressing for individual rights in a communal concept. second, white women are essentialized by being lumped into a category as "dependent on their children" for identity and security. the motherwork being done by other members of the family (such as the grandmother). finally, the child would suffer because legal constructs of caretaking would deprive the child of the benefit of intergenerational and transgenerational mothering that has contributed to the culture and survival of that family. kinwork can also help to recognize the gendered nature of caregiving as it would exist in varying family forms. an example would be a young first nations mother who must seek employment off of the reserve and leave her child in the care of the child's father's mother. most likely this mother will walk into custody litigation facing an uphill climb to prove that despite her physical absence she is still very instrumental in the planning of care for her child. a look at her entire kinscript (work, time and subscription) tells us that at this stage it is her time to contribute financially to her child and family as well as provide love and support when she is able. perhaps this does not equate to the "primary caregiver" envisioned by those who advocate its use in custody determination, but it is akin to the situation of a woman with a disability who cannot give her children actual physical care and may at times need to be hospitalized, away from her children for extended periods of time. in both these situations, the court is using gender in tandem with culture/race in the first instance to construct a "bad" mother and gender in tandem with disability in the second instance to construct an "incapable" mother. both women are held up in comparison to the idealized mother of the nuclear family. both women would lose ground in a custody battle to fathers who rely on their mothers to care for their children. by using kinscripts to inform the process, the argument can be made that the collective kin-work done on behalf of children is still primarily done by women and that the script this mother has chosen along with the other caregivers should be respected. the mother should not lose custody to the father because his mother looks after the child the mother is still providing management, support and love. this situation happened in the first story of jane wherein i described how the husband intended to meet the demands of parenting with the help of his mother. why should jane's husband get care and control because his mother is prepared to care for the children? if the woman question was asked (how is the woman disadvantaged by or left out of the decision and why?) it might point to the judge's and society's prejudice against alcoholic and metis mothers. for example, the judge has mentioned jane's alcoholism and not the husband's in his deliberations. in chapter two i introduced the reader to the myths about the natural mother and how easy it is for mother to fall from grace because of the sometimes impossible to achieve ideals that society constructs. a mother's alcoholism is one example of how mother can fall from grace. it is considered to embody a willful and deliberate lack of love or caring for her family instead of a disease that requires physical and emotional supports (how could she do that to her children!). it would, however, be more difficult for the woman question to expose prejudice against jane as a metis mother because racism is more masked in the court's consciousness. racism or prejudice is something that the judge may feel but cannot articulate. it is a double edged sword because on the one side the judge would be called to task if anything that could be considered racist was said in his deliberations. on the other side, because he cannot articulate his position, the judge's attitude (whether positive, negative or neutral) towards metis mothers cannot be questioned in the court processes. but this does not mean that attitudes about metis mothers do not affect his decision about custody and it is therefore still beneficial for the woman there is also the argument that can be made that states that regardless of what a court or mediator decide, these mothers and kin will ignore the decision and follow their own kinscript. question to be asked. the answer most likely would not reveal any practical reason for jane not to continue to provide the care she has always provided for her children. asking the woman question applied against a kinscripts framework could also reveal to the court that there is no practical reason why the father should have custody. for example, a feminist practical inquiry would show that jane's husband did not care for the children in the past and therefore that he does not have the necessary mothering skills and rapport with his children to ensure their comfort and growth. the kinscripts framework could be introduced to the judge. the judge may dismiss its relevance. but, there is always a chance that the judge may listen or inform himself about the concept. a further example of how kinscripts can inform the custody and mediation processes is that the same grandchildren whom the grandparents are now raising may be called upon to care for their grandparents when the time comes. there is a concept of reciprocity that crosses generations. children can perform mothercare and so can grandparents. it is expected. this is kin-time, the shared understanding among family members of "when and in what sequence role transitions and kin-work will occur." there are some similarities between kin-time and the mother/child metaphor in that there can be many caregivers and different people other than children who can require care. another example of kin-time would be the decision for a young family member to move to an urban area to find work and send money home for the entire family's benefit, including their biological children, who may be in the care of a sister, uncle or other family member or friend. if custody became an issue, an understanding of these temporal scripts within a family collective would also inform the processes of mediation stack and burton, supra note at . and litigation, which are not conditioned to deal with the anachronisms which transcend the expected ordering of mothercare in a nuclear family. this understanding might assist a judge in moving beyond the "mother blaming" that the courts have been historically engaged in when condemning a young first nations woman of what the court would consider a "lifestyle choice" of prostitution, migration and child abandonment. a custody order that removes the child from the biological mother seems completely out of context, because she is not the one performing all the mothercare in the first place. removing the child threatens the collective survival of family and changes the kinscripts. the court is really challenging an intergenerational family and picks the family's least socially empowered member (the young mother) to champion her family's integrity. marlee kline has extensively researched race, class and gender specificity in the form, content, operation and effects of the dominant ideology of motherhood as reflected in the decisions of the courts and child welfare systems on first nations' women, children and communities. she presents several case studies of examples of canadian courts finding first nation biological mothers to be "bad" mothers. the cases illustrate situations where children have been removed from their families, at least, in part, because of the biological mother's "transience", "uncleanliness" or "lack of provision of primary care". kline points to the aspect of individuation of motherhood in the dominant ideology which relates to liberal ideology more generally. i would submit this concept kline, supra note . ibid at , kenora - patricia child and family services vl. (p)[ j o.j. no. (q.l.); at new brunswick (minister of health and community services) v.l.m. and f.g. ( ), n.b.r. ( d) (q.b. fam. div.); at re a.b. c.b. and m.b. ( ) a.r. (alta. prov. ct.) and at l o . and s.o.v. superintendent of child welfare [ ] n.w.t.r. at re j.h. and n.h. ( ) y.r. (yuk. terr.ct) ibid., at . of individualism makes it difficult for courts to even grasp the concept of the collectivity of mothercare amongst first nation people. in kin-scripting families are continually rounding up and summoning or recruiting individuals for kinwork. in the area of kin-keeping (the mothercare), children and women are more easily recruited. this does not exempt men from kinscription of kin- work, other than kin-keeping, which is considered as important to the individual and collective survival of the family. children are also decision makers within these scripts. leeway is given to children, even at a young age, to make judgments in the context of personal and family interests the idea of younger children being responsible for decision making in their own care and the care of other family members is largely foreign to our courts and mediation. kinscripts can also be applied to families who construct their life courses in any variety of ways other than those of the families illustrated in the ethnographic study. stack and burton use the example of kinscripts being particularly useful in exploring the effects of the individuals (across all racial, ethnic and social groups) who cannot be counted on to carry out kin tasks, "who leave the family fold for reasons of personal survival, make excessive emotional, economic demands on family members, and who return to the bosom of kin because of personal experiences such as unemployment, homelessness, divorce or widowhood." in the situation of a divorce, an adult child the dominant ideology of motherhood also informs mediation even without any explicit statement of the expectations of a "good" mother in the dominant ideology. see pickett, supra note . ibid., at & . ibid., at . ibid., at . with dependent children may return to their parents' home. the kin-work, kin-time and kin-scription of the family may need some reconstruction to accommodate this return. grandparents may play a more active role in child care or may defer retirement to maintain an income to meet the increased economic demands. the member experiencing divorce may have been the family kin-keeper (the person charged with organizing family reunions, documenting family history and negotiating conflict between relatives) a new kinkeeper might need to be found. kinscription also encourages the looking at the motherwork that is involved in the emotional management of tension within a family as well as who performs this managerial function. on a practical inquiry, it can also answer "who cleans the toilet?" some suggestions to incorporating the model of kinscripts into mediation and/or litigation would be: ) litigators, courts and mediators would have to be trained and educated in the model itself. ) litigators, courts and mediators would have to be familiar and sensitive to the dynamics of the predominant family systems of different cultures, races and family groupings with whom they would have to work. barbara m. herringer, "changing terms of endearment: women and families" in joan turner, ed. living the changes. (winnipeg: the university of manitoba press, ) - at where she speaks about another role of women's labour in the family being "kin-keeping" which refers "to the work involved in maintaining connections with the extended family, for example writing letters, remembering birthdays and planning holiday celebrations. the tensions created for home workers were managed in part by relationships with women friends and female relatives". she is speaking of kin-keeping in the context of the nuclear family, but nevertheless, it has application to the notion and concept of kinscription being adaptable to all family forms. ibid., at , herringer notes that these basic inquiries also can tell as much about parenting as psychological profiles and expensive expert advice and testimony. the acknowledging of the kinds of management work that mothers can do (and usually do) is important. for example, the motherwork that women with disabilities perform becomes valued. ) litigators, courts and mediators would have to be prepared to go to the family or community to problem solve. for example, the setting up of neighbourhood justice centres to accommodate socio/legal concerns would be contraindicated. this would be asking the kin to come to a white middle class concept of community. instead - let the kin decide - or go to their churches, community centres, homes or public forums to assist. gender based ideologies of motherhood, family and kin would inevitably inform the process and this may be unavoidable. but, i would suggest that by approaching a kinscript framework, less emphasis would be placed on individual rights for men, women or child(ren) and caring relationships could be illuminated. for example, more emphasis and consideration would be placed on the continuation and preservation of the culture through a particular family. this larger picture would shift some of the emphasis away from the mother/father relationship. the kinscripts paradigm might be able to challenge ideologies and, as well, in the interim, the lawyer can keep trying to introduce the kinscripts concept to the courts and encourage judges and mediators to have all involved kin attend at the hearings or court-affiliated mediation. v. child c a r e p l a n s another practical approach that might help women engage in child custody litigation that identifies patterns of caring for children is to create a child care plan by using feminist practical reasoning. by care plan, i mean a written or oral plan of care for a child that specifically addresses a child's needs, sets objectives and plans constructed upon existing pattern(s) of care while respecting future dreams and goals. the concept of a care plan is not new to women in caretaking roles. nurses, for example, construct care plans to assist in the provision of patient care. such a care plan might be directed to between and , i worked as a registered psychiatric nurse in manitoba. care plans are largely task oriented and involve identifying behaviors in need of nursing social and physical care, security, self-value, play, attention and affection and other examples of dependency needs of children required in varying degrees and unique ways at various points in their lives. it is difficult if not impossible to divide the care of a child equally between two or more caregivers whether they live with the child or not. a child's needs and desires change too often to be able to predict and delineate addressing them in an equally divisible way. it is therefore important to have a primary care manager. this person would most often be the mother. the formulation of a care plan to present in court or mediation involves at least the following considerations. the care plan should define the dependency needs, as described herein, of the child and the degree of emphasis to be placed on each need based on the age and the particular development of the child. the care plan should, intervention and care. in my experiences as a community health nurse and as a hospital general duty nurse, nursing care plans were used to clarify the needs of patients/clients and to set clear goals and objectives. john bradshaw, bradshaw on healing the shame that binds you (deerfield florida: health communications, inc. ) at - wherein he states "as children, we had needs that depended on others for fulfillment. children are dependent and needy. they need their parents for years. their dependency needs can only be satisfied by a caregiver." the needs identified are self-value, stimulation, socially-healthy primary caretakers, structure, security and stroking. i am not saying that these needs are exact or all inclusive. neither am i saying that all children need these needs fulfilled by caretakers until years old. what i find instructive is his recognition of "caretakers" and his needs approach which is capable of being applied intersectionally, cross- culturally and intergenerationally. i do not conceptualize a conventional circle or wheel when i envision a care plan (with the child being the hub and each need being a spoke) because i view the circle as too defined, too static. it invites symmetry, equality and balance. i do not believe these to be realistic properties to expect in child caregiving. i see an ellipsoid and elliptical planes as my conceptual framework for a care plan because they are asymmetrical, fluid, changing, multidimensional and flexible. these features are important to the utility of a care plan. the pith of the ellipse can change its position with ease depending where the child is relative to her other needs. where possible, define the objectives for the child. and finally, a plan of action with outcomes should be set. the first step to be taken before specific needs can be identified is to understand the child's story and create a profile of the child. let me give an example. the mother would supply the lawyer or mediator with information about the everyday needs, interests and behaviors of the child, as well as cultural, religious, medical and educational realities in the child's life. the mother should note the mundane details of caretaking such as a child's favourite songs, games, sayings, activities, toys, time of day, foods and playmates. both likes and dislikes should be noted. the significant and primary caregivers would be identified. my definition of a caregiver is any person (and perhaps animals if they are special pets or seeing eye dogs) who contributes to satisfying a child's basic dependency needs. the emotions of a child and her need for affection, positive touching, security, etc. are noted. the collective values of the family unit, culture, religion and community of the child are stated. again, these are merely examples. the managerial work that is done to coordinate the child's daily activities should be noted. many more items could be considered specific to the child's needs. the more mothers are encouraged to define the things that they do for children, the less women's work is silenced. once the child's story has been put into words, the next step is to create the profile which is a snapshot that identifies the child at her particular space and place in time as seen through the mother's lens and perspective. the profile narrows the multiple the possibilities in a child's story are inexhaustible because of the uniqueness of each child. one child may collect bugs. another child may be afraid of going under bridges. another child may be taking illegal drugs... or refusing to keep kosher in a conservative jewish home... or refusing to traditional and fancy dance in their nation's pow wow. dimensions of the child's primary needs. for example, based on the information in the child story about favourite toys, games, songs and cultural expectations, the mother identifies a pattern of stimulation for the child based on pleasure/pain, fun, excitement, challenge and play. a second example would be a profile on security helping to develop the pattern of care including enough food, medical care, protection, clothing and shelter. this is derived from multifaceted observations as diverse as the eating habits of the child, possible religious significance in medical intervention, poverty issues and ethnic foods. the care plan is a medium. it provides the judge with a suggestion about what to order based on a clearly presented, ordered and flexible plan. the care plan could be attached as an exhibit to the mother's affidavit. in oral argument, the lawyer could highlight the general needs and identify the major patterns of care and concerns. i recognize that there is nothing to prevent a father from presenting a detailed care plan to the court and in all likelihood, he would be encouraged by his lawyer to do so in response to the mother's care plan in her affidavit. for women who must deal with the legal system today it becomes irrelevant that a large scale transformation of the legal system may better reflect their interests as mothers and caregivers. women need either some method, technique or approach that will help them have their stories heard today and care plans is one such way. and if a father decides to submit a care plan, his plan may be seen as more credible by the court because of its "man of the law" standard and its difficulty in seeing the family as other than in its idealized nuclear form. the court's blindness may render invisible the mother's version of the child's needs and interests and how they are met. nonetheless, care plans are still a step in the right direction for women. they could be presented as evidence. the mother's lawyer should be seen as the protector of the woman's child story and plan. she would present argument based see naffine, supra note . on the use of feminist practical reasoning and asking the woman question. feminist practical reasoning could be used to argue why the father's version is not representative of the child's story and care giving patterns and by contrast, why the mother's care plan is representative. biases of the judge which might favour the father's version can be questioned in argument by asking the woman question and finding a space for the mother's version if it is being colonized. it would be more difficult to ensure that the care plan is used in the mediation setting because of the cloak of privacy that the process provides to the participant's. in theory, the use of the care plan may not suit the methods used in mediation which try to focus on the future plans for child care. for example, future focusing which was discussed in chapter four. i recognize that there is no empirical research, as yet, to support my conception of a child care plan as a feminist legal method. it has not yet been proven successful in allowing women's voices about caregiving to be heard and children's needs to be identified and better met. i also acknowledge the difficulties involved in gaining acceptance for a new method. there are foreseeable problems with education and promotion. finally, i ask the reader to recognize that my ideas about care plans are not yet sufficiently developed to be usable in all situations of custody litigation. they require much discussion and input from other sources including feminists from professions more knowledgeable in child development. it may be that upon further consideration they will not be deemed feasible. but, they may also lead more to the preservation of the integrity of caregiving and motherwork stories in court and mediation. the impact of sexuality, cultural identification, ethnicity, colour, class and economics on the child could be recognized through explicit descriptions of past patterns of care. i predict that it would be more useful to women than traditional methods and mediums that are now used, for example in the drafting of affidavits, that resulted in jane being metaphorically and physically silenced in her first story in chapter three. iv. conclusion each of the feminists who have contributed theory or experience to this chapter have contributed mortar and tar to the construction of new ways of thinking about caregiving and maternal connections. but the question still remains. do such constructions assist women in having their stories of child caregiving understood by lawyers, judges and mediators? i believe that they do have some utility in the litigation of child custody. there is opportunity for the lawyer to engage feminist legal methods such as raising consciousness, feminist practical reasoning and asking the woman question. there is opportunity to question government (and private) studies that support legal processes that are oppressive to women. the utility of the constructions in mediation is much more limited. it is difficult for a woman's advocate to observe mediation because it is kept sheltered from criticism by proceeding behind closed doors. this is one reason why i conclude that women's child care concerns and maternal connections may potentially be better acknowledged in custody litigation where the forum is public and can be appealed. there is a space for feminist methodology in child custody litigation and mediation but it will take considerable effort by lawyers to claim and maintain it. c h a p t e r conclusion in the introductory chapter of the mother and child reunion i defined my thesis statement to be that neither the mediation nor the litigation of child custody disputes in canada address the systemic problems associated with the marginalization of women and children in canadian society in the child custody context. my thesis developed from the mounting frustration and anger that i felt from many of my mother family law clients as they struggled unsuccessfully to have the stories of their maternal care and connections valued rather than misconstrued by the legal system. their primary complaint was that the legal system was not responsive to the importance of the maternal care that they provided for the benefit of their children. it was a perplexing task for me to pin down the cause of the legal mistreatment women as mothers were receiving and my search to name what was wrong was difficult. under the constraints of a busy family law practice, i did not have the advantage of feminist teachings and legal theories which may have taken me further and faster to my conclusion. but the opportunity to study my concerns and to share them with other legal feminists presented itself and i now find myself having reached conclusions to some of the questions that i asked. one question that i wanted to address was whether it was possible, as a feminist lawyer, to improve the processes of custody litigation and/or mediation without a complete transformation of either process. for mother clients it remains imperative on a practical level to engage with the legal system as it exists. i believe that i have met my objective in so far as i have developed some compelling arguments in regard to the limitations and potentials of custody mediation and litigation for mothers. it has been more difficult to find feminist legal methods that might assist mothers and their lawyers to mitigate against the white, male, middle class, heterosexual expressions, productions and perpetuations of patriarchy present in custody litigation and mediation. i conclude that despite the problems with the litigation and mediation processes that i have identified, feminist legal methodology can be introduced incrementally into the processes with the objective of reconstructing the ideology of motherhood in a way that empowers and reunites mother and child. in chapter two, i concluded that all the idealized tasks of motherhood that are considered by the legal system to be natural, expected and needed by women arise within the context of one normative type of mother - white, middle class, heterosexual - and in one normative type of family - nuclear. in the chapter i defined "mother" both as an ideology and as a reality. i deconstructed the dominant ideology of mother as it related to patriarchy, technology and capitalism. the path was then clear to make room for alternate stories about mothering experiences that ranged over a few hundred years in time and across two continents in location. this exercise introduced many different kinds of "mothers" which i concluded more accurately reflected the realities of maternal caregiving. these "mothers" each reflect a truth of who mother is and how mother cares for children that demonstrates the limits of the dominant ideology of motherhood. i argue that although there may be others who provide "mothering" (fathers, siblings, grandparents and even paid labourers), the vast majority of maternal caregiving is done by women for children and this is why my thesis focuses on women and children - the mother and child reunion. the importance of this chapter to my thesis is that it illustrates how the legal system defines "mother" as different from how mothers' define themselves through their caregiving. an understanding of this difference is essential to an understanding of how the litigation and mediation of child custody can sever the ties that bind the existing patterns of care between mother and child. in chapter three, i begin to ask the perplexing question as to whether or not feminist legal methodology can inform and be integrated into the legal processes of custody litigation and mediation in an effort to lessen women's oppression in the context of child custody. my question was motivated by my concern that the practicalities of day-to-day deliberations and the economics of childcare, food and shelter necessitated women bringing their custody issues to the legal system. based on the work of katharine t. bartlett, i identified the feminist legal methods of consciousness raising, asking the woman question and feminist practical reasoning as basic tools to be used to challenge and develop alternatives to traditional legal methods which might be more responsive to women's maternal experiences and needs. i then introduced the reader to two women and the stories of their encounters with the legal system which silenced their voices as mothers and marginalized the patterns of care which they had given their children. the first story is about litigating child custody by way of affidavit evidence presented on a motion for interim custody. the second story is about how on an interim motion for custody, the judge so strongly encouraged court-affiliated mediation that the woman felt coerced to attend. i illustrated through story telling how some of the current evidentiary processes in litigation are used against women. i concluded that these same evidentiary processes apply to court-affiliated mediation because common law courts are increasingly deferring their custody decision making authority to mediators appointed by the justice system. i stated my belief that the lines between the two primary methods of child custody dispute resolution had become murky, both reproducing dominant ideologies. finally, i re-evaluated the stories to consider whether feminist legal methodology could have been used to make the two women's stories more audible and visible and if so, i asked if it would be feasible to consider the possibility of integrating feminist methodology into existing custody litigation and court-affiliated mediation. i concluded that there may be a space for feminist legal methods to be used in the legal system. chapter four focused on the mediation of child custody disputes because of its rapid rise in the realm of alternate dispute resolution as a panacea to the ills of traditional litigation. mediation's rise in popularity is linked to the history of child custody and i outline the connection. i made the observation that joint custody's rise in popularity paralleled that of mediation and that mediation, at least initially, used joint custody as a means to hold the failing nuclear family together in what was coined by mediators as the post-divorce continuing relationship. i noted that with time joint custody became an end in itself. bartlett, supra note . three specific methods used in the mediation of child custody disputes, normalization, future focusing and summarizing were defined and deconstructed. each method could be traced to roots that relate to and replicate the same patriarchal constructions of family and mother as do the methods of litigation. i concluded that mediation is more destructive and oppressive to women's empowerment issues and maternal caregiving than litigation because mediation is held out to be something it is not, its systemic problems being obscured by romanticism and rhetoric. chapter five continued the search that i began in the third chapter. i examined whether it was possible to create a space for feminist conceptions of caring and feminist legal and research methods in custody litigation and mediation without a complete breakdown of either system. i found pockets of space where feminist methodology and/or concepts of maternal care could be introduced albeit without any assurance that judges or mediators would be responsive. i concluded that the efforts needed to negotiate these spaces was still worthwhile because women would hear their stories told in a way that would let them see their maternal caregiving valued. it could be an empowering experience that would also have the feature of creating an appealable record if it took place in litigation. the more women are encouraged to define the things they do for their children, the less mother's work is silenced. to arrive at my conclusion that women's differing maternal caregiving experiences could be articulated in the litigation and mediation processes, i tried four different approaches that related thematically to maternal caregiving. first, i reviewed a new british columbia government initiative that recommended (among other things) the establishment of family justice centres (fjcs) to provide alternative dispute resolution (adr). this initiative was designed to respond to concerns and needs of divorced and/or separated parents who had in some way engaged with the legal system and also the concerns and observations of service providers in the social justice system. i deconstructed the research methods used by the working group, concluding that the methodology and assumptions used were flawed, skewing the results and making them unreliable and invalid. had the researchers used feminist social research methods, i argued that more meaningful results would have empowered women in legal custody processes. adr can be equated to mediation and joint parenting, which encourage power imbalances oppressive to women in the custody bargaining process. i concluded that the fjcs would also be flawed because they would perpetuate the same problems that i observed in the research that they were based on: the f j c s did not offer anything new that would improve women's position in custody mediation and they had not made any efforts to include feminist methods in their processes. second, i presented examples of feminist conceptions of maternal caring found in feminist scholarship, literature and utopian constructions of mother and caring. this section was designed to stimulate thought, raise consciousness and encourage the asking of the woman question in hope that differing conceptions of caring might be used as a vehicle to carry women's caregiving stories into litigation and mediation. third, i analyzed the kinscripts framework of understanding family dynamics between ideologies, norms and behaviors, including differing ways of mothering and providing care that would sustain the growth and survival of a family over its lifecourse. kinscripts could be useful to litigators, courts and mediators in helping them appreciate the dynamics of the predominant family systems of different cultures, races and family groupings. all relevant caregivers identified in a child's life could be heard on custody issues and should be heard in the kin community. kinscripts recognizes that different women perform the primary care of children throughout their lives and therefore their caregiving should be valued in many forms and degrees. fourth, i introduced child c a r e plans which i constructed as a feminist tool/method to be used in custody litigation in support of oral argument and affidavit or oral evidence by providing an approach developed through feminist practical reasoning that values past patterns of care indicating maintenance of the mother-child union after parents have separated. the child care plan supports martha fineman's metaphor of the mother/child dyad which would place the relationship of the mother-child (instead of the husband and wife) at the centre of judicial and mediated custody determinations. each of the four approaches that i used to explore whether maternal caregiving could inform the processes of litigation and mediation provided at least one example of how feminist legal and/or social research methods could be used in the litigation of custody disputes. problems arose in trying to work out how feminist methodology and concepts of maternal caring could fit into mediation in a way that would both empower mothers and not marginalize their storiesof their caring patterns. because of the cloak of privacy that covers the mediation process, there is no way to measure whether feminist methodology is being used as intended, if used at all and therefore it is difficult to see whether mothers' positions improve. i believe that child custody litigation and mediation currently respond to women's stories about their mother-child connections in ways that disempower and marginalize their caring relationships. i have argued that debates that favour one process over the other are overstated in their claims and more polemical than empirical. based upon my observations as a custody lawyer, upon my deconstruction of the methods used in each process and upon my search for a space within each process for feminist legal and social methodology, i conclude that custody litigation is less oppressive to women and children than mediation. fineman, supra note . bibliography a b . c.b. andm.b. 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...................................................................................................................................... acknowledgments...................................................................................................................... introduction .............................................................................................................................. what allegiance is it that we forget? .................................................................................. not only a man but an american citizen ........................................................................... epilogue .................................................................................................................................. conclusion .............................................................................................................................. bibliography ........................................................................................................................... abstract citizenship is an easy concept for us to understand in the modern age. when a nation emerges into being, citizenship is an underdeveloped concept. this was the case with america. this thesis investigates the early development of american citizenship from the constitution to the passing of the reconstruction amendments. this thesis explores how throughout this period, american citizenship was not actively defined but instead pieced together through a series of arguments, court rulings and wars. from the revolution emerged a new nation and with it, new citizens. the american government was at first concerned with naturalisation but as european events began to cross the atlantic, america’s preoccupation with naturalisation gave way to an ongoing saga between america and britain over the nature and longevity of allegiance. this difference had its roots in the revolution but would come to the fore of american diplomacy in the early th century and greatly impacted the american conceptualisation of citizenship. the issue of allegiance was not solved by the two nations, but by end of the war of the matter no longer caused any tension. american citizenship, having been defined in part by external forces, was now shaped internally by the issue of admitting blacks to american citizenship. the process was arduous, involving discussions regarding rights, states’ rights, comity, race and the constitution. these issues collapsed into one question: were blacks fit for citizenship? america’s black population resoundingly answered this by displaying the ultimate of sacrifices – dying for their country during the civil war. acknowledgments it seems an inadequate gesture to express thanks in such a short space, given my immense gratefulness to all those who supported me in the completion of this work. i owe a debt of gratitude foremost to my supervisors. dr. peter field first introduced me to the unique and wonderful history of america during my undergraduate years. dr. field’s dedicated supervision, firstly with my honours dissertation and now a master’s thesis, has never wavered even when he has been committed elsewhere or out of the country. i am eternally grateful. i must also thank dr. chris jones who was willing to supervise me while dr. field was on fellowship in america. thank you also to the interloans staff at the university of canterbury library who never failed to find sources no matter how obscure. i am personally indebted to my fellow post-graduate students who kept me sane: maree shirota, hannah garner-smith, julian vesty and ruth larsen. whether or not it was discussing one another’s research, world politics or future plans they made the post-graduate office an excellent and enjoyable place to work in. i also extend my thanks to my friends nicholas richter evans, thomas jordan, oliver lewis, sasha goburdhone and adam and rachel fields who encouraged me always. last but not least to my amazing parents whose nerves suffered through a degree change and a longer than intended university stay. your love and support these past twenty five years has been immeasurable. i owe you everything. introduction citizenship is widely understood today. we have passports which proclaim our citizenship and laws which define it. in the th century history, nation and nationality have played a vital role in understanding events. the th century was a period where nations clashed in global wars. new nations emerged in the balkans, europe and africa. the central role of nations and nationality meant that in the th century citizenship was well understood. but in the th and th centuries, the concept of citizenship was unclear. in america this was especially true. america was a new nation born of revolution. its sense of nationality was uncertain let alone its conceptualisation of citizenship. this thesis examines early american citizenship in post- revolutionary america all the way to the passing of the reconstruction amendments. the early development of american citizenship has inspired little scholarship, save for james kettner’s the development of american citizenship, - , published four decades ago. furthermore the study of development of african-american citizenship has had little emphasis placed upon it. studies on african-american citizenship tend to use the reconstruction amendments as a starting point, focusing on the jim crow and civil rights eras and how these eras failed to meet the expectations of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. scholarship also focuses on the struggle and advancement of african-americans rights during these eras, framing them as a move towards “true” or “complete” citizenship. pre-civil war african- american history is most often focused on the issue of slavery. this thesis will build on and reframe existing scholarship to investigate the amorphous nature of citizenship in two periods of american history. the first - the decades immediately succeeding the revolution in which an understanding of american citizenship was formed which applied exclusively to whites. second - the period from the s to the reconstruction amendments in which arguments arose regarding allowing america’s free black population admittance to the status of citizens. there are three themes which emerge when studying these periods: american citizenship’s anti-colonial origins; the continued conflict with britain; and the internal machinations of the states and states’ rights. america is an interesting case. unlike when modern european nations were formed, such as italy ( ) and germany ( ), america did not possess a long recorded history. the germans had a history that could be traced back to roman antiquity. german dukedoms and city states had for centuries joined together under the holy emperor. german principalities had various dialects yet they all emerged from the same base language. america, by comparison, was a nation that had largely been settled by puritans from england yet was soon filled with immigrants from scotland, ireland and the german palatine, amongst others. unlike european nations, america had no shared culture or language. america had no long, rich history to help anchor unity. nevertheless, immigrants to america coalesced to form their own identity and ideas which in part would lead to revolution. even at this point some refused to become “american” and instead identified as englishmen, choosing to fight for the mother country. the revolution did not mean that the definitive “american citizen” was found. even after the ratification of the constitution, many people identified not as americans but new yorkers, virginians or rhode islanders. not only the people struggled to define themselves in the new nation, but so did america’s law makers. the constitutional convention made some gestures towards defining citizenship, but it was thought unnecessary to detail all its intricacies. america had gained independence and its inhabitants were now citizens. new immigrants would become citizens. simple. if only so. after the revolution the federal government did pass naturalisation laws, but failed to discuss the relationship between state citizenship and national citizenship. the ambiguities of this relationship mirrored the colonial relationship between colonial citizenship (naturalisation in the thirteen colonies) and english subjectship. the complicated relationship between london and the periphery of the empire made its way into the state-national relationship of post-revolutionary america. the political rhetoric of the colonies leading to the revolution, focused on the rights of citizens and allegiance. the differing opinions on these issues from both british and american polemists partly explain the split between the colonies and britain. though the british recognised america and american citizens by signing the treaty of paris, the dispute over citizenship was not solved until in the aftermath of another anglo-american conflict: the war of . the early republic came into increasing conflict with the british over the issue of allegiance, citizenship and the practice of impressment by the royal navy. though there were ulterior motives for this war, the clash of citizenship was held up as the principal reason at the time. furthermore, by it was the last remaining obstacle to peace. during this period, america came to more clearly define a central tenet of american citizenship- the principle of volitional allegiance. the peace negotiations at ghent did nothing to solve the disagreement over allegiance, but the lack of global wars and the monroe doctrine saw anglo- american relations improve and the issue of allegiance was not raised again. the end of the war of did not signal the definitive interpretation of american citizenship. while the concept of american citizenship had become clearer, it was only conferred upon whites. after the treaty of ghent the next major question was the position of africans in american society. americans had come to formulate citizenship but the question became - should free africans be extended the full rights of citizenship? while previous issues of american citizenship had the americans looking outward, the struggle for african-american required them to look internally. this, combined with a state-centric definition of rights, caused clashes in comity. each state differed in the extension of rights to blacks and there were clashes when states refused to honour these differing rights. this effective lack of rights for blacks also saw them deemed unfit for citizenship. the lack of black political rights, especially at a time when the white franchise was expanding, led to debates on whether or not voting rights were necessary for admittance to american citizenship. eventually with the famous dred scott case, a federal opinion on the question of african-american citizenship was known. this ruling did not stand long - with the outbreak of the civil war. the previous debates regarding rights and black citizenship had left many convinced that free blacks were unsuitable for citizenship. black men fighting and dying in the civil war showed to the white population that their (white) fears were unfounded and the heroism of black soldiers made it difficult to deny them citizenship. the bravery of black soldiers saw that african-american citizenship would become a reality with the ratification of the fourteenth amendment, marking a major milestone in the development of american citizenship. the difficulty in defining american citizenship both then and now was that there were not often issues of citizenship that arose directly, but many issues that touched indirectly on citizens and citizenship. in this way, defining american citizenship was not an active, continuous process but rather a collection of rulings, discussions and events that came together to give shape to citizenship. the historiography of the development of early american citizenship is thin. the most complete work is james h. kettner’s the development of american citizenship, - . kettner takes a legalistic approach, investigating the laws passed in britain, the colonies and america which defined citizenship and naturalisation. kettner examines american intellectuals who began to define new ideas surrounding citizenship and allegiance. kettner, despite the work’s title, fails to fully examine american citizenship after . the majority of the book native americans were not conferred citizenship. the status of native americans was ad hoc, though generally the principle of imperium in imperia (an empire within an empire) applied. it meant that native american tribes were their own sovereign power. native americans could become american citizens in various ways, usually by renouncing their tribes or joining the u.s. army. the indian citizenship act ( ) gave all native americans born after the act, citizenship. it wasn’t until the nationality act ( ) that all persons born on u.s. soil automatically qualified for u.s. citizenship. examines the history of english citizenship, colonial citizenship and the early naturalisation practices after the revolution, but fails to cover african-american and indian citizenship in any real depth. despite any drawbacks, kettner’s work is the leading scholarship on the subject. the other major work is rogers m. smith’s civic ideals: conflicting visions of u.s. citizenship. smith’s work spans almost all of american history from the colonial period to the late th century. smith steps away from citizenship laws and looks at the political changes throughout american history and comments on how they changed not so much citizenship, but civic identity. smith contends that a period of liberal citizenship law was immediately followed by a period of reactionary backlash and discrimination. his main argument is that american civic identity is not founded in the liberal traditions of the revolution or the american myth of its liberal origins, but rather as a series of ascriptive definitions of political membership to allow elites to build voting blocks. smith’s scholarship thus deals less with actually defining citizenship and more with the american political culture which defined civic ideals. while there is little scholarship on early american citizenship itself, there are many sources which explore issues related to citizenship which will be used in this thesis. works like paul finkelman’s an imperfect union give overviews on the issues of slavery, rights and comity at the constitutional convention. the annals of congress which include the debates and reports of both the house and the senate give access to the arguments over america’s first naturalisation laws. the issues surrounding the war of are found in j.c.a stagg’s mr. madison’s war, braford perkins’ prologue to war and c.t. white’s a nation on trial: america and the war of . the american and british positions on the issue of allegiance are found in two excellent treatises: the right and practice of impressment, as concerning great britain and america considered whose author is unknown; and george hay’s a treatise on expatriation. the rights of blacks in the early republic are examined in leon litwack’s north of slavery. the famous dred scott case has had numerous works written about it. chief amongst them is don e. fehrenbacher’s the dred scott case: its significance in american law and politics. furthermore there are two important treatises on the possibility of african- american citizenship by two attorneys -general. the first is william writ’s rights of free negroes in virginia, the second edward bates’ opinion of the attorney general bates on citizenship. abraham lincoln’s record on slavery and politics has many works but the most recent scholarship of note is eric foner’s the fiery trial: abraham lincoln and american slavery. using this historiography, this thesis consists of two chapters. chapter one explores the difficulties in defining american citizenship immediately after the revolution. this chapter explores the debates of the constitutional convention, focusing on the concern of the delegates in ensuring the instilling of republican values within citizens seeking high political offices. moreover, it goes on to examine how the american government’s need to ensure loyalty to republican values influenced the naturalisation acts of the s, leading to ambiguous definitions of citizenship. lastly, the chapter advances scholarship by examining how the differing concepts of allegiance between america and britain increased tensions between the two nations in the period leading up to the war of . chapter one having established the early outlines of american citizenship, chapter two focuses on the internal struggle over whether or not to award free blacks american citizenship. this chapter also documents the ambiguities of the constitution, especially the comity clause - given that this clause led to a series of cases involving rulings on black rights and citizenship. the chapter continues examining the rights of free blacks in the northern states and how this affected the perceptions of black eligibility for citizenship. the chapter moves to build on existing scholarship by reviewing cases involving citizenship, rights and comity as well as the freedom suits of the s and s which led to the dred scott case. it continues by investigating lincoln’s stance on race, slavery and the possibility of black citizenship and argues that the ultimate breakthrough for african-american citizenship was the participation of black troops in the union war effort. the chapter concludes by examining the passing of the reconstruction amendments and their effect on american citizenship. by taking existing scholarship and re-examining it with citizenship in mind, this thesis brings new interpretations to the early development of american citizenship. furthermore, by examining areas such as the role of allegiance in anglo-american tensions, it explores new areas left untouched by historians, opening new avenues of inquiry. [ ] what allegiance is it that we forget? from a historical perspective the american revolution may be seen as a difference of opinion regarding citizenship. the american colonies usually had a much more tolerant policy on granting citizenship or entrance into their communities than britain. originally born of necessity to allow immigrants access to property and trading rights, the concept of citizenship began to show hints of difference compared with british subjectship. this difference grew, most notably after the french and indian wars, until the outbreak of the revolution. the americans thought of it as a revolution, the british as the revolt of disloyal subjects. america would win the right to be governed by its own citizens but the clash regarding the differences in citizenship and subjectship would not be solved until a second anglo-american conflict: the war of . the treaty of paris referred to ‘american citizens’ and ‘british subjects’ but the matter of who belonged to which group was not fully settled. this uncertainty moved to the fore of the relationship between america and britain in the early th century, revolving around questions of allegiance and naturalisation and greatly increased tensions. in the interim, american law makers tried to give some definition to american citizenship. the most significant move was to pass naturalisation laws to accommodate the growing number of immigrants to the new nation. congress’ creation of a national citizenship however, created some confusion as to the importance of state citizenship. congress did not feel the need to discuss nor define the relationship between state and national citizenship. the ambiguities involved in this relationship reflected the difficulties which parliament, the colonial governors and colonial legislature had in previous decades in agreeing upon the relationship between the centre of the empire and its periphery. the ill-defined nature of the federal-state relationship did not cause problems immediately after the revolution, but during the mid- th century, when the question of african-american citizenship was broached, this uncertain relationship greatly confused the issues. the treaty of paris in may well have differentiated between english subjects and american citizens but gave no definition of what the difference was. the constitution offered little in the way of answers. the theme of the constitutional convention was ambiguity. the michael les benedict, the blessings of liberty: a concise history of the constitution of the united states (lexington, ma: d.c. heath and company, ), . delegates had many issues to deal with and many were quickly solved with little debate, or more typically, the power to decide or legislate was left in the hands of the states. it was only at later dates when states clashed or appeals were made to a federal jurisdiction that many of the ambiguities left by the constitution were clarified. the term ‘citizen(s)’ only appears eleven times in the constitution - four times in declaring the conditions for election into congress or the presidency and five regarding the jurisdiction of the supreme court. the other two mentions are in the comity clause. the clause states ‘the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.’ the clause is a continuation of the articles of confederation’s comity clause. the articles of confederation stated states in this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state, to any other state of which the owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the united states, or either of them. the article was thought to be too vague at the time. james madison, arguing the usefulness in a national naturalisation law, claimed that the clause continually confused the terms ‘free inhabitant’, ‘free citizen’ and ‘people’. madison argued the very improper power would still be retained by each state, of naturalizing aliens in every other state. in one state, residence for a short term confirms all the rights of citizenship: in another, qualifications of greater importance are required. an alien, therefore, legally incapacitated for certain rights in the latter, may, by previous residence only in the former, elude his incapacity; and thus the law of one state be preposterously rendered paramount to the law of another, within the jurisdiction of the other. under the articles of confederation, citizenship could be obtained more easily by moving to another state with laxer requirements for citizenship. the constitution’s comity clause thus article iv, section , clause , the constitution of the united states, http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_transcript.html article iv, section , the articles of confederation and perpetual union in the public statutes at large of the united states of america, vol. , ed. by richard peters (boston, ma: charles c. little and james brown, ), . james madison, the federalist papers: no. , http://avalon.law.yale.edu/ th_century/fed .asp madison’s concern was if the articles of confederation stood then the sovereignty of the states was being infringed upon if forced to accept the laws and statutes of another. madison was not so much concerned about state sovereignty but foresaw the legal difficulties in such a situation. free inhabitants or aliens could claim rights http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_transcript.html http://avalon.law.yale.edu/ th_century/fed .asp clearly used the word ‘citizen’ rather than ‘inhabitant’ or ‘people.’ the articles of confederation’s comity clause also revealed a deeper element to american citizenship during the revolutionary years. under the articles, citizenship was awarded by states but already it was taking on a national dimension. the necessity of the states entering into partnership meant that comity could overrule the sovereignty of states. states were bound to treat free inhabitants with the same respect as citizens. citizenship in some way existed on a national scale. the constitution’s concise comity clause engendered no major debate over it regarding citizenship. retrospectively this is strange given the ambiguity in the term ‘privileges and immunities.’ to this day this term still has no definitive interpretation. the articles of confederation had mentioned freedom of movement and trade. these freedoms together with the republican affinity for “natural rights” meant that it was widely accepted that under the constitution citizens of one state could move freely throughout the states, conducting business or personal affairs without harassment. citizens had the power to redress grievances through the law and in turn had to respect the laws of the states they found themselves in. what constituted privileges and immunities of a citizen would became a heated debate in the th century, but at that time the delegates paid little heed to the issue save as to one facet – the privilege of political office. the delegates agreed that a rule or system for uniform naturalisation must be included in the constitution. the disagreement was in deciding the political privileges of naturalised citizens versus natural-born citizens. the delegates feared the repercussion of allowing immigrants to obtain high office. they feared that england would send spies to gain office and that foreigners would overrun the government. however, it was unrealistic and against principle to forever exclude foreigners from political offices. the committee of detail had recommended that to be elected to the house one must have been a citizen for three years, to the senate four. gouverneur morris argued the senate should require a period of fourteen years, given that recently arrived foreigners would naturally favour their former nations in international affairs. on the other hand madison, oliver ellsworth and james wilson (himself scottish-born), feared in other states that would not have otherwise been afforded to them. lawsuits were sure to follow. madison was thus arguing for a federal naturalisation law. of course an anti-federalist would argue that such a law was a breach of state sovereignty. james h. kettner, the development of american citizenship, - , (chapel hill, nc: university of north carolina press, ), . the comity clause of course sparked debate over the issues of slavery and would become a major flash-point in the journey for black citizenship. that would alienate ‘meritorious aliens’ from emigrating. morris, though wary of foreign influence, proposed that naturalised citizens of the individual states should not have to wait for this period given they were already citizens. roger sherman and charles pinckney disagreed and thought that the new federal government should be unburdened by the promises of the states. a period of naturalised citizenship of seven years for the house and nine for the senate was finally agreed upon. it was reasoned that recently arrived pre-eminent immigrants could still be eligible to serve in congress. the presidency was different. it was decided that those who were citizens of the u.s. i.e. those citizens of the states at the time of ratification, could assume the presidency but that no naturalised citizen could become president of the united states. the presidency would be reserved for natural-born citizens. no attention had been paid to the emerging dual nature of american citizenship. the comity clause provided that states must respect the privileges and immunities of citizens from other states. who determined privileges and immunities? it was deemed that citizens could run for office but the meaning of a citizen could differ from state to state. a man could run for office but according to his state’s law may not be eligible to vote. the convention had briefly touched on one privilege regarding naturalised citizens but had neglected to fully define the privileges and immunities. congress was given the power ‘to establish a uniform rule of naturalisation’ but there had been no debate about the possible nature of this rule and once again an important facet of citizenship was left fluid and open to interpretation. edmund randolph in the virginia plan proposed that the federal legislature had the right to legislate when it was deemed the states were incompetent or national harmony was at stake. randolph indicated that naturalisation would fall under this rule. william paterson’s new jersey plan proposed ‘the rule for naturalisation ought to be the same in every state.’ the committee of detail proposed a clause regarding the power of naturalisation which was inserted into the constitution almost word for word. did this mean that the states were deemed incompetent to legislate for citizenship and thus citizenship would be regulated via the federal government? or was the federal government there to ensure that naturalisation in the individual states was approximately uniform? in the latter case would citizenship remain state based or would a national version of citizenship emerge? the concept of national citizenship was present even james madison, notes of debates in the federal convention of , (new york, ny, w.w. norton & company, ), - . ibid., - .; rogers m. smith, civic ideals: conflicting visions of citizenship in u.s. history, (new haven, ct: yale university press, ), . article i, section , clause , the constitution of the united states. madison, notes of debates…, . at this early stage of the republic. comity demanded it. citizenship was still very much an undefined concept in the american mind. this uncertainty could not remain for a long time. given that a rule of naturalisation was really the only tangible action to emerge from the constitution regarding citizenship, it was inevitable this is where the federal government started. the first move of the federal government was to write a law for admission to citizenship for foreigners. on the march congress passed such a law. the law allowed any free white persons of ‘good moral character’ to become citizens under certain conditions. firstly a person must have lived in or under the jurisdiction of the u.s. for at least two years. secondly, persons must have resided in the state in which they had applied for citizenship for at least one year. thirdly, prospective citizens had to swear an oath to uphold the constitution and its values. the act was a direct descendant of many of the state laws regarding naturalisation after the declaration of independence. vermont, north carolina, pennsylvania and new york wrote naturalisation into their original state constitutions. these constitutions allowed for foreigners to be naturalised after one year’s residence in the state. pennsylvania and vermont barred new citizens from holding office for two years. north carolina demanded that foreigners swear allegiance immediately in order to gain property rights, then after a year they were deemed citizens. new york required that prospective citizens renounce their allegiance to any foreign powers either spiritual or temporal. georgia, south carolina, virginia and maryland passed laws for naturalisation similar to the provisions in the state constitutions. in all of these states some type of oath of allegiance was required. in georgia it was required of foreigners to gain a certificate from a county judge to prove their place of residence within the state. if the governor and the legislature accepted this then they were deemed citizens. immediately after the war, georgia moved to a system in which free white persons must enrol with a county court which allowed for property rights and after a year they gained the full rights of citizens. naturalised citizens, however, had to wait for seven years to be eligible to vote for or to hold office and must have gained a special act of naturalisation. south carolina required one year’s residency for free white persons. after two years, new citizens could vote for the legislature or for charleston’s council but were not able to stand for election unless they gained the public statutes at large…, vol. , - . the act also allowed those under twenty one to be naturalised with their parents and the foreign-born children of american fathers. kettner, the development of american citizenship, . strangely georgia appeared to be deeply suspicious of scotsmen who had to swear allegiance immediately or else be deported. that privilege by a special act of naturalisation. virginia deemed all free persons who had resided in the state, citizens. aliens could be naturalised after proving their intent to reside in virginia and an oath was administered. initially, citizens were given full rights but in october these rights were restricted. a citizen could not stand for office unless he resided in the state for two years and had evinced permanent attachment to the state. persons could bypass this period if they were married to a citizen or owned property worth at least one hundred pounds. maryland required an oath of christian belief with an oath of allegiance. naturalised citizens were required to reside in maryland for a further seven years before gaining the right to hold office. the remaining states of massachusetts, connecticut, new hampshire, new jersey, delaware and rhode island more or less followed colonial procedure. massachusetts, connecticut, new hampshire and rhode island admitted citizens on a case by case basis through the legislature - the same process the colonies had operated under. delaware also continued the same practice, although from it required an oath of allegiance to be witnessed. delaware also required that a citizen must reside in the state for five years before seeking office. new jersey is the only state where there is uncertainty regarding the procedure. no records of any naturalisation laws or acts remain - or there were never any. new jersey may well have followed colonial procedure. new jersey, in any case, was highly liberal in granting political rights to foreigners. aliens needed only to reside in the state for a year and be worth fifty pounds to vote in elections. the naturalisation act of therefore was a continuation of state policies on the subject. the federal government’s statute included the same ideas as could be found in the states - a need for white people of good character, who had resided in america for a set period and who were willing to foreswear allegiance to their birth nations and swear allegiance to america. the need for an oath of allegiance, linked together with the previous state time restrictions on political rights and the constitution’s criteria for federal offices, displayed the concern in the early days of the republic regarding the influence of foreigners in public life. it was thought that the period of residency required for both citizenship and high office was necessary to allow foreign-born citizens to properly integrate with and support america’s unique republican ideals. kettner, the development of american citizenship, - . ibid., - . the debate over the naturalisation act ( ) surrounded the question of the degree of political trust which could be afforded to foreigners. this principle would be put to the test in the senate no less. in albert gallatin of pennsylvania was elected to the senate. gallatin was a prominent man. he had attended pennsylvania’s state constitutional conventional and had been a member of the state legislature since . eventually he would become u.s. secretary of the treasury and a leader in the democratic-republican party. gallatin was born to a prominent family- in switzerland. he had emigrated to the u.s. in but federalists in pennsylvania claimed that he did not meet the nine year citizenship requirement for the senate. gallatin responded that he had been an inhabitant of the u.s. since , fought in the war of independence and that he had taken oaths of allegiance in both massachusetts ( ) and virginia ( ) - and owned property in both those states. the federalists maintained that gallatin had not taken the two oaths required by virginia and had made the one in front of a magistrate not a court. gallatin then shifted his defence and argued that the revolution had completely changed allegiance. gallatin argued that the revolution had broken allegiance to the king and henceforth all the inhabitants of the states become mutually citizens of every state reciprocally; and they continued so until such time as the states made laws of their own afterwards respecting naturalisation […] everyman who took an active part in the american revolution was a citizen according to the great laws of reason and nature, and when afterwards positive laws were made, they were retrospective in regards to persons under this predicament, nor did these posterior laws invalidate the rights they had enjoyed under the confederation. gallatin appealed to higher laws, arguing not the technicalities of the law but the republican spirit on which america was founded. his appeal was denied. gallatin’s case is a microcosm of the issue of naturalisation in the early republic and a sign of the continued confusion between state and national citizenship. gallatin’s case further displayed the distrust of foreigners serving in high office and the undefined relationship between state and national citizenship. the senators had no consistent view amongst them about the relationship between state and national citizenship and the vote had shown that not all citizens naturalised by the states were admitted to the national institution. yet, if gallatin was recognised as a citizen in a number of states (at least de facto) it would seem strange that at the federal level he was not kettner, the development of american citizenship, - . annals of congress, rd congress., st sess., - . ibid., - . ibid., . kettner, the development of american citizenship, . recognised as such. how could he be afforded rights, privileges and immunities in one state of a collective nation but not be deemed a citizen of the nation? even if he was not de jure a national citizen, surely the comity clause de facto made him so? this confusion was because congress still did not broach the subject of the nature, or the relationship between the state and federal governments on the topic, of citizenship. the naturalisation act merely admitted foreigners to the status of u.s. citizens and gave them the privileges and immunities of citizenship. this was problematic, given that neither congress nor any court had defined privileges and immunities. doubly problematic was that congress was content to allow the states themselves to define the rights of aliens and citizens. madison argued that naturalisation was a rule of admission and that the states could deal with the details. the states still oversaw the property and political rights of both aliens and citizens on a local level and in some cases naturalised under their own laws. the naturalisation act failed to clearly delineate between a new national citizenship and the pre-existing elements of state citizenship. if anything, the process was a mere continuation of revolutionary policies and had further been confused by allowing the states to, in many ways, define the substance of citizenship. this same problem continued through the s as congress refused to broach the subject of the state-federal relationship. congress throughout the s continued to focus on the residence period required for naturalisation. america had wanted to divorce itself from old europe but europe refused to let go. european events became american problems. the french revolution and its subsequent wars saw an increase in immigration to america. the increase concerned congress enough to seek to modify the act. this act was already viewed as too liberal and given the influx of the germans, french, english, scots and the irish, it was believed that two years was an insufficient period for immigrants to properly integrate with republican values. both the federalist and democratic-republicans largely agreed. the only real debate surrounded the actual step-by-step process of naturalisation and its possible impact on people of various backgrounds and means. the consequence of this debate was the naturalisation act of . the act lengthened the period of residency from two to five years and required an alien to declare his intent to become a citizen three years before admission. aristocratic foreigners were required to forfeit any titles. the alien still had to be of ‘good moral character’ although an smith, civic ideals, . annals of congress, st congress. nd sess., . annals of congress, rd congress. nd sess., . - , - . attempt was made to strike out the word ‘moral.’ it was thought by some congressmen to imply a religious test on citizenship. the oath of allegiance to the constitution was also changed. this oath was joined by an oath ‘that he doth absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whereof he was before a citizen or subject.’ the oath, together with the extension of the period of residency, displayed the continued concerns of congress that foreigners must spend longer periods in the u.s. to fully embrace american notions of democracy. the act also eliminated the practices of state naturalisation under state laws, but under the status quo the states still defined rights/duties and privileges and immunities. the act simply was a tool in which congress could ensure uniform admission to citizenship. the act would not stay untouched for long. the federalists continued to raise the question of how long did an alien need to fully embrace american political ideals. they argued that five years was too short. this agitation was also politically motivated, as the overwhelming majority of immigrants supported, and when possible voted for, the democratic-republican party. the federalists turned the public anger from the fallout of the xyz affair to push through the naturalisation act of . this amendment to the original, extended the period of residency to fourteen years and required a declaration of intent five years before admission. the final act was tame in comparison to the submissions of some federalist congressmen. robert harper of south carolina and harrison otis of massachusetts both harked towards british citizen/subjectship when they argued that the ability to gain any office should be exclusively reserved for natural born citizens. the act was repealed in with the naturalisation act reverting back to its form. this change to the naturalisation act was its last significant alteration. america thus had a set policy of naturalisation by the dawn of the th century. congress, however, had declined to define the nature of national citizenship and the possible interaction between it and state citizenship. naturalisation was merely a tool of admittance, frank g. franklin, the legislative history of naturalisation in the united states, (chicago, il: the university of chicago press, ), - . the public statutes at large…, vol. , - . ibid., .; franklin, the legislative history of naturalisation in the united states, - .; kettner, the development of american citizenship, . annals of congress, th congress., nd sess., , .; otis argued for a system of ranked citizens similar to the british citizen/subjectship model. in britain there were four status of inhabitant: alien, denizen, naturalised citizen and natural-born citizen. denizens were effectively equivalent to modern day permanent residents. naturalised citizens were afforded all the rights of citizenship but could not enter parliament. naturalised citizens were also treated with suspicion given they were not born into the monarch’s allegiance. with congress happy to leave the states to define the intricacies of citizenship. while “privileges and immunities” were left to the states to define, a concept of american citizenship had emerged. naturalisation had created a sense of national citizenship that was not reliant on the states. immigrants must have especially felt this, given they were naturalised by the federal government and not any state government. this national citizenship implied the protection of the u.s. government while overseas. furthermore given the emphasis on interstate travel and trade in the articles of confederation and at the constitutional convention, citizenship allowed an individual to travel and conduct trade internally without interference. the sense of national citizenship was augmented by congressional action. congress did not define citizenship in its naturalisation policy but it did signal a vision for what a “proper” citizen should be. firstly, by limiting naturalisation to ‘free white persons’, congress explicitly signalled it thought africans unworthy of citizenship. decades later the dissenting judges in the dred scott case would opine that some states had allowed free blacks citizenship at the time of the revolution. regardless of the states, the federal government did not want black citizens. secondly, congress was saying it was necessary - to ensure loyalty to and integration with republican values - for citizenship and political office. while both required an adherence to republican institutions it should not be assumed that political rights were integral to citizenship. states such as new york required property qualifications for the franchise but those who did not qualify were still considered citizens. once naturalised, new citizens had to wait for the right (or privilege) of entering congress. naturalisation did not confer immediately equal political rights. lastly, congress had stuck to these same republican principles. congress had turned away from the possibility of creating a ranked system like the british. naturalised citizens enjoyed all the rights and privileges as natural-born citizens, save for the possibility of becoming president. america’s naturalisation process was indicative of its respect for freedom of choice. the role that freedom of choice played was revolutionary. american naturalisation allowed for a subject or citizen to effectively transfer his/her allegiance to a new sovereignty. the individual could opt in - or out - of citizenship. this conceptualisation of citizenship would bring america into serious conflict with britain through the british practice of impressment. impressment was forcing men into naval service. the admiralty or the captains of ships formed press gangs. these gangs roamed british ports looking for sailors to force into royal navy service. the prerogative for the practice was very much linked to the english concept of citizenship or what could be more accurately described as subjectship. impressment was allowed because all men born under the king’s (or queen’s) jurisdiction owed the monarch allegiance. british subjectship had the same underlying theoretical framework as american citizenship. citizenship is comprised of rights and duties, privileges and immunities. it is the duty of a sovereign to protect his/her people and in return the people have to owe allegiance. this allegiance includes things as simple as paying taxes and obeying the law. allegiance can also mean fighting in the service of the sovereign or one’s country if the need arises. impressment was the embodiment of this principle. when the sovereign needed men he could take them by force if necessary. the british and americans came to clash over impressment. the american government never denied the right of the british to impress subjects. the american government, however, denied the right of the british to impress naturalised u.s. citizens. the british impressed naturalised u.s. citizens on the high seas because they followed the principle of indefeasible allegiance – allegiance that could never be removed. american naturalisation law allowed foreigners to repudiate their allegiance to the nation of their birth and pledge allegiance to the united states. indefeasible allegiance stated, however, that allegiance could not be transferred at will. thus the british were denying the right of america to naturalise foreigners. the americans were naturally angered by this and embarrassed they could do little to stop it. the americans continued to appeal to the british that they could naturalise citizens and that once naturalised the british could no longer claim them for naval service. the british responded with contempt to such an american ideal and continued to impress naturalised americans and in the process often took natural-born american citizens - much to america’s disgust. both sides refused to compromise their stances on allegiance and subsequently impressment played a big part in the outbreak of war. the practice of impressment was given legitimacy by historical precedent. impressment dates back to the period of england under the saxons. the practice gained prominence under king john ( - ) who required a steady influx of men, given his war with the rebel barons. the practice was deeply ingrained in the feudal system, where few questioned the right of the monarch to levy armed forces. there is evidence that henry viii used the practice in the face of a possible french invasion in . impressment expanded under samuel pepys as clerk of acts ( - ) and admiralty secretary ( - , - ). the increase in impressment was as a direct result of the second and third anglo-dutch wars. pepys was a noted diarist and his it could be said that one of the underlying differences between citizenship and subjectship is that in the former the rights of the individual are given much more consideration rather than the duties. in subjectship it is vice-versa. j.r hutchinson, the press gang: afloat and ashore, (london: eveleigh nash, ), .; denver brunsman, “the evil necessity: british naval impressment in the eighteenth century atlantic world” (ph.d. thesis, princeton university, ), . entries regarding impressment are far out of step with a man who expanded the practice. pepys wrote ‘to the tower several times about the business of pressed men [….] to see poor patient labouring men and housekeepers leaving poor wives and families, taken up on a sudden by strangers, was very hard […] it is a great tyranny.’ captain edward brenton, who served during the french revolutionary and napoleonic wars describes a similar scene ‘it is impossible to describe the terror, the anxiety, the cruelty, the injustice and the grievous wrongs inflicted on society in general, by the continuance of this practice.’ impressment was thus a “necessary evil.” pepys, a man responsible for impressment’s expansion personally, disdained the practice. the british people may have hated the practice but widely accepted it as a duty of subjectship, a practice necessary for manning the navy as a centre-piece of british power and prestige. the sovereign’s right to impress men was widely accepted but this right was not relied upon exclusively. laws were made to regulate and give legitimacy to the practice. in the first piece of legislation mentioning impressment was passed. the vagrancy act ( ) made it legal for vagrants to be pressed into the service. the recruiting act ( ) forbade the impressment of boys under the age of eighteen and those who were apprenticed in a trade, while expanding impressment to those of no visible means. another act was passed in to allow debtors owing £ or less to be released if they agreed to naval service. an act in forbade the impressment of men over the age of fifty-five. the courts also passed judgment on impressment. impressment was seen as a royal prerogative but this did not mean individuals did not put up a fight. men tried to gain writs of habeas corpus and opposition to the practice led to rioting. the case rex v. broadfoot contains the most extensive legal opinions regarding samuel pepys, “ july ”, the diary of samuel pepys for to , ed. by lord braybrooke (london: fredrick warne and co., ). edward brenton, life and correspondence of john, earl of st. vincent, vol. . (london: henry colburn, ), quoted in n.a.m rodger, the command of the ocean (london: w.w. norton and company ltd., ), . the cromwellian era saw the emergence of the idea that standing armies were a sign of tyrannical government while navies protected freedom and liberties. this idea was expanded on during the eighteenth century by politicians and scholars who proclaimed the british empire and her navy as an “empire of liberty” in comparison to the spanish and holy roman empires. see david armitage, the ideological origins of the british empire (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), chps. - . hutchinson, the press gang: afloat and ashore, - . christopher lloyd, the british seaman - : a social survey (london:collins, ), .; sir michael foster, a report of some proceedings on the commission of oyer and terminer and gaol delivery for the trial of the rebels in the year in the county of surry, and of other crown cases... rd.edn, (london: e. and r. brooke, ), - . kevin costello, “habeas corpus and military and naval impressment, - ”,the journal of legal history, ( ) ( ), - .; denver brunsman, “the knowles atlantic impressment riots of the s.” early american studies: an interdisciplinary journal, ( ) ( ), - . impressment. alexander broadfoot was a merchant sailor serving on the bremen factor. a press gang attempted to force him into naval service. broadfoot in response produced a blunderbuss and killed one of the gang. the judge, sir michael foster, instructed the jury that the question was between murder and manslaughter. the verdict was returned as manslaughter on technical grounds because the lieutenant who held the press warrant was not present at the time of the incident. foster commented that it was allowable to subjugate individual rights in matters of national security. impressment in foster’s opinion was ‘a prerogative inherent in the crown, grounded upon common-law, and recognised by many acts of parliament.’ the right of impressment may appear feudal in nature but it was inhered in the subjects’ bonds of allegiance to the sovereign. foster admitted that it was unfortunate that such a duty fell to one occupational class but it did not make impressment illegal. foster’s opinions were reinforced by the king’s bench in rex v. tubbs. tubbs was a city of london waterman who claimed he was exempt from the press. lord mansfield and the other judges disagreed. they concluded that impressment was a vestigial prerogative power of the crown, founded on ‘immemorial usage.’ the practice of impressment was imbedded in british society, although generally disliked. what then did british impressment have to do with america? america had wanted to step away from europe, but european affairs would migrate across the atlantic. the french revolutionary war and the napoleonic wars could be considered as the first global conflict. the british needed a large amount of men to man their navy- the frontline in defence of the empire. in british naval manpower stood at , . in this figure had exploded to . . this large increase in manpower meant that the press gang was often used. the loss of america meant a loss of manpower and furthermore the american merchant service was an attractive option to british sailors. the american merchant service paid up to five times as much as its british counterpart and it was certainly better than the royal navy where pay was meagre and punishment legendarily harsh. british sailors would often desert in ports - to american merchant ships or slip away whilst on shore in america. the admiralty claimed that , british seamen were serving on american ships by . in one farcical episode, hms phaeton while carrying anthony merry, the english ambassador to foster, a report of some proceedings…, . ibid., .; nicholas rogers, “impressment and the law in eighteenth century britain” in law, crime and english society, - , ed. by norma landau (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . nicholas rogers, the press gang: naval impressment and its opponents in georgian britain (london: continuum, ), . n.a.m rodger, the command of the ocean, . america, had fourteen men desert whilst in norfolk, virginia. the loss of these men prompted the british to stop american merchantmen and search them for british sailors. the stopping of neutral american vessels did not occur pre- as britain had no legal right to do so. once britain entered the conflict in europe it was deemed legal by the standards of international law at the time. it was the right of belligerents of war (in this case great britain) to stop neutral ships (american) that were suspected of trading with the enemy (france) and search for contraband goods and agents of the enemy. even madison, the staunchest opponent of impressment, conceded that the british held this right if the correct procedure was followed. the american government even allowed british seamen to be pressed from american ships docked in british ports. the high seas, however, were a grey area. the british argued that their right to search and remove contraband was not denied by the americans, so it was legal for them to remove their subjects as an extension of contraband if the right of search for contraband of war is not denied, why should the right of search for man,--man, which is, in truth, the highest species of contraband of war, because all other kinds are merely materials for his use, and useful to a belligerent in direct proportion to the number of men which it may have to employ these materials? an article in the edinburgh review enforced this, maintaining that ‘the right of impressment which is invested in the sovereign […] which entitles him to annul and disregard all contracts entered into by our own merchants with persons using the sea, entitles him just as clearly to disregard any similar engagement into which such persons may have entered into with foreign merchants.’ even american newspapers allowed the british right of search and seizure. the issue of search and seizure was not contested, but the issue of citizenship was. a british subject could be impressed. america agreed upon this fact. yet what happened when a naturalised-american born in british jurisdiction was impressed? it was this scenario that was a festering wound between the two nations. dual citizenship was a non-entity at the time and bradford perkins, prologue to war: england and the united states, - (berkeley, ca: university of california press, ) . the right and practice of impressment, as concerning great britain and america considered (london, ), .; scott thomas jackson, “impressment and anglo-american discord, - ”, (ph.d. thesis, university of michigan, ), .; james zimmermann, impressment of american seamen (port washington, ny: kennikat press, ), . patrick c.t. white, a nation on trial: america and the war of (new york, ny: john wiley and sons, ), .; perkins, prologue to war, - . the right and practice of impressment…, . the edinburgh review or critical review nov. … feb. (edinburgh: archibald constable and company, ), . zimmermann, impressment of american seamen, . even had this been allowed the british still would have claimed the allegiance of a person born in the king’s jurisdiction. the british used the principle of indefensible allegiance- an allegiance that could never be broken by the individual. the british saw this as a non-issue. indefensible allegiance was the standard in europe and american sailors had the chance to prove they were natural-born americans. indefensible allegiance was the very antithesis of american naturalisation, which viewed citizenship as a contract where allegiance could be transferred. the british, citing the prominent philosopher and legal expert emerich de vattel, maintained that ‘each individual is bound to contribute his personal means to the common strength of the society or nation’. the loss of citizens weakened a nation and thus a citizen was bound to his country of birth for life. british legal opinion was unanimous on the subject. the noted jurist sir william blackstone in his magnum opus commentaries on the laws of england wrote on individuals and allegiance natural allegiance is such as it is due from all men born within the king’s dominions immediately upon their birth […] natural allegiance is therefore a debt of gratitude; which cannot be forfeited, cancelled or altered, by any chance of, time, place, or circumstance […] local allegiance is such as is due from an alien, or stranger born, for so long a time as he continues within the king’s dominion and protection […] natural allegiance is therefore perpetual […] therefore the prince is always under a constant tie to protect his natural-born subjects, at all times and in all countries, for these reasons their allegiance due to him is equally universal and permanent. blackstone’s assessment echoed the ranked system of british subjectship. subjectship had ranks - so did allegiance- natural and local. local allegiance was merely when an alien resided in a british jurisdiction and he was protected by the sovereign. natural allegiance was an allegiance that could never be removed. sir john nicholl, the king’s advocate-general also shared blackstone’s opinion. nicholl was asked his opinion on impressment during the monroe-pinkney negotiations. nicholl opined that the right of expatriation rested solely with the state/crown. nicholl also agreed with blackstone in stating that indefeasible allegiance the british argued that wrongly impressed americans had a course for appeal. seizures and prizes had to be cleared by an admiralty court first to ensure their legality. it would be unthinkable to detain an american ship because of the questioned status of a few sailors. the british argued that by taking “british” subjects the injury to america was minimal and that as part of a seizure a sailor could prove his birth-place in court. if found to be american he was paid wages and compensation by the navy. of course the british maintained that british-born naturalised americans were fair game. the right and practice of impressment…, . sir william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england, vol. (london: dawsons of pall mall, ), - . voided any contract and went even further, by concluding there were no boundaries when enforcing the principle. the british continued to adhere to the principle of indefensible allegiance throughout the wars on the continent. the british even showed their supposed magnanimity by stating that america could claim any american seamen in british naval service [there are] two distinct characters in every foreign seaman: -the one individual and personal, the other national. in the former character, any seaman may voluntarily enter the british service; and having thus, of his own accord, entered into an individual engagement, he is not permitted again to change his mind, and depart from that engagement. he voluntarily relinquishes his individual rights as a foreign citizen, and is not allowed, at his pleasure, to resume them. but the national character is not an individual, but a public right: it belongs less to the seaman himself than to the sovereign who has a claim to his service; and it is therefore admitted that even the voluntary entry of a foreigner into our navy cannot bar the right of his sovereign to reclaim him. of course this was of little consequence, given american seamen were unlikely to be found in the royal navy. the british were consistent at the very least. a subject could not voluntarily change allegiance. a practice which allowed a subject to renounce his allegiance at will meant that ‘the greatest crime known to the law of all countries, namely, high treason, would be a safe and profitable practice.’ the british flatly refused to recognise those who had been naturalised as americans (or in other nations), enraging american opinion. british heavy- handedness in the application of impressment undoubtedly meant that some natural born- americans were forced into british naval service, only further angering the american government. indefensible allegiance was not only seen as a moral and legal principle to the british but its practical effects were invaluable to the british at the time. britain would be at war with france and other european powers for an almost uninterrupted period of twenty-two years. britain needed men not just for a european war but a global war. allowing america to redefine the nature of citizenship by renouncing indefeasible allegiance would not only strike a theoretical blow against britain but a practical one too. troy bickham, the weight of vengeance: the united states and the war of (oxford: oxford university press, ), .; perkins, prologue to war, .; the monroe-pinkney treaty was a proposed treaty between britain and america settling a number of maritime issues. it was meant to be a continuation of the jay treaty of . terms were agreed upon but president jefferson vetoed the treaty. the right and practice of impressment…, . ibid., . the american opinion of citizenship was of course very different from the british. both nations viewed citizenship as a contract, but disagreed over who could break the contract. the american principle was volitional allegiance- an allegiance born of the individual - not the state. the acts of naturalisation embodied this principle but the theory behind it had been developed in american political thought since before the revolution and would be strengthened in conflict with the british. volitional allegiance had its basis in the convoluted process of naturalisation found in the colonies. the american colonies had no real process for naturalisation. english subjects did not need to apply since they remained within the sovereign’s jurisdiction. the issue centred on non-english immigrants. colonial naturalisation was part of a larger struggle between the legal systems in england and the colonies. the validity of naturalisation by the american legislatures was never recognised by parliament. if the american colonies had been defined as dominions like scotland then they could have used a separate legal system similar to the scots. if the colonies were a subject kingdom like ireland then english law would apply. english jurists would later argue that the american colonies fell under the latter category as a “conquered kingdom” given their willingness to accept english common law; a notion which offended the colonists. these later developments did not stop the colonies from naturalising almost as soon as they were founded. the th century saw naturalisation applied ad-hoc in the colonies. naturalisation and denisation existed together. denizens were still considered foreigners, but held some rights focused on the ownership of property and conduct of trade. the processes were non-uniform across the colonies but a general trend emerged that both processes were treated on an individual basis. furthermore, naturalisation was applied by the colonial legislatures while denisation was administered by the royal governors or executive action. the legality of colonial governments admitting foreigners as english citizens was always in question, but because parliament did not examine the subject until , the colonies continued this out of a practical necessity. the uncertainty of colonial naturalisation meant that some people (often in groups) preferred to be naturalised in england prior to settling in the colonies. in a theoretically the british government could remove citizenship from its subjects but there is no historical record of this occurring. there are numerous instances of bills of attainder being used. a bill of attainder was a special bill in parliament that stripped a subject of civil rights, especially property rights - and forfeited noble titles. the subject’s wealth and titles went to the crown, not to any descendants he/she might have. this effectively removed citizenship but technically not allegiance. this point is moot however, as bills of attainder were almost exclusively used in cases of high treason where the subject was executed. kettner, the development of american citizenship, . ibid., . group of french and walloon protestants accepted an offer from the virginia company to travel to company territory. some of these protestants were naturalised before accepting a better offer from the dutch to settle in leiden. in charles ii would extend denisation to french protestants escaping persecution and many would seek naturalisation before settling in the colonies. colonial naturalisation/denisation was left unchecked for the majority of the th century, due to the instability of england during the period and the practicalities of allowing foreigners to reside and trade in the colonies. this changed in the s and s, when the board of trade looked to restrict the power of colonial naturalisation by denying that persons naturalised by the colonies held rights in england. the board maintained that trade rights obtained in the colonies were localised and merchants looking to use these rights in england had no standing. in westminster banned royal governors from issuing orders of denisation. despite these bans, colonial practices of naturalisation still occurred and the colonies lobbied for official control of the naturalisation process. westminster would eventually consent to this in when it decided that anyone who had resided in the colonies for seven years could be naturalised without a special act of parliament. the prospective subjects, however, needed to pass a religious test in order to prove their protestant values. once naturalised their rights were empire-wide. westminster had allowed for some concession, but the colonies still operated under local laws and customs until when all naturalisation in the colonies was banned by parliament. this disregard for british policy stemmed from practical considerations more than any theoretical shift in thinking. the policies of the old world simply could not keep pace with the realities needed in the new world. the american colonies would embrace the theoretical in the end. the colonists would become disillusioned after the french and indian wars. the colonists, proud as english subjects who had helped defeat the french, would argue that their rights had been violated by the burdensome taxes levied on them in the following decade. in the face of rising anger british intellectuals began to shore up the case for british dominion over the colonies. they returned to the point that the american colonies had accepted english common law and began to argue that the british empire was a single state under the crown. the king was sovereign of the empire and all owed him allegiance. furthermore, all subjects were under parliament, thus america must kettner, the development of american citizenship, . smith, civic ideals, . ibid. for a more detailed look at naturalisation in the american colonies see kettner, the development of american citizenship, chps. - and smith, civic ideals, chp. . be under parliament. american polemicists would dispute the british interpretation of the relationship between parliament and the colonies. the american colonies would in fact proclaim their allegiance to the king until the end -separating it from their objections to parliamentary authority what allegiance is it that we forget? allegiance to parliament? we never owed- we never owned it. allegiance to our king? our words have ever avowed it, - our conduct has ever been consistent with it. we condemn, and with arms in our hands, - a resource which freemen will never part with, - we oppose the claim and exercise of unconstitutional powers, to which neither the crown nor parliament were ever entitled […] is it objected against us by the most inveterate and the most uncandid of our enemies, that we have opposed any of the just prerogatives of the crown, or any legal exertion of these prerogatives? why then are we accused of forgetting our allegiance? we have performed our duty […] the breach of allegiance is removed from our resistance as far as tyranny is removed from legal government. even in the last moments before the revolution, americans still maintained that they were loyal subjects. americans still pledged allegiance to the crown as they called for george iii to protect them from parliament. american thought had come to this separation of crown and parliament by merging the theories of sir edward coke and john locke. coke had written a report of calvin’s case. coke, in examining the case, agreed that scotsmen were subjects even though they were not under the english parliament and retained their own legal systems. american theorists argued that the scots eventually allowed the combination of both the crown and parliament under the acts of union ( ). the american colonies had not assented to this and the scots had representation in parliament, leading to the famous cry ‘no taxation without representation.’ the americans reasoned that just because they owed allegiance to the king did not mean they fell under westminster’s jurisdiction. the americans were also taken with the writing of john locke - especially his two treatises of government. locke’s social contract theory began to allow the colonists to envision citizenship as a contract. the colonists merged locke’s contract theory, together with the historical understanding that the see bernard bailyn, the ideological origins of the american revolution (cambridge, m.a.: harvard university press, ). journals of the continental congress, - , vol. (washington d.c.: government printing office, ), . the selected writings and speeches of sir edward coke, vol. [reports] (indianapolis, in: liberty fund, ), - . robert calvin (an alias of james colville) inherited estates in england from a relative. calvin was deemed unable to inherit because he was scottish-born (an alien) thus he could not own english land. calvin appealed to the king’s bench. the bench deemed that calvin could inherit as a postnati- that is he was born after . was the year that james vi of scotland inherited the crown of england merging the two crowns. calvin was deemed to be born into the allegiance of james as a scot. calvin thus had allegiance to the king of england as well making him an english subject. calvin was therefore entitled to english rights. kettner, the development of american citizenship, . king must protect his subjects. the colonists claimed that the king was reneging on his duty by not interceding with parliament on their behalf. if the king could not uphold his side of the contract then they, the colonists, could void the contract. the move towards a lockean framework did not signify that the ultimate objective of the colonists was rebellion. on the contrary, the colonists continually attempted to reconcile with george iii until he declared them in rebellion. the early theories of volitional allegiance then were once again largely brought together by practical demands. volitional allegiance thus fell out of public discussion after the treaty of paris. the british had recognised the united states as a sovereign nation and it was assumed by the americans that emigration to their country fell under this umbrella. american theorists would be called upon to pick up the discussion once the issue of impressment had become a major issue between the two nations. the most complete refutation of the british was found in a treatise published in by george hay entitled a treatise on expatriation. hay was the u.s. attorney for the district of virginia and was married to eliza kortright monroe, the daughter of james monroe. the treatise came at a time when impressment was the last obstacle to peace. hay attempted to show the fallacy of indefensible allegiance. hay began his treatise by exploring expatriation. the word “expatriation” had its origins in the roman period but to hay it seemed that ‘expatriation had its birth in the united states’ due to the united states declaring the right to happiness and the pursuit of liberty. hay defined expatriation as ‘the removal of an individual from a country of which he is a citizen or subject, by which he ceases to be a citizen or a subject of that country’ hay postulates if a man is to be a citizen or ceases to be one, citizenship must be defined. hay agrees with the british that a citizen has both rights and duties. if these rights and duties cease - so does citizenship. the connection between the state and the individual is severed. the people of the american colonies severed their connection with britain by renouncing their duties. this severed connection was not one sided. the king had severed it kettner, the development of american citizenship,, . for the causes of the outbreak of the war of see. j.c.a stagg, mr madison’s war (princeton, nj: princeton press, ).; perkins, prologue to war. impressment was seen as one of the major reasons for hostilities between the u.s. and britain at the time. historians now agree that impressment was more of rhetoric device used by the american government to show displeasure that britain appeared not to take american sovereignty or military power seriously. stagg for example focuses on the issues of trade and the push by congressmen from the western states for further expansion and to stop british sponsored indian raids on the frontier. the breakdown of the house and senate vote shows this quite clearly. western congressmen voted for war while congressmen from the northeast (the area most affected by impressment) voted no. george hay, a treatise on expatriation (washington, d.c.: a. & g. way, ), . ibid., . ibid., - . when he refused to protect the rights of subjects from parliament. the british government had also ensured the severance by signing the treaty of paris. hay stated that a citizen has five basic duties . allegiance . obedience to the laws for the prevention of crimes . those which require a personal service . those which require the payment of taxes on person or property . those which require a respect for the rights of other citizens hay admits that this list is not comprehensive but notes that neither did blackstone ‘the most methodical of english jurists. hay states that if a citizen or a subject of one nation moves to another, he surrenders citizenship because he cannot perform his duties. the duties are void on immigration because, simply put, he is not in the locale to perform them. a british subject who lives in boston cannot be obedient to british law, personal service cannot be enforced nor can british taxes be collected. the social contract is void. hay concludes based on this ‘that expatriation is nothing more than emigration with an intention to reside, permanently, in another country.’ hay anticipated some challenge to such a stance and conceded that the fact of expatriation does not automatically allow for right of expatriation. hay contends that the laws of england allow for the right of expatriation. the british government never passed a law forbidding emigration. furthermore the english government had allowed for acts that regulated emigration. one example was when parliament granted the highland emigration society an act to increase the cost of emigrating from the highlands. parliament by passing such an act, sanctioned emigration. hay goes on to reason that the british government is hypocritical in maintaining the principle of indefeasible allegiance, as the british themselves allowed for complete naturalisation. hay reviews blackstone’s claim that allegiance is a matter of universal law; that if no british subject could become an american citizen then no natural-born american could become a british subject. a british law passed in contradicts that assertion. this law hay, a treatise in expatriation, - . ibid., - . ibid. ibid., - . ibid., . ( geo ii. c ) naturalised foreign seamen who had served two years on a british ship or married a british subject. the law states that all such individuals to all intents and purposes, be deemed and taken to be natural born subjects of his majesty’s kingdom of great britain, and have and enjoy all the privileges, powers, rights and capacities which such foreign mariners or seamen could, should or ought to have had enjoyed, in case he had been a natural born subject of his majesty and actually a native within the kingdom of great britain. hay extrapolated that this law displayed that the british allowed for naturalisation and did not distinguish between the allegiance created by naturalisation and natural-born allegiance. the british could not impress naturalised americans if they themselves allowed naturalisation. the british responded to this in the treatise the right and practice of impressment, as concerning great britain and america considered, claiming the law clearly referred to local allegiance while maintaining the perpetual nature of national allegiance. hay attacked the british separation of local and national (indefeasible) allegiance. he maintained that the only difference between the two was the duration of time. blackstone in his commentaries had written ‘as the prince affords his protection to the alien only during his residence in the realm, the allegiance of an alien is confined, in point of time, to the duration of such his residence, and, in point of locality, to the dominions of the british empire.’ hay imagined a scenario in which the french invaded england. a frenchman who had lived in britain for a number of years followed the doctrine of indefeasible allegiance. this frenchman aided the french army as was his duty as a natural-born french citizen. the frenchman however would be a traitor in the eyes of the british. the frenchman could defend himself by claiming he was forever under allegiance to his native country. this defence would be dismissed by the british court and he would be sentenced to death. hay asserts his claim is founded in british law. according to foster, in a case the judges ruled ‘that if an alien, seeking the protection of the crown, having a family and effects here should during a war with his native country, go thither, and there adhere to the king’s enemies for purposes of hostility he may be dealt with as a traitor’. the british within their own laws, placed local allegiance over national allegiance. in addition the british were contradicting their own doctrine by condemning foreigners who followed it. hay also considers a salient point regarding zimmerman, impressment of american seamen, . the statutes at large, of england and of great britain: from magna carta to the union of kingdoms of great britain and ireland, vol. ed. john raithby (london: george eyre and stratchan, ), . the right and practice of impressment…, . blackstone, commentaries, vol. , . hay, a treatise on expatriation, . impressment and citizenship: what about non-naturalised aliens? hay dismisses aliens as irrelevant. british law does not distinguish between the two, because the british belief in indefeasible allegiance renders no distinction between non-naturalised and naturalised aliens. hay only attacks the british by attempting to show their own internal contradictions. he never advances the american argument beyond that which can be found in the naturalisation acts or in the pre-revolutionary debate. america, unlike britain, had no long legal history to draw from, so the american position became entrenched together with the wider american principles of liberty, freedom and individual choice. this was reflected in the diplomacy regarding impressment. impressment was left untouched by the jay treaty signed in . it had not become a serious issue and the federalists argued that perhaps the american government should recognise indefeasible allegiance. american objections to impressment became more robust, coinciding with the election of the democratic-republican president thomas jefferson and the british resumption of the war against france in . the democratic-republicans favoured france and looked towards the british with suspicion. in , jefferson refused to send the proposed monroe-pinkney treaty to the senate for ratification because it did not address the issue of impressment. shortly after american anger grew over the chesapeake- leopard affair and congress passed embargoes against european trade. after the embargoes, impressment ceased to be a mainstay of american diplomacy, overtaken by issues of trade. even when impressment stood as the last obstacle to peace in the issue would not be resolved. at the peace negotiations at ghent, the british refused to give up the right of impressment and madison instructed the american plenipotentiaries to drop the issue altogether. the american government would gently continue to seek an end to impressment for a decade but the british refused to give way. in the end america took no further action hay, a treatise on expatriation, - . smith, civic ideals, . the federalists’ argument emerged from their concern that the flood of immigrants from europe were not trust worthy; that they did not subscribe to republican values. federalists then floated the idea that naturalised and native-born citizens were different, drawing from the english system. see anthony steel, “impressment in the monroe-pinkney negotiations”, the american historical review, ( ), ( ), - . jefferson also rejected the treaty because he believed it did not secure the neutral trade rights of america. the chesapeake-leopard affair was sparked when hms leopard was searching for recent deserters from hms halifax. the leopard came across uss chesapeake. the leopard’s captain salusbury pryce humphreys asked to come aboard to search for deserters. the chesapeake’s captain, commodore james barron, refused. the leopard then opened fire and the chesapeake, completely unready for action, surrendered after only firing a single shot. the chesapeake was then boarded and her english sailors taken off. naturally such an act drew the anger of the american populace. see alfred burt, the united states, great britain and british north america (new haven, ct: yale university press, ) chps. - .; henry l. coles, the war of (chicago, il: university of chicago press, ). because it didn’t need to. the end of the napoleonic wars meant that the british practice of impressment became virtually extinct with regard to other nations. no other war in the th century would require the british to impress individuals whose citizenship was a matter of contention. the clash of citizenship displayed the fundamental differences between the subjectship of the old world and a new emerging citizenship in the new world. ultimately the issue remained unsettled, given that there were no further clashes in the succeeding years. if there had been further clashes, then a new form of international law could have emerged, dealing with issues of allegiance, expatriation and dual citizenship. the clash between american and british citizenship was one issue of many between the two nations. the fight over expatriation was part of a greater struggle for america to be given international respect. the introduction to the british treatise summarised the disdain of british thought america is a young nation, and her institutions are still younger, they have been formed on the speculative notions of the individual independence and inherent rights of man, without much reference to the experience of the ancient modes of government. the british were not entirely wrong. madison, the staunchest campaigner against impressment, admitted that there were few sailors who had been naturalised under the law should any difficulty be started concerning seaman born within the british dominions, and naturalised by the ustates since the of treaty of , you may remove it by observing; first that very few of any such naturalizations can take place; the law here requiring a preparatory residence of five years with notice of the intention to become a citizen entered into record two years before the last necessary formality. similar sentiments were expressed by albert gallatin who admitted in that between , to , sailors in the american merchant service were britons who had not been naturalised. frankly put, it was hard for sailors to meet the residency requirements for naturalisation when they were at sea. the american government may have been guilty of acting on principle more than reality (the same can be said of the british) but refusal to back down had earnt the young nation the right and practice of impressment…, . “from james madison to james monroe, january ,” the papers of james madison, vol. , november  –  march , ed. by mary a. hackett, j. c. a. stagg, ellen j. barber, anne mandeville colony, and angela kreider,(charlottesville, va: university of virginia press, ), – . “gallatin to jefferson”, april ”, the writings of albert gallatin, vol. , ed. by henry adams (philadelphia: j.b. lippincott, ), . international respect. the treaty of ghent signified an end to a phase of the development of american citizenship. the internal struggle for african-american citizenship would soon become a focal issue, but by a picture of american citizenship had emerged. in american citizenship was exclusively the preserve of white people. it was based on the european idea of allegiance but was far more liberal in concept in that allegiance was transferable based far more on the right of the individual than the right of the state. allegiance was also an issue internally given the nature of american citizenship. american citizens had allegiance and thus two forms of citizenship; national and state. congress had banned naturalisation through state procedures by , but its unwillingness to define the relationship between state and national citizenship had left the issue in limbo. national citizenship was created though naturalisation; it was merely the admission to a status. state citizenship was equally undefined since aliens could not be naturalised to or by their state of residence. what entailed state citizenship? the answer is the two concepts were joined. american citizenship had a national status in which the definition of rights lay with the individual states - save for the restrictions on holding federal offices. american citizenship in was a reflection of the early american system of government: that the federal government defined only what was necessary and deferred to the state for the status quo. the limited definition of american citizenship was further indicative of the necessity involved in its birth. early american citizenship was not defined unless it had to be, unless external forces attacked. the tenets of american citizenship- volitional allegiance, individuality and the nature of the social contract were born out of external threats. parliamentary tyranny saw american polemicists argue that allegiance to the king did not mean allegiance to parliament and insisted the king move to protect their rights, which in their view he was obliged to do as part of a contract. when this tactic failed they extended their arguments regarding allegiance, to justify severing their allegiance. a similar pattern occurred during the s. the british were an external threat so the american government once again began to emphasise volitional allegiance. the threat from outside america also informed the policies of naturalisation. federalists, anti-federalists and democratic-republicans all agreed that immigrants from europe must reside within the u.s. before they could become citizens, to ensure their love of republican principles. lastly, american citizenship remained fluid because of the time. in the grand scheme - is a relatively short period, especially to define a concept as difficult as citizenship. the short time period explains why american citizenship upon reflection is not so different from british subjectship. many facets of american citizenship come from the british. the residency period for naturalisation was a british idea and the rights and duties of a citizen/subject was a european concept. american citizenship then is not as radical as it first appears. american citizenship in the early republic was the new world interpretation of an old world system. [ ] not only a man but an american citizen by the early phase of the development of american citizenship had ended with a loose definition of citizenship. this citizenship was for whites only. the next phase would be the struggle towards allowing america’s african population to claim citizenship. the move towards african-american citizenship led to much discussion on the privileges and immunities of citizenship, especially the relationship between political rights and citizenship. the attorney general edward bates, stated such when asked about the possibility of african-american citizenship eighty years of practical enjoyment of citizenship, under the constitution, have not sufficed to teach us either the exact meaning of the word, or the constituent elements of the thing we prize most highly. […] the argument has not turned upon the existence and the intrinsic qualities of citizenship itself, but upon the claim of some right or privilege as belonging to and inhering in the character of citizens. in this way we are easily led into errors both of fact and principle. the undefined nature of citizenship led to much confusion around the question of rights and their supposed necessity for citizenship. the ambiguities and differences among the states’ legal treatment of blacks, created issues regarding comity which brought the relationship between voting rights and citizenship to the fore. the focus on this relationship underlined the question of the suitability or fitness of blacks for american citizenship. this question was asked in various forms in the courthouses of the states for decades. the various state positions meant that only a federal ruling would settle the question of african-american citizenship. the ruling the supreme court made would not stand for long. as it had been in , the question for america was answered in a conflict. the participation of black men in the civil war displayed their dedication to the union and subsequently it was difficult to deny them citizenship in a country many had died for. the passing of the reconstruction amendments not only meant the granting of african-american citizenship, but also theoretically secured voting rights for citizens and the confirmation of birthright citizenship in the united states. america at the time of its founding offered the hope of a new world. no other nation seemingly, had been formed by a heady mixture of idealism, universal rights, political edward bates, opinion of the attorney general bates on citizenship (washington d.c.: government printing office, ), . philosophy and force of arms. yet, for a nation which was born out of a struggle of natural rights, it is a cruel irony that in its early history it denied rights to a section of its population. it is strange that a nation committed to the ideals of liberty would at its founding, allow for the continuation of slavery. when the constitutional convention met, it was attended by fifty-five delegates. twenty-five of these attendees were slaveholders. there were also former slaveholders present. many delegates, especially those from the new england states, were opposed to slavery but failed to act. pushing too strongly for abolition would have seen the walk out of southern delegates. lacking any way to abolish slavery, the anti-slavery delegates could only hope to curb its expansion. a compromise was reached where the importation of slaves could continue for another twenty years at which time congress had the power to end the practice: the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. northerners felt that after twenty years, congress would indeed outlaw the practice and hence slavery would end eventually. the north laboured under the illusion that within the next three decades american slavery would be a thing of the past. the remaining flash points for slavery were the three-fifths compromise and the fugitive slave clause. the three-fifths compromise was another coup for southern delegates. the northern states’ higher population would allow for control of the house of representatives. control of the house could see the southern states defeated on a number of issues: taxation, commerce and slavery. thus when the connecticut compromise was accepted, it was necessary for the south to gain a measure of representation for its black population. after staughton lynd, class conflict: slavery & the united states constitution (new york, ny: bobbs-merrill, ), . paul finkelman, an imperfect union: slavery, federalism and comity (the university of north carolina press: chapel hill, nc, ), . article i, section , clause , the constitution of the united states. david waldstreicher, slavery’s constitution: from revolution to ratification (new york, ny: hill and wang, ), - .; daniel walker howe, what hath god wrought: the transformation of america, - (oxford: oxford university press, ), . prior to the official start of the constitutional convention there was discussion regarding how government would operate. two major plans were put forth, the virginia plan and the new jersey plan. the virginia plan called for a bicameral legislature in which the states would have representation based on population. it also introduced the three branches of u.s. government and the system of checks and balances. the new jersey plan proposed a single body where each state had one vote similar to the articles of confederation. the connecticut compromise joined both plans, allowing for a lower house based on population and an upper house in which all states were equal. representation based on half and three-quarters had been rejected, madison proposed that three- fifths be the figure. this was unanimously agreed upon. the three-fifths compromise was thus written into the constitution as article i, section clause . the clause also meant that slave states would pay more taxes because of their slave populations. of course these taxes were never levied. once again the free states acquiesced - to the benefit of the slave states. fredrick douglass would comment that the three-fifths compromise ‘lean[ed] to freedom, not to slavery, however, in the end the free states gained nothing from the clause, while the slave states acquired greater representation in congress. the fugitive slave clause was to be the most important part of the constitution related to slavery. pierce butler and charles pinckney, both from south carolina, suggested that article iv, section , clause should be rewritten to include the phrase ‘to require fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals.’ objections to the clause were based on the claim that it was unfair that states should have to pay for the incarceration and maintenance of escaped slaves. these objections fell by the wayside when the very next day butler simply introduced the fugitive slave clause as a separate clause. it was agreed upon with debate and became article iv, section , clause which read ‘no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due.’ luckily for many escaped slaves, this clause along with the fugitive slave act ( ), was largely unenforced by free states until the more severe fugitive slave act ( ) was passed. the possible clash between various state laws was intensified by the next clause: the comity clause. comity is the principle that one nation, state, dukedom, territory etc. extends its rights to the citizens of another. the comity clause stated ‘the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.’ the combination of both article i, section , clause , the constitution of the united states.; representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. philip s. foner, the life and writings of fredrick douglass, vol . (new york, ny: international publishers, ). ; finkelman, an imperfect union, . article iv, section , clause reads ‘a person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another state, shall on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime.’ finkelman, an imperfect union, - . article iv, section , clause , the constitution of the united states. article iv, section , clause , the constitution of the united states. clauses could have foreseeably created a situation in which a state passed a law bestowing citizenship on free black men and thus all other states would be forced to recognise these men as citizens. again this could be turned around. free states might be expected to recognise the privileges and immunities of the slave owner and his “property”. the ambiguity was increased, because at the time no absolute definition of citizenship existed. if rhode island made a black man a citizen under rhode island law, did this automatically qualify him for national citizenship? in the case of a white man it certainly seemed that being a citizen of a state conferred with it national citizenship but for the black man who faced racial prejudice, who had brothers kept in chains, no such certainty existed. if a free black man of massachusetts was a citizen and had the vote - was south carolina under obligation to treat him with the same courtesy? the ambiguity was not settled at the convention. the founding fathers, as with so much of the constitution, decided against clearly defining the nuances or how each article or section directly ruled on the issues of their time. perhaps they thought they had indeed settled all of the pertinent issues. perhaps the sectional tensions made it impossible to continue without leading to a massive breach. history more often than not is in the middle of two extremes, therefore the founding fathers believed that they had sufficiently addressed the major issues and any unsettled ones were minor enough and not worth a possible walkout. the triumph of pro-slavery at the convention had an impact on the possibility of black citizenship. citizenship had generally remained untouched at the convention. it was left undefined because americans themselves were unsure of its meaning. the founders only knew whites were citizens. the relationship of other ethnic groups to american citizenship was amorphous. the delegates in their minds had more pressing concerns. the best hope for black citizenship lay in the individual states. the founders may have intended this situation to occur, given the wording of the comity clause. ‘the citizens of each state’ implies that citizenship was to be dealt with by the states. delegating power to individual states was their default position. it was possible to see at this point that more liberal states might allow for free black men to become citizens. this could allow for former slaves to be recognised as citizens throughout the united states, or at least allow the issue to gain momentum at the federal level. on the other hand the general leeway that the states acquired, meant they could equally pass laws prohibiting black citizenship or rights commonly associated with citizenship. it also appeared troubling that in any dispute pro-slavery/racist forces won out. if there were future clashes between states over the status of free blacks it appeared that the side in favour of denying rights would win. lastly, the constitution’s allowance of slavery hurt black citizenship. if slavery was ended and thus created a great number of free blacks, then the issue of black citizenship may have been dealt with early in the preceding decades or at the convention itself. the continuation of slavery, however, hurt most because it allowed blacks, both slave and free, to be questioned about their suitability for citizenship. as slavery continued, people in both the north and the south saw the degraded status of the black slave. people wondered if any african having endured such degradation would be able to properly vote or carry out any of a citizen’s duties without prejudice. a cruder line of thought maintained that slavery was proof that africans could never be morally, intellectually or politically equal to the white man - therefore could never be raised to citizenship. ideas such as these would inject themselves heavily into the debate in the following decades. the ambiguities of the convention were left to be dealt with by the states. the new england states contained the highest agitation for abolition. at the convention, the delegates had been most vocal in opposing any expansion of slavery and it was in these states slavery was the first to disappear. rhode island in passed an act forbidding the importation of slaves and granting immediate freedom to any illegally imported slaves. during the revolution, rhode island went on to declare that a slave must give consent if he/she were to be sold out of state, before finally passing a statute for gradual emancipation in . connecticut had banned the importation of slaves even earlier than rhode island, in . in connecticut passed a bill for gradual emancipation in which the children of slaves would be free, once twenty five. it was not until that connecticut banned the exportation of slaves and it would not interfere in matters of slave transit until . pennsylvania also carried out gradual emancipation starting in . all slaves in the state had to be registered and thus their children were emancipated. in addition all slaves brought into the state and remaining there for a period of six months would be freed. the law had one exception: ‘domestic slaves’ belonging to members of congress. new hampshire’s remote location and lack of case law mean that historians are unable to trace the state’s abolition - except that by no slaves remained in new hampshire. vermont wrote abolition into its state constitution. it also passed a law in re-stating vermont would not tolerate the practice of slavery from its citizens. this arthur zilversmit, the first emancipation: the abolition of slavery in the north (chicago, il.: the university of chicago press, ), . finkelman, an imperfect union, - . zilversmit, the first emancipation, . was in response to the unseemly practice of some citizens of vermont deceiving liberated slaves back into bondage and then transporting them out of state to be sold. the largest new england state, massachusetts, known for being the state most stridently against slavery, ironically never officially ended slavery by governmental statutes. instead it was ended de facto by its citizens and a number of law cases. a slave called elizabeth freemen also known as bett was one of the first slaves in massachusetts to file a freedom suit. her contention was that under the constitution of the commonwealth of massachusetts her bondage was illegal. the first article of massachusetts’ constitution read all men are born free and equal, and have certain natural, essential, and unalienable rights; among which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and defending their lives and liberties; that of acquiring, possessing, and protecting property; in fine, that of seeking and obtaining their safety and happiness. bett’s lawyers argued that under this article, slavery was unconstitutional in massachusetts. the jury agreed and bett was set free. the other major case in massachusetts was the quock walker case. quock walker was promised his freedom at age twenty five by his master james caldwell. caldwell died but mrs caldwell agreed to keep her husband’s promise, allowing walker freedom when he was twenty one. mrs caldwell, however, married nathaniel jennison who refused to manumit walker. in response walker fled to the farm of james caldwell’s brothers seth and john. jennison sued the caldwells for enticing a slave to flee. walker at the same time sued jennison for assault on the basis that walker had effectively been wrongly imprisoned. walker contended that his former master’s promise made him a free man. jennison v. caldwell was heard first. the jury agreed with jennison and he was awarded damages. in quock walker v. jennison, walker’s lawyer argued slavery was against both christian teaching and the massachusetts constitution. the jury found in favour of walker. he was set free with damages. both decisions were appealed. jennison was unsuccessful but the caldwells won because it had been deemed that walker was a free man and thus could choose to work where he pleased. the last case commonwealth v. jennison was filed by the attorney-general against jennison for assault and battery stemming from walker’s illegal imprisonment. he was found guilty. the decisions of the massachusetts supreme court set a clear precedent that slavery was not welcome in massachusetts. by slavery in massachusetts had ceased. by the finkelman, an imperfect union, - . the constitution of the state of massachusetts ( ) (boston, ma: richardson & lord, ), finkelman, an imperfect union, . turn of the th century slavery was abolished or was set to be abolished in new england. new england therefore had a significant free black population. slaves were not only set free by laws. there were already some free blacks before the revolution and many slaves across the united states in the chaos of war took the opportunity to flee their masters, often settling in the northern states. in the south the number of free blacks was much smaller and when slaves were freed, in the end they tended to migrate north. the free black population in the north created a challenge. no longer slaves, they were by no means automatically citizens of either state or country. this issue would raise questions in both the north and the south and affect american politics for the next sixty years. the growing number of free blacks in the north meant something had to be done. they were free but not citizens. free states, despite the absence of slavery, would not grant freed men citizenship. instead, these states would allow free black persons some legal protection under the law but would refuse them social and political equality. leon litwack covers the extent of this problem in his work north of slavery. the problem was that no state constitution or court decision could erase in the mind of white americans the idea that africans were a lesser people. racism lessened the need for a discussion about free blacks and citizenship. massachusetts, a proud free state in , ordered a ban on interracial marriages. further, massachusetts deported people of african descent under the premise that they were not citizens of one of the states - yet most were from rhode island, pennsylvania and new york. anti-slavery advocates recognised that this version of white supremacy would be the most indomitable barrier to a better quality of black life in america. northern antislavery forces set out to rectify this by aiming to improve black education, helping freed men gain employment and instilling in africans a sense of moral virtue. delegates from the american convention of abolition societies, a congress of state abolitionist societies declared that they [the convention] wish to see you act worthily of the freedom you have acquired as freemen, and thereby do credit to yourselves, and to justify the friends and advocates of your color in the eyes of the world. as the result of our united reflections we have concluded to call your attention to the following… we earnestly recommend to you, a regular attention to the important duty of public worship… we advise leon f. litwack, north of slavery (the university of chicago press: chicago, il, ), - . the american convention was an informal umbrella group for many abolitionist societies from both the north and south. starting in it met every year yet the number of delegates and societies represented greatly varied from year to year. new york and pennsylvania societies tended to dominate the convention. the convention never moved towards any legislative change, preferring the individual societies to take on this task. they mainly focused on passing resolutions and moralising. the societies stopped meeting in and in disbanded the convention believing they could not achieve their original goals. such of you, as have not been taught reading and writing and the first principles of arithmetic to acquire them as early as possible… early and frequently read the holy scriptures… teach your children useful trades... be diligent in your respective dealings… refrain for the use of spirituous liquors… avoid frolicking… we recommend to you, at all times and upon all occasions, to behave yourselves to all persons in a civil and respectful manner. statements such as these would be standard amongst the abolitionists. abolitionists tended to be deeply religious and of the more puritanical sects, especially quakers in new england. the abolitionists’ puritanical outlook on life influenced the formation of black improvement. these abolitionists believed heavily in the value of individual responsibility and self-reliance. it stood then, that a belief in black self-improvement would feature prominently with the abolitionist movement. abolitionists, in line with their religious values, believed in moral persuasion. if black men and women could improve themselves it would show the rest of white americans that they deserved some legal protection, if not full citizenship. black self- improvement was also hoped to have run - on effects regarding slavery. if freed men and women could be shown to lead productive lives, then this would counter the racist narrative that the african race was not fit for the american life. the racist narrative would be discredited and slavery would start to crumble. this could be seen as the beginning of a type of respectability politics - that black men should act to white standards in order to gain wider societal acceptance. the abolitionists would find that changing peoples’ opinions would be a much harder task than envisioned. the majority of northerners, though in favour of emancipation, still held prejudicial views on race. the northern black community would therefore find itself restricted in political and social minutes of the proceedings of the third convention of delegates for the abolition societies, (philadelphia, ), - . ning kang, “puritanism and its impact on american values”, review of european studies, vol. , ( ), dec. , - . respectability politics in its modern form is where people from an ethnic minority (not the majority) attempt to convince /police the others in that ethnic minority to act and conduct themselves in certain ways widely acceptable to the majority. in the modern era, responsibility politics is a particularly divisive issue seen as forcing african-americans to “act white” and for excusing and/or failing to acknowledge systematic racism and discrimination. one such example is bill cosby’s “pound cake” speech. in cosby, a prominent african-american entertainer (who has since become the subject of unrelated controversy in his personal life) gave a speech in washington d.c. at an naacp celebration of the th anniversary of brown v. board of education. in it he admonished black society for not speaking “proper english”, for gang violence and the supposed number of absentee african-american fathers. he implored african-americans to take personal responsibility, stating they could no longer blame systematic oppression. bill cosby, “ th anniversary commemoration of the brown v. topeka board of education supreme court decision”, address delivered at the naacp awards, washington d.c., may . equality whether at the hands of the law, extrajudicial measures or even mob violence. northerners, bigots or friends, disliked black immigration. the states of the upper east, however, declined to ban black immigration. the newer free states differed. these states (ohio, illinois etc.) bordered slave states. this meant that both escaped and manumitted slaves would make these states their first destinations. illinois in her state constitution declared: ‘the general assembly shall, at its first session under the amended constitution, pass such laws as will effectually prohibit free persons of colour from immigrating to and settling in this state; and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them into this state for the purpose of setting them free.’ indiana and oregon also placed similar provisions in their constitutions. these provisions had strong support. in indiana, there was more support for the clause on black immigration than the state constitution itself. in the face of this support it is surprising that these provisions were not, for the most part, enforced. an ohio senate committee suggested such laws were never meant to be enforced: ‘it was never believed that the law would ever be complied with, nor was it intended by the makers that it should ever be. its evident design was to drive this portion of our population into other states. it was an unrighteous attempt to accomplish, indirectly and covertly, what they would shrink from doing openly and frankly.’ the lax enforcement of these laws did not mean that they were toothless, especially in the hands of the mob. in there were only black residents in cincinnati. in cincinnati had an estimated , ‘blacks or mulattos’ . the white population, alarmed at this increase, urged that there be a law forcing black residents to have a certificate of freedom and to pay a $ bond for good behaviour. the authorities gave black leaders time to visit canada to look for a place to relocate. impatient white mobs roamed cincinnati’s black quarter harassing and terrorising its inhabitants as well as destroying their property. when the delegation returned from canada, , black residents choose to cross the border. a great irony occurred only a few months later when the cincinnati gazette, a paper that advocated the enforcement of the law, bemoaned the loss of so many black residents. its editor, suddenly keen to assail the law zilversmit, the first emancipation, - .; litwack, north of slavery, . article xiv, constitution of the state of illinois, , http://www.idaillinois.org/cdm/ref/collection/isl /id/ litwack, north of slavery, . ibid., - . journal of the senate of the state of ohio, vol. (columbus, oh: samuel medary, .), . richard c. wade, “the negro in cincinnati, - ”, the journal of negro history, vol. , ( ), jan. , - . wrote: ‘the rank oppression of a devoted people may be consummated in the midst of us, without exciting either sympathy, or operative indignation.’ the incidents in cincinnati showed that while laws were laxly enforced - in the blink of an eye and with the help of a roused white population - these same laws could be used to harass black populations. this was seen not only in ohio and illinois but also in new york, boston and pennsylvania. even when the immigration laws did not provide a convenient excuse for mob violence, their mere existence was a constant reminder to the black population of its inferior status. free blacks were further reminded of that inferior status at the polls. by , % of the north’s black population was forbidden to vote or faced heavy restrictions that made voting almost impossible. arguments against black suffrage stemmed from the familiar idea that africans were mentally inferior to whites. politics was perceived to require superior intellect: an intellect that africans did not possess. if black men obtained the vote then they could control voting blocs and then black men could be found in the house and the senate. moreover, what if a southerner found a former slave of his sitting next to him in the house? would this not constitute a ‘gross insult to the south and threaten the union?’ when white suffrage was expanded in the early th century, black disenfranchisement was justified on the basis that the electorate could not absorb so many new voters. of course, when universal white suffrage was attained by the early s, blacks were met with the old inferiority line and charges they would corrupt the ballot box. however, as one new yorker argued it is said these people [free blacks] are incapable of exercising the right of suffrage judiciously; that they will become the tools and engines of aristocracy, and set themselves up in market, and give their votes to the highest bidder [...] if this be a sufficient reason for depriving any of your citizens your just rights, go on and exclude the also many thousands of white fawning, sycophants who look up to their more wealthy and more ambitious neighbours for direction at the polls, as they look to them for bread. from the missouri compromise of until the civil war, each new state constitution (save for maine’s) disenfranchised free black males. by the outbreak of the civil war only five states allowed for complete black enfranchisement: massachusetts, maine, rhode island, new the cincinnati gazette, august , , quoted in wade, “the negro in cincinnati, - ,” - . litwack, north of slavery, . ibid., - . reports of the proceedings and debates of the convention of , assembled for the purpose of amending the constitution of the state of new york (e. and e. hosford: albany, ny, ), . hampshire and vermont allowed for universal black suffrage. new york also allowed black voting, but only if a person owned more than $ worth of property, a measure which barred most black residents. thus, only percent of the north’s free black population or a total of percent of america’s free black population could vote. the lack of voting rights only further informed black society that they were deemed a lesser people and not wanted as citizens of the united states. the message could not be starker. blacks were not simply left off the franchise, but actively excluded. years later justice curtis would note this. curtis, writing in his dissenting dredd scott opinion, stated that there was clear evidence that some states had allowed blacks to vote to determine whether any free persons, descended from africans held in slavery, were citizens of the united states under the confederation, and consequently at the time of the adoption of the constitution of the united states, it is only necessary to know whether any such persons were citizens of either of the states under the confederation at the time of the adoption of the constitution. of this there can be no doubt. at the time of the ratification of the articles of confederation, all free native-born inhabitants of the states of new hampshire, massachusetts, new york, new jersey, and north carolina, though descended from african slaves, were not only citizens of those states, but such of them as had the other necessary qualifications possessed the franchise of electors, on equal terms with other citizens. new jersey and north carolina had allowed black men to vote at the time of the revolution but had chosen to actively legislate against them. pennsylvania was the same. the lack of black enfranchisement was a two pronged issue. firstly, it did not allow blacks to bring political pressure to attempt to gain assurance for their rights. secondly, their lack of political rights placed them further away from citizenship. the right to vote had been linked strongly to citizenship in republics since the ancient greeks. the american revolutionary ideal had held that men should govern amongst themselves and not through monarchy and aristocracy. furthermore, the rise in “jacksonian democracy” during the period only strengthened this connection. the inability to exercise the right to vote, meant blacks (through no fault of their own) were not living up to this ideal - they were not able to show white america they could indeed be “good citizens.” alexander keyssar, the right to vote: the contested history of democracy in the united states, (philadelphia, pa: basic books: ), . howe, what hath god wrought, . ibid., .; keyssar, the right to vote, . scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), - . the need to show that they were worthy of citizenship meant that amongst the northern black population, education was held high in importance. black children were entitled to education in new england, new york and pennsylvania, though very few schools allowed for white and black children to be educated together. legislatures enacted laws that directed separate schools be built for black children. the western free states such as ohio and indiana would be slower on the uptake, refusing black education until the s. by almost all northern states allowed for black education. objections to black education varied. people argued that africans did not have the mental capacity for higher intellectual pursuits, others argued that allowing black and white children to learn side by side would lead to violence and undermine public education in general. opponents also argued that it would only antagonise southerners and encourage black emigration to the north. opposition to integrated education was not merely confined to public schools, but to private institutions as well. when the abolitionist charles b. ray enrolled in wesleyan university in connecticut, several students objected and he agreed to leave just two months later. when the noyes academy in cannan, new hampshire admitted black students the townspeople objected. they feared an influx of fugitive slaves and vagabonds. such was their opposition, that at a town meeting they agreed the school must be removed. they gathered oxen and pulled down the school from its foundations. incidents of this nature, however, were limited, given that there were very few schools which admitted both white and black students. non-integrated schools were not enough for some. when black-only schools were founded they were often harassed to close. when a black college opening was announced in new haven, connecticut the town strongly opposed it, claiming that not only would it scare the girls at neighbouring schools but it would dent the prestige of yale (which happened to have many southern students). further down the road in canterbury a quaker, prudence crandall, was headmistress of an all-girls boarding school. crandall admitted a black student - to the chagrin of the local populace. in response crandall travelled to boston to consult william lloyd garrison the prominent editor of the liberator about the possibility of opening an all-black, all-girls school. once this was discovered, the township responded with threats. crandall and litwack, north of slavery, - . charles bennet ray would go on to become a prominent activist. he became a methodist minister and in co-founded the weekly newspaper the colored american with philip a bell. he was a member of many abolitionist societies including the american anti-slavery committee and co-founded founded the new york vigilance society. litwack, north of slavery, - . ibid., - . her abolitionist friends refused to back down. canterbury, unlike cannan, did not escalate the situation with mob violence, but appealed to the state legislature. the legislature agreed that no good could come from the school, so passed a law forbidding the establishment of schools for free blacks who were not inhabitants of connecticut. miss crandall refused to be silenced however, and continued to operate her school and was arrested. the jury in the resulting case could come to no decision. in a second trial justice daggett advised the jury that the defence’s notion that the law violated the privileges and immunities clause was false. daggett explained that the clause only applied to citizens and that free blacks were not citizens. on this basis the jury found crandall guilty. (this would be reversed on appeal on a technicality). despite the implications of this trial, black schools were largely allowed to continue or be founded - though not without harassment. black schools, however, were inferior; they had difficulty finding good teachers and maintaining buildings. in response, black leaders increasingly called for integration in the s and s. the number of black students at colleges and schools did increase, yet some places, such as boston, remained stubborn. the policy of school segregation in boston was challenged in by benjamin roberts. he filed a lawsuit on behalf his daughter sarah. sarah attended a black school but walked past five white schools on the way there. all of them had rejected her application for entry. charles sumner took on the case. he argued that american history, ideals and institutions allowed for no racial distinctions, that school segregation injured all parties and that maintaining black and white schools were equal was laughable. the defence kept its argument strictly legal, asserting the city of boston had every legal right to run its schools how it saw fit. the judge agreed and thus “separate but equal” entered the american lexicon. throughout the s black attendance at both white schools and colleges increased but there was certainly no widespread integration and black schools saw little improvement in their circumstances. these restrictions in rights gave credence to the feeling that free blacks were inferior, second class citizens – except, of course, in many places they were not considered citizens. the litwack, north of slavery, - . reports of the trial of miss prudence crandall before the county court for windham county (brooklyn, ct, ). charles sumner would go on to become a senator and an important anti-slavery voice in washington. in he gave a speech entitled “the crime against kansas”. in it he railed against the kansas-nebraska act and its authors including andrew butler, a senator for south carolina. two days later he was severely beaten by preston brooks, a congressman from south carolina and cousin of butler. this beating caused outrage in the north especially when brooks was returned to the house by his constituents. the event is considered one causative factor of the civil war. roberts v. boston, mass. ( ). restrictions on black society - from movement to education to voting rights - only reinforced the notion that they were not citizens. the vast majority of americans had made it clear that they wanted the two races to remain separate; that africans could never truly be integrated into american society. they could never truly be citizens. these restrictions only hurt the case for black citizenship. the difficulty in blacks having their children educated in sub-standard schools meant they were less prepared for college, only adding to the myth that africans could never reach the intellectual level of the white man. this lack of education added support for the argument that free blacks were not fit to exercise the right to vote - a true sign of citizenship. what must have been frustrating to the black community was the lack of consistency. blacks in massachusetts could vote, yet the state’s largest city refused to allow their children to be educated alongside white children. there was no real statement on their status at a national level and the states’ attitudes varied wildly. as it was thought that africans could never truly integrate and that they would be separate forever, there emerged the idea of colonisation - this idea being that if the races could not remain in such close proximity, then all of america’s african population would be better served elsewhere. the free blacks of the north struggled for equal rights while many southern freemen and slaves alike laboured under horrible conditions. the number of legal cases or opinions surrounding equality and oppression far outweigh any direct commentary on the citizenship status of america’s black population. commentary was not needed, given that almost every american knew that no black man could truly be a citizen. despite the perceived inferiority of blacks in american society there were times when it was necessary in the legal realm to define the legal status of black men. the status of free blacks became even more important as, at the same time, from the s onwards, another legal phenomenon was occurring - freedom suits. a trend regarding citizenship in american history is that it is often only defined when it needs to be. the history of american citizenship is a collection of discrete events. citizenship is the accumulated effect of these outcomes. the earliest coherent opinion on black citizenship came from one of these seemingly insignificant events. in attorney general william wirt was asked to consider if ‘free persons of color were, in virginia, citizens of the united states.’ the question was brought to his attention as treasury collectors in norfolk, virginia, were william wirt, rights of free negroes in virginia, ops. atty. gen. . unsure whether or not free black men could command ships. wirt went straight to the constitution. he argued that the constitution as the standard of meaning, it seems very manifest that no person is included in the description of citizen of the united states who has not the full rights of a citizen in the state of his residence. among other proofs of this, it will be sufficient to advert to the constitutional provision, that "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states." he continued that, based on the comity clause, if a person resided in virginia with ‘none of the high characteristic privileges of a citizen of the state’ but was a citizen by the law only, then if he/she moved to another state he/she would inherit all the privileges and immunities of that state. the person thus had privileges and immunities he/she didn’t hold in his/her resident state. wirt stated that he did not believe the constitution convention could have intended this to be the case. he noted that if this were the case then freedmen could easily become eligible for high office as free blacks could easily meet the residence and age criteria. wirt for this reason opined that the constitution had intended that the description of ‘citizens of the united states,’ meant only those who enjoyed the full and equal privileges of white citizens in the state of their residence. earlier in his opinion, wirt had linked the constitution and subsequent acts of congress. wirt was of the opinion that the definition of citizen found in the constitution was thus the definition in all of congress’ acts. in light of this he had no choice but to declare that freedmen of virginia were not citizens of the united states. wirt reasoned that virginian freedmen had very few privileges allowed to the citizens of virginia; they could not vote, enrol in the militia, marry white women and could not testify against white people in court. freedmen did not possess the rights of citizens of virginia hence under wirt’s interpretation of the constitution they could not be citizens of the united states. wirt’s opinion - the first of its kind - did not often enter the argument against citizenship for freedmen and freedwomen. firstly, wirt limited the scope of his decision with his final statement :‘upon the whole, i am of the opinion that free persons of color in virginia are not citizens of the united states, within the intent and meaning of the acts regulating foreign and coasting trade, so as to be qualified to command vessels.’ wirt it would seem was u.s. maritime law regulated that only u.s. citizens could command vessels involved in coastal trading. if it were deemed that free black men were not citizens then they de jure could not command vessels. william wirt, rights of free negroes in virginia ops. atty. gen. , . ibid. ibid., . commenting only on the status of free blacks in virginia and with regard to shipping. furthermore, if one follows his logic he does not claim outright that free blacks could never be u.s. citizens. wirt said only that freedmen in virginia could not be citizens because they did not have the rights of citizens in their home state. it stood then under wirt’s opinion - that if free blacks had rights in a state similar to those of the white populace, they could be considered full citizens of that state, the comity clause could be applied and free blacks could be considered u.s. citizens in new england. of course even in new england, free blacks had difficulty in obtaining rights and they constituted only % of the free black population in the u.s. wirt’s opinion also signalled the difficulty of black citizenship in the succeeding decades. wirt, like many, argued that to be a citizen one needed the ‘high characteristic privileges’ i.e. the rights associated with citizenship and the intelligence to use these rights. freedmen would continually face arguments they were not intelligent enough to exercise these rights. this in turn made it difficult to obtain rights. freedmen were unfairly trapped. they had to obtain rights to become citizens - yet these same rights were bestowed upon whites precisely because they were citizens. the comity clause would be a battlefield for citizenship. citizenship was a fluid concept and without a federal ruling its definition was left in the care of the states. contests over the comity clause came about because the states had differing definitions of citizenship. the comity clause demanded that the states respect each other’s citizens. clashes occurred when a state refused to recognise a citizen of another state because of skin colour. evidence of this is found in the prudence crandall case. after the county court jury in this case could not come to a decision, it was sent to superior court which found against crandall. the case was then heard before the connecticut supreme court. the prosecution of crandall aimed to close her school based on the inter-state movement of her students. the law passed to hamper crandall’s school forbade connecticut schools to admit black students from out-of-state without licence. crandall’s lawyers argued that the law was unconstitutional because it violated the comity clause. william ellsworth, one of those lawyers, in arguing that there were ‘two heads’ to the donald e. fehrenbacher, the dred scott case (new york, ny: oxford university press, ), . judicial and court personnel in the case had conflicts of interest. chief justice david daggett of the supreme court was the very same judge to have ruled on the crandall case in superior court less than a year ago. he had also both spoken and written against the school. andrew t judson, the state’s attorney had also done the same. for an excellent overview of the crandall case see donald e. williams jr., prudence crandall's legacy: the fight for equality in the s, dred scott, and brown v. board of education (middletown, ct: wesleyan university press, ). the majority of crandall’s students were from neighbouring states and it was thought if they were unable to attend then closure would shortly follow. case, submitted firstly, that ‘these pupils are citizens of their respective states’ and secondly ‘[as] citizens, the constitution of the united states secures them the right of residing in connecticut, and pursuing the acquisition of knowledge, as people of color may do, who are settled here.’ crandall’s lawyers argued that the constitution made no mention of excluding the black population from citizenship. furthermore that black men had undertaken the duties of citizenship by fighting for the continental army during the revolution. ellsworth also strongly argued against the notion that because ‘men of color cannot vote in connecticut, […] therefore they are not citizens of connecticut’. he argued that voting was not a necessary right conferred by citizenship, pointing out that it was possible for non-citizens to vote and that few people believed in universal and absolute suffrage. ellsworth stated the oft choosing of one’s ruler is a valuable right: but perhaps is not a natural so much as an artificial one, originating in and regulated, by the sense of community in which we live. many considerations enter into its existence and enjoyment such as age, property, residence, paying taxes, doing military duty. the right is founded in notions of internal police, varying and shifting everywhere, even in the same government; whereas citizenship grows out of allegiance which is everywhere the same, and is unchanging. ellsworth drew attention to the fact that connecticut, new york and rhode island amongst other states, once had age and property restrictions on voting. he posed the question that if a connecticut man went to jail thus losing his voting rights under connecticut law - was he still not a citizen? was he to be an alien? in that case, were women not citizens because they lacked the franchise? ellsworth concluded that free blacks were not indians or slaves, thus any arguments to that effect were void and that those who classed blacks as paupers to prosecute them as such had no standing as ‘neither the existence of present nor the apprehension of future poverty, can strike out of the constitution the word "citizen;" and a citizen has universal right, title and immunity to a residence and other fundamental rights.’ andrew t. judson and chauncey cleveland the state’s attorneys in the case responded in a similar vein to wirt’s earlier opinion. they argued that central to the question of citizenship report of the arguments of counsel in the case of prudence crandall, plantiff in error v. state of connecticut before the supreme court in errors, (boston, ma: garrison & knapp, ), - . ibid., . ibid. ibid. crandall v. state conn. ( ). was the ‘intention of those who framed the constitution.’ judson brought up the comity clause and its meaning. he proclaimed we may be allowed to enquire also, what was then meant by the term "immunity," or "privilege?" privilege then, as now, signified "any particular benefit, advantage, right or immunity not common to others of the human race." "immunity," as there used, is synonymous with privilege, so that the privileges and immunities to be enjoyed by these citizens, was something over and above what all the human race could enjoy. we must now advert to the condition of the country, and the circumstances of the human race, then upon the face of this country. the white men and the colored men composed the grand divisions of the human family. judson argued that all states at the founding had been slave states and thus all agreed that holding africans in bondage was correct. furthermore, judson pointed to the fugitive slave clause arguing that the term ‘persons held in bondage’ (i.e. slaves) was clearly in contrast to the term ‘citizen’. all africans were held in bondage, thus the founders meant that they were never to be citizens. judson went on to further note that the naturalisation laws passed by congress during the s had explicitly stated that only free white men could be naturalised, clearly indicating that the government considered other races unworthy of citizenship. to finish, judson and cleveland rebutted ellsworth’s notion that voting and citizenship were not mutually exclusive. the state’s attorneys argued the u.s. was special because it was the only nation to vote for its rulers. voting was the ‘the highest privilege which freemen can enjoy; it is an immunity at the very foundation of republican government’. the lawyers contended that voting, taxation and representation formed the very basis on which americans had rebelled against george iii. it was at the centre of american existence. it was an immunity of the states themselves and one which they could never surrender. judson concluded that because this had not been extended to the black population by the framers, or even subsequently, blacks lacked the privileges and immunities of citizenship (most especially voting privileges) - thus they could not be citizens. the verdict was returned in favour of crandall and quashed the verdict of the lower court. the overturning of the verdict, however, rested on a legal technicality. report of the arguments of counsel in the case of prudence crandall…, .; crandall v. state conn. ( ), . report of the arguments of counsel in the case of prudence crandall…, . ibid., .; judson’s argument of course ignores the fact that at the time of the constitutional convention there was a free black population whether because slaves had fled their masters or were legally manumitted by their owners. report of the arguments of counsel in the case of prudence crandall…, . ibid., - . ibid., . justice williams writing the verdict, said that the prosecution’s fatal omission was that in the lower court it had failed to prove that the school was unlicensed and had violated a penal statute. the justices did not opine on the merits of the case - thus the law was not overturned, nor were they forced to issue a ruling on black citizenship. the crandall case was representative of the discussion surrounding blacks and citizenship. the lawyers on both sides argued over the relationship between political rights and citizenship. the issue of political rights as a necessity for citizenship would continue on until after the dred scott case. crandall’s case was heard in the ascendance of “jacksonian democracy” a period in american history that saw the broadening of the white franchise. the move towards allowing all white men to vote saw the idea that america was living up to its founding civil values. at a time when black rights were precarious and black men disenfranchised, the increase in white political rights strengthened the connection between political rights and citizenship. the appearance of white citizens holding political rights allowed people against african-american citizenship to argue that political rights were a necessity for citizenship. the response was that political rights were not necessary for citizenship - if anything, political rights were conferred by or after being admitted to citizenship. women and children were considered citizens and given protection under the law but could not vote. however, a lawyer would hardly deny them citizenship. the uncertainty in discussing rights and citizenship was an overhang from the aftermath of the early republic in which the rights and duties of citizens were ill defined. this confusion allowed opponents of black citizenship to point to the lack of rights free blacks held through the various states, clouding the fact that citizenship was an admission to a status that held basic rights but not political rights. four years after the crandall case, the supreme court of north carolina commented on black citizenship. north carolina was a slave state, although it did have a small free black population. a free black man by the name of william manuel was convicted of assault in sampson county. he was fined twenty dollars. manuel did not have the money so the court ordered the sheriff of sampson county to hire out manuel until his debt was paid. this was allowed under a statute passed in . the order amounted to indentured servitude and manuel’s attorney appealed crandall v. state conn. ( ).; williams, jr. in prudence crandall’s legacy maintains that the three associate justices came to this conclusion because they did not want to embarrass chief justice daggett who in the superior court had given his forceful opinion to the jury that the statute or “black law” was constitutional. williams claims that all three associate justices thought that the black law was unconstitutional. the justices, therefore, decided on the various technicalities instead of on the merits of the case. williams jr., prudence crandall's legacy, - . to north carolina’s supreme court that the law was unconstitutional under north carolina’s constitution and was only applied because of manuel’s colour. judge william gaston in his judgement examined north carolina’s constitution and ruled that its protection of civil rights extended to both citizen and foreigner. gaston, however, went further into the citizenship status of manuel and free blacks as a whole, saying that, according to the laws of north carolina, those who were not slaves fell into two categories: citizen or free inhabitant. gaston looked back to when north carolina was a british colony. at this time all free persons born within the british dominion were native born subjects and those who were born out of the monarch’s allegiance were aliens. slaves were neither - they were property. slaves who were manumitted became persons. these freemen and freewomen were british subjects if born in the colonies or aliens if elsewhere. gaston ruled that when the revolution had broken out, no change in north carolinian law occurred. the colony simply transitioned to a free and independent state. in gaston’s opinion slaves remained slaves. british subjects in north carolina became north carolina free-men. foreigners until made members of the state continued aliens. slaves manumitted here become free-men- and therefore if born within north carolina are citizens of north carolina-and all free persons born within the state are born citizens of the state. thus free blacks born within north carolina could be citizens. gaston also headed off any appeals. he looked at the power of naturalisation which lay with congress alone. the answer to this was ‘but what is naturalisation? it is the removal of the disabilities of alienage. emancipation is the removal of the incapacity of slavery.’ emancipation was the privilege of the individual states while naturalisation belonged to the federal government. gaston’s ruling meant this separation was not being violated. when emancipated slaves became citizens it was not through an act of naturalisation but through legal precedents. gaston also addressed political rights. he noted that some would contend that because free blacks could not vote, this disqualified them from citizenship. gaston, like ellsworth, argued voting rights were not a requirement for citizenship. gaston cited that in its past, north carolina had a high property threshold for the franchise and furthermore children and women were denied the vote, yet they reports of cases at law, argued and determined in the supreme court of north carolina. from june term , to december, , both inclusive, vols. iii & iv. ed. by thomas devereux and william battle (raleigh, nc: turner and hughes, ), - . reports of cases at law, argued and determined in the supreme court of north carolina, ibid., - . ibid., . were still considered citizens. gaston’s opinion together with his refutation that indentured servitude was a legal punishment, meant that the statute was struck down. william manuel was free to pay off the debt, employed as a free man. the cases of crandall and manuel show the difficulties of african-american citizenship. citizenship, like the struggle for black rights, was uneven and left to the discretion of individual states. a supposedly liberal new england state had allowed a judgement to stand that denied africans american citizenship. north carolina, a southern slave state, had a state supreme court judgement which clearly ruled that free black men could be citizens in north carolina. it stood under the comity clause that these men had all the privileges and immunities across the u.s. which were afforded to them in north carolina. the bigger issue was the structure of american government. under the constitution, virginia was required to extend the same courtesies to north carolina’s free blacks as they experienced in north carolina. virginia de facto could make this difficult by passing her own laws and ignoring federal law. only when the federal government chose to enforce federal law would black citizenship have a more concrete foundation. what was sorely needed rather than the opinions given in various lawsuits in individual states, was a binding opinion or case which would force the federal government to give an answer to the question: could black men and women be citizens of the united states? this question was answered in the dred scott case but that was almost two decades away. the journey of dred scott began with freedom suits in missouri and kentucky. the freedom suits owed a lot to the famous somerset v. stewart ( ) decision. the somerset case was an important precedent in the freedom suits of the mid- th century. though it was an english case it had inspired much discussion in colonial america and some freedom suits were launched in massachusetts because of it. its precedent meant it garnered heavy attention amongst the founding fathers in regard to slave transit. american judges would accept the somerset case as american case law and follow its ruling at least in the s and early s. as a result the majority of freedom suits would find in favour of the slave, leading to agitation regarding slavery and citizenship. the continued agitation from freedom suits led to the ruling of chief justice taney in the dred scott case. james somerset was a slave who had undergone the middle passage. he was bought in boston in by charles stewart, a customs officer who resided in norfolk, virginia. by all accounts somerset was highly intelligent and stewart allowed him to do business on his behalf. in reports of cases at law, argued and determined in the supreme court of north carolina, - . stewart returned to england with somerset. in england somerset was baptised. in he attempted to flee slavery but was quickly caught and brought back to stewart. stewart was enraged that the slave he had shown favour to would attempt to escape, thus stewart placed somerset into the care of captain knowles of the ship ann and mary. the ann and mary was bound for jamaica and stewart instructed knowles to sell somerset, once in jamaica. somerset’s godparents upon hearing this, and knowing what terrible fate awaited him in jamaica, appealed to the king’s bench for a writ of habeas corpus. it was granted and after his appearance he was released on his own recognisance. the subsequent court case boiled down to the question: did positive law in great britain permit slavery in england and scotland? somerset’s lawyer, hargrave, argued that no law in england allowed slavery and that there were laws in scotland against indentured servitude for life. hargrave also argued that no man could enter into a contract that enslaved him. hargrave did not contend that slavery was illegal in britain’s colonies - merely that when somerset was brought to england he could not be held in bondage, because there was no slavery in britain itself. stewart’s lawyer, dunning, countered that somerset had been a slave in africa, then under british law, when he was sold and transported to the colonies. stewart was therefore ‘a slave in both law and fact.’ furthermore, the royal african company was heavily involved in the slave trade. the company operated under royal authority - thus dunning argued that the crown implicitly allowed for slavery. dunning also pointed to cases in which men had been placed into contracts of servitude without their consent before - therefore somerset’s “contract” between himself and stewart was legal and recognised within england. the judge, lord mansfield, asserted that the central question in this case was ‘if the owner had a right to detain the slave, for the sending of him over to be sold in jamaica.’ lord mansfield urged the parties to come to an agreement. when they could not, he delivered his verdict which was very short- less than a page. much of the verdict summarised the arguments of the case and case law on the status of baptised slaves. mansfield’s verdict came down to the statement the king’s bench was not the final appellate court but its jurisdiction was significant and its opinions highly regarded. somerset v. stewart, lofft , , eng. rep. , - . ibid., . ibid., - . ibid., . there were arguments between dunning and hargrave on slaves who had been baptised. hargrave pointed to cases where baptised slaves had been considered manumitted or there was an intent to manumit. mansfield referred to the yorke-talbot opinion. this opinion was written by sir philip yorke (attorney-general) and charles talbot (solicitor-general) in . merchants grew concerned when lord chief justice john holt made several the return states, that the slave departed and refused to serve; whereupon he was kept, to be sold abroad. so high an act of dominion must be recognised by the law of this country where it is used […] the state of slavery is of such a nature, that it is incapable of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political; but only in positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion and time itself from whence it was created, is erased from memory: it’s so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support it but positive law. whatever inconveniencies, therefore, may follow from a decision, i cannot say this case is allowed or approved by the law of england; and therefore the black must be discharged. james somerset was free. in a technical sense the verdict was limited. it simply ruled that english law did not allow for the imprisonment of a slave so he could be returned to the colonies. the scope of the decision was limited to england and not her colonies. the effect of the decision was little in england save that some english jurists nurtured the idea that it ended slavery in england based on mansfield’s strong moral repudiation of slavery. the verdict had wide ranging implications far beyond the case itself, however. its effect came through its place in american legal history. americans viewed the case as a possible guideline into the manumission of slaves, should they enter territories that forbade slavery i.e. southerners travelling to northern states. it certainly made southerners nervous enough for the issue to be raised in great detail at the constitutional convention. southerners were right to be nervous, as the somerset decision was to be cited in almost every freedom suit from the s onwards. what is more, in the beginning, judges in missouri and kentucky did use it as a guideline to render verdicts more often than not in favour of the plantiffs. one of the first freedom suits in missouri was winny v. whitesides ( ). winny was a slave owned by phebe whitesides and her husband. they resided in carolina and in either or they moved to illinois taking winny with them. in / the whitesides moved again to st louis, missouri. mr. whitesides died in and phebe became winny’s owner. in winny sued phebe whitesides for assault and battery. the charge for ‘assault and battery’ fell under the statutes for the missouri territory (then known as part of the louisiana rulings that baptised slaves were considered manumitted. this was on the basis that slavery was justifiable because africans as non-christians were heathens. yorke and holt issued an opinion that baptism did not free slaves. furthermore they were of the opinion that there was no change in a slave’s status travelling between the colonies and england and that a master could compel a slave to return. mansfield’s verdict undid much of this opinion. somerset v. stewart, lofft , , eng. rep. , . fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - .; finkelman, an imperfect union, - . ibid. see finkelman, an imperfect union, - . missouri and kentucky are interesting cases. freedom suits were numerous there because those states boarded states or territories in which slavery was forbidden under the northwest ordinance or the missouri compromise of , which had forbidden slavery in the louisiana territory north of the o ’ parallel. territory). these statutes allowed for “paupers” (slaves) to sue for freedom if they believed they were being “unlawfully restrained.” in the circuit court whitesides denied the charge because winny was her slave and thus could not be unlawfully imprisoned. winny’s case was based on the assertion that when the whitesides had resided in illinois she was free, because slavery was forbidden in illinois under the northwest ordinance of , issued by the confederation congress. the court found in favour of winny. whitesides had asked the judge to instruct the jury that their residence in illinois did not free winny. he refused and instructed the jury that if they believed that the whitesides had intended to reside in illinois, then they must find whitesides guilty. whitesides then took the case to missouri’s supreme court. whitesides’ lawyer argued three central points: firstly, that the confederation congress under the articles of confederation had no authority to purchase the louisiana territory nor to forbid slavery in it; secondly, it was contended that even if winny were free in the northwest territory, she had not sued for her freedom there and subsequently had resided in missouri as a slave for some twenty years. counsel argued that the states were independent and sovereign, much like foreign nations - thus laws in one state did not hold power in others; lastly, whitesides’ counsel argued that just because the northwest ordinance had forbidden slavery, did not necessarily make slaves from other states free. the verdict was unanimously returned- the circuit court’s ruling stood. justice tompkins writing the verdict, dismissed whitesides’ three points. on the first, tompkins gave some credence to the submission that the confederation congress may not have had the power to purchase and legislate for the northwest territory. tompkins, however, declared this point was moot. firstly, the states had never complained to the congress about the northwest territory and secondly, the northwest ordinance had been confirmed in by congress after the ratification of the constitution. on whitesides’ second point, tompkins rejected the notion that the states were effectively foreign from one another. the states were joined by their union under the constitution and this obligated them to respect laws that the federal government had passed. tompkins also decided that rights gained in one nation or territory followed persons when they moved to other territories. the court thus concluded that winny had not given up her right to freedom. at the same time whitesides had winny filed the suit in the superior court of the missouri territory. when missouri become a state in august, , the suit was transferred to the circuit court of st. louis county. the ordinance was confirmed in by congress. the northwest territory was comprised of ohio, indiana, illinois, michigan, wisconsin and an eastern portion of minnesota. winny v. whitesides, phebe, case no. , april , circuit court of st. louis, missouri. winny v. whitesides, mo. ( ), - . lost her right to property when she resided in illinois and this right was not restored when she moved to missouri. on the last point tompkins also rejected whitesides’ notion that the forbidding of slavery in the territory was not akin to freeing visiting slaves. tompkins reasoned when the states assumed the right of self-government they found their citizens claiming a right of property in a miserable portion of the human race. sound national policy required that the evil should be restricted as much as possible. what they could, they did. they said, by their representatives, it shall not vest within these limits, and by their acts for nearly half a century they have approved and sanctioned this declaration. to the court, the clear intent of the u.s. was to limit slavery and therefore it must be assumed when congress forbade slavery in the ordinance it wanted to “roll back” slavery, not merely stop its expansion. the verdict also set the precedent “once free, always free.” tompkins did, however, limit the scope of this decision the sovereign power of the united states has declared that 'neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall exist' there; and this court thinks that the person who takes his slave into said territory, and by the length of his residence there indicates an intention of making that place his residence and that of his slave, and thereby induces a jury to believe that fact, does, by such residence, declare his slave to have become a free man. but it has been urged that by such a construction of the ordinance every person traveling through the territory, and taking along with him his slave, might thereby lose his property in his slave. we do not think the instructions of the circuit court can be, by any fair construction, strained so far; nor do we believe that any advocate for this portion of the species ever seriously calculated on the possibility of such a decision. the precedent was thus set that, like the judge’s instruction in the circuit court, the jury must believe that the owner had intended to make a free state his place of residence. this precedent therefore allowed for the transit of slaves to go on, untouched. winny v. whitesides was the first suit of its kind in missouri and it paved the way for future suits. it established the precedent “once free, always free,” of transit v. residence and for the next two decades both missouri and kentucky courts under its guidance ruled in favour of slaves in most cases. a decade after winny v. whitesides there was rachel v. walker. this case would be an almost carbon copy of the dred scott case. rachel was a slave owned by thomas stockton. stockton was an army lieutenant. he was ordered by the army to fort snelling, then fort crawford. winny v. whitesides, mo. ( ), - . ibid., . ibid., . both forts were in free territories. stockton then went to st. louis where he sold rachel and her son james henry to a slave trader, william walker. it was at this point that rachel sued for her and her son’s freedom. the case proceeded similarly to winny’s case, rachel’s lawyer cited that decision as a precedent for rachel’s freedom. walker’s defence differed from that of whitesides’. the “once free, always free” doctrine was too clearly set in stone. walker’s lawyers argued that it was unfair to apply to this case the residence verdict in winny v. whitesides. counsel argued that because stockton was an army officer, he was not free to reside where he pleased. it stood that he could never truly intend to live anywhere, thus rachel could not be free. the circuit court agreed and ruled rachel and her son the property of walker. the case was taken to missouri’s supreme court where the verdict was overturned. the supreme court opined shall it be said, that because an officer of the army owns slaves in virginia, that when as officer and soldier, is required to take command of a post in the non-slave holding states or territories, he thereby has a right to take with him as many slaves, as will suit his interests or convenience? it surely cannot be the law […] that the convenience or supposed convenience of the officer, repeals as to him and others […] the ordinance and the act of admitting missouri into the union, and also the prohibitions of the several laws and constitutions of the non slave-holding states. the court thus rejected walker’s argument and made no distinction between civilian and military personnel. the court also commented that stockton should have expected this, since he was a resident of a free state when he bought rachel. at the same time as rachel was in missouri’s supreme court, dred scott was moving to illinois and beginning his long trek to america’s highest court. the dred scott case was originally another of several hundred freedom suits that were filed in missouri. scott’s case was almost identical to rachel walker. he had been taken by his owner john emerson, an army officer from missouri, into illinois then into the wisconsin territory. scott was not just suing for his freedom but the freedom of his wife harriet and their two daughters. scott’s case appeared strong - he had somerset, winny and especially walker as precedents. scott’s case could have been a routine one if not for his owners’ determination to keep him and the fact that his (new) owner john sanford was a resident of new york. sanford’s james henry had been born at fort snelling. rachel v. walker, mo. ( ), . v.c hopkins, dred scott’s case (new york, ny: russell & russell, ), . stockton had purchased rachel through an agent from a major brant. at the time he resided in a free territory. paul finkelman, dred scott v. sandford: a brief history with documents (boston, ma: bedford books, ), . citizenship in new york meant that he filed a brief contending that scott had no right to sue him across state lines because scott was not a citizen of missouri. the opinion of the supreme court was not called upon due to a dispute regarding citizenship within the case, but because of a procedural error. this error, however, forced the supreme court to directly confront the question of whether blacks could be citizens of the united states. by the time the scott case had reached the supreme court it had ceased to be a mere freedom suit. the case had become a moment in which it seemed that american history could pivot. chief justice taney’s opinion reflected that feeling. the opinion sought to firmly solve the question of black citizenship and went even further ruling on the limits of congressional power. it was a ruling on citizenship which had to occur at some point, though if taney hoped to unite the country behind the decision he certainly failed. the dred scott case was another example concerning american citizenship where a clarification of the concept only came about because of small events rather than any longer term assessment. the war of had thrust the issue of who was an american citizen into the national spotlight and the dred scott case would do the same. in both cases the last word was not in the halls of government but on the battlefield. dred and harriet scott sued for their freedom in st. louis circuit court on april . scott’s counsel, in order to use the legal precedents of previous freedom suits, had to establish two things: - that scott had resided on free soil and that he was owned by mrs. emerson. the blow family testified that they had sold scott to dr. emerson. samuel russell, who had hired scott from irene emerson, testified to that fact. yet on cross examination, russell admitted his wife arranged it and he had paid the money to alexander sanford, irene emerson’s father who was handling her affairs. everyone knew irene owned the scotts, but because it was not conclusively proven, the jury returned a verdict in favour of emerson. a re-trial was ordered but was much delayed - the second trial did not get underway until january . at trial, adeline russell (russell’s wife), testified that she had hired scott from irene emerson. emerson’s lawyer then tried to argue that dr. emerson had been under military, not civil, jurisdiction but rachel v. walker nullified this argument. in light of this the verdict was returned in dred and harriet’s favour. irene emerson had moved to massachusetts and married dr. calvin chaffee by this time but appealed to missouri’s supreme court. unfortunately for the scotts the political winds were changing and these influenced the alexander sanford spelt his name with only one “d” but because of a clerical error the supreme court case is scott v. sandford. v.c hopkins, dred scott’s case, . fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . supreme court decision. the early freedom suit precedent had been given by liberal judges at a time when the issue of slavery was not a national one. in the early th century southern slavery carried on with little opposition, becoming known as the south’s “peculiar institution.” a few freed slaves were unlikely to affect the status of slavery in the south. the presidential election of and the rise of the free soil party had suddenly made slavery an uncomfortable political issue. missouri was especially sensitive to this changing political climate, given that it bordered three free states and had a vocal anti-slavery minority. furthermore, one of emerson’s attorneys lyman norris filed a brief arguing against comity, especially in cases in which missouri’s citizens would lose property. norris, sensing the political tide, also railed against ‘the black vomit’ of antislavery forces. it was under these conditions that missouri’s supreme court, on a vote of two against one, reversed the lower court decision. judges scott and ryland agreed with norris that comity meant respecting other states’ laws, but not necessarily enforcing them. the judges then left the legal debate altogether and proceeded to sing the praises of the civilising nature of american slavery. judge gamble, in his dissenting opinion, argued that missouri’s long list of judicial precedents in similar cases had made the question very easy, before taking some not so subtle digs at his colleagues for involving politics in the decision. dred scott was no longer a free man. scott would file a suit in the united states circuit court in st. louis on november . in the previous cases irene emerson had been the defendant but that was now john sanford, her brother. irene had transferred ownership to him while the case was before missouri’s supreme court. scott again claimed that he, harriet and his daughters eliza and lizzie were the political fallout extended to missouri’s supreme court. missouri’s democratic party had split along pro and anti-slavery lines, with many leaving to join the free soil party which opposed the expansion of slavery west. in missouri’s law changed whereby the governor no longer appointed the supreme court judges. they were elected. due to the democratic split the pro-slavery democratic judge william barclay napton lost his position on the supreme court bench. fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . scott v. emerson, missouri ( ).; fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . there is some controversy over this sale. walter ehrlich in “was the dred scott case valid?” argues that there is no evidence to support that the transfer occurred, given scott was not listed on sanford’s estate (sanford died before the trial was over). furthermore, scott was sold back to the blow family (who freed him) by the chaffees not by sanford. ehrlich concludes that sanford thought he owned scott because he was the executor of dr. emerson’s will and had been handling his sister’s affairs, especially since her residence in massachusetts. both ehrlich and fehrenbacher agree this was not the case. dr. emerson had died in iowa territory which required executors to appear in the territory within thirty days. sanford had not, but still believed he was an executor because emerson had named him so. fehrenbacher, however, disagrees that sanford was not scott’s owner. fehrenbacher argues that that evidence was lost to history and if sanford was not scott’s owner then why would he put himself through the cost of a long legal process. furthermore, during the trial, sanford testified several times he was scott’s owner. ehrlich argues that scott had accrued a large amount of money, given he was hired out during the entire legal process and sanford did not want to lose this. wrongfully imprisoned by sanford. in the suit he declared himself a citizen of missouri. sanford responded with a plea in abatement. a plea in abatement is where the defendant does not dispute the merits of the plaintiff’s case but notes there has been a procedural error. sanford contained that no man descended from enslaved africans could be a citizen. article iii, section , clause of the constitution ruled when the federal courts had jurisdiction which included disputes between citizens of different states. sanford was a citizen of new york. if scott was found not to be a citizen of missouri then he could not sue in federal court. judge robert w. wells dismissed this argument ruling that for the purposes of filing a suit, citizenship implied only residence in that state and the ability to own property. the arguments of the case remained the same. the verdict remained the same- scott was still a slave. the case would be taken to the u.s. supreme court - but it would be years before it would be heard. once the case reached the supreme court, sanford’s lawyers again argued scott was not a citizen and thus not entitled to sue in federal court. scott was represented by montgomery blair, a missourian whose father was editor of the washington globe. sanford’s lawyers were henry s. geyer, a senator from missouri and reverdy johnson a marylander who was considered one of the best constitutional lawyers in the country. blair, both in his brief and oral arguments, spent a lot of his time defending black citizenship in missouri and heavily borrowed from judge gamble’s earlier dissenting opinion. geyer and johnson argued against black citizenship. furthermore, they introduced a new facet to the case- they argued that the missouri compromise was unconstitutional. if geyer and johnson succeeded in this argument, then dred scott could not be free because any of the compromise’s slavery prohibition provisions would be invalid. the justices in discussing the verdict, were at a stalemate and so asked for the cases to be reargued with special attention to be given to two questions. firstly, was the plea in abatement properly before the supreme court? secondly, if it was, did the u.s. circuit court’s decision on the validity of black citizenship stand correct? this time blair was joined by george curtis the brother of justice benjamin curtis. in re-arguments, blair marched over familiar ground focusing on “citizen” merely meaning “inhabitant” or “free inhabitant” in many instances of state and federal law. blair, like gaston (manuel v. state) and ellsworth (state v. crandall), argued the lack of political rights amongst africans was no impediment to ehrlich is of the opinion that larger anti and pro slavery forces were driving the dred scott case forwards.; see walter ehrlich, “was the dred scott case valid?”, the journal of american history, vol. , ( ), , - . fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, . ibid., - . ehrlich, they have no rights: dred scott’s struggle for freedom (westport, ct: greenwood press, ), . citizenship, nor was public opinion of the african race any concern of the law. geyer responded that citizens of the united states were so because they were citizens of the state in which they resided. citizens were born to that status or they acquired it by naturalisation. scott was born a slave and had never been naturalised. this power lay with congress. if scott was free because of his residence in illinois argued geyer - manumission did not make him a u.s. citizen. geyer was forming two separate groups: slave-born free africans; or free africans descended from freedmen. geyer argued that the former were excluded from u.s. citizenship more so than the latter but ultimately both groups were excluded. geyer, by separating state (resident) and federal (naturalisation) citizenship and focusing mostly on federal citizenship presented some hard questions to the court’s bench besides the question of black citizenship, the other major issue was the constitutionality of the missouri compromise, or more narrowly: the ability of the federal government to regulate slavery. during arguments, blair and curtis relied on historical legal precedents which, they submitted, decided congress could acquire and regulate new territories. geyer and johnson argued that the constitution did not allow for this. they argued that in article iv, section , clause ‘territory’ meant only land and did not imbue congress with the power to legislate regarding personal property. blair and curtis responded that the clause clearly made mention of ‘all needful rules and regulations.’ geyer conceded that congress indeed at the time needed to create local government but prohibiting slavery did not fall into this category. scott’s counsel replied that many, including southerners, had accepted the missouri compromise. however, geyer countered they had only done this for the sake of continuing the union and that the compromise barred citizens from accessing new western states. curtis in turn replied that was simply false - given that many northerners and southerners had migrated west. geyer and johnson also resorted to the old line that congress could not prohibit slavery because this was not expressly conferred on congress. curtis argued the mirror line that prohibiting slavery was in congress’ power because this was not expressly forbidden in the constitution. it was reported that geyer and johnson throughout the trial, vigorously fehrenbacher, the dred scott case., - . ibid., - . “the congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the united states; and nothing in this constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the united states, or of any particular state.” fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . defended both the south and her peculiar institution. at the end of it all the court had four questions before it . was a plea in abatement before the court? . was dred scott a citizen of missouri . was scott free because he had resided in illinois? . was scott free because he had resided at fort snelling in minnesota territory? on the first question if the answer was no, then the court would accept the lower court’s verdict on scott’s citizenship and move on to deciding if scott was free (questions and ).if yes, then the court would be forced to make a ruling on scott’s status as a missouri citizen. if he was declared a citizen, then the court would move on to the merits of the case. if scott was found not to be a citizen of missouri then the case would be dismissed due to a lack of jurisdiction. if the court considered question then it would have to decide if scott had been a resident. if yes, then scott was free. if not, his last recourse was in question . question was effectively about the constitutionality of the missouri compromise. if the compromise was found constitutional then the law setting scott free would hold. if not, scott would be a slave - his last legal recourse exhausted. the verdict was returned. dred scott remained a slave by a count of seven to two. the court held that it could review the plea in abatement, that africans could not be u.s. citizens, thus could not sue in federal court, the missouri compromise was unconstitutional therefore scott was not freed at fort snelling and nor was he freed by way of illinois, because his status resided entirely upon missouri’s law and not illinois’ law. this meant that scott’s status was decided by missouri’s supreme court ruling in scott v. emerson. this case had declared him a slave and because he was a slave in missouri it was impossible for him to be a citizen of missouri. the court therefore deemed the case must be returned to the u.s. circuit court in missouri and dismissed for lack of jurisdiction. amongst scholars of the dred scott case there is considerable controversy over the “majority” nature of taney’s opinion. it has been noted that only four justices agreed the plea in abatement was before the court. taney did not hold a majority on this question. furthermore taney, wayne and daniel ruled that africans could not be citizens. all three though, commented on the missouri compromise and the issue of comity between illinois and missouri. legally this was unnecessary. the three justices had opined that scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), - .; fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . chief justice taney and justices wayne, nelson, grier, daniel, campbell and catron were the majority. justices mclean and curtis dissented. scott was not a citizen, thus could not sue. the justices need not have examined these merits of the case. the justices reading the nation’s political temperature, hoped that by commenting on the case’s merits they could help unify the country. eight of nine justices would comment on the constitutionality of the missouri compromise and all nine on the issue of comity regarding illinois and missouri. in comparison, only six justices commented on the plea in abatement - while only five commented on the issue of citizenship. taney dedicated almost half of his majority opinion to the issue of black citizenship. sanford’s lawyer geyer had been perceptive. he had attempted to separate state and federal citizens and taney agreed. taney stated the question is simply this: can a negro whose ancestors were imported into this country and sold as slaves become a member of the political community formed and brought into existence by the constitution of the united states, and as such become entitled to all the rights, and privileges, and immunities, guaranteed by that instrument to the citizen, one of which rights is the privilege of suing in a court of the united states in the cases specified in the constitution? […] the only matter in issue before the court, therefore, is, whether the descendants of such slaves, when they shall be emancipated, or who are born of parents who had become free before their birth, are citizens of a state in the sense in which the word "citizen" is used in the constitution of the united states. by framing the issue in the “political community” under the constitution, taney went beyond the question before the court. the court only needed to pass verdict on the question - was scott a citizen of missouri? the court did not need to discuss the merits of scott’s u.s. citizenship. it stood that under the comity clause, if scott was a citizen of missouri then he was also a citizen of the united states. taney, however, was of the opinion we must not confound the rights of citizenship which a state may confer within its own limits and the rights of citizenship as a member of the union. it does not by any means follow, because he has all the rights and privileges of a citizen of a state, that he must be a citizen of the united states. he may have all of the rights and privileges of the citizen of a state and yet not be entitled to the rights and privileges of a citizen in any other state. ehrlich, they have no rights, - .;hopkins, dred scott’s case, chp. .; fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, - . fehrenbacher concedes that while the majority opinion was heavily tangled, the merits could be discussed even if the individual justices had ruled against black citizenship or they had made no mention of the issue. scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), . fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, . scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), . in saying this taney blatantly ignored the precise wording of the comity clause and created state and national citizenship independent of one another. taney would move on to say that each state may still confer them [privileges and immunities] upon an alien, or anyone it thinks proper, or upon any class or description of persons, yet he would not be a citizen in the sense in which that word is used in the constitution of the united states, nor entitled to sue as such in one of its courts, nor to the privileges and immunities of a citizen in the other states. the rights which he would acquire would be restricted to the state which gave them. taney thus again limited the reach of state citizenship and the power to create u.s. citizens - to congress and its power of naturalisation. in taney’s opinion no state law or court ruling could extend state citizenship and u.s. citizenship to africans after the constitution’s ratification in . taney’s ruling left a question - what about before ? taney conceded once the constitution was ratified, all state citizens became federal citizens. it stood that if freedmen were considered citizens of their respective states then they became u.s. citizens in . taney concluded this would be false, as state citizens became such once independence was declared and it embraced those whose rights had been violated by the english. taney stated that freedmen did not qualify under this definition because they [africans] had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race either in social or political relations, and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. […] this opinion was at that time fixed and universal in the civilized portion of the white race. […] and in no nation was this opinion more firmly fixed or more uniformly acted upon than by the english government and english people. they not only seized them on the coast of africa and sold them or held them in slavery for their own use, but they took them as ordinary articles of merchandise to every country where they could make a profit on them, and were far more extensively engaged in this commerce than any other nation in the world. in short, taney used the simple argument that africans were inferior and unsuitable for political rights and therefore could not have been state citizens prior to . for the next ten pages taney cited a deluge of cases and laws which confirmed that americans believed the african race inferior. to hammer the final nail into the coffin of african-american citizenship, taney rounded upon congress’ power of naturalisation. he proclaimed that it was widely understood scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), . ibid., . ibid., - . that congress’ power to naturalise only applied to foreign citizens of foreign nations. congress had no ‘power to raise to the rank of a citizen anyone born in the united states who, from birth or parentage, by the laws of the country, belongs to an inferior and subordinate class.’ taney shut the door on the possibility of congress naturalising freed slaves. to finish, taney noted that the naturalisation laws of the s had been for whites only, cited maritime law that separately referred to “citizens” and “persons of color” and misrepresented wirt’s opinion to make it appear that wirt had categorically ruled africans could never become citizens. in the end taney declared that this was reason enough to find that scott was not a citizen of missouri yet in his argument taney had done much more: he had declared african-american citizenship an impossibility. justice daniel concurred with taney on black citizenship. he argued that a slave was property and his emancipation did not qualify him for automatic citizenship. daniel said this power lay only with congress. states could give free blacks civil rights but they could not make citizens of men who the founders regarded as lesser beings. justice wayne completely concurred with taney on the issue of citizenship. the other justices who commented on citizenship were the dissenters curtis and mclean. both spent little time on the issue of citizenship. mclean would chide taney by stating ‘in the argument, it was said that a colored citizen would not be an agreeable member of society. this is more a matter of taste than of law.’ mclean pointed to the treaties bringing louisiana, florida and parts of mexico into the union. these treaties had guaranteed citizenship with no thought to race. curtis argued directly against taney’s decision. curtis cited a number of cases, including a supreme court decision under john marshall that citizenship merely meant residence. he concluded that scott’s residence in missouri was without question and that only scott’s race could preclude him from citizenship. on this point curtis pinpointed u.s. citizenship as being created at the time of the articles of confederation - not the constitution. the states had come together to form a national body at this stage. curtis continued that the articles had not given the national congress any power to regulate citizenship. he concluded that power was left up to the states - thus state citizens in became u.s. citizens. the constitution did not define citizenship, nor did it expressly forbid any race or class from becoming citizens. furthermore, article iv of the articles of confederation charged any ‘free inhabitants’ of the states to be given comity in the other states. scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), . ibid., - . ibid., - . curtis noted there were free blacks in the states at this time, thus africans could be u.s. citizens. he went on to frame congress’ power of naturalisation as applying to aliens only, thus - according to curtis - the states still maintained the power to dictate citizenship. he could find five states which allowed free blacks to be citizens; massachusetts, new york, new jersey and new hampshire, based on their constitutions. north carolina also allowed black citizens on the basis of state v. manuel. he ruled africans could be u.s. citizens but this came with a caveat. curtis, similarly to wirt, ruled that only free africans born into a state which allowed them citizenship could be u.s. citizens. a free african from new york carried with him u.s. citizenship to virginia but a free black virginian did not gain u.s. citizenship by moving to new york. five judges had commented on citizenship, what of the other four? their silence on the issue of citizenship meant that they implicitly agreed with taney. they had proceeded to comment on the merits of the case, indicating they believed scott could sue. yet in this case the justices all commented on the merits, regardless of their position on the plea in abatement or citizenship. in the end, the four justices who made no mention of citizenship ultimately did not feel the need to refute taney’s opinion on a position they knew would have serious ramifications. what is more, given their view that the missouri compromise was unconstitutional and their refutation of the “once free, always free doctrine,” it can be assumed that they were no friends of the africans race. the verdicts in the dred scott case overturned some twenty five years of court precedents in missouri. why? the most obvious reason was politics. the rachel v. walker case was one of the last freedom suits filed in missouri. the reason behind this was that all slaves who thought themselves free had already filed suits in the preceding decade. again, these decisions had been handed down at a time when the continuation of slavery was guaranteed. scott’s was not helped by the long delays. if russell had not muddled his testimony, then scott’s case would have been decided before the election of . the re-trial may have been heard before but irene emerson and her lawyers spent a year and half pleading a writ of error before the missouri supreme court. furthermore, once a re-trial was ordered the case was again delayed by a cholera outbreak in st. louis followed by a city-wide fire. slavery was never a quiet issue, but in - the same year as scott filed his suit - america declared war on mexico. out of this war came the wilmot proviso which sought to prohibit slavery in any territory gained. two scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), - . fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, . ibid., . years later, the elections of saw the democratic party split on the issue of slavery. the anti-slavery faction headed by martin van buren and salmon p. chase founded the free soil party in which anti-slavery whigs also joined. the party campaigned on a single issue: prohibiting slavery in the western territories. it had little chance of winning but its platform made slavery a major issue increasing sectional tensions. the missouri compromise of , though featuring heavy debate, especially regarding the fugitive slave act, did much to calm the mood of the country. four years later, just as scott was making his way to the u.s. supreme court, bitter sectional conflict again sprang up with the kansas-nebraska act. the democratic party, now platforming the idea of using popular sovereignty to decide if new states should be slave or free, introduced the act on this basis. the result was the effective repeal of the missouri compromise and the founding of the anti-slavery republican party. the act would see an increasingly bloody conflict in kansas between pro and anti-slavery forces. the supreme court, hoping to settle the conflict, thus gave opinions on the regulation of slavery in the territories and the issue of comity between free and slave states. the cruel irony is that its opinions further stoked sectional passions. the court was not only influenced by the political climate, but by politicians directly. james buchanan, then president-elect, wrote to justices catron and grier whilst the court was devising its verdict. buchanan was nervously writing his inaugural address and hoped the court would decide the issue before it. buchanan wrote to catron asking about the case. catron responded that the court had split on the issue of the missouri compromise; the five southern justices v. the four northerners. buchanan, knowing how this would appear to the public, then wrote directly to grier a fellow pennsylvanian and successfully persuaded him to side with the southern justices on the case. buchanan’s actions were improper, more so given that the executive and judicial branches of government were supposed to be separate. furthermore, both branches were also supposed to “check and balance” one another - not work in tandem. the compromising of judicial impartiality does not explain the court’s ruling on citizenship. this ruling can be seen as a product of public sentiment. only two justices declared africans could be american citizens. even curtis, who had put forth an eloquent argument on african- american citizenship, could only find five of thirty-one states which had declared free africans citizens. furthermore, curtis felt it important to note that citizenship did not mean equal civil fehrenbacher, the dred scott case, . ibid., - . liberties - thus the justice did not challenge racial discrimination. given the discrepancies in the treatment of free blacks among the states it is not hard to understand why the supreme court did not rule favourably. the north may have, in general, been a more hospitable place for free blacks, but the same north often denied them educational rights and treated them as lesser beings. even the abolitionists were undecided on african-american citizenship after emancipation. the american nation as a whole was unable to see free africans as a societal group equal to others. the nation could not bring itself to unequivocally extend to africans the same privileges and immunities others enjoyed. free blacks, like the greater america populace in , would only see their clash for citizenship settled by force of arms. the issue of black citizenship, like the issue of volitional v. perpetual allegiance, would take a backseat to the larger issues of the day. the supreme court had ruled that no free black man or women could be a citizen. the court’s decision on the status of the missouri compromise was the far more contentious issue in an already divided nation. when the civil war broke out in the primary concern of the union was to defeat the confederacy and reunify the country. it would not be until that the issue of black citizenship was once again taken up. an incident would lead to edward bates, then attorney general, to write an exhaustive opinion on whether or not blacks could be american citizens. bates was forced to consider the issue, like his predecessor wirt, when salmon p. chase, then the secretary of the treasury, asked him to consider if black men could be citizens and thus under maritime law command american ships. captain martin of the u.s revenue steamer tiger boarded a schooner elizabeth & mary off the coast of new jersey. he discovered that its master was a black man, david. m. selsey. maritime law stated that the captain of any u.s. ship operating in u.s. water must be a u.s. citizen. martin asked lawrence boggs, a treasury collector in perth amboy new jersey, if a black man could be captain of a ship because he was not considered a citizen. both martin and boggs were unsure. boggs noted in a letter ‘her master being a coloured man, and according to the “dred scott decision” cannot be a citizen of the united states.’ on the other hand boggs noted ‘this man has been a master for his present owners in this district for more than [then] twelve years, and ther[e] are some eight or ten others masters (coloured) in this distri[ct].’ boggs was certainly nonplussed enough to give the ship temporary passage to her scott v. sandford, u.s ( ), - . j. laurence boggs to s.p. chase, “circumventing the dred scott decision: edwards bates, salmon p. chase and the citizenship of african-americans”, civil war history, vol. , ( ), . . ibid., ‘this man has been a master for his present owners’. this does not indicate that selsey was a slave. he was a freeman, a fact confirmed by bates. boggs means selsey was the master of the ship while others owned the ship. destination in norwich, connecticut. the issue would be moved through the treasury department until chase asked bates for an opinion. bates’ opinion would argue against much of the contentions in dred scott and would conclude that black men could be citizens of the united states. bates considered chase’s question to be “is a man legally incapacitated to be a citizen of the united states by the sole fact that he is a colored, and not a white man?” in his search for definitions of citizenships bates proclaimed eighty years of practical enjoyment of citizenship, under the constitution, have not sufficed to teach us either the exact meaning of the word, or the constituent elements of the thing we prize most highly. in most instances, within my knowledge, in which the matter of citizenship has been discussed, the argument has not turned upon the existence and the intrinsic qualities of citizenship itself, but upon the claim of some right or privilege as belonging to and inhering in the character of citizens. in this way we are easily led into errors both of fact and principle. bates argued that too many people confused the issue of voting rights. white americans saw that they had voting rights and assumed that a person must possess them in order to obtain citizenship. bates pointed out that this was true and in fact citizenship preceded voting rights in many situations. furthermore there was no doubt that women and children were citizens but without the vote. the same applied to the ability to hold office. in bates’ mind, the argument applied to free blacks in the same way as women and children. bates moved on to naturalisation. he noted the argument that pro-slavery forces had used. africans were not natural-born citizens, having been held in bondage, but they could not be naturalised. bates claimed this argument faulty, saying that in america two classes were present: citizens and aliens. america, unlike england, had no middle category of denizen. bates argued that according to pro-slavery arguments, congress only ordered the naturalisation of free white men, thus free blacks could not be naturalised, on account of their colour. if they could not be naturalised then they must stand as citizens. bates continued to bemoan the fact that j. laurence boggs to s.p. chase, j. laurence boggs to s.p. chase, “circumventing the dred scott decision: edwards bates, salmon p. chase and the citizenship of african-americans”, civil war history, vol. ,( ), . - . bates, opinion of the attorney general bates on citizenship, . ibid., . ibid., - . ibid., - . the discussion of this great subject of national citizenship has been much embarrassed and obscured by the fact that it is beset with artificial difficulties, extrinsic to its nature, and having little or no relation to its great political and national characteristics […] these difficulties, it seems to me, flow mainly from two sources: first the existence among us of a large class of people whose physical qualities visibly distinguish them from the mass of our people […] who, for the most part, are held in bondage. this visible difference and servile connection present difficulties hard to be conquered. bates saw that the problem with the citizenship debate was that it was too often seen through the lens of race. bates had argued that all born in america obtained citizenship through birth and that those who denied this fact must do so on an individual basis. using this framework, bates looked through the lens of race to dismiss these individual cases. on slavery bates admittedly ducked the issue, claiming that chase had not asked him whether or not a slave could be a citizen. bates showed in reality that he actually saw three classes of people: slaves, citizens and aliens. in light of this it can be assumed that if bates was pushed, he would have declared slaves could not be citizens. a slave when freed was another issue. on the point of colour, bates argued that the constitution said nothing on the issue. bates asked - if you could exclude people from citizenship there needed to be a fundamental fact on which to base this exclusion. bates asked ‘is mere color such a fact?’ bates laughed at the idea that a man’s colour could disqualify him from ‘bearing true and faithful allegiance to his native country and for demanding the protection of that country […] these two things, allegiance and protection constitute the sum of the duties and rights of a “natural-born citizen of the united states”’. the last objection was race. bates again stated the constitution was silent on race. bates stated ‘such persons [africans], born in country, must be citizens unless the fact of african descent be so incompatible with the fact of citizenship […] i am not able to perceive any antagonism, legal or natural, between the two facts’. bates then addressed those who claimed the african race was so degraded that it disqualified its members from citizenship. he sarcastically noted ‘i can hardly comprehend the thought of the absolute incompatibility of degradation and citizenship. i thought they often went together.’ bates illustrated his point by claiming there were plenty of examples where citizens had degraded fellow citizens. bates stated that some states handed out ‘the most humiliating punishments […] the lash, the pillory, the cropping of the ears and the branding of the face […] in several states the common punishment […] was bates, opinion of the attorney general bates on citizenship, ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . ibid. sale into bondage yet i have not read that such unfortunates thereby lost their natural born- citizenship, or their descendants are doomed to perpetual exclusion and degradation.’ he concluded that it would be wrong to think of citizenship as hereditary. bates would continue by stating the superiority of national law. he addressed wirt’s opinion. wirt’s decision only applied to virginia said bates, because he had not considered national law. bates gave an answer to such arguments that ‘every citizen of the united states is a component member of the nation, with rights and duties, under the constitution and the laws of the united states which cannot be destroyed or abridged by the laws of any particular state. ‘the laws of the state, if they conflict with the laws of the nation, are of no force.’ lastly, bates addressed the dred scott case. bates did not argue the merits of the case but stayed away from controversy by claiming the action of the supreme court was confined to the plea in abatement and not the merits. bates thus produced his final opinion ‘that free man of color, mentioned in your letter, if born in the united states, is a citizen of the united states.’ despite bates’ attempts to tread very lightly around dred scott, his opinion overturned virtually all of its arguments. bates’ opinion has barely registered with historians until recently. it has been overtaken by the emancipation proclamation which was announced just three months after bates’ opinion was published. the noise of the civil war drowned out bates’ voice. the civil war, like the war of , obscured the issue of citizenship and it was only returned to in the last stages of the war. its outbreak did not immediately signal the end of slavery or the possibility of african-american citizenship. for the newly elected abraham lincoln, the foremost issue was how to end the southern rebellion and to preserve the union. the abolition of slavery and the possibility of african-american citizenship were not at the fore of lincoln’s mind when shells began to hit fort sumter. eric foner wrote ‘much of lincoln’s career can fruitfully be seen as a search for a reconciliation of means and ends’ while on the other hand his career was also ‘a process of moral and political education.’ lincoln’s own doubts over slavery were indicative of those of many northerners who saw slavery as an injustice, but feared the effect abolition would have on america in terms of racial equality, bates, opinion of the attorney general bates on citizenship, - . ibid.,, . ibid., - . ibid., . eric foner, the fiery trial: abraham lincoln and american slavery, (new york, ny: w.w.norton & company inc., ), xx disunion and labour. lincoln may not have wanted to solve the issue of slavery or citizenship but circumstances forced him and america to confront the issue head on. lincoln was born in kentucky, a slave state, but moved to indiana before settling in illinois. lincoln became a member of illinois’ lower house where, in his early days, he distanced himself from the growing abolitionist movement. lincoln did, however, take the opportunity to repudiate slavery when given a chance. in he voted against a motion confirming the right of the southern states to continue slavery. lincoln wrote that ‘the institution of slavery is founded both on injustice and bad policy.’ lincoln displayed his moral objection to slavery but tempered it by stating that ‘the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its [slavery’s] evil.’ lincoln would also claim that congress had no right to restrict slavery in the states but it did hold that power in the district of columbia. lastly, lincoln also did not opine that owning slaves was a right. lincoln’s stance on this issue would be emblematic of his stance leading up to the civil war. lincoln believed slavery morally wrong - but he held the constitution sacred and didn’t wish to destroy national harmony. lincoln by acknowledging that the federal government should not interfere with the states’ positions on slavery, signalled his belief that the nation must endure and for it to do so, northerners would have respect its constitution. in lincoln was elected to the u.s house of representatives. in he, together with joshua r. giddings of ohio, introduced a bill that would halt slavery in the district of columbia. lincoln proposed from onwards that slave children be “apprenticed” to their masters until reaching adulthood. present slaves would remain as such unless freed by their masters, who would receive monetary compensation. the district of columbia would also give every effort to capture and return fugitive slaves. lincoln could not find enough support for the bill and never introduced it. lincoln’s bill further illustrates his position on slavery: that it should be stopped but in such a way that did not fuel the north- south divide. the bill would also later allow giddings (a founding member) to convince the republican party that lincoln was an anti-slavery man. not everyone approved. wendell philips, the abolitionist, in would deem lincoln ‘the slave-hound of illinois’ because of the bill. lincoln would only serve one term in congress and would return to springfield, illinois the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , ed. by roy p. basler (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press), . the idea of apprenticing slave children was likely borrowed from the british who used a similar plan when abolishing slavery in the colonies in . to continue practising law. the issue of slavery would not leave lincoln alone however. it would be lincoln’s stance on slavery that would reinvigorate his political career. the kansas-nebraska bill of was engineered by stephen douglas, a senator from illinois who from this point on would become forever associated with lincoln. douglas’ bill allowed kansas and nebraska to enter the union with the issue of slavery in each state being decided by popular sovereignty. northerners decried that the bill effectively repealed the missouri compromise of and allowed for the westward expansion of slavery. lincoln would argue against the bill strongly, giving a memorable speech in peoria, illinois on august . the speech was his longest ever. lincoln in his opening salvo said this declared indifference, but as i must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, i cannot but hate. i hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. i hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world---enables the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as hypocrites---causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and especially because it forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty---criticising the declaration of independence, and insisting that there is no right principle of action but self-interest. lincoln as in , attacked the injustice of slavery but this time attacked slavery as violating the core tenets of american exceptionalism. despite his strong opening polemic, lincoln continued to be non-antagonistic towards southerners before proceeding, let me say i think i have no prejudice against the southern people. they are just what we would be in their situation. if slavery did not now exist amongst them, they would not introduce it. […] when southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of slavery, than we; […] i acknowledge the fact. when they remind us of their constitutional rights, i acknowledge them, not grudgingly, but fully, and fairly; and i would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into slavery, than our ordinary criminal laws are to hang an innocent one. lincoln continued to adhere to the constitution and avoided the abolitionist rhetoric on the evil of southern slaveholders. lincoln instead put forth the case against the expansion of slavery. douglas’ idea of popular sovereignty appealed to the american ideal of self-government. lincoln countered that the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , ed. by roy p. basler (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press), . ibid. the doctrine of self-government is right---absolutely and eternally right---but it has no just application, as here attempted. or perhaps i should rather say that whether it has such just application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. if he is not a man, why in that case, he who is a man may, as a matter of self-government, do just as he pleases with him. but if the negro is a man, is it not to that extent, a total destruction of self-government, to say that he too shall not govern himself? when the white man governs himself that is self-government; but when he governs himself, and also governs another man, that is more than self-government---that is despotism. if the negro is a man, why then my ancient faith teaches me that "all men are created equal;" and that there can be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of another. lincoln argued that douglas’ push for popular sovereignty was defeating its underlying tenet. lincoln was not preaching the constitution this time, but appealing to its ideals. lincoln may have found a clearer voice on the morals of slavery but he still remained unsure of its solution. it was clear that lincoln’s position on the constitution meant that he wanted to solve the issue of slavery within the constitution’s framework. beyond this, lincoln acknowledged that he had no clear plan of what would become of america’s slave population my first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to liberia,---to their own native land. but a moment's reflection would convince me, that whatever of high hope, (as i think there is) there may be in this, in the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. […] what then? free them all, and keep them among us as underlings? is it quite certain that this betters their condition? i think i would not hold one in slavery, at any rate; yet the point is not clear enough for me to denounce people upon. what next? free them, and make them politically and socially, our equals? my own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not. whether this feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if indeed, it is any part of it. a universal feeling, whether well or ill-founded, cannot be safely disregarded. we cannot, then, make them equals. lincoln laid bare the simple question: if we ended slavery what then? lincoln himself had no clear response. lincoln throughout his life clung to the hope of colonisation. lincoln would even give government funds to the american colonisation society during the civil war. lincoln’s speech indicated even at this stage he knew in his heart that colonisation was a pipe dream. the radical abolitionist position on the equality of the race however, did not sit well and as always with lincoln, the feelings of a large part of the nation could not be brushed aside. lincoln concluded ‘let us turn slavery from its claims of "moral right," back upon its existing legal rights, and its arguments of "necessity." let us return it to the position our fathers gave the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , - . foner, the fiery trial, . the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , - . it; and there let it rest in peace.’ lincoln’s peoria speech saw him place great emphasis on the moral destitution of slavery. it was a break for lincoln who up until this point had primarily focused on economic matters. lincoln’s disgust at slavery could not however move him from his staunch protection of the constitution. lincoln did not seek the imminent end of slavery, only to stop its westward expansion. furthermore, lincoln’s remarks in demonstrated that he could not consider white and blacks to be equal. lincoln views, like those of many other white americans, meant that was only more unlikely, once free former slaves had little hope of becoming fellow citizens. lincoln’s peoria speech reignited his political career but he failed to gain a senate seat in that same year, as a whig candidate. the kansas-nebraska act had split the whig party so lincoln joined the newly formed republican party. he would finish second in the vice presidential nomination at the republican national convention in . in lincoln won the republican nomination for the u.s. senate at the illinois convention, in large part due to his “a house divided” speech. positively short compared to his peoria speech, a house divided crystallised an important moment in american history. lincoln put it as a house divided against itself cannot stand. i believe this government cannot endure, permanently half slave and half free. i do not expect the union to be dissolved -- i do not expect the house to fall -- but i do expect it will cease to be divided. it will become all one thing or all the other. either the opponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the states, old as well as new -- north as well as south. america could not continue its factional fighting; it must be one or the other. it was not slave or free in lincoln’s mind. america would be all for slavery or would halt its westward expansion. lincoln’s address raised the fear of disunion. political fighting, so heavy after the dred scott decision a year before, could become actual war. stephen douglas, lincoln’s old sparring partner and his competition for the senate seat, would charge lincoln with fermenting civil war and being a radical abolitionist. douglas’ rhetoric did not line up with the truth. lincoln did not call for abolition in his speech just (as always) for a halt to slavery’s westward expansion. the line ‘either the opponents of slavery, will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate foner, the fiery trial, . the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , - . extinction’ displays that lincoln had no definite plan for the ending of slavery. the line does reveal one thing. lincoln, having seen the fallout of the dred scott decision and years of increasing tension, knew that it would be public opinion which would lead to slavery’s ‘ultimate extinction’. neither congress nor the supreme court, nor any branch of government could solve the issue of slavery. public opinion would. lincoln armed with this knowledge and the fears of disunion, would launch into a speaking campaign against douglas pitting his belief in the founding fathers’ republicanism against douglas’ popular sovereignty. lincoln and douglas would campaign by undertaking seven famous debates throughout illinois. douglas fiercely attacked lincoln as a man who believed in racial equality. lincoln remained silent on the issue until the fourth debate. lincoln had been receiving letters from republicans in southern and central illinois who had urged him to make a definitive statement, less he suffer the political impact. lincoln responded at the fourth debate in charleston i will say then that i am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, [applause]-that i am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and i will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which i believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. and inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and i as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. lincoln’s strong statement was meant to show that he was no radical abolitionist. he went on further to say that ‘i am not in favor of negro citizenship.’ immediately after this statement lincoln did clarify his position. he asserted ‘now my opinion is that the different states have the power to make a negro a citizen under the constitution of the united states if they choose.’ thus lincoln left the door open for the possibility of black citizenship. it was wholly in line with lincoln’s belief in the constitution. the constitution (in lincoln’s opinion implicitly) allowed for states to do so. what did lincoln really believe in terms of racial equality and perhaps the possibility of black citizenship? his public statements throughout the s said he was against racial equality and only interested in stopping the western expansion foner, the fiery trial, . ibid., . the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , ed. by roy p. basler (new brunswick, nj: rutgers university press), - . ibid., . of slavery. douglas repeatedly charged that lincoln said one thing in southern illinois but another up north. there is evidence of this. at a speech given in chicago, lincoln urged the audience to ‘discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man- this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and unite as one people throughout this land, until we shall once more stand up declaring all men are created equal.’ lincoln was noted to be extremely loyal to his party. he may have truly believed in racial equality but hid it to keep to the republican line. historians to this day still struggle to consistently define lincoln’s view on race and slavery. regardless of lincoln’s true views on the matter, the question remains how did a man who publicly throughout the s argued for the possibility of gradual emancipation, though remaining unsure of the practicalities, go on to sign the emancipation proclamation? in the early days of the civil war a number of slaves appeared amongst union lines believing lincoln intended to free them. these slaves did not find freedom. they were returned to their owners or taken back to confederate lines. the fugitive slave act continued to remain in effect and was enforced. lincoln purposefully left the administration’s stance on slavery undefined. his purpose was not to alienate the border states - fearing they would follow the confederate states into disunion. in november , lincoln would begin to propose to delaware then the other border states a plan for gradual emancipation. it was the first time a president had committed the government to abolition. lincoln proposed emancipation over thirty years, with monetary compensation to slave-holders. the proposal was very much in line with lincoln’s pre-war thinking, but lincoln remained unsure of the post-emancipation position of slaves. he continued to hope that colonisation was still a possibility. to lincoln’s surprise, the border states were not as receptive as he had anticipated but he continued to struggle to convince those states. elsewhere, events were beginning to overtake lincoln. in august, even before lincoln had approached the topic of gradual emancipation, major-general douglas’ charge was based on the geo-cultural make-up on illinois. northern illinois was more “liberal” and thus tended to oppose slavery. southern illinois bordered slave states. this meant that the residents of southern illinois came into contact with slavery far more than their northern brethren. furthermore many residents of southern illinois at one point or another had lived in these bordering states. thus southern illinois was more opposed to abolition. douglas charged that lincoln was for racial equality but denied it in southern illinois lest he upset voters. the collected works of abraham lincoln, vol. , .; james oakes “natural rights, citizenship rights, states’ rights and black rights: another look at lincoln on race” in our lincoln, ed. by eric foner (new york, ny: w.w.norton & company inc., ), . james oakes, the radical and the republican (new york, ny: w.w. norton and company inc., ), . foner, the fiery trial, . ibid., . john. c fremont, commander of the department of the west, issued an emancipation edict. it stated that confederates found in missouri would have their property confiscated including slaves who would then be set free. alarmed, lincoln revoked the order and fired fremont. on may, major-general david hunter, the recently appointed commander of the department of the south, ordered that all slaves in his jurisdiction were forever free and encouraged his officers to accept black volunteers. lincoln again revoked the order. at this time hunter had raise an all-black regiment and even after lincoln revoked his decree, continued to recruit former slaves. while lincoln was calling for gradual emancipation, the union army was quickly increasing in abolitionist sentiment. as encounters with slaves became increasingly frequent, union soldiers saw the desperation of slaves and cruelty that accompanied the practice. union soldiers were also taken by the loyalty slaves showed towards the union. army commanders noted that sympathy for slaves was on the rise. it was not just the army. the radical side of the republican party had always pushed for complete emancipation, but now even the moderate republicans began to think about joining their radical brethren, with some concerned that lincoln was not prosecuting the war with enough vigour. this was a crucial moment for lincoln. he had always looked to the constitution, but had also realised that public opinion was key in ending slavery. the increasing turn in public opinion saw a shift in lincoln’s policy direction. lincoln still remained committed to emancipation via the border states. he hoped that when these states agreed to emancipation the southern states would follow after reacceptance into the union. yet, given the rise in abolitionist sentiment, he became more urgent. outside events once more influenced lincoln. by july it was clear that general george b. mcclellan’s campaigning in virginia was in serious trouble. lincoln visited him on july. mcclellan, the commander of the army of the potomac, had always stressed the need for ‘civilised’ war to lincoln, but lincoln came away from this meeting believing that more of a ‘total war’ was needed. this total war could mean the confiscation of slaves. furthermore a day after lincoln returned to washington, congress, after a long debate, decided to amend the militia act of and introduce the second confiscation act. the militia act now allowed for black men to be engaged in labouring for the army e.g. digging ditches or constructing roads. the john david smith, lincoln and the u.s. colored troops, (carbondale, il: southern illinois university press, ), ; james oakes, freedom national (new york, ny: w.w. norton & company, ), - . james oakes, freedom national, - . foner, the fiery trial, - . ibid., - . ibid., . second confiscation act allowed the union to confiscate the property of rebels, including slaves who would be deemed forever free. these acts spurred lincoln to discuss with his cabinet a draft order containing certain premises. firstly, the rebels had sixty days to cease their rebellion or face the confiscation of property. secondly, that he [lincoln] continued to support gradual emancipation. thirdly that on january, all slaves in confederate states that had not been returned to the union were free. lincoln’s own cabinet was divided by his provisions. this division, coupled with not wanting to look desperate and possibly lincoln’s own hesitation, meant the orders were put to one side. months later on the september mcclellan defeated lee at antietam - the single bloodiest day in american history. the victory allayed fears about the union looking weak and gave lincoln confidence to proclaim what is known as “the preliminary emancipation proclamation.” the proclamation meant that within a few months america’s free black population could significantly expand. the issue still remained: what would become of them? lincoln continued to push for colonisation. an expedition to colombia was planned to survey its suitability as a place for former slaves to settle. it was called off at the last minute. edward bates, the man who just two months later would declare former slaves u.s. citizens, voiced his opinion that colonisation should be forced. lincoln maintained that any colonisation should be voluntary. the problem for lincoln was that black leaders and the majority of the black population opposed colonisation. again the army was influential in shaping lincoln’s policy. army commanders had often employed freed slaves and the preliminary proclamation had only emboldened their recruiting. army commanders spoke of the need for more solders and labourers. in december, the union was defeated heavily at fredericksburg. furthermore, lincoln could find little support for his proposals for colonisation. it was due to the sum of these factors that when the emancipation proclamation was read on january , it allowed for blacks to be recruited into the union army. the emancipation proclamation was the point of no return. the proclamation did not end slavery completely. the border states were allowed to keep it because they remained in the union and of course the union army only controlled a small area of the south. the proclamation however signalled a momentous shift in the war aims of the union. it seemed that no longer was slavery a separate issue from disunion. lincoln, once in a public letter to foner, the fiery trial, - . ibid., - . oakes, the radical and the republican (new york, ny: w.w. norton and company inc., ), . horace greely of the new york tribune, proclaimed that if he could save the union by allowing slavery’s continuation, he would. the emancipation changed this. it confirmed that america would reform as a slave free-nation. the proclamation was also crucial to african-american citizenship - though not immediately so. the fact was, however, that blacks could now serve in the union army. citizenship worldwide was defined by rights and duties. the highest duty of a citizen was to fight for one’s country. from the citizens-soldiers of ancient greece to knights and men-at-arms of the feudal age, to the men of the grandee armee - all had been called on to do their duty as citizens. as dragged on and black recruitment rose, many americans began to question a post-war situation in which black men who had fought and bled for the union, could be denied certain rights. fredrick douglass recognised this. he help recruit for massachusetts’ all-black regiments. he cried the white man’s soul was tried in . the black man’s soul is tried in . the first stood the test, and is received as genuine-so may the last. the broad eye of the nation is fixed upon the black man. they are half in doubt as to whether his conduct in this crisis will refute or confirm their allegations against the colored race. they stand ready to applaud, or to hurl the bolt of condemnation […] we have no time to lose. to hold back is to invite infamy upon ourselves, and upon our children. all the negro hating vermin of the land may crawl over us, if our courage quails at this hour. […] the black man, in arms to fight for the freedom of his race, and the safety and security of the country, will give his countrymen a higher and better revelation of his character. the case stands thus: we have asked the nation for a chance to fight the rebels- to fight against slavery, and to fight for freedom. well, the chance is now given us. we must improve it, or sink deeper than ever in the pit of social and political degradation, from which we have been struggling for years to extricate ourselves. when the nationality of the united states is set in safety, in part of your hands, the whole world would cry shame upon any attempt to denationalize you. to fight for the government in this tremendous war is, then to fight for nationality and for a place with all other classes of our fellow-citizens. in america, bearing arms also had a special significance. it was enshrined in the constitution and linked to the war of independence. it was closely linked to american citizenship. douglass again knew this you are however, not only a man, but an american citizen, so declared by the highest legal advisor of the government, and you have hitherto expressed in various ways, not only your willingness but your foner, the fiery trial, - . oakes, the radical and the republican, .; nathan irvin huggins, slave and citizen: the life of frederick douglass (new york, ny: harpercollins, ), . fredrick douglass, another word to colored men, douglass monthly, april , http://www.frederick- douglass-heritage.org/another-word-to-colored-men/ smith, lincoln and the u.s. colored troops, . earnest desire to fulfil any and every obligation which the relation of citizenship imposes […] you should enlist to learn the use of arms, to become familiar with the means of securing, protecting and defending your own liberty. […] whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. by enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the national flag, you stop the mouths of traducers and win applause even from the lips of ingratitude. enlist and you will make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. white americans had won their citizenship in . by fighting and dying for the union, black men would prove their ultimate credentials for citizenship. lincoln would acknowledge the special place of men who had died in service to their country in the gettysburg address we have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. it is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. but in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow this ground. the brave men, living and dead who struggled here have consecrated it far above our poor power to add or detract. […] it is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us--that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion america would eventually come to recognise this sacrifice and specifically the role of black men had to play in it. blacks would eventually receive what was due but the war was far from over. the union army now accepted black soldiers but they were not equal to their white counterparts. they received less pay and could not be commissioned as officers. the situation of black soldiers reflected the nation at large; slaves might be freed but they were still not equal, even if the mood of the country was shifting. the question brought lincoln into contact for the first time with prominent black leaders including fredrick douglass. the question of the status of america’s black population now became part of a larger issue- reconstruction. lincoln had talks with southern unionists throughout about writing new state constitutions. it was lincoln’s wish to have the southern states readmitted one by one under fredrick douglass, why should a colored man enlist?, douglass monthly, april , http://www.frederick- douglass-heritage.org/why-should-a-colored-man-enlist/ of course black men had fought in these wars too. abraham lincoln, gettysburg address, http://avalon.law.yale.edu/ th_century/gettyb.asp oakes, freedom national, . this was part of lincoln’s ten percent plan. lincoln would allow states to be readmitted to the union if ten percent of their population (based on the number of voters in ’s election.) swore an oath to the union. the definition of population excluded black enfranchisement and while lincoln stated that the new state constitutions must abolish slavery, laws could be made regarding the free black population helping with ‘the revolution of labor’. new state constitutions. lincoln envisioned that the states themselves would have a largely free hand in the matter. radicals and abolitionists viewed this as a serious issue, fearing that the white southern unionists would attempt to re-introduce slavery or at the very least write laws restricting the rights of freedmen. these concerns were not without cause. in march lincoln had to personally step in, to ensure a proposed constitution in louisiana did not attempt to re-establish slavery. lincoln’s plan was very much a product of his reverence for the constitution. the states should have continued power over their own affairs. when congress sat again at the end of , many republicans looked for a different path. they proposed an amendment to the constitution, prohibiting slavery for all of the country. a petition was organised by feminist campaigners susan b. anthony and mary cady stanton. by the middle of it had , signatures. lincoln refused advice to publicly support an amendment during his state of the union speech. in the beginning some democrats supported the amendment but as the election loomed, support fell away. the thirteenth amendment which outlawed slavery in america was passed by the senate in april but could not pass the house in june. congress did however in june abolish the fugitive slave law. congress further allowed for equal pay for black soldiers, for blacks to carry mail and testify in court. congress’ th session spent much of its time arguing over what rights should be extended to blacks. the congress had made strides in the right direction but there were to be further obstacles. while the radical republicans were advancing their agenda in congress, the union army was suffering. in march ulysses s. grant had become the commander of all union armies. grant, unlike his predecessors, was heavily aggressive and set about attacking lee in virginia. grant’s tactics left the army of the potomac with some , casualties. union morale plummeted and lincoln sent peace proposals to jefferson davis. lincoln was so worried he believed he would lose the upcoming election. at the end of may, fremont, the former commander in the west, was nominated by the radical republicans as a presidential candidate because they thought lincoln too conciliatory towards the confederacy and feared he was not radical enough on the issues of free black rights. in the face of this party split, lincoln called for the ratification of the thirteenth amendment. he also called off peace proposals, fearing that if the union army did not control the confederacy by war’s end, complete abolition could not occur. lincoln now dreaded that slavery might survive the war. luckily for lincoln, in foner, the fiery trial, . ibid., . foner, the fiery trial, - . late august general sherman won a great victory and occupied the vital hub of atlanta. a few weeks later lincoln made a deal that ensured fremont dropped out of the race and a prominent critic, montgomery blair, was removed from cabinet. lincoln was still nervous of the election result but in the end won a resounding victory. after his victory, lincoln threw himself into convincing the border unionists to ratify the thirteenth amendment. the thirteenth amendment would be passed on january - to much applause. the day afterwards the new attorney-general salmon p. chase admitted john rock, a black lawyer, to the bar of the supreme court. in the same month lincoln commissioned the first black army officer martin delany. racial barriers were being broken down. lincoln would give a speech on april endorsing black voting rights. three days later he would be assassinated. reconstruction would move ahead without lincoln. his successor andrew johnson, a southern unionist, would split from the republicans and oppose their plans for black citizenship and suffrage but in the end congress passed the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, allowing for both. the passing of the fourteenth amendment conferred citizenship upon american’s black population. its first section stated all persons born or naturalized in the united states, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the united states and of the state wherein they reside. no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the united states; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. this section conferred citizenship on not only blacks but on all born on u.s. soil. the amendment also explicitly referred to national and state citizenship. a citizen was both a u.s. citizen and one of the state he resided in. the amendment forbade states from abridging the rights of citizens though, like the constitution, refrained from defining the rights - save for life, liberty, property and due process. the wording of the amendments tried to protect rights but failed to adequately explain these and again another opportunity to expand on the relationship between state and national citizenship was lost. amendment xiv, section , the constitution of the united states, http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_amendments_ - .html indians were still excluded from this and were not considered american citizens. the claim to citizenship based on birthplace is referred to as birthright citizenship or jus soli. jus soli is in contrast to jus sanguinis in which citizenship is dependent on the citizenship of the parents - most often determined by the citizenship of the father. http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_amendments_ - .html the issue of rights and the state-national relationship did not remain dormant for long. in the slaughterhouse cases reached the supreme court. these cases were bound together to form one decision. the cases were initiated by butchers in new orleans. the louisiana state government had passed a law moving all of the city’s butcheries into one building downstream on account of the butcheries polluting the mississippi river. the butchers claimed that their fourteenth amendment rights were being violated as louisiana was attempting to create a monopoly, thereby overriding these. by a vote of to the butchers were defeated. associate justice samuel miller wrote the opinion. miller reasoned the next observation is more important in view of the arguments of counsel in the present case. it is that the distinction between citizenship of the united states and citizenship of a state is clearly recognized and established. not only may a man be a citizen of the united states without being a citizen of a state, but an important element is necessary to convert the former into the latter. he must reside within the state to make him a citizen of it, but it is only necessary that he should be born or naturalized in the united states to be a citizen of the union. it is quite clear, then, that there is a citizenship of the united states, and a citizenship of a state, which are distinct from each other, and which depend upon different characteristics or circumstances in the individual. miller thus confirmed that there was both state and national citizenship and that they were distinct concepts. miller’s logic followed that if there were two separate concepts of citizenship then there must be two separate sets of privileges and immunities attached [the clause] speaks only of privileges and immunities of citizens of the united states, and does not speak of those of citizens of the several states. the argument, however, in favor of the plaintiffs rests wholly on the assumption that the citizenship is the same, and the privileges and immunities guaranteed by the clause are the same. the language is, "no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the united states." it is a little remarkable, if this clause was intended as a protection to the citizen of a state against the legislative power of his own state, that the word citizen of the state should be left out when it is so carefully used, and used in contradistinction to citizens of the united states in the very sentence which precedes it. it is too clear for argument that the change in phraseology was adopted understandingly and, with a purpose. of the privileges and immunities of the citizen of the united states, and of the privileges and immunities of the citizen of the state, and what they respectively are, we will presently consider; but we wish to state here that it is only the former which are placed by this clause under the protection of the federal constitution, and that the latter, whatever they may be, are not intended to have any additional protection slaughterhouse cases, u.s. . ( ). ibid., - . by this paragraph of the amendment [….] was it the purpose of the fourteenth amendment, by the simple declaration that no state should make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges and immunities of citizens of the united states, to transfer the security and protection of all the civil rights which we have mentioned, from the states to the federal government? and where it is declared that congress shall have the power to enforce that article, was it intended to bring within the power of congress the entire domain of civil rights heretofore belonging exclusively to the states […] we are convinced that no such results were intended by the congress which proposed these amendments, nor by the legislatures of the states which ratified them. having shown that the privileges and immunities relied on in the argument are those which belong to citizens of the states as such, and that they are left to the state governments for security and protection, and not by this article placed under the special care of the federal government. the court moved on to examine the rights of u.s. citizens which in the court’s opinion were few. u.s. citizenship granted only the right to navigate rivers, protection while outside u.s. jurisdiction and the ability to run for office. civil rights were not a privilege of u.s. citizenship. the court decided that the butchers’ rights were not infringed upon, firstly because the fourteenth amendment had not removed the power of the states to legislate for the rights of their citizens and secondly, their federal rights had not been violated because louisiana’s law had not abridged any federal rights. the slaughterhouse cases had added clarity to the relationship between civil rights and state and national citizenship but came heavily down in favour of the states. the verdict in, supporting states’ rights, allowed for the south’s black codes, thus undoing the work of the fifteenth amendment and the reconstruction era. the fifteenth amendment was supposed to ensure black voting rights by prohibiting government at the federal and state levels from denying citizens’ voting rights based on colour or race. yet the slaughterhouse verdict allowed the voting rights of african-americans to be violated both de jure and de facto. the fifteenth amendment, though in practice less effective than it might have been, did make an impact on american citizenship. at first there was hesitancy to pass the amendment but once passed, it strengthened the link between u.s. citizenship and voting rights. the amendment de jure protected voting rights and can be seen as an effort to better exemplify republican principles. slaughterhouse cases, u.s. . ( ), , - . ibid., , - . oakes, the radical and the republican, . the radical republicans wanted the amendment on principle. moderate republicans were undecided but voted on strategic grounds. now that blacks were citizens the south would gain extra seats in the house and the closeness of the presidential election in convinced many republicans that it was in the party’s best interest to embrace the black franchise. see joseph b. james, the framing of the fourteenth amendment (urbana, il: university of illinois, .) chp. - . its association with the fourteenth amendment along with its wording ‘the right of citizens of the united states [author’s italics] to vote’ meant that it was expected that every citizen could vote. it was their right as citizens to do so. lincoln’s death raises the question - would he have supported the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments? the short answer is yes. lincoln would have been wary of southern anger towards these amendments and their effects on national harmony. lincoln’s conciliatory style in government however, meant that he again would have listened to public opinion and the opinion of his party as he had so many times before. lincoln in previous times had always acted on these voices despite his own personal feelings. he may have continued to voice his opinions, like those on gradual versus immediate emancipation, but he did not let it dictate policy. nor could lincoln allow slavery to continue after witnessing the bravery of the union’s coloured troops. once, when lincoln rode past black soldiers, they broke ranks to celebrate him. lincoln had tears in his eyes. lincoln’s intentions may be revealed by william h. johnson. johnson was a black man who worked for lincoln as a valet. he died from smallpox in january (a year before the thirteenth amendment passed). lincoln had him buried in arlington cemetery with a headstone paid for by lincoln himself. on it was inscribed “william h. johnson. citizen” amendment xv, section , the constitution of the united states. gabor boritt, “did he dream of a lily-white america?”, in the lincoln enigma: the changing faces of an american icon, ed. by gabor boritt (oxford: oxford university press, ), - . smith, lincoln and the u.s. colored troops, - .; gabor boritt, “did he dream of a lily-white america?”, . epilogue the jim crow era saw the roll back of some of the victories of the civil war. black rights were impeded, but no one could deny that blacks were citizens. it would be wrong however, to view the passing of the reconstruction amendments as the end of the discussion of american citizenship. at the same time as discussion of african-american citizenship, there had been some about the status of native-americans as citizens. the constitution implicitly thought they were not citizens as they were not counted with respect to representation or taxation. native- american tribes were considered a separate sovereign people. the fourteenth amendment had made citizens of all those born or naturalised in the u.s. but this was widely accepted to exclude native americans - a decision confirmed by a senate committee in . the decision was backed up by elk v. wilkins ( ). this supreme court ruling determined that indians could not be citizens merely because they lived amongst white people. native-americans could still become u.s. citizens by the process of naturalisation. native-americans would be given birthright u.s. citizenship in with the passing of the indian citizenship act. citizenship was also discussed immediately prior to/after the civil war with regards to the wave of chinese immigration to california. the large number of chinese immigrants frightened white californians and discrimination drove the chinese from lucrative mining jobs. fredrick douglass himself linked the discrimination of the chinese to the struggle of african- americans. chinese immigration was so feared that in the chinese exclusion act was passed, banning chinese labourers from immigrating to the u.s. the act was not repealed until . the chinese exclusion act led to a number of supreme court cases. united states v. wong kim ark ( ) heard that wong kim ark was born to chinese parents who resided in the u.s. born in san francisco, he left to visit china in and was denied re-entry to the u.s on the basis of the chinese exclusion act. the government maintained that because he was born to non-u.s. citizens he was not a citizen. wong challenged this under the fourteenth amendment. the supreme court ruled in his favour stating that the first clause of the amendment gave those born in the u.s. who adhered to u.s. jurisdiction (law), automatic qualification for citizenship. the case would become a precedent for the application of the fourteenth amendment and would further strengthen the principle of birthright citizenship. the supreme court would deal with a number of cases involving the fourteenth amendment following the civil war. the most important one would be plessy v. ferguson ( ). homer plessy brought a lawsuit on behalf of a black citizens’ group in new orleans. the suit alleged that a state law creating separate railcars for blacks and whites violated their rights as u.s. citizens. the supreme court disagreed. in a seven to one majority it ruled that louisiana law did not violate the rights of citizens as long as facilities were equal. this ruling ushered in the doctrine of “separate but equal” in which racial segregation was legalised. this decision would not be repudiated until in brown v. board of education. indeed the end of the th century would not see the end of fourteenth amendment cases. in the issue of dual citizenship was brought up in afroyim v rusk. the u.s. government sought to revoke the citizenship of bey afroyim. afroyim was a naturalised citizen originating from poland. he had then moved to israel. he had voted in an israeli election, thus the government claimed that he had automatically lost citizenship under the nationality act of . the supreme court ruled that congress had no power to remove citizenship. only if a citizen repudiated his citizenship could u.s. citizenship be removed. this ruling was followed up by vance v. terrazas ( ). laurence terrazas was born in the u.s. his father was mexican and because of this laurence was also a mexican citizen. he attended a mexican university and while there, obtained a certificate of mexican nationality. to obtain the certificate, terrazas signed a statement that he was repudiating his allegiance to any foreign government. when confronted by american officials he insisted that he never intended to give up any rights afforded to him by virtue of his american citizenship. the state department still took away his citizenship. terrazas appealed. the supreme court reaffirmed that congress could not revoke citizenship but ruled that terrazas had voluntarily renounced his u.s. citizenship on the balance of probabilities (preponderance of evidence) and that this was a standard for any future cases. the above cases are only a handful of supreme court decisions regarding citizenship and/or the fourteenth amendment. almost as soon as the reconstruction amendments were passed, cases came forth to both dispute the amendments and seek their protection. the continuing cases show that the concept of citizenship was forever changing. the creation of african- american citizenship did not mean that american citizenship was set in stone. once the matter of black citizenship was (supposedly) solved, the conversation moved onto other ethnic groups. technology advanced, the world became smaller and people travelled more. residence in the fourth chapter of this act included a number of ways u.s. citizenship could be lost including foreign military desertion or voluntarily joining another nation’s armed forces. the expatriation act ( ) allowed for u.s. citizens to void their citizenship on voluntary grounds. the afroyim ruling effectively declared the nationality act as unconstitutional. the ruling also allowed for multi/dual citizenship to be widely accepted by the u.s. terrazas’ lawyers argued that congress and the state department must prove that terrazas intended to renounce his citizenship based on irrefutable evidence. foreign countries became more common and thus the issues surrounding dual citizenship become more apparent. in today’s world the conversation continues. as the humanities and the wider world take a more cultural turn, citizenship becomes newly defined. edward bates, amongst others, argued that citizenship and political rights are not mutually inclusive but today many people would argue that political rights are an essential part of citizenship. others would argue that the right to a free education is now part of citizenship. the benefits of citizenship might well be expanding but citizenship itself could be diminished. a donald trump presidency could see the end of birthright citizenship and more strident requirements for muslims applying for u.s. citizenship. the expansion of the rights associated with citizenship could ironically hurt it as people become more worried about the burden new citizens place on the economy. america is not alone in this dilemma. europe’s recent influx of migrants and refugees has called into question its effect on europe’s economy. it has been asked whether these new arrivals can integrate into europe’s liberal culture. migrants have been asked “can you truly be citizens?” another side of this question is that of europeans now forced to wonder what makes them citizens. who or what are they? this is especially important in france where citizenship is tied closely to enlightenment and republican ideals, embodied by the turbulent events in france in the late th/early th century. french jews have also begun to question their french citizenship, wondering if it might be better to become israelis. given the ever evolving concept of citizenship over a number of cultures and countries, it is wrong to say that this research can completely define american citizenship in the historical sense. it is a mere sliver of a complex issue. research into citizenship however, remains important to allow us to be better informed, to be better aware of the historical implications of citizenship and how this might inform our conversations tomorrow. jeffrey goldberg, “french prime minister warns if the jews flee france the republic will be judged a failure,” the atlantic, january , . conclusion the history of early american citizenship is an underdeveloped area of scholarship. citizenship is a concept which rarely came under scrutiny unless there were clashes regarding rights or allegiance and other issues associated with citizenship. to solve these issues surrounding citizenship, new discussions of what constituted citizenship and who qualified for it were brought to the fore. in this way, american citizenship was not synthesised out of a constant dialogue of ideas and concepts, but rather coalesced from a range of issues, rulings and challenges. the early development of american citizenship emerged due to concerns of the thirteen colonies regarding the perceived overstep of parliamentary rights to impose law beyond britain. american polemicists continued to work under the framework of english subjectship, contesting that allegiance to the king did not equate to an allegiance to parliament. as tensions between the colonists and george iii gave way to war, american polemicists began to focus on the principle of volitional allegiance- allegiance that was dependent on the individual - not the sovereign. war between the colonies and britain ceased but the battle over allegiance was not solved and proved problematic twenty years later. in the interim, the american government introduced liberal laws of naturalisation reflecting both the emphasis on freedom in american values and the need to readily admit foreigners to the protections that citizenship afforded. though america’s naturalisation laws were liberal, the constitution placed restrictions on naturalised citizens from obtaining federal political offices immediately, exemplifying the consensus that naturalised citizens needed time to ensure their love of republican values. the limits placed on political office displayed the founders’ wish that these offices be held by citizens for whom citizenship had not only a legal status but who lived up to an idealised form of republicanism. the major issue of the post-revolutionary period was that congress failed to define two things. firstly, congress failed to explicitly define the privileges and immunities of citizenship. secondly, while creating national citizenship, congress declined to specify the relationship between national and state citizenship. this caused severe problems in later decades regarding african-american citizenship. both sides engaged in prolonged debates surrounding the specific privileges and immunities of citizens and whether or not these were either required for citizenship, bestowed by citizenship or had no bearing on citizenship. no sooner had america defined its naturalisation policies, than allegiance once again became an issue of pressing concern. the british practice of impressment justified by indefeasible allegiance, caused great tension between the two nations. the american government strongly denied that the principle had standing and american jurists continued to build upon theories developed during the revolution. allegiance was one of several issues left unresolved between britain and america following the revolution. other issues would be solved at ghent, but the issue of allegiance remained and, frustratingly, due to the warming of anglo-american relations it was never fully resolved. to this point the development of american citizenship had been greatly influenced by external factors - but the next phase required americans to look inwards. the question of african- american citizenship created confusion over the rights gained by citizenship. those against african-american citizenship drew from the idea of the perfect “republican citizen.” these men argued that because free blacks possessed so few of the citizenship features, most importantly voting rights, that they could not obtain citizenship. pro african-american citizenship figures pointed to the privileges and immunities of citizenship. these were ill defined but voting rights had never been a test for citizenship, nor had citizenship automatically conferred voting rights. women and children were citizens but were not allowed to vote until the s and s. the male franchise was greatly restricted by property qualifications - but all white males were citizens. the question of african-american citizenship struggled to find any resolution until the dred scott case because issues of citizenship were dealt with internally within the individual states and their courts. the dred scott ruling was the first widely disseminated opinion on african-american citizenship from the highest judicial authority in the country. it sought not only to rule on citizenship, but slavery, and the power of congress to regulate it. chief justice taney had hoped to solve the issue of citizenship and the expansion of slavery westwards but the decisions only inflamed the sectarian divide, eventually leading to the outbreak of the civil war. previous discussions on african-american citizenship were always born of the underlying question, were free blacks suitable or fit for american citizenship? this question was answered decisively by america’s black population who served with distinction during the civil war. citizenship consists of rights and duties. it is widely perceived that there is no higher duty then serving one’s country and no greater sacrifice than dying for it. given the emancipation proclamation greatly increased the number of free blacks in the states and the determination of blacks to prove their love for the union, it was difficult to continue to deny them citizenship. thus the passing of the fourteenth amendment secured african-american citizenship and the fifteenth amendment secured de jure the black franchise. this thesis has explored the development of america from the revolution to the passing of the reconstruction amendments. it has built on previous scholarship to add to the understanding of the conceptualisation of early american citizenship and has added to scholarship by investigating the continued differences in allegiance between america and britain which did not cease with the treaty of paris, but with the treaty of ghent. even then the clash of volitional and perpetual allegiance was not solved but the treaty of ghent did signal the last period in which anglo-american discord was high. included in this research is a study into the relationship between rights, free blacks and citizenship which surveys early ideas regarding the suitability of blacks for citizenship and how this delayed african-american citizenship from coming to fruition. though this thesis has contributed to the understanding of american citizenship, there remain further avenues along which to investigate citizenship. linda kerber in her presidential address at the american historical association, implored historians to seek out new ways of addressing citizenship and its associated issues, especially statelessness statelessness is a subject that most historians of the united states have treated as belonging to other national histories—jews, gypsies, palestinians. that u.s. history is taken to be innocent of engagement with the subject is yet another example of the habits of american exceptionalism. since the meanings of statelessness have changed over time, the subject is one that should command the attention of historians as well as humanitarians. statelessness would be an excellent starting point for new studies into native americans and their status within colonial and post-revolutionary america. as the study of history has turned towards the cultural, new frameworks can be used to investigate citizenship. jobs, wages, education, immigration, international law, non-state actors and geography are areas of focus which could contribute to the understanding of american citizenship. as groups like the european union bring countries closer together and break down borders, it is important to preserve an historical understanding of citizenship. furthermore, understanding historical concepts of citizenship can allow people to shape their understanding of citizenship in the future. linda kerber, “the stateless as the citizen’s other: a view from the united states” presidential address delivered at the st annual meeting of the american historical association, atlanta, ga, . bibliography primary sources legal cases crandall v. state, conn. 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patrick c.t. a nation on trial: america and the war of (new york, ny: john wiley and sons, ). williams, donald e. jr., prudence crandall's legacy: the fight for equality in the s, dred scott, and brown v. board of education (middletown, ct: wesleyan university press, ). zilversmit, arthur. the first emancipation: the abolition of slavery in the north (chicago, il.: the university of chicago press, ). zimmermann, james. impressment of american seamen (port washington, ny: kennikat press, ). microsoft word - . - shaftel - word version.doc music & politics , number (summer ), issn - . article doi: http://dx.doi.org/ . /mp. . . singing a new song: singing a new song: singing a new song: singing a new song: stephen foster and the new american minstrelsystephen foster and the new american minstrelsystephen foster and the new american minstrelsystephen foster and the new american minstrelsy matthew shaftel stephen foster’s music became the backbone of the american minstrel show in the s, a period of critical change for blackface minstrelsy as it grew from its countercultural class-conscious roots into an industry of racially charged entertainment. foster’s first minstrel songs, in contrast with his early ballads, were characterized by a simplicity of form, harmony, and melody, as well as by lyrics that ridiculed slaves and slave life, propagating the racial stereotypes that were embraced and financially supported by the successful minstrel groups of the time. towards the end of the decade, however, many of his minstrel songs contain glimmers of a changing perception of slave life. as the antebellum era came to an end, social and political tensions moved foster to reflection. in specific, the growing abolitionist movement and the publication of harriet beecher stowe’s uncle tom’s cabin inspired a shift in foster’s compositional style. these later songs reflect a growing uneasiness with the earlier style, ultimately leading him to a period of withdrawal from the lucrative minstrel genre. when his parlor ballads could no longer sustain him financially, however, he merged the two styles into a new hybrid genre, “the plantation melody.” the songs published under this rubric use musical strategies found in the ballads and focus on nostalgic themes, thus attempting to humanize the image of the oppressed slave. this literature has been virtually ignored, but its importance in disseminating a revised view of the african american slave merits new examination. focusing on structure, linear design, and text/music relationships, this essay explores the change in foster’s minstrel style as a reflection of his evolving perception of slave life. in addition, it provides historical evidence for the events that may have precipitated this stylistic shift. white men with grease-blackened faces had entertained white audiences since well before the american revolution, but it was not until after the war of that blackface minstrelsy became a mainstay of the american stage. by the midpoint of the century, this form of entertainment had this essay is adapted from a talk presented at the joint meeting of the society for music theory and american musicological society in november, . one extremely noteworthy exception can be found in the work of deane l. root, the curator of the foster hall collection at the university of pittsburgh. see especially his article: “the ‘myth-story’ of stephen c. foster, or why his true story remains untold” american music research center journal, (vol. , ): - . robert c toll, blacking up: the minstrel show in nineteenth-century america (new york: oxford university press, ), . dale cockrell describes a long-standing english “blackface” tradition, morris dancing, which may be linked to moorish-english conflicts in the th century. he argues that, as with certain aspects of american minstrelsy, the tradition of blackface goes beyond racial conflict to a connotation of overall “otherness” through the auspices of the disguise. unlike in american minstrelsy, however, there is no focus on race through other means, such as dialect, bodily characterizations, and publicity, such as that advertising “ethiopian delineators.” demons of disorder: early blackface minstrels and their world (cambridge: cambridge university press, ), . although morris dancing is still popular today throughout britain and parts of the united states, the blackfaced “border morris” appears to have died out. see e. c. cawte, "the morris dance in hereford, shropshire and worcestershire," journal of the english folk dance and song society / ( ). music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer gained popularity around the world as one of the few uniquely american contributions to theater. the centerpiece of the minstrel show was comic routines performed by white men with cork- blackened faces. the black mask and the typical rubrics of the minstrel performance clearly suggested a rudely stereotyped characterization of the slave, often supporting what herbert holl summarizes as the common white misperception of slave life at the time: [northerners imagined] an idealized landscape combined with relaxation, simple, rustic pleasures and the nobility of honest, rewarding labor; all culminating in an enviable and glorified lifestyle. slave life was actually seen as an ideal one, by viewing the slave as an uncomplicated, child-like creature, happy and lovable, enjoying life’s simple pleasures while reaping the satisfactions of honest toil for a beloved ‘massa,’ whose kindness swept away all sorrow and care. the constant jesting, dancing, and singing of nonsense lyric in dialect of the early blackface shows played upon this image. despite the obvious racially derived context, early minstrelsy focused on larger social issues that may have unified people across racial divides. recent scholars such as eric lott, dale cockrell, william t. lhamon, and william mahar have argued that early (pre- ) minstrelsy was not primarily about slave culture, but about social class. the shows drew lower-class audiences of all races together for an evening of raucous entertainment that veiled a harsh criticism of the upper classes and american elitism through the auspices of the cork-blackened face: … its purpose was to display, to criticize, to ridicule, to hold up to nature a cracked mirror showing only a partial reflection of the complexities of antebellum life… as lhamon and cockrell point out, the early shows were entertainment produced by and for the lowest rungs of american society, which included not only blacks, but "irish, german, french, welsh, and english recent immigrants, as well as american rustics.” these plays are the first distinctive cultural product of the mixed cohort that industrial metropolises and their imperial plantations were making. their mixed theatre articulated the overlappings of youth, class, and colonial culture mutating in the atlantic diaspora. rice's cohort enacted and instructed the alternate consciousnesses, then start[ed] to give lip to power. . . . when rice jumped jim crow, he showed the unsettled autonomy of that agency most feared to the middle class… herbert holl, “some versions of pastoral in american music,” ph.d. dissertation, (university of texas at austin, ). as quoted by calvin elliker, stephen foster guide to research (new york: garland publishing, ), . eric lott, blackface minstrelsy and the american working class (new york: oxford university press, ). william t. lhamon, raising cain: blackface performance from jim crow to hip hop (cambridge: harvard university press, ). william mahar, behind the burnt cork mask: early blackface minstrelsy and antebellum american popular culture (champaign: university of illinois press, ). mahar, p. . mahar (p. ) believes that issues of social class were secondary to a focus on the “pretentiousness that accompanied american elitism.” lhamon, p. . lhamon, p. . singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song such important figures as comedian thomas d. rice, who is seen by many as the “father of blackface,” came from the white lower class and his early acts were presented without “the intermediary of professional writers and composers from the upper classes.” minstrelsy saw a fundamental change towards the end of the s as rice and other early minstrels began to see the economic potential of the popular entertainment (and as they, themselves, left the social classes for which the entertainment had been designed). indeed, they recognized that they could take advantage of a shifting social landscape as well as the pocketbooks of more well-to-do audiences by refocusing the musical acts on the acceptable racial stereotypes at the time. cockrell describes the “surprisingly rapid containment of the social noise of minstrelsy” beginning in : the texts to blackface songs from - or so are filled with period references to political, economic, moral, and social issues, including the debate over slavery… there is much less chance of this kind of sentiment…by the mid- s. dialect blackface had become by then more a form of gross mockery—of blacks, of women, of the powerful too… indeed, according to substantial documentary evidence from the s cited by mahar, blackface troupes “risked failure” unless they, as described in an article from an spirit of the times, “emphasized delineations of negro eccentricities” or focused their acts on that which “the legitimate object of their costumes and colored faces, namely the personation of the witty negro.” minstrel performers of the time were even sure to clarify that the performers were not actual slaves, but whites in costume by including pictures of the performers both in and out of costume on posters and playbills. it is no coincidence that the northern misconception of slave life (as described by holl above) arose at a time when slavery was becoming an issue of major controversy. the s minstrel show satisfied the curiosity of the northern white middleclass audience, the majority of whom had had no contact with southern slaves. it was here that blackface minstrelsy was most popular. before uncle tom’s cabin, claims robert toll, minstrelsy was the single greatest influence on the northern public’s perception of the black slave. in the north and in europe, the minstrel show was seen as an accurate portrayal of slave life. advertisements of the late s proclaimed the authentic content of their productions: “songs, refrains and ditties as sung by the southern slaves at all their merry meetings such as the gathering in of the cotton and sugar crops, corn huskings, slave weddings, and junketings.” the most successful minstrel groups of the time attempted to show that black slaves differed inherently from free, white americans, perhaps in an effort to ease the ‘american conscience.’ they emphasized that which they viewed as the ‘peculiarities’ of the african-american population and even ibid, p. . for more on rice’s enviable financial situation, see cockrell, pp. - . cockrell (p. ) cites the “hiring of agents” as the final step in the transition from early to mature minstrelsy. cockrell, pp. - mahar, p. . october , spirit of the times also quoted in mahar. lhamon (p. ) also discusses the refocusing of minstrelsey on race: “during the era when the racism of the minstrel show was most confining . . . the democratic urges of the underclass alliance went into undertow. they diffused back into folklore which was independent of the curated texts of middle-class life.” lott, p. robert c. toll, . edward le roy rice, monarchs of minstrelsy, from “daddy” rice to date (new york: kenny publishing, ), . see also charles hamm, yesterdays: popular song in america (new york: norton, ), . music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer described their troupes in exotic ways, calling themselves ‘ethiopian delineators.’ on the other hand, the growing popularity of the genre amongst northerners reflected a political stage ripe for the developing abolitionist movement. eric lott describes the contradictory nature of minstrelsy: [we] find that blackface performance, the first formal public acknowledgement by whites of black culture, was based on small but significant crimes against settled ideas of racial demarcation…in blackface minstrelsy’s audiences there were in fact contradictory racial impulses at work… [indeed,] minstrel performers often attempted to repress through ridicule the real interest in black cultural practices they nonetheless betrayed… it is at this critical point in minstrel history that stephen foster enters, with a developing musical style that exemplifies this conflict, seeking to balance the marketing potential of his works with a growing abolitionist perspective. while the music rice had used for the first shows (to “jump jim crow”) were essentially simple song outlines that could be filled in by improvised verses and were to be accompanied by rice’s antics, the lucrative sheet music market required professional composers who could create more cohesive and fixed-form songs. thus foster shifted from parlor ballads to the financially advantageous minstrel market, but not without some trepidation. his later adaptation of the “plantation melody” suggests that his abolitionist leanings eventually outweighed his fiscal prudence. however, the public’s enormous interest in foster’s new style confirmed and reinforced the changing political horizon, wherein the composer, perhaps unwittingly, played an important activist role. despite early claims to the contrary, foster’s music bore little resemblance to the slave music of the time. several scholars have instead suggested that foster’s work was overwhelmingly influenced by anglo-celtic folksong. this was also true of a number of contemporaneous minstrel composers and may be rooted in a public perception that considered the culture of irish immigrants to be one that was shared with that of northern blacks. it certainly was not uncommon to hear an irish brogue or folk song as part of a minstrel show. robert cantwell observed that several derogatory terms of the term ‘ethiopian’ was not referring to the actual country of ethiopia, rather to the latin term, ‘ethiopia’ which for some time was considered synonymous with ‘africa’. lott, - . lott goes on to say: “underwritten by envy as well as repulsion, sympathetic identification as well as fear, the minstrel show continually transgressed the color line even as it made possible the formation of a self-consciously white working class. there was a good fit, for example, between the conflicted nature of the shows and the racial tendencies of their audiences, such that the artisan abolitionist constituency could rather benignly enjoy the same form of leisure that supported racist, antiabolitionist ridicule.” (p. ) cockrell, pp. - . stephen foster’s brother morrison wrote the first published biography of foster, in which he paints a rather fanciful portrait of the composer “steeped” in what root (p. ) calls “the deep faith of mother-worship, family loyalty, and sentiment of the genteel society in late victorian america.” in this biography, he claims that foster’s music was completely authentic in its borrowings from black culture, having learned it from black religious services he attended in pittsburgh. while some of the relatively limited authentic borrowings may have derived from this source, the anglo-celtic connection is clearly the stronger of the two influences. see morrison foster, biography, songs and musical compositions of stephen c. foster (pittsburgh: percy f. smith, ). reprinted as my brother stephen (indianapolis: josiah k. lilly, ), - . see otto gombosi, “stephen foster and ‘gregory walker,’” musical quarterly / ( ): - . also, george jackson, “stephen foster’s debt to american folk-song.” musical quarterly / ( ): - . the postulation that minstrelsy not only influenced the northern perception of slave life, but also that of other social classes of the time carries enormous ramifications. joyce flynn begins to detangle this notion, stating that “blackface, bizarrely enough, was actually used to represent all ethnicities on the antebellum stage…” in “melting plots: patterns of racial and ethnic amalgamation in american drama before eugene o’neill,” american quarterly . ( ): . singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song the time referred to both minority groups. in addition, important figures such as fredrick douglass and fanny kemble noted (somewhat dubious) similarities in cultural practices. the anglo-celtic influence on foster is particularly evident in the pervasive pentatonicism of the minstrel songs. although virtually all the minstrel songs emphasize scale-degree five, a great many of them avoid four altogether or use it only as a local neighbor to three. the pentatonic descent from scale-degree makes for a gapped line, never to be truly closed. this may contribute to the sense that the strophes of these songs could simply continue eternally without recourse to a full stepwise descent. several of the songs at least suggest dominant support for scale-degree four before the return to tonic that supports scale-degree three. in these cases, i have shown the implied fourth scale degree in my graphs. in the other pentatonic songs, the analyst has little choice but to take scale-degree three as a primary tone. note that in virtually all cases this leaves five as a cover tone with nearly the same weight as the primary tone. the pentatonic construction of the minstrel songs also produces a paucity of harmonic variety, such that any departure from the tonic and dominant strikes the listener as an especially salient harmonic shift. foster’s parlor ballads, intended primarily for the home amateur market, show anglo-celtic influence as well, but also borrow from contemporaneous italian arias. even his first published song, “open thy lattice love,” contains elements of their lyrical style (refer to examples a and b). for this song, foster chose to set a text by george p. morris. this is rather uncharacteristic for foster, who always preferred his own meticulously prepared texts. he published the song in when he was only years old and it is the first in a long line of serene love ballads. the lyrical / meter and motivic turn figure, which sets the titular phrase, “open thy lattice love,” reflect the poem’s frequent references to the sea. this strophic song consists of four -bar phrases in a quatrain format. the first phrase is governed by a middleground third descent from scale degree (a) to (f#, m. ). the second tonicizes v and continues to prolong a. the first full descent occurs in the third subphrase, but the arrival on the tonic (d, m. ), is supported only by vi, in a deceptive cadence. the true descent only appears in the final -bar unit, which contains significant elements of the first phrase. the denial of closure throughout the song mirrors the yearning of the text: “open thy lattice, love, listen to me!” the protagonist is attempting to engage the interest of his beloved, but has not yet been able to attract her attention. the pleading is emphasized by the leap of a sixth at the words “listen to me!” (m. ). the sixth leaps from the fifth of the tonic chord to the third, and the arpeggiation is completed by the arrival of the root on the fourth beat of m. . in m. the voice leaps again, this time by an octave from d-d, but still followed by a third down. the text here is “away and away!” or “the waters away!” and emphasizes the fleeting nature of this moment. again the protagonist is impressing on his beloved to hurry and “open the lattice.” this is the moment of the deceptive cadence, accurately representing the obstinance of the beloved as she keeps the protagonist from his robert cantwell observes that “smoked irishman” was rural slang for a black slave in bluegrass breakdown: the making of the old southern sound, (urbana: university of illinois press, ), . actress fanny kemble wrote in her diary of the remarkable resemblance between the “low irish” and southern slaves (quoted in lott, ). frederick douglass remarked that the only songs that came close to the pathos of slave songs were those he had heard in ireland. in my bondage and my freedom [ ], ed. william andrews (urbana: university of illinois press, ), . david carson berry has suggested that the “gapped urlinie” may be a structural feature of early american popular song, but the pentatonic gaps here seem to suggest a motivic “nostalgia” that would be lost in a normalized urlinie structure. music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer goal. the a-f# leap returns in m. , again on the words “listen to memememe!” the placement of the text has been altered, however, so that “me” falls on the apex pitch. the harmony is a secondary dominant to vi, reminiscent of the octave leap with the deceptive cadence. in addition, the third from f#-d has been filled by a passing tone. perhaps the protagonist has become so enraptured in his romantic musings that he has forgotten his original goal. this would explain the emphasis on the word “me.” the vi chord supports a further stepwise descent from d-c-b, where the harmony becomes a iv , whose predominant function is thwarted by a return of the primary tone, a, and the tonic chord in m. . although ultimate tonal closure is imminent (this is a popular song of the s, after all), scale degree two does not proceed directly to tonic, but is interrupted by an f# from the tonic chord (m. ). the opening chromatic lower neighbor motive (a-g#-a) and the related upper neighbor motive (a-b-a) together produce a full turn figure, itself motivic and representative of the titular phrase, “open thy lattice love.” several instances of the motives occur in the second -bar unit (mm. - ) and are marked in the graph. the opening motion of the phrase is a-g#-a, but within this is embedded an additional lower neighbor to g#. the first three bars of the phrase, in fact, consist of a stepwise linear ascent from g#-c# moving with alternating fifths and tenths in the bass. each pitch of the ascent is itself decorated by one of the two neighbor motives. the complete turn figure appears in mm. - (c#-d-c#-b-c#) and is reduced to a double neighbor in m. (a-b-g#-a). the opening turn figure is reversed in the final phrase (mm. - ), so that the a-g#-a neighbor appears with the text “listen to me,” tying the protagonist’s imploration with the titular phrase. the alteration of the text-music placement again emphasizes the urgency of the “listen to me” and also supports the perception that the protagonist’s original goal, “open thy lattice love,” has actually been replaced. foster’s ballad style commonly employs this type of sophisticated motivic structuring. the faint chromaticism and bel canto lyricism overwhelms the pentatonic suggestions in “open thy lattice love,” but they live in uneasy coexistence in another early ballad “ah, may the red rose live always,” published in (example ). the italianate decoration mm. - acts in stark contrast to the pentatonic anglo-celtic of mm. - . here we get a strong taste of the quintessential foster “nostalgia,” the ever-returning theme of his later songs. the influence of thomas moore’s irish melodies, a very popular collection of songs published between and , with which foster would have been well acquainted, is especially evident. it is in moore’s songs that we can find the inspirations for foster’s ballad and later minstrel styles. as in much of moore’s poetry, the text of “ah, may the red rose live always” turns quickly to subjects far from the actual love of the protagonist. in fact, the distance placed between the singer and his beloved in all the early ballads suggests an almost antiseptic environment, especially when compared with the raucous nature of foster’s first minstrel song, “lou’siana belle.” see "the structural roles of pentatonicism in tin pan alley songs" (november), annual national conference, society for music theory (madison, wi). the formal process used here suggests a chiasmus wherein a dialectical reversal takes place around a transformational center. the form is commonly used by th century art-song composers and often suggests an isolation of the idealistic “frauenbild” as a projection of the protagonist’s imagination (see, for example, schubert’s “der fischer”). see hamm ( ), . singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song foster wrote “lou’siana belle” in for the delight of his three closest friends, one of whom was the poet charles shiras, who will be discussed later. published in , it was structured like all the early minstrel songs, including pentatonically-organized melody with a restricted range and simple diatonic harmony. written in heavy dialect, which was based more on white convention than on actual slave speech, the text depicts a slave attempting to woo the white master’s favorite black mistress, saying “oh! belle…don’t tell massa…i’s guine to marry you.” as mentioned by the text in the second strophe (“i danc’d de polka pigeonwing”) the meter is a lively / polka, a dance that had only arrived in the united states a year before the song’s composition. although it may be difficult to imagine, the polka was associated with debauchery and was quickly appropriated by blackface composers to reflect their portrayal of the “uncivilized” slave. this is supported by the original performance marking, which includes a racial epithet. example a: “open thy lattice love” ( ), verse example b: “open thy lattice love” ( ), graph ken emerson, doo-dah!: stephen foster and the rise of american popular culture (new york: simon and schuster, ), . “alla niggerando [sic]” music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer example : “ah! may the red rose live always” ( ), verse , mm. - like “open thy lattice love,” this song includes two eight-bar periods, the first of which is the strophic verse, while the second is the repeated refrain (see examples a and b). foster juxtaposes the ascent of the verse with the descent of the first half of the refrain. the climax occurs in the second subphrase of the refrain, when the melody reaches its apex pitch and the rhythmic values accelerate to highlight the protagonist’s declaration, “i’s guine to marry you.” the verse’s opening arpeggiation to the a primary tone and its subsequent prolongation through a b upper neighbor reflect the pentatonically-organized melody. in fact, both of these features appear repeatedly in foster’s minstrel works, even to the extent that the neighbor b is supported by a non-structural subdominant in the bass. the limited harmonic motion highlights another structural feature common among the minstrel works. it is not unusual for scale-degrees four, three, and two to be supported by a single dominant harmony, as they are in both verse and refrain. the missing predominant is subsumed by the dominant, as its seventh travels through the cadential th of the / chord, creating - - passing motion above the bass. the rhythmic performance of these songs would have compensated, at least in part, for the static harmonic structure. although this song is consistent with minstrel treatment of slave subjects, an additional verse that only appears in a foster manuscript deserves examination (see example c). even in this extremely early song foster considers a verse that departs from the contemporaneous minstrel tradition. the suggestion that the selling of a slave by a master could cause any pain was probably too radical for the young and insecure foster to include in the published version. the final printed verse of his second minstrel song, however, hints at the same uneasiness with the prevailing approach to blackface texts. example a: “lou’siana belle” ( ), refrain, mm. - john spitzer, “’oh susanna’: oral transmission and tune transformation,” journal of the american musicological society . ( ): , n. . singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song example b: “lou’siana belle” ( ), graph my masa took my lub one day, he put her up to sell, i thought i’s pine my life away, for de lousiana belle. example c: “lou’siana belle” ( ), original verse from manuscript foster completed “old uncle ned” only a short time after “lou’siana belle” ( ), but here we find a song of much greater substance. although the first two verses written by foster follow the minstrel stereotypes in their characterization of the black slave, the third verse and the refrain strike a surprisingly different tone (see example a). here, death will relieve ned from the “hard work” of slave life. in addition, ned will actually be missed by the plantation owners, so much so that they cry at his passing. a number of features in the music give weight to these aspects of the text. dere was an old nigga dey calld him uncle ned he’s dead long ago, long ago! he had no wool on de top ob his head, de place whar de wool ought to grow. refrain: den lay down de shubble and de hoe- - and hang up de fiddle and de bow. no more hard work for poor old ned, he’s gone whar de good niggas go. his fingers were long like de cane in de brake, he had no eyes for to see, he had no teeffe to eat de oae cake, se he had to luf dat oae cake be. when old ned die massa take it mighty bad, de tears run down like de rain; old missus turn pale, and she ges berry sad cayse she nebber see old ned again. example a: “old uncle ned” ( ), text music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer like “lou’siana belle,” “old uncle ned” includes an ascent to the scale-degree primary tone and a neighbor subdominant chord, which control the harmonic and melodic motion of the first phrase. in addition, both songs share similar phrase structures: a single -bar period for the verse and a refrain that consists of four measures of new material and a four-measure varied repeat of the verse’s consequent. in “uncle ned,” however, these processes are explored and embellished in significant fashion. the initial ascent to the primary tone is spread over two measures and includes consonant support (albeit weak) for scale degree four. when the voice arrives on the primary tone in m. , it immediately drops down a fifth, back to the tonic, mirroring uncle ned’s difficult life as a slave and the finality of his death. foster varies this material in the second part of the refrain (mm. - ), setting the text “no more hard work for poor old ned.” here, however, the ascent slips past the d- primary tone to an e neighbor, passing through a rare chromatic passing tone. the chromatic ascent and its parallel tenths in the bass certainly underscore the difficulty of the work ned has done throughout his life. the fermata and predominant support of the e, however, suspends the drama until the change in register and cadence suggest that there may be peace for ned in his passing. foster makes this even more dramatic by immediately repeating the final phrase with an embellishment of the melody. each pitch of the ascent is itself decorated with the motivic ascending third found in the initial ascent of the song. this type of formal expansion is so rare within the minstrel repertoire that its use here seems particularly noteworthy. two other details of the song suggest that foster may have been attempting a more accurate picture of slave life and culture. first, the andantino performance marking stands in marked opposition to that of “lou’siana belle.” second, the call-and-response organization of the refrain may indicate an effort to replicate or at least recall african-american song. this is particularly significant for a composer who would probably never see a “cane brake” and certainly would have had little opportunity to hear live examples of call-and-response. the call consists of a bass voice reciting “den lay down de shubble and de hoe-o-o,” starting on the d primary tone, then replicating the fundamental descent on the word “hoe.” this is the only phrase in the song that does not start with an ascent to the primary tone. in fact, the final pitch of “hoe,” b, leads the descent in the top voice when it enters with the response. the lack of any ascent may reflect the text in which ned is putting down his tools and his instruments. indeed, there is no work to be done in this phrase. this interpretation is suggested in emerson, p. . foster may simply have tried to copy a source that he would have seen as more authentic than the music of contemporaneous minstrel composers: the popular hymnody of the hutchinson family singers. singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song example b: “old uncle ned” ( ), verse and refrain example c: “old uncle ned” ( ), graph music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer foster’s “oh! susanna” follows the minstrel stereotype more closely than the two earlier songs, defining the slave as simple and dim-witted. this may be why it quickly became a mainstay of the blackface minstrel show, after its publication in . most americans (and many non-americans) could sing at least one verse of “oh! susanna,” but fortunately almost no one remembers the particularly grotesque second verse (see example a). this song involves a romantic quest that no african-american man could have undertaken, not only because of the freedom required to travel, but also because the protagonist would be traveling north from alabama to new orleans. the nonsense of lyrics such as, “it rain’d all night de day i left, de wedder it was dry, the sun so hot i froze to def,” characterizes the protagonist as naïve and unsophisticated. the second verse describes a frantic ride that includes cutting-edge technology—from the telegraph, which was also the name of a well-known steamboat, to the train, the engine for which was sometimes called a “bulgine” (wherein the singer confuses the “horse power” for an actual horse). the minstrel audience would have immediately understood the plays on words, taking delight in the singer’s confusion of new technologies. i come from alabama with my banjo on my knee; i’se gwine to lou’siana my true lub for to see. it rain’d all night de day i left, de wedder it was dry, the sun so hot i froze to def, susann, dont you cry. refrain: oh! susanna, do not cry for me; i come from alabama, wid my banjo on my knee. i jump’d aboard the telegraph, and trabbled down de ribber, de lectricik fluid magnified, and killed five hundred nigga. de bulgine bust and de hoss run off, i really thought i’d die’ i shut my eyes to hold my bref, susanna, dont you cry. i had a dream de udder night, when eberyting was still; i thought i saw susanna dear, a coming down de hill. de buckwheat cake war in her mouf, de tear was in her eye; i says, i’se coming from de souf, susanna dont you cry. i soon will be in new orleans, and den i’ll look all ‘round, and when i find susanna, i’ll fall upon de ground. but if i do not find her, dis darkie’ll surely die, and when i’m dead and buried, susanna dont you cry. example a: “oh! susanna” ( ), text all examples taken from a facsimile of the first edition in either: stephen foster song book (new york: dover publications, ). or the music of stephen foster (washington: smithsonian press, ). not all the verses appear in both editions. this version can be found in the february edition, published by c. holt, jr. in new york. the term “bulgine” is used to describe the engine of a train in irish sea shanties and in minstrel songs such as, “wake up, jake,” and “clear the track, let the bulgine run” (sometimes known as “eliza lee”). singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song example b: “oh! susanna” ( ), graph example a: “away down souf” ( ), verse and refrain example b: “away down souf” ( ), verse and refrain music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer the verse of “oh! susanna” is completely pentatonic and includes a linear ascent to the primary tone, as in the earlier songs. here, scale-degree three must act as primary tone, due to the lack of scale degree four in the descent. the motion between the b primary tone and scale degree five is significant, however, as the song freely leaps between the two, even decorating d with a motivic neighbor tone. the gapped scale, dotted rhythms, and quick tempo give this song a sense of restlessness, mirroring the text’s tendency to jump quickly between topics. foster gives the refrain special emphasis by starting it on the previously missing fourth scale degree and elongating the rhythm on “oh! susanna.” this is an expansion of the d-e-d neighbor motive from the verse, but its focus on the subdominant sets the protagonist’s beloved completely apart from the frantic life of the singer. indeed, it recalls “open thy lattice love” in its shift of focus away from the unreachable beloved to the life and fantasies of the protagonist. the isolation of the singer from his lover serves a different purpose in “oh! susanna,” however. it suggests that a slave couldn’t possibly have a significant romantic relationship. the music counteracts any aspect of the text that might allow the listener to take the singer seriously. “away down souf” ( ) projects a similar image of the black slave, while including a crude physical description in the second verse (see example a). in addition to employing the same dialect and harmonic vocabulary as “oh! susanna,” the song borrows the simple formal strategy from “lou’siana belle,” with its two -bar phrases. its linear structure is characterized by repeated descents in parallel tenths with the bass (see example b). only the beginning of the refrain presents a change in motion to a foreground ascent to c# (m. ). this ascending motion foreshadows the linear structures in the bridges of popular songs over the century following the composition of “away down souf.” the c# here, however, simply continues a large-scale descent of the fundamental line, which closes with virtually no deviations. the motivic structure is equally simple, opening with a d-e-d neighbor embellishment of the primary tone (mm. - ). the motive returns at the opening of both the antecedent and consequent in the verse (mm. - , - ), and closes the song in the penultimate measure, calling attention, along with the framing rests, to the titular line “way down souf.” the overall structure of the song is especially striking when compared to the non-minstrel songs that foster was writing during the same period. for example, compare this with “open thy lattice love,” discussed earlier. this type of song reflected and reinforced the racist views embodied by the early minstrel show. at the end of the decade, foster began to introduce humanizing qualities into his slave characters, much as he had first attempted in “uncle ned.” this stylistic shift was also marked by a move towards greater musical complexity and a borrowing from his ballad style. “nelly was a lady” (july ) is a lament of a slave for his loved one (example a). although this song still uses dialect and, like all of foster’s previous minstrel songs, was published under the classification “ethiopian melody,” the protagonist is fundamentally different; a slave who can feel love and sorrow. for the first time in his minstrel music, one finds expanded use of chromatic passing tones, appoggiaturas (see, for a printed version of the song from reflects the simple nature of the protagonist, restricting the harmonies to tonic, subdominant, and dominant, but example b graphs a version published in the same year with a significantly enhanced harmonic vocabulary. it is unclear which of the versions foster preferred. singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song example, the very first pitch of the piano introduction), a slow tempo, and relatively sophisticated extra-musical references such as the dotted funeral motif setting the words, “toll de bell” in m. . foster used a -bar a a b form, relying largely on the pitches of the pentatonic scale for the melody, but the song’s linear and motivic structure is more complex than such songs as “away down souf” and “oh! susanna.” the piano introduction opens with an f#-e incomplete neighbor in the right hand, departing from the strategy of the earlier minstrel songs wherein a portion of the verse of refrain serves as piano introduction. this figure becomes motivic, appearing on the surface (mm. , , - ) as well as in several middleground locations (motive alpha in example b). both the verse and the refrain open with three-bar ascents to the primary tone, c#. these ascents recall the hard- working life of “poor old uncle ned,” but here they are given significantly greater weight through their decoration and harmonic support. the piano postlude (also a surprising feature for a minstrel song) includes local chromatic diminutions that clearly reflect the serious tone of the song and includes a salient occurrence of the f#-e motive, recalling mm. and of the verse. example a: “nelly was a lady” ( ), verse and refrain example b: “nelly was a lady” ( ), graph music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer “nelly was a lady” marks an important milestone in foster’s minstrel style with its radical suggestion of an african-american “lady” and its heavy borrowings from the parlor ballads. in his book, “doo-dah!,” ken emerson highlights the significance of this moment in foster’s career: by merging the minstrel ditty with the parlor ballad, he not only overcame and resolved some of his own musical ambivalence and conflict… he also reconciled black and white, rescuing blackface from the overt racism that had characterized it from the outset. this shift in foster’s style reflects a changing racial attitude and may have been precipitated or enhanced by several events. in congress passed the fugitive slave law, permitting slave owners to send bounty hunters or “slave catchers” to the north to recuperate run-away slaves. this led to numerous demonstrations in foster’s home city of pittsburgh and put new emphasis on the plight of african americans. charles shiras ( - ), one of foster’s closest friends and an abolitionist poet, wrote a poem entitled “bloodhound” in reaction (see example ). shiras paints a frightening picture wherein the slave catchers run violently through pittsburgh (the city of smoke). in the dingy streets of the city of smoke they’ll hear the bloodhound’s bay; from factory, foundry, mill and shop, we’ll drag our bleeding prey; and the stalwart smith shall his hammer drop, as the slave to him shall cling, for he will not dare to lift his arm when the bloodhound is his king! example : charles shiraz, “bloodhound” from the redemption of labor and other poems in shiras started an abolitionist journal, the albatross. while the journal only lasted a few months, shiras remained an anti-slavery activist until his death from consumption in . it seems likely that the poet had long preached to foster about the injustices of slavery, but the new law may have helped him to secure foster’s sympathies. this is corroborated by a reactivation of their friendship at that time including collaborations on a song entitled “annie my own love” and a play, “the invisible prince,” in . a short time after shiras’s death, foster wrote music for a show commonly called “the abolition show,” indicating that by then shiras’s influence had had the desired effect. foster’s first and only trip to the south my also have played a role. two years after their marriage in , jane and stephen foster took a steamboat to new orleans. it seems likely that during this trip foster was able to see slaves working on the plantations. perhaps this was a rude awakening for him or it simply reinforced his earlier misgivings about the minstrel songs. whatever the case, one can speculate that this trip brought him to a new realization about the nature of slavery. finally, although foster was raised in a staunchly democratic family with important political ties (stephen’s father served on the state legislature, and his sister had married into the family of james buchanan, the last democratic president before the civil war), the family clearly supported states’ emerson, p. . charles shiras, the redemption of labor and other poems (pittsburgh, ), . john burt, “poet of the iron city: charles p. shiras ( - ),” carnegie magazine . ( ): - . ibid. singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song rights and, at least tacitly, the institution of slavery. stephen’s new spouse, jane, on the other hand, came from a family with a very different political bent. indeed, her father, dr. andrew mcdowell had sponsored and supported one of harvard’s first black medical students, martin delaney. perhaps jane’s abolitionist-minded family also played a role in their son-in-law’s revised abolitionist leanings. these events appear to have had such an effect on foster that he stopped writing minstrel songs altogether, focusing exclusively on parlor ballads. for most of , the minstrel scene saw no new foster publications, even though he wrote ballads during this period. unfortunately, the ballads brought in very few royalties, so early in , he composed a “new” kind of minstrel song; a parlor ballad published under the “ethiopian song” rubric. the song was “melinda may.” “melinda may” is foster’s first song to use no dialect other than the substitution of ‘th’ and ‘v’ and it is certainly one of the most intricate songs of the minstrel genre. its leaps, melodic embellishments, appoggiaturas, and chromaticism suggest the same italian influences as his parlor ballads. this is a love song much like “nelly was a lady,” and it is quite humanizing: lubly melinda, come now my dear, i’m waiting, i’m waiting for you. shut down de window, dry up de tear, and walk wid me ober de dew. refrain: lubly melinda, my sweet melinda may! i could work in de field, and be happy all de day, if you would only smile again, my sweet melinda may. here, the singer states that he could even endure being a slave if only his beloved would smile once more. foster employs an unusually elaborate formal scheme, a a’ b c, and distinguishes it from the other minstrel works through the use of secondary harmonies and register transfers (see example b). in addition, this song departs from the repetitive strategies of earlier ones, with a constant variation of the material from the first four measures. note also that “melinda may” is the only foster minstrel song with a background interruption before the refrain. when the consequent of the first phrase returns in the refrain (m. ), the register transfer from f#-e (originally seen in mm. - ) becomes a full-octave coupling, with the high f# supported by a v of vi. as in the refrain of “uncle ned” the stepwise ascent from f# to f# consists of an expansion of the opening arpeggiation, emphasizing the text, “happy all de day” and tying it to the earlier occurrence of the apex f# on “lubly melinda.” the compositional paradigms borrowed from the ballad style clearly demonstrate foster’s changed conception of the minstrel song and the african americans therein represented. root, pp. - . root argues that jane was a great source of angst for foster’s family. for details on the royalties that foster received, see hamm ( ), - . music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer example a: “melinda may” ( ), verse and refrain example b: “melinda may” ( ), graph early in de morning/ ob a lubly summer day, my massa send me warning / he’d like to hear me play. on de banjo tapping ,/ i come wid dulcem strain; massa fall a napping– / he’ll nebber wake again. my lub, i’ll hab to leabe you / while de ribber’s running high: but i nebber can deceibe you– / so don’t you wipe your eye. example : “ring, ring de banjo” ( ), verses and , text singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song this may be even more pronounced in the text of “ring, ring de banjo,” published only three months after “melinda may.” although the pentatonic melody, polka rhythms, and three-harmony setting is reminiscent of “oh! susanna,” a not-so-latent violence is stunningly new (example ). in this song, a slave gains his freedom, but returns to the plantation. the possibility that the protagonist bludgeoned his master with the banjo after lulling him to sleep certainly changes one’s perception of the rousing chorus: “ring, ring de banjo!” not surprisingly, “ring, ring de banjo” was a failure on the minstrel stage. indeed, royalties for all the songs of this period were dismal. the public was not yet prepared for this type of activist statement. growing evermore concerned about his diminishing funds, foster was forced to write a minstrel tune in the older “musical” style, while still attempting to incorporate his revised view of slavery. the result was his most famous song ever, “old folks at home.” due to his misgivings about returning to the minstrel song genre, however, he allowed the leader of the christy minstrels to attach his name to the song, and christy’s name stayed on the song until the renewal of the copyrights long after foster’s death. “old folks at home” differed significantly from the earlier minstrel songs. here foster found a new formula that would capture the public’s interest. the key to the success of this era’s songs was a sense of nostalgia that traversed racial boundaries (see example a). despite the light dialect, only the word “darkies” in the refrain gives any true indication that the protagonist might be a slave. while working on the manuscript, foster hit an important turning point when he changed the word “blacks” to “folks” in the line “dere’s where de old folks stay.” at this moment he created a text that could speak to everyone. foster never saw the suwannee river that rises in the okefenokee swamp, but simply preferred the euphonious quality of its name to that of the pee dee river, which he had originally written. in truth, foster invites the listener to ‘fill in the blank,’ for the river is one of the listener’s own imagination. way down upon de swanee ribber, far, far away, dere’s wha my heart is turning ebber, dere’s wha de old folks stay. all up an down de whole creation, sadly i roam, still longing for de old plantation, and for de old folks at home. refrain: all de world am sad and dreary, ebrywhere i roam, oh! darkies how my heart grows weary, far from de old folks at home. all round de little farm i wandered, when i was young, den many happy days i squandered, many de songs i sung. when i was playing wid my brudder happy was i. oh! take me to my kind old mudder, dere let me live and die. one little hut among de bushes, one dat i love, still sadly to my mem’ry rushes, no matter where i rove. when will i see de bees a humming all ‘round de comb? when will i hear de banjo tumming down in my good old home? example a: “old folks at home” ( ), text emerson, p. . wiley housewright, a history of music and dance in florida - (tuscaloosa: university of alabama press, ), . music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer example b: “old folks at home” ( ), graph the song is quite simple in structure with only six phrases (example b), all but one of which begins with a middleground descent from primary-tone f# to the d tonic, with the e decorated by a double neighbor. the descent to d is one of foster’s rare linear progressions that does not correspond with an entire -bar phrase. in fact, the arrival on the low d motivates the song’s signature octave leap, which is itself decorated by the pentatonic minor third down to b. foster calls attention to the d throughout the song, especially in the refrain, where the d is emphasized by an upper and lower neighbor (m. ). the c# lower neighbor here is the only leading tone in the voice and the only scale-degree four appears two measures later (m. ). this brief departure from the pentatonic realm and its emphasis of the words “all” and “eberywhere” reflects the “sad and dreary” world that lies far from the verse’s nostalgia. indeed, the verse’s octave leap to the d and the pentatonic minor third that follows it suggest an age-old yearning and a distance between the singer and home. ultimately, the lack of stepwise descent from d suggests that the distance is untraversable and the yearning must remain unsatisfied. a similar octave leap followed by a pentatonic minor third appears in “massa’s in de cold ground,” ( ) which also resembles “old folks at home” in form, meter, key, and pentatonic melody (example a). perhaps the popularity of “old folks at home” inspired the composition of “massa’s in de cold ground.” the nostalgia here, however, is not for the “swanee” but for the recently passed master (example b). although the notion that slaves developed sentimental attachments to their masters is a matter of political and historical dispute, foster’s portrayal is nonetheless sympathetic, reflecting strong and serious emotions on the part of the slaves. the vignette described in this song suggests that foster had found a new source of inspiration: uncle tom’s cabin. singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song example a: “massa’s in de cold ground,” ( ), graph massa made de darkeys love him, cayse he was so kind, now dey sadly weep above him mourning cayse he leave dem behind. example b: “massa’s in de cold ground,” ( ), verse , text that foster had finally gotten the formula correct for the new minstrel style was evidenced by the immediate and lasting success of “old folks at home” and “massa’s in de cold ground.” indeed, when uncle tom’s cabin began its first serial run in , foster appeared to find his definitive voice as a minstrel composer. harriet beecher stowe’s novel fundamentally changed the northern perception of slavery. many modern scholars claim that the novel only strengthened a pro-slavery sentiment by depicting uncle tom’s passive resistance. uncle tom’s cabin was radical, however, in its realistic portrayal of slave-family separation. in addition, it was viewed as a serious anti-slavery statement by nearly all who read the first edition, even to the extent that it was banned in several of the southern states. oh! carry me ‘long; der’s no more trouble for me: i’s guine to roam in a happy home, where all de niggas am free. (sic) example : “oh! boys, carry me ‘long” ( ) refrain, text after the publication of uncle tom, foster’s music avoided any dehumanizing depictions of slaves. he offered a new and different image; one that “helped the american people to feel that the “slave was, after all, a human being, with the same joys and sorrows common to the rest of [human]kind.” this is reflected in a letter that he sent to the christy minstrel singers with the manuscript for “oh! boys, carry me ‘long” ( ): “remember, it should be sung in a pathetic, not a comic style.” this song depicts a slave’s longing for freedom and his subsequent realization that only death will offer a chance for respite (example ). with this novel text and clear performance instructions, foster set a new tone for minstrelsy. “america’s foremost balladist” letters and art / ( ): - . ibid, . music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer example a: “my old kentucky home, good night” ( ), melody singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song there is little doubt that stowe’s novel affected foster. he encouraged the use of his music in the staged versions of the novel, going so far as to set a song specifically for this purpose. “my old kentucky home, good night” ( ), a song of extreme pathos, originally carried the title “poor uncle tom, good night” (example a). foster made an important step when he scrapped the blackface dialect from his sketch of “my old kentucky home,” although he did leave the word “darkey.” the sentiment of the song is universal; death as a relief for the world-weary (note the similarity with the text of “oh! boys, carry me ‘long”). its attribution to a slave confirms the transition to a completely new type of minstrel song. this is even clearer in the manuscript’s original refrain, which is based on stowe’s uncle tom: oh good night, good night, good night poor uncle tom weep not for your old kentucky home your bound for a better land, old uncle tom. “my old kentucky home” employs virtually the same -bar structure as “old folks at home” (example b). it also is similar in its use of scale-degree three as a primary tone, with an almost equally significant pitch, in this case scale-degree five, lying above it. a clear omission of scale-degree four and its consonant support thwarts a stepwise descent from scale-degree five to the tonic. instead, after ascending by step to scale-degree five, the melody leaps directly to one, only to ascend to b, the actual primary tone. the ascent followed by the fifth drop recalls “old uncle ned” and his hard- working life. the equation of “uncle ned” and “uncle tom” is striking. here is the ultimate manifestation of the ideals foster had been harboring several years earlier. the pauses in m. of the verse emphasize two non-chord tones, an a passing tone and an f# neighbor, temporarily postponing their resolutions. these pauses are borrowed from the more sentimental world of the parlor ballad, such as “jeanie with the light brown hair,” but can also be seen in songs such as “old dog tray” and “melinda may.” the hesitations distance the protagonist from his memories of the “old kentucky home.” foster further distances the protagonist from the “bright sun” of the verse by juxtaposing its b-d ascent (mm. - ) with the “weeping” descent from d-b in the refrain (mm. - ). like “old folks at home” and “massa’s in de cold ground,” this song evokes longing and nostalgia through the b-d minor third. two later minstrel songs contain a similar motive: “old dog tray,” and “old black joe.” “old dog tray” ( ) is foster’s only minstrel song with no mention of the slaves or the south (examples a and b). the piano introduces the song’s semitone-neighbor motive in the form of an f#-g in the left hand and an a#-b motion in the right (marked as alpha in example a). the a# is a pitch- specific reference to the light chromaticism of “melinda may” and like that song, “old dog tray” borrows from the italianate ballad style. the b-d minor third is particularly evident in the piano introduction, where the d is a cover tone over the b primary tone. the semitone-neighbor decorates each note in the verse’s ascent to the primary tone. the first line of text, “the morn of life is past,” starts on the g tonic, but pauses after the arrival on the leading-tone lower neighbor, recalling the music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer verse of “my old kentucky home.” the second line of the text (m. ), “and evening comes at last,” transforms the motive into a whole-step upper neighbor, appropriately juxtaposing the “evening” with the “morning.” although the tonic reappears in the bass on the word “last,” the melody holds the fifth of the chord, denying any sense of resolution from the emphasized f# in the first bar of the verse. the a# chromatic neighbor and the b-d minor third decorate the melody’s arrival on the primary tone in m. —a nostalgic touch, setting the word “dream.” the f# of bar one, which is restated in m. , finally fulfills its leading function with the arrival of the tonic cadence and the titular character “old dog tray” (m. ). indeed, we are told that this special dog fulfills all of the singer’s needs (example b). this protagonist differs from those of the previous songs. while expressing sadness for the loss of “lov’d ones, the dear ones” who “have all passed away,” the singer is thankful for the current fellowship with tray, a faithful dog. this may explain the frequent departure from the pentatonic world of foster’s earlier minstrel melodies. example b: “my old kentucky home, good night” ( ), graph of verse and first subphrase of refrain example a: “old dog tray” ( ), graph the original title is crossed out in foster’s notebook. singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song the morn of life is past, and evening comes at last; it brings me a dream of a once happy day, of merry forms i've seen upon the village green, sporting with my old dog tray. refrain: old dog tray's ever faithful grief cannot drive him away, he's gentle, he is kind; i'll never, never find a better friend than old dog tray. the forms i call'd my own have vanished one by one, the lov'd ones, the dear ones have all passed away, their happy smiles have flown, their gentle voices gone; i've nothing left but old dog tray. example b: “old dog tray” ( ), verses and , refrain, text “old black joe” ( ) is foster’s last true minstrel song and represents the ultimate distillation of his work in the genre. the text echoes the common themes of nostalgia for days past and a longing to leave the material world, but here the singer is a slave with no hint of dialect. the b-d motive from the earlier songs emphasizes joe’s nostalgic recall of days past: “heart was young” and “better land.” the use of the scale-degree - third, however, does not indicate true pentatonic organization, for each d is followed or preceded by a c#. a bare hint of the earlier pentatonicism is preserved by the special emphasis given to the pitches a, b, d, and e. the formal outlay of this -measure song is quite unique. the verse consists of a single -bar phrase, with the first six measures setting up a typical antecedent-consequent design. rather than repeating the material of the antecedent, however, the final two measures of the verse act as a climactic departure from the now thrice repeated melody. the bygone days of the first three lines of each verse are thus separated from the premonitions of the future suggested by the ever-repeating calling of the voices. the details of joe’s past are set poignantly in the fourth measure of every verse with a sharp major-seventh dissonance between the g# passing tone in the bass and the g natural in the voice. the refrain, “i’m coming, i’m coming,” sets joe’s reply to the voices with an a-f#-a minor third, which reverses the contour of the nostalgic b-d as well as the initial ascent to a in the verse (example b). the listener senses an eagerness in joe’s voice that contrasts with his feelings about the past. the final two bars of the refrain echo the persistently calling voices of the verse. “a soldier in the colored brigade” ( ) is a civil-war song and is quite different from the songs written between and in both content and purpose. “don’t bet your money on de shanghai” ( ) represents a rather desperate attempt to earn new royalties by returning to the faster-tempo style of the early minstrel songs. this song contains no mention of slaves or slavery. music and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politicsmusic and politics summer summer summer summer example a: “old black joe” ( ), verses and refrain example b: “old black joe” ( ), graph the brief prolongation of the leading tone, c#, in the penultimate bars of both refrain and verse connects the word “hear” with “voices,” which is set to the tonic arrival (m. ). the descent to tonic here is set out of phase with the harmony such that the unfolding thirds of “gentle voices” (e-c#, d-b) places the b over a dominant chord and the a, which it ultimately displaces, becomes a dissonance over a tonic chord. foster avoids the continuation of the descent to g on the final eighth note of “calling” in mm. and , instead stepping up to b. this distances the titular phrase, which is placed in quotes, from the actual calling. perhaps joe is not completely ready to receive this message, but must first reconcile his past. “old joe” is a complex and noble character—a far cry from the slaves of “oh! susanna” and “away down souf.” joe and uncle tom evoke the same empathy, which may be singing a new songsinging a new songsinging a new songsinging a new song why w. e. b. du bois found “old black joe” and the earlier “old folks at home” to be the two songs in this genre that were worthy of praise. the solidification of foster’s revised minstrel style can be seen in his changing of genre names, from ‘ethiopian songs’ to ‘plantation melodies’. in addition, foster wrote a letter to the christy minstrels in stating that he wished to return his name to the cover of “old folks at home”: as i once intimated to you, i had the intention of omitting my name on my ethiopian songs, owing to the predudice against them…but i find that by my efforts i have done a great deal to build up a taste for the ethiopian songs among refined people by making the words suitable to their taste, instead of the trashy and really offensive words which belong to some songs of the order…i have concluded to... pursue the ethiopian business without fear or shame. he goes on to say that he would like to become the “best ethiopian song writer,” in marked opposition to his earlier attempts to distance himself from the genre. perhaps his new approach to the minstrel song had helped to ease his conscience. stephen foster’s perception of slavery developed dramatically between and . in a period of increasing political tension, foster’s new “plantation melodies” may have shifted the focus of northern audiences, subtly directing them to question the misrepresentations of slave life in earlier minstrel works. indeed, eric lott suggests that the drastic revision of the minstrel style was a harbinger of the armed conflict that was to come: stephen foster’s ‘plantation melodies’ unwittingly conjured up the hydra-headed [political] conflicts [of the era]; these melodies, and the vast dissemination of uncle tom’s cabin in various politically divergent blackface theatrical productions [were] a kind of prelude to civil war on the stage [and they] offer a lens through which to read a political crisis…a revolution on american soil. although foster’s early minstrel songs promote the dehumanizing stereotypes of contemporaneous blackface performance, his later “plantation melodies” are essentially non-ethnic in content. in a speech to the rochester ladies’ anti-slavery society in , frederick douglass lauded foster’s new minstrel style: considering the use that has been made of them, that we have allies in the ethiopian songs… “old kentucky home,” and “uncle ned,” can make the heart sad as well as merry, and can call forth a tear as well as a smile. they awaken the sympathies for the slave, in which anti- slavery principles take root and flourish. these songs explore universal themes of humanity—love, nostalgia, and longing—in both their text and their music. through their association with the blackface minstrel show, they reinforced a new understanding of slaves and slave life, allowing stephen foster to add his musical support to the anti- slavery movement. w. e. b. du bois, “the souls of black folk,” in writings, ed. nathan huggins (new york: viking press, ), . letter to e.p. christy, may , . lott, . philip foner, ed., the life and writings of frederic douglass (new york: international publishers, ), - . title of dissertation fighting for economic stability in a time of uncertainty: african american economic development in philadelphia - a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy by justin t. gammage may, examining committee members: ama mazama phd, advisory chair, african american studies, molefi asante phd, african american studies emeka nwadiora, ph.d, j.d., dsw, human behavior school of social administration zizwe poe, ph.d, external reviewer, lincoln university department of history and political science, gammage ii © copyright by  justin t gammage all rights reserved gammage iii abstract the central problem that this research seeks to engage is the non-implementation of an afrocentric movement for african american economic advancement. a wealth of research has explored external and internal factors that cause inequalities in wealth among african americans and their white counterparts, but there has yet to be an adequate program that addresses african american poverty. the lack of an afrocentric program has contributed to the formation of african american communities plagued by economic challenges. social factors such as structural racism, poor educational institutions, generational transfer of poverty, urban removal etc. has had devastating effects on african americans‘ opportunities of accumulating wealth. while wealth alone will not solve all issues that face african americans, addressing economics realities from a social, political, and historical perspective will assist with the current movement for african american economic empowerment and contribute to the economic dimension of the struggle for african liberation. in focusing on economics, this research seeks to contribute to african liberation by providing a detailed afrocentric historiographical perspective, an empirical analysis of current economic realities, and a model for economic liberation. gammage iv acknowledgment i like to thank my loving family. my parents, dorothy, and frederick gammage established sturdy roots that have helped me to stay grounded throughout this process and for that i acknowledge you. my siblings, frederick, kimberly, danielle, and anita have offered endless support and further reinforced those foundational roots. my niece and nephews,; jayda, frederick, ketah, kyron, alijah, adarious are the centerpiece of my motivation, for they represent the future and are a constant reminder of my responsibility to african people. to my confidant and companion, marquita pellerin, your love has provided me with the essential strength to complete my research. i honor the intellectual giants that extended their knowledge, wisdom and theoretical nourishment. my advisor, mambo dr. ama mazama, has worked diligently with me and remained committed to my growth as an afrocentric scholar. she has fostered my development and made certain, that this research, as well as future project aid in african liberation. it has been a great privilege to have dr. molefi kete asante serve as a mentor; he has been invaluable asset to my educational advancement. his scholarship, commitment to african people, and theory of afrocentricity is essential to my theoretical and political philosophy. dr. emeka nwadiora helped enhance the sociological framework of my research. dr. zizwe poe contributed critical afrocentric analysis, which improved the rigor of my research. i thank, my elders dr furusa, dr. mathis and ancestor dr. little as well as my extended family, jonathan, serie, and michael for their support and inspirational work ethic. those civic servants and organizations that extended their resources. i thank the gammage men and women who have inspired and encouraged me. finally, to my ancestors who have sacrificed their lives to advance humanity. gammage v table of contents page abstract ....................................................................................................................... iii acknowledgments ................................................................................................. iv list of tables ............................................................................................................. ix list of figures .............................................................................................................x chapters . introduction ................................................................................................... statement of the problem ................................................................................... purpose of study ................................................................................................ significance of study ......................................................................................... research questions.......................………………………………..................... . literature review ...................................................................................... introduction ...................................................................................................... historical overview of institutional racism in the united states ................... the institution of enslavement in the united states ..................... reconstruction ............................................................................... contemporary forms of structural racism ................................... empirical research .......................................................................................... institutional and organizational efforts towards economic development .................................................................................................... entrepreneurship ............................................................................ gammage vi community economic development corporations ....................... cooperative spending .................................................................... . methodology and procedures ............................................................ primary framework of analysis ...................................................................... secondary framework of analysis .................................................................. procedures ........................................................................................................ . black economic development and the inadequacy of liberalism........................................................................................................ introduction ...................................................................................................... early reformist movement in philadelphia. ................................................... the great migration and philadelphia ............................................................. african americans shifting the political tide ................................................. liberalism and civic service organizations ................................................... liberal reformists and legislative justice .................................................... strengths of the lrm..................................................................................... weaknesses of the lrm ................................................................................ conclusion ..................................................................................................... . african american resistance and protest: the anti- discrimination movement .................................................................... introduction .................................................................................................... commission on human relations and the naacp: passive protest ............ selective patronage movement ...................................................................... protesting government-sanctioned discrimination ....................................... conclusion ..................................................................................................... gammage vii . civil rights and nationalism: black power and african american self-sufficiency ............................................... introduction .................................................................................................... progress movement and the zion investment associates ............................. brief overview of opportunity industrialization center .............. zion investment associates (zia) ............................................... the black economic development conference: black power and reparations .................................................................................................... conclusion ..................................................................................................... . assessing african americans‘ current economic status in philadelphia ........................................................................... introduction .................................................................................................... participants ..................................................................................................... measures ........................................................................................................ data analysis ................................................................................................. results ............................................................................................................ discussion ...................................................................................................... limitations ..................................................................................................... . conclusion and recommendations for africana economic empowerment ........................................................................ overview ......................................................................................................... recommendations ........................................................................................... afrocentric economic empowerment model .......................................... afrocentric economic empowerment model ................................................. limitations ...................................................................................................... key terms ................................................................................................................... gammage viii references cited. ................................................................................................... appendices a. african american economic development questionnaire (aaedq) ................................................................................................................... gammage ix list of tables tables page . migration: motivation and process reasons for migrating...................................... . demographic information....................................................................................... gammage x list of figures figures page . african american population map of ............................................................. . homeownership by parental homeownership ....................................................... . homeownership by gender and martial status ...................................................... . satisfaction with job opportunities in philadelphia ............................................... . frequency of jobs found in neighborhood ............................................................ . support black owned businesses .......................................................................... . percent of participants‘ monthly income spent at black owned businesses........ . afrocentric economic empowerment model: economic and institutional formation ………………......................................................…………………..... . afrocentric economic empowerment model: africana national economic network... ………………......................................................…………………..... . afrocentric economic empowerment model: africana network for international economic security...……......................................................…………………..... gammage chapter introduction statement of the problem the movement for african liberation has been waged on all fronts (spiritual, psychological, social, political, physical, and economic) to preserve african people‘s humanity, history, and culture. many social activists and intellectuals have concluded that the road to african peoples‘ freedom from systems of oppression lies in a movement for psychological decolonization and a collective commitment to african culture and humanity (asante, ; ; ; mazama, ; akbar, ; kambon, ; azibo, ; karenga, ; chinweizu, ; woodson, ). through psychological and spiritual liberation, african people are best equipped to identify and resist anti- african philosophies (on an institutional and individual basis) while advancing and preserving african cultural principles. in the united states, these social movements have taken the form of equal education protests, fair housing campaigns, and movements for economic empowerment. while these movements produced different variations of success, african americans are still impacted by past and present forms of institutional white supremacy. a look at the disproportionate distribution of wealth between african americans and their european american counterparts best illustrates the issue of racial discrimination. thus, this research focuses on economics as an indicator of racial inequality. in focusing on economics, this research seeks to contribute to african liberation by providing a detailed historical perspective, an empirical analysis of current economic realities, and a model for economic liberation. gammage the central problem that this research seeks to engage is the non-implementation of an afrocentric movement for african american economic advancement. a wealth of research has explored external and internal factors that cause inequalities in wealth among african americans and their white counterparts, but there has yet to be an adequate program that confronts african american poverty. the lack of an afrocentric program has contributed to the formation of african american communities plagued by economic challenges. social factors such as structural racism, poor educational institutions, generational transfer of poverty, and urban removal, etc. have had devastating effects on african americans‘ opportunities of accumulating wealth. while wealth alone will not solve all issues that face african americans, addressing economic realities from a social, political, and historical perspective will assist with the current movement for african american economic empowerment and contribute to the economic dimension of the struggle for african liberation. when contextualizing african american‘s economic reality, we find that the problem of poverty is staggering. more than years removed from enslavement, nearly fifty years from civil rights legislation and the proposed ―war on poverty‖ sponsored by the united states government, the issue of racial equality remains to be unsolved. society still harvests a mixed legacy of racial progress (oliver and shapiro, ). while african american people have made invaluable progress in advancing education, intellectual discourse, civil rights legislation, innovational engineering, and political discourse, african american economics remains largely distressing. only a small percentage of the african american population has been able to take advantage of gammage economic opportunities now available for some (oliver and shapiro, ). it is argued by some economists that a comparative socioeconomic analysis of african american economics reveals that african american people entered the st century the same way they entered the th , impoverished, powerless, and neglected (anderson, ). currently, african americans make up slightly more than percent of the total american population, but collectively control less than percent of the nation‘s net worth and only . percent of the nation‘s financial assets. even more alarming, percent of african american households live with precarious resources and more than percent retain zero or negative net financial assets (oliver and shapiro, ). the survey of income and program participation (sipp), a national survey, tells us that percent of all african american children grow up in households without financial resources (oliver and shapiro, ). these findings become much more significant when statistics suggest that individuals whose parents do not have financial resources are disproportionately more likely not to control wealth accumulating assets. (chiteji and frank, ) the effects of structural white supremacy have historically hindered african americans‘ economic opportunities. however, african americans lack a progressive economic redevelopment program that addresses structural inequality and african american poverty. the prevailing analysis of the african american economic plight is that it is self-motivated and self-inflicted. economists often attribute african american poverty to certain characteristics, such as underachievement in education, little to no work experience/training in skilled jobs, and a disproportionately high number of single gammage parent households. data gathered by sipp shows that individuals having one or more of these characteristics have significantly lower wealth holdings than those who do not. (sipp, ) thus, government agencies have used data compiled by sipp and other national surveys to justify establishing educational programs, job training programs, and single parent government assistant programs. while several government-sponsored programs were instituted during the s, the economic landscape of america has remained relatively the same. for example, african americans‘ unemployment rate is double the rate of whites. on average, african american college graduates only earn cents for every dollar earned by their equally qualified white counterparts. also, at the beginning of the s, the collective wealth held by african americans accounted for only percent of the nation‘s wealth and today, african americans still collectively hold percent of the nations collective wealth. janice joseph speaks to this issue when discussing the income disparity between african americans and whites. she states, ―although the income gap between [african americans and whites] narrowed in the ‘s, this phenomenon began to reverse itself starting in the s.‖ (joseph, ; p. ) statistics compiled by the u.s. department of commerce show that the income disparity between african americans and whites has progressively widened from until the present day. african american economic empowerment is imperative for african liberation because wealth is a contributing factor in determining quality of life. currently, the life expectancy rate of african americans is . , five years less than european american counterparts. a study conducted by the u.s. department of health and human services gammage reveals that, in , . percent of african americans lived without healthcare due to a lack of financial resources. african americans‘ infant mortality rate is . per every children born. this is percent higher than european americans. many studies focusing on race and economics highlight the growing wealth gap between african americans and whites. moreover, many initiatives have been concerned with closing this gap. this study is concerned with wealth disparity, but its primary concern is to suggest initiatives that adequately address structural inequality and cultural exclusion of african americans as it relates to economics. unlike some studies, this research‘s initiatives will be based on the historical experiences and cultural characteristics of african american people. asante argues, ―afrocentricity proposes a cultural reconstruction that incorporates the african perspective as a part of an entire human transformation‖ (asante, ; p. ). this study suggests that african american culture should influence structural retransformation. due to the extreme conditions of the united states economy, poor people throughout the nation have been negatively affected by the nation‘s economic collapse. according to data collected by survey of income and program participation (sipp), percent of african american families make up a significant proportion of poor households (shapiro and oliver, ). consistent with the historic trend of ―last one hired, first one fired‖ african american unemployment rates have steadily increased. in states with large african american populations such as new york, african american male unemployment rates have at times exceeded percent. the need for a study gammage geared toward addressing the economic woes of african americans is equally important now as it was during . recent studies of wealth have concluded that the difference in wealth amongst african americans and whites stem from the difference in the transmission of wealth (blau and graham, ; chiteji and stafford, ; chiteji and stafford, ; charles and hurst, ). however, many of their suggestions are limited in that they fail to account for culture or structural white supremacy. the collective economic conditions of african american people continue to be dire. it is evident that african american income, home ownership, and asset accumulations have increased between the late ‘s and the early ‘s, but the wealth gap since the ‘s have widened. an assessment of the impact of existing government programs and a review of the literature implies that a more sophisticated approach needs to be taken. the central issue that has yet to be addressed by economists is the influence of historical and current systematic racism on the opportunities, psyches, and behaviors of african americans. thus, merely reporting statistical data of behavior patterns of african american people and society as a whole is misleading and disingenuous. this research uses an afrocentric methodological framework to investigate the movement for african american economic development in philadelphia. the city of philadelphia will be targeted because of its large african american population and the influence that its local civil rights movement had on public policy for ―war on poverty‖. accordingly, this research utilizes an afrocentric historographical analysis to explore the african gammage american movement for economic stability. an empirical investigation was conducted to gauge the current economic reality of philadelphia‘s african american community. most importantly, this research offers afrocentric recommendations for african american economic empowerment. purpose of the study the purpose of this study is to identify systemic barriers that hindered african american economic advancement in philadelphia, discuss african americans‘ modes of resistance to those barriers, and explore implementations of models for african american economic empowerment. this study seeks to evaluate the effectiveness of government sponsored agencies and programs, community based programs/organizations, and the private sector‘s initiatives in philadelphia geared toward addressing structural inequalities that affect wealth accumulation. lastly, this research seeks to propose initiatives for economic empowerment. these initiatives will take into account african american people‘s historical experience in philadelphia, the current climate of white supremacy, and african collective cultural characteristics. initiatives will be consistent with the afrocentric paradigm in that they will serve as an economic component of the spiritual and psychological transformation of africana people. significance of study the significance of this research is its multidimensional approach that investigates the influence of culture, race, and history as related to african americans‘ opportunity to accumulate wealth. the current study seeks to improve african americans‘ economic condition, which in turn would improve their quality of life. this research has a unique gammage approach in that it centralizes african americans‘ historical experience in providing an economic analysis. previous research prioritizes current behavioral patterns to contextualize african americans‘ economic state. the use of an afrocentric methodological framework allows this researcher to fully investigate african americans‘ within an accurate historical and cultural context. thus, this study‘s historical examination will give context to present conditions. furthermore, this research is unique in that it utilizes african cultural principles to guide economic recommendations for african american people. therefore, the research positions economics as an extension of one‘s culture and will be used as a tool in the psychological transformation of africana people. more importantly, addressing economic realities from a social, political, and historical perspective will assist with the current movement for african american economic empowerment and contribute to the economic dimension of the struggle for african liberation. research questions the grand tour research question for this project is ―what role did race play in african americans‘ pursuit for economic stability in philadelphia between and and what methods (social, political, and/or economic) were explored to challenge institutional forms of white supremacy?‖ this research also explored other major and minor research questions. the research seeks to address the following major questions: gammage . what is black economic development? . how has systemic discrimination affected african american economics? . what were african americans‘ methods of resisting racial inequality in employment? . in what manner do african americans hold wealth in philadelphia? . what are the historical factors found in philadelphia that contribute to disproportionate distribution of wealth? . what are the current initiatives implemented to address african american poverty? . how does structural white supremacy affect african american economics? . how does structural racism affect wealth accumulation? . what are the contemporary manifestations of structural racism? this research also addresses the following minor questions: . why is historical context important when discussing wealth distribution? . what is the relationship between culture and economics? . can afrocentric initiatives be effective under a capitalist system? for the purpose of this research, black economic development will be referred to as african american economic development. african american economic development refers to black political economy movement in the mid- which to produce and take advantage of public policy for improving impoverished communities. gammage chapter literature review introduction this chapter is divided into three major sections. the first section explores the historical practices of institutional racism and its effect on african american economic development. it also provides a historical context for african american economic development. the second section reviews empirical research seeking to explain the current disproportionate distribution of wealth amongst african americans and european americans. the third and final section reviews literature addressing institutional and organizational efforts towards african american economic development. the remainder of this chapter critically reviews contemporary literature regarding african american economic development. early studies in this area (e.g., cross, ; woodson, ; anderson, ; kunjufu, ) generally concluded that african american entrepreneurship, political activism, and cooperative spending habits have been major contributing factors to the current economic conditions of african americans. as manning marable ( ) and melvin oliver and tomas shapiro ( ) pointed out, these approaches all failed to accurately assess the overwhelming impact of structural racism and how america‘s racist history continues to shape its current economic landscape. later studies have attempted to correct these errors and will be the focus of the review that follows. gammage historical overview of institutional racism in the united states one of the most heated scholarly controversies in the area of racial equality and social justice over the past two decades concerns the dispute over the nature, causes, and meaning of economic changes occurring within the black community. the way in which one views these changes has enormous inherent implications for social policy. (oliver and shapiro, ; p. ) the permanent economic depression which characterizes the afrikan american community is in good part an outcome of american social history, particularly of historical white-black race relations. these relations have been and are such that the largest number of afrikan americans have been excluded from full and equal participation in the american social-economic-political system. they are deliberately excluded by white racism from equal employment, equal access to capital resources, equal opportunities to develop their economic resources, and equal opportunity to reside and work in areas where economic growth and development is advancing instead of stagnating or rapidly declining. (wilson, ) recent research reveals that the differential distribution of wealth amongst african americans and whites is symbolic of america‘s most historic dilemma, white supremacy (du bois, ; cross, ; anderson, ; oliver and shapiro, ). for the purpose of this research, white supremacy is defined as a historically based, culturally rooted, institutionally perpetuated system of exploitation and oppression of continents, nations and peoples of color by the social/political institutions of nations under the economic and political influence of europeans and the european diaspora; for the purpose of establishing, maintaining and defending a system of wealth, power, privilege and domination. (mcdougal, ) racial inequality has served as the impetus for the structural disadvantages inherited by generations of african americans for more than four centuries. data suggests that institutional racism has had long lasting effects that continue to plague african americans. (noble, and ; wright, ; akbar, ; kambon, ) gammage discriminatory practices based on race have historically been reinforced by america‘s societal institutions (education, judicial, law enforcement, economy, etc.), which have provided overwhelming advantages for white americans. structural inequalities have afforded whites the privilege to capitalize on endless opportunities while simultaneously denying african americans the same opportunities, thus imposing a disadvantage for african americans. government-sanctioned programs and policies have historically legalized white privilege. consequently, white supremacy has served as the structural lynchpin for a system of racial inequality. within the literature attempting to contextualize the historical experience of african americans in the american economic context, white supremacy has been central to the discussion. one of the most destructive institutions affecting african american economic well being in recent history is the institution of enslavement. historians and other social scientists have documented the social, political, and educational limitations forced on african americans during the antebellum period, but recent scholars have attempted to gauge its economic impact. a historical analysis of african american economics starts with a look at the institution of enslavement in america. while it is clear that african american economic opportunities have gradually improved since the eradication of enslavement, due to african american resistance, it is essential to apply a historical analysis to contextualize the impact of racist institutions such as enslavement, jim crow, so called de jure discrimination, and institutionalized racism. the findings of blau and graham ( ) show that the disproportionate distribution of wealth is largely attributed to intergenerational transmission, thus wealth is gammage passed from generation to generation. moreover, historical practices of institutional racism have contributed to the current economic landscape of the african american community. thomas dye found that percent of the wealthiest men in america came from the upper social class of (oliver and shapiro, ). furthermore, in , percent of wealthy men were born into wealth; and that figure climbed to percent by (oliver and shapiro, ). these statistics demonstrate the significance of a historical analysis. the works of du bois, cross, anderson, kunjufu, etc. have provided a historical framework through which to view african american economic development. furthermore, the works of oliver and shapiro, chiteji and stanford have identified the significance of focusing on historical and contemporary practices of institutional racism and their impact on the current disproportionate distributions of wealth. the institution of enslavement in the united states a consistent theme of the literature suggests that at the turn of the seventeenth century, africa rapidly became a strategic source for wealth accumulation for the global economy. walter rodney, in his text how europe underdeveloped africa argues that africa‘s natural resources and human capital would eventually transform the capitalist market (rodney, ; p. ). natural resources such as gold, ivory, salt, as well as a thriving textile industry attracted attention from surrounding countries and europe (diop, ). african labor would also be essential in the rapid development of europe and european satellites in the americas (williams, ). as related to this research, african labor during the th , th , th , and much of the th centuries contributed gravely to the speedy expansion of the united states. the large population extracted from africa gammage served as the impetus to transform the united states into the current capitalist economic power. du bois and eric williams document the steady increase of africans transported to the united states in the late ‘s through to the early ‘s. du bois states …[the] numerical growth of the [african] population in american indicates his economic importance. the exact number of [africans] exported to america will never be known. probably , africans a year arrived in america between and . after this rose to , and by to over , . (du bois, ; p.) the increased influx of free african labor propelled the united states to be a dominant force within the global economy leading to america‘s control of selective agricultural industries. in his work, black reconstruction, and the gifts of black folk, du bois discusses the rapid expansion of the united states‘ agricultural sector‘s critical crops. the increased production of crops such as cotton, tobacco, rice, and sugar illustrates the significance of african labor to america‘s economic stability. england, the initial chief customer, consumed , bales of cotton in , , bales in , , bales in and , , bales in . the united states raised million bales in , and at the beginning of the twentieth century raised million bales annually (du bois, ; zinn, ). tobacco also steadily increased its annual production. in , , pounds of tobacco were exported to england and by the ‘s, exports reached million pounds annually (du bois, ). at the outset of the twentieth century, million pounds were raised in the united states alone (du bois, ). consistent with the trends of cotton and tobacco, sugar production also increased. by the middle of the nineteenth century a million tons of cane sugar were gammage cultivated each year and by sugar production increased to nearly million tons (du bois, ). the increase in production revitalized the united states‘ economy. in economic terms, the institution of enslavement aided in fortifying european economic markets both in europe as well as for its colonies. throughout the th , th and most of the th century, the exploitation of africa and african labor was the central source for accumulating capital to be re-invested in western europe (rodney, ). enslavement shifted many of the world‘s economic markets, making agricultural products such as cotton, tobacco, sugar, and rice central to economic development among european countries. african american labor in the united states transformed southern farmers and northern manufacturing companies into major competitors in the capitalist market. african labor, coupled with africa‘s natural resources, was major contributing factors in advancing european countries as well as the contemporary capitalist enterprise (rodney, ). historically, capitalism, for people of african descent, has translated to a system of exploitation and structural inequality. according to cedric robinson, in his text black marxism, forces of racism and nationalism influenced the historical development of world capitalism (robinson, ). the institution of enslavement in the american context is relevant to discuss because of the enormous amounts of capital produced exclusively for the benefit of the collective white population. in regards to african american economic development, the western system of enslavement evolved to be an institution predicated solely on the basis of race (du bois, ). according to united states‘ census data, in , five years gammage prior to the enforcement of the emancipation proclamation, enslavement denied nearly percent of the african american population the opportunity of accumulating wealth or the right to capitalize on the fruits of their labor (du bois, ; anderson, ; oliver and shapiro, ; kunjufu, ). moreover, enslavement aided in making whites the primary shareholders of wealth collected from african american labor. the southern states dependence on uncompensated labor correlated to political disfranchisement for the overwhelming majority of african americans. in the early south, voting rights and other forms of political participation were restricted to landowners. during the early antebellum period only a small percentage of free african americans living in the north and south were allotted political rights. however, as the dependency on african american labor increased, restrictions mandated in public policy began to focus on race. du bois in his work black reconstruction in america - , discusses the deterioration of african americans‘ political rights beginning in the early ‘s. the political disfranchisement of african americans goes hand in hand with their economic development (karenga, ). the legalization of african american disfranchisement in the early ‘s marked a shift in the american financial productivity and vastly made african americans second-class citizens in political and economic terms. in virginia enacted laws that would prevent african americans, mulotos, and native americans from participating in any political election (du bois, ). delaware disfranchised african americans in , maryland in and again in , florida in , louisiana in , mississippi in , alabama in , missouri in gammage , arkansas in , missouri in , and texas in (du bois, ). the increasing productivity of african american labor threatened the freedom of all african americans. du bois argues as [enslavement] grew to a system and the cotton kingdom began to expand into imperial white domination, a free negro was a contradiction, a threat and a menace. as a thief and a vagabond, he threatened society; but as an educated property holder, a successful mechanic or even professional man, he more than threatened slavery. he contradicted and undermined it. he must not be. he must be suppressed, enslaved, colonized. (du bois, ) to further restrict the mobility and political power of african americans, the fugitive slave act of was enacted to lawfully combat the effectiveness of runaways and organizations offering assistance to runaways. in , the fugitive slave act was strengthened with policing agencies empowered to recover and punish runaways as well as their accomplices. the institution of enslavement in the united stated was made up of interlocking institutions that stifled any opportunity of economic growth for million enslaved africans. this institution essentially dictated the political, economic, cultural, and social landscape of the united states for over two hundred years. its impact on african american economic development is central. ultimately, enslavement was successful in denying the overwhelming majority of african americans the ability to accumulate wealth, fight for the lawful right to accumulate wealth, exposure to the nuances of the economy to\ learn to accumulate wealth, and the ability to legally protect their wealth. the physical restrictions of enslavement coupled with legal restrictions, political disfranchisement, and denial of formal education practically destroyed any gammage chance percent of african americans may have had to accumulate any wealth from their labor. reconstruction the tragedy of reconstruction is the failure of the black masses to acquire land, since without the economic security provided by land ownership the freedmen were soon deprived of the political and civil rights which they had won. (oubre, ) the conclusion of the civil war transformed million africans to free united states‘ citizens (oliver and shapiro, ). however, the newly acquired social liberties had little to no immediate effect on the percent of african americans left with little to no material wealth. to address the dilemma of african american poverty, the united states government began enacting orders to make accommodations for the newly freed african american population. these orders would be the inception of the historical period known as reconstruction. reconstruction was intended to provide programs and services to assist african americans with the transition from being enslaved to free citizens. more directly, reconstruction was to address the structural disenfranchisement of african americans. the first series of acts were designed to make african americans landowners (du bois, ; oubre, ). the union‘s military generals, during the civil war, proposed confiscating land from southern rebels and distributing it to african american soldiers and refugees. although the president overturned these acts, in , congress enacted the first confiscation act, recommended by thaddeus stevens of pennsylvania, giving the president power to seize land from confederate rebels (oubre, ). congress enacted that confiscated land would be redistributed to formally gammage enslaved african americans. while lincoln did not enforce the act passed by congress, in a later address he proposed that congress free the african americans who had been seized under the act (du bois, ). in , senator lyman trumbull and house member thomas elliot pushed for the approval of a second act that was much more in- depth. however, the notion of land redistribution would never come to full fruition. the often-cited implementation of the confiscation acts was sherman‘s order , which confiscated southern plantations during the war and redistributed it to african american soldiers serving under the union regiment. this act is commonly referred to as ― acres and a mule,‖ which promised freed african americans land as compensation for military assistance and uncompensated labor. sherman‘s order would later be rescinded and soldiers were forced to return their claims (oliver and shapiro, ). in , the united states government attempted to facilitate the distribution of land to the formally enslaved population by enacting the southern homestead act. under the homestead act of , the united states government had a total of forty-six million acres at its disposal to accommodate african american soldiers and refugees. like previous strides to accommodate land redistribution, the homestead act of would fail to assist african americans and hinder their opportunity to accumulate wealth. oliver and shapiro move this argument forward by providing an illustration of how the homestead act of placed african american people at a disadvantage as it relates to accumulating wealth. the authors argue that consistent with the legacy of enslavement, whites used reconstruction as a means to secure an economic advantage through modifying the eligibility qualifications of applicants. by utilizing their collective gammage political power aided by their overwhelming amount of control over wealth accumulating assets, southern whites were able to systematically deny equal opportunity to the overwhelming majority of african americans who desired to become landowners. oliver and shapiro illustrate the use of political power when stating the southern homestead act failed to make newly freed blacks into a landowning class or to provide what gunnar myrdal in an american dilemma called ‗a basis of real democracy in the united states.‘ indeed, features of the legislation worked against its use as a tool to empower blacks in their quest for land. first, instead of disqualifying former confederate supporters as the previous act had done, the legislation allowed all persons who applied for land to swear that they had not taken up arms against the union or given aid and comfort to the enemies. this opened the door to massive white applications for land. one estimate suggests that over three-quarters ( . percent) of the land applicants under the act were white. (oliver and shapiro, ; p. ) moreover, during the passage of the homestead act of , many african americans were under work contracts that extended through the end of (oubre, ). the work contracts provided the basic necessities of life, but did not allow an opportunity for saving or accumulating wealth. between and , approximately , freedmen received land via the homestead act but only about , of the recipients received the certificates of ownership (oubre, ). leniency by northern politicians allowed former plantation owners to reclaim an overwhelming majority of confiscated land. as discussed above, the institutions of enslavement awarded a significant degree of political and economic power to southern whites that would eventually correlate to racist policies. during the period of reconstruction, the union failed to honor its stated commitment to transform the newly freed african americans into equal american citizens. land redistribution for formerly gammage enslaved african americans was one of the central issues left unaddressed and unresolved. the southern homestead act of , initially intended to make african americans landowners, ultimately benefited former plantation owners. the failure of reconstruction was due to the ineffectiveness of northern politicians to honor their stated commitment to the newly freed african americans and to reform u.s. democracy (du bois, ; myrdal, ). in addition to the ineffectiveness of the southern homestead act of , corrupt politics would also negatively affect the majority of african americans and their opportunity for accumulating wealth. in ―the gift of black folk‖, du bois discusses the work of the freedmen‘s bureau and its efforts in collecting relief funds and organizing educational systems that would later serve as the nation public school system. to demonstrate the effectiveness of the freedmen‘s bureau, the united states treasury documented the progressive improvements of african american landowners, labors, and politicians. however, the ideal of african american as landowners and progressive politicians threatened the ideology of southern plantation owners and beneficiaries of free african labor. thus, southern leaders had a monetary interest in the failure of reconstruction. the united states treasury also documents the misappropriation of millions of dollars meant to address african american‘s dire economic and educational plight (du bois, ). at the conclusion of reconstruction, the majority of african americans were still impoverished and landless. the u.s. department of commerce and labor, bureau of census reveals that in only , african americans out of million owned their own farms in the south (oubre; ). thus, less than half of percent of african americans owned southern farms. gammage contemporary forms of structural racism while reconstruction assisted with providing african americans educational institutions, few political leadership positions, and few opportunities to lease and purchase land, it failed to address the immediate need for the mass of african americans, land. land would not have solved united states‘ racial dilemma, but it would have afforded african americans a means to earn a living, accumulate wealth, and most importantly, escape debt ridden work contracts with former plantation owners (oubre, ). for the masses of african american families, the road toward wealth has been made more difficult by jim crow‘s black codes and the decline of the united states‘ agricultural economy as well as the collapse of the nation‘s stock market during the great depression. additionally, african americans would be excluded from participating in america‘s most successful means of accumulating wealth, the suburban track home (jackson, ; lipsitz, ; oliver and shapiro, ). during the early ‘s, the federal government finically supported suburban growth through taxation, transportation, and housing policy. oliver and shapiro argue ―taxation policies provided greater tax savings for businesses relocating to the suburbs than to those who stayed and made capital improvements to plants in central city locations‖ (oliver and shapiro, ). the federal government also enforced transportation polices that encouraged ―freeway construction and subsidized cheap fuel and mass produced automobiles‖ (oliver and shapiro, ). more importantly, government policies encouraged and subsidized suburban housing (oliver and shapiro, ). the suburbanization of american cities helped to revitalize the u.s. economy by providing affordable housing and reliable gammage employment on the boundaries of central cities. however, suburban track housing would be exclusively available to white families. african americans would be restricted to purchase in metropolitan areas. oliver and shapiro state while these governmental policies collectively enable over thirty-five million families between and to participate in homeowner equity accumulation, they also had the adverse effect of constraining black americans‘ residential opportunities to central-city ghettos of major u.s. metropolitan communities and denying them access to one of the most successful generators of wealth in american history the suburban tract home. (oliver and shapiro, ; p. ) under the guise of home owners loan corporation (holc), the federal government began providing home loans to address the nation‘s growing mortgage crisis. by implementing agencies such as the holc, the government directly assisted with institutionalizing racially discriminatory practices that would result in eliminating african americans‘ access to suburbs and to government mortgage money (jackson, ; oliver and shapiro, ). the criterion used by the holc to assess the equitable value of homes and property diminished the value of african american homes and neighborhoods. according to oliver and shapiro, governmental agencies ―methodically included in their procedures the evaluation of the racial composition or potential racial composition of the community‖ (oliver and shapiro, ; p. ). neighborhoods that were predominately african american were categorized as undesirable and placed in the lowest category. the racialized standard upheld by the holc would later be adopted by the federal housing authority (fha), which was established in . like the holc, the fha disproportionately financed growth in suburban areas while neglecting the metropolitan cities. the underwriting manual of the fha stated, ―if a neighborhood is gammage to retain stability, it is necessary that properties shall continue to be occupied by the same social and racial classes‖. the fha continued practices of legalized segregated housing and racialized appraisals up until when the supreme court ruled against racial restrictions in . the enforcement of racial discrimination by the fha created restrictions that limited african american ability to accumulate wealth. the historical trend of systemic racism has contributed to the current plight of african americans‘ wealth portfolio. more recent research has found that african americans are still disproportionately denied mortgage loans by lending institutions. the practices of redlining and banking discriminations have further impacted african americans‘ ability to accrue wealth. a federal reserve study declared that of the . million home mortgage applications surveyed, systemic patterns of institutional discrimination in the nation‘s banking system were found (oliver and shapiro, ). the federal reserve study reveals that the poorest white applicant was more likely to get a mortgage loan approved than an african american in the highest income bracket. more important, the study showed that structural racism impacted african americans no matter their class or economic status. in cities such as washington, boston, and philadelphia, african americans in the highest income group were financed for lower loans than whites in lower income brackets. moreover, banking institutions were denying african americans‘ loans for repairs in old homes in the city. lending institutions commonly approved african americans with high interest loans with huge monthly payments. gammage the current state of the african american economy is attributed to the historical exclusion and exploitation of african americans. moreover, scholars in the social sciences have acknowledged that while african americans have been excluded from economic and political competition and exploited for labor, they have greatly contributed to white‘s accumulation of wealth and political power. w.e.b. du bois argues that the labor of the african american positioned america at the center of the world‘s completive capitalist market. evidence clearly illustrates that african american labor transformed the political and economic structure of the united states. during the antebellum period, the nation‘s economy was centered around crops produced mainly on southern plantations. thus, we find the bulk of the nation‘s economic production in the south. furthermore, during the same period, southerners, who were, for the most part, sympathetic to plantation owners or plantation owners themselves, dominated the nation‘s political leadership. this trend is also consistent with the industrial revolution that followed the civil war. the rise of industrialization shifted the country‘s economic focus to northern states. these trends demonstrate the capacity that economics have on the transfer of political power in the american context. it is clear that the literature focusing on african american economic development suggests that the current state of the african american economy is directly related to the historical relationship held by african americans and whites. institutions designed to block african americans from full economic participation have contributed to the deterioration of african american economic opportunities. furthermore, institutional racism has failed to be addressed, thus resulting in stagnation of the african american gammage economy. the failure to address structural racism has been illustrated in the disproportionate distribution of wealth and wealth accumulating assets. the literature also argues that the structure of the african american and white relationship in america is such that whites are the beneficiaries of wealth and power while african americans are consistently exploited. empirical research recent empirical research has found racial differences in all levels of wealth holdings, both in the form of transaction assets and, more specifically, in the form of financial assets. (blau and graham, ; oliver and shapiro, ; hurst, luoh and stafford, ; and wolff, ) there are numerous studies that have examined wealth distribution in the united states and its various implications. through this research we have at our disposal a wealth of statistical data and theories that seek to explain the disproportionate distribution of wealth across lines of race. this data aids in adding substance to the discussion about african american economic development. studies of racial differences have found that black and white wealth ratios ranging from . to . [terrell, ; smith, ; soltow, ; sobol, ] (blau and graham; ). many studies contend that the wealth ratio stems from various demographic differences such as income, age, family size, marital status, educational achievement, etc. of all the literature reviewed, one theme is consistent, that there are multi-variant factors contributing to the current condition of african american economics. however, there are variations among researchers‘ findings. early research asserts that income is the largest single factor that explains the gammage difference in wealth (blau and graham, ; oliver and shapiro, ). however, income and other demographic factors only account for one-quarter of the racial wealth gap. oliver and shapiro argue that empirical research shows that if society were able to eliminate all demographic disadvantages of african americans relative to wealth, percent of the wealth gap would remain (oliver and shapiro, ). recent results find that the unexplained gap appears related to race. moreover, percent of the wealth gap has been attributed to the differences in intergenerational transmission of wealth. racial differences in intergenerational transfers across groups particularly transfers such as human capital in children and funds provided as startup financing for housing investment have been linked to differences in outcomes in the recipient generation. (loury, ; oliver and shapiro, ; and charles and hurst, ) intergenerational transfer has traditionally been referred to as bequeaths and inheritance in the form of financial assets passing from one generation to another. furthermore, recent research has argued that an intergenerational transfer also refers to gifts in the form of low and/or no interest loans, business assets, down payments for homes and cars, and estate inheritance. we also see that intergenerational transfer could refer to the transfer of critical financial information, which in turn affects the wealth holdings of the receiving offspring. the significance of exploring intergenerational transfer is to provide a broader context for a discussion of socioeconomic discrimination. furthermore, transfers have been estimated to account for anywhere from percent to percent of household wealth (kotlikoff and summers, ; kopczuk and lupton, ; chiteji and stafford, gammage ). data collected by various national studies such as the national longitudinal surveys of young men and young women (nlsy), the penal study of income dynamics, and the survey of income and program participation (sipp), all reveal that the aggregate difference of income and other sociological factors merely accounts for only one third of the wealth gap. recent findings have concluded that the impact of intergenerational transfer is the leading contributor to the disproportionate distribution of wealth. the section that follows reviews scholarly research that attempts to bring clarity to the various dynamics that contribute to the wealth disparity and african american economics. in , francine blau and john graham conducted the first studies that sought to examine racial differences in the magnitude and composition of wealth and identify the reasons for the disparity. in their study entitled black-white differences in wealth and asset composition, blau and graham combined data collected in and by the national longitudinal surveys (nls) of young men and young women. the researchers used datasets from and to expand the sample size and include more household types (i.e. married-couple families, families headed by single males or females, and one- person households) (blau and graham, ). both samples‘ primary respondents were to years of age. participants were restricted to families (or individuals) in which the respondent (or spouse) was the family head and neither spouse was enrolled in school (blau and graham, ). the survey given in consisted of , young male participants in which were african american and , that were not african american (nls of young men, ). the sample consisted of , young men and young women (nls of young men and nls of young women, ). in the gammage sample, respondents were interviewed face to face by investigators. however, in respondents were interviewed via telephone. blau and graham concluded that on average, young black families hold only about percent of the wealth of young white families and tend to hold wealth in proportionately different forms (blau and graham, ). they argue that the income difference was the largest single factor that explained the wealth disparity. however, blau and graham also find that when demographic factors such as income, education, work experience, age, etc. are controlled, there still remains a large disparity in wealth holdings among african american and whites. the article supports the contention that this wealth gap stems from intergenerational transfer of wealth. blau and graham argue first, while many of these families may not as yet have received substantial inheritances from their parents' estates, given current longevity and the typical age differences between generations, they are quite likely to have received gifts or "inter vivos" transfers in the form of, for example, money for college, a down payment on a house, or a share in a family-owned business. second, given the importance of "liquidity constraints" [tobin, ], even young families are likely to have engaged in substantial amounts of past saving to accumulate wealth as a cushion against unanticipated fluctuations in their income. finally, differential information or access to certain asset markets and unequal capital gains especially on housing equity may cause rates of return to differ across families. (blau and graham, ; p. ) blau and graham report that data collected from the nls reveals that on average african american households had lower permanent income and are more likely to live in the central city (but less likely to live in the suburbs), have a higher proportion of families headed by women only, and, among married couples have wives who work a greater number of weeks on average; all characteristics associated with lower wealth (blau and gammage graham, ). the authors also observed that african americans‘ estimated permanent income was . % lower than white families. blau and graham also concluded that there are large differences between african americans and whites in wealth and asset composition among younger families that cannot be explained by differences in income and other demographic and geographic characteristics (blau and graham, ). moreover, they suggest that the large disparity in wealth appears not to be primarily the result of racial differences in saving behavior or rates of return. blau and graham assert that racial differences in inheritance and other intergenerational transfers play an important part (blau and graham, ). the authors go further to argue that the possibility of barriers to the accumulation of businesses and housing wealth among blacks may also be contributing factors of the wealth differences. blau and graham maintain that the data reveals that to only focus on racial differences in income would only explain one-fourth of the wealth gap. the authors‘ work strongly suggests that the differences between black and white in regards to income, saving behaviors, and adverse environments of african americans, only make up one-fourth of the wealth disparity when selected demographics characteristics were controlled. the article does acknowledge that blacks do have a significantly lower income level and have limited activity in the area of accumulating business assets. furthermore, they argue that a large proportion of blacks‘ assets are held in housing equity and car equity. however, the authors suggest that the racial barriers that limit blacks‘ access to business and other liquid assets may explain this trend. gammage the limitation of this study is that the data used was from and . the united states‘ economic landscape has drastically changed and the data collected during the late ‘s may not accurately depict the contemporary economic state of american families. kerwin kofi charles and erik hurst ( ) also strengthen the notion that intergenerational transfer plays a significant role in creating an african american/white wealth gap in their article entitled the transition to home ownership and the black- white wealth gap. charles and hurst examine disproportionate distribution of wealth holdings amongst african americans and whites by studying homeownership. the authors address the wealth disparity by examining homeownership because homeownership accounts for over percent of african american wealth and percent of white wealth. the authors sought to determine the differences in the likelihood that african american and white families become homeowners. charles and hurst used two datasets compiled by the panel study of income dynamics (psid) to follow the same individuals over time and provide a comparative analysis of homeownership status. furthermore, they sought to determine whether differences in less-formal credit channels, such as reliance on family assistance for down payment, partially explains the observed racial gap in homeownership (charles and hurst, ). charles and hurst‘s study also uses the generational transfer theory to explain the gap in homeownership, which also impacts the gap in wealth. charles and hurst found that for the sample, white renters were much more likely than african american renters to become homeowners by even after gammage controlling for key variables such as the level of income, family demographics, and household wealth in the years around . they found that african americans were percent more likely than whites to be rejected after controlling credit proxies and demographics (charles and hurst, ). however, they assert that african americans were less likely to become homeowners than whites because they were less likely to apply for mortgages (charles and hurst, ). the researchers contend that african americans were twenty points less likely than whites to complete the mortgage application process, which they suggest, accounted for percent of the gap in homeownership. charles and hurst contend that two-thirds of the application gap can be explained by income and demographics, particularly variables describing family stability. they find that there is a large difference between races in the degree to which successful homebuyers relied on their families for help in financial down payments (charles and hurst, ). the researchers find that a large fraction of both african american and white households were down payment constrained in , and people who applied for loans were much less likely to be drawn from this group. they also found that only percent of whites paid for their down payments entirely with their own savings. percent of white participants got their down payments entirely from their families, and percent got some help from their families in coming up with the down payment (charles and hurst, ). the other percent of white households had resources other than their own savings to purchase a home. in contrast, percent of african american homebuyers used their savings to pay their entire down payment. percent of african gammage american participants relied entirely on help from family and virtually none of those who used savings received any family help (charles and hurst, ). charles and hurst found that the influence of parental wealth is overwhelming in respondents transitioning from renters to homeowners. after controlling for variables such as income, income volatility, demographic factors, and a set of variables which are strongly correlated with banks‘ estimates of an applicant‘s credit risk from the psid financial distress supplement, the authors conclude that only about percent of the racial difference in the probability of mortgage applications rejection can be explained. (charles and hurst, ). they found no racial difference in the terms of the mortgage offered to households who had their mortgage application approved. they suggest the assistance from parents and other family members play a large role in whether or not a household acquires a mortgage. the limitation of charles and hurst‘s study is that it focuses solely on homeownership. as illustrated above, home equity accounts for a significant proportion of household wealth, but wealth in the form of equity is restrictive due to it not being a liquid asset. the relevance of this research to my study is its findings in the area of parental assistance. parental assistance strengthens the notion that intergenerational transmission plays a significant role in disproportionate distribution of wealth. ngina chiteji and frank stafford ( ) further advance the intergenerational transfer theory in their article portfolio choices of parents and their children as young adult; asset accumulation by african-american families. chiteji and stafford‘s work provides context for the wealth gap discussion in that they present the raw statistics that gammage help explain disproportionate distribution of wealth. the authors attempt to determine why african american households‘ portfolios compositions are less likely to contain wealth-accumulating assets. the researchers utilize data compiled by the national longitudinal surveys of young men and young women (nlsy) to determine the impact of household ownership of assets on future generations. the article concedes to the assertion of blau and graham, that income and other demographic factors only explain one fourth of the wealth gap among african americans and whites in the united states. chiteji and stafford‘s findings suggest that african americans are less likely to invest in stocks, and become shareholders due to the intergenerational transfer of assets, knowledge and experience. the article argues that parents who invested in and own assets directly influenced their children‘s ownership of assets. according to the article, the large cause of the wealth gap between african americans and whites in the united states stems from portfolio composition differences. the researchers found the differences in portfolio composition alarming after determining that african americans are less likely to own certain financial assets such as stocks and transaction accounts when compared to other households with similar family income, age, education, and comparable demographic characteristics. chiteji and stafford contend that the disproportionate ownership in stock and transaction accounts is important in understanding the wealth gap in that investment in stocks and share holdings are what help produce wealth. statistics show that individuals who invest in stocks have a higher holding of wealth then those who do not. the researchers conclude that given the strong performance of the united states‘ equity gammage market in the past decade, portfolio choices of stocks have been vital to wealth building. (chiteji and stafford, ) furthermore, the article argues that, as of the mid ‘s, african americans have been less likely to own stocks and are disproportionately less likely to have become shareholders over the period of – . the article also discusses the correlation between children that grow up in households that own stocks and the percentage of them who go on to invest in and own stocks themselves. the article concludes that young adults who own stocks are more likely to have grown up in a household of stock owning parents. chiteji and stafford report that among families that participated in the psid, and whose households owned stocks, children went on to have a higher stock balance than those children coming from households that did not own stocks. the authors contend that in the average stock balance of children whose parents owned stocks was $ , while those children whose parents did not own stocks held an average of $ , . the authors also find that . percent of children growing up in households where parents owned stocks go on to own stocks and only . percent of children whose parents did not own stocks go on to own stocks. the article revealed that only . percent of african american parents had bank accounts and only . percent of african american parents held stocks. furthermore, chiteji and stafford contend that the disproportionate holdings of wealth directly impact the intergenerational transfer of assets, contributing to the wealth gap. as stated above, . percent of african american parents hold stock and only . percent had bank accounts. the article illustrates this when stating, gammage our finding that a young family‘s likelihood of owning transaction accounts and stocks is affected by whether parents held these financial assets reveals another way that the economic environment of the home in which a child grows up affects the child‘s adult outcomes. parents can be influential options. this approach suggests that parental choice of home- ownership and other assets may have similar carryover across generations. (chiteji and stafford, ; p. ) while intergenerational transfer is traditionally recognized as wealth passed down through generations, chiteji and stafford explore other means that transfer could affect an offspring‘s wealth holding (chiteji and stafford, ). the researchers‘ further advance the theory of intergenerational transfer in their work entitled asset ownership across generations. chiteji and stafford‘s research emphasizes different forms of transfers and the role of financial knowledge from family. the researchers used data collected in the periods of - from the psid. the psid is a nationally representative, longitudinal survey that collects data on economic, financial, and socio-demographic information about united states‘ families. the households used in chiteji and stafford‘s sample ranged from age to with a mean age of for the household heads. the mean educational level for household heads in the sample was . . of the households that participated, . percent were male headed. . percent of the households were married while . percent came from single parent households. percent of the parents in the sample owned bank accounts and . percent held stocks. african americans accounted for . percent of the households in the sample. the generational model was the theoretical framework used in the study. unlike many studies using the generational model, chiteji and stafford‘s study is unique in that gammage it applies the generational model toward the transmission of knowledge and/or economic behavior. their study attempts to examine the effects that the transfer of knowledge have on children‘s wealth outcomes (chiteji and stafford, ). chiteji and stafford assert that the variants of the generational models of attributes used in biology serve as a good framework for organizing one‘s thinking about asset knowledge transfer across generations (chiteji and stafford, ). the study sought to explore whether the transfer of knowledge had an effect beyond direct transfers, via gifts or bequests (chiteji and stafford, ). the authors‘ interest in investigating the impact of informational transfer stems from recent findings that conclude that the family is an important transmitter of information and economic behavior (chiteji and stafford, ). more importantly, social scientists found that parents are significant distributors of information. the authors contend that financial behavior and other ownership patterns (housing for example) can be shaped by the family (chiteji and stafford, ). the researchers posit that children of parents, who hold a particular asset such as stock, would be more likely to hold stock themselves (compared to children of non-stock owners). the major contention is that an individual‘s exposure to specific assets by his or her parents will affect asset choices, and the development or cultivation of asset-specific knowledge that is relevant to decision making and asset ownership (chiteji and stafford, ). the article finds that there are ownership differences that arise from family-based exposure to assets. the dataset reveals that . percent of young families whose parents held bank accounts went on to hold a bank account themselves, while only . gammage percent of young families whose parents did not hold accounts went on to hold accounts. furthermore, on average, those whose parents held bank accounts had twice the amount of holdings than those whose parents did not ($ , opposed to $ , ). . percent of young families whose parents owned stocks went on to own stocks while only . percent of those who parents did not own stock, went on to own stock themselves. even more alarming is the racial breakdown of the data collected in , which reveals that only . percent of african american households owned bank accounts while . percent of other households owned a bank account. the average balance held in african american owned bank accounts was $ , while the average balance for other households was $ , . the article also maintains that . percent of african american households held stocks compared to . of other households. the differences of young african american families whose parents held bank accounts were . percent compared to . percent of other household whose parents owned bank accounts. only . percent of the sample‘s young african american family‘s parents owned stock while . percent of the other households‘ parents owned stocks. chiteji and stafford conclude that there are intergenerational correlations in asset ownership that suggest that exposure to assets by parents may be an important source of information about individual assets (chiteji and stafford, ). the article illustrates how the data collected by the psid during the periods of - supports this assertion while highlighting the disparity between african americans‘ wealth holdings and other ethnicities. the researchers also conclude that the exposure to certain assets gives individuals the opportunity to observe and participate in financial decision-making gammage and investments. chiteji and stafford go further to contend that the knowledge gained from this exposure can be clearly seen in the disparity in wealth holdings between those who did not grow up in asset holding households. institutional and organizational efforts towards economic development various shifts in america‘s political, social, and economic landscape have led to a unique approach to address african american economic development. despite institutional racism, african americans have organized to preserve their economic security. even during the period of enslavement, african americans formed cooperatives such as the free african society established in philadelphia in , led by abalom jones and richard allen (ofari, ) to address their economic needs. by , there were an estimated one hundred similar cooperatives in philadelphia alone, geared toward providing mutual aid for african americans communities (ofari, ). in , free african americans throughout the nation held the black convention to discuss the needs of african americans, their security, freedom and economic stability. the philosophies of fredrick douglass, henry highland garnet, booker t. washington, web du bois, marcus garvey, and callie house etc. all contributed to a movement of resistance and african american self-sufficiency. the literature focusing on african american economic development identifies three major areas of interest: entrepreneurial movement community development cooperatives and campaigns for cooperative spending. thus, this section of the literature review explores the development of each component of african american economic development. entrepreneurship gammage among the literature reviewed, entrepreneurship played a significant role in the movement for african american economic development. arthur lewis identifies the functions of entrepreneurship as supplying capital; organizing production and marketing; and bearing uninsurable risks; (lewis, ; p. ). robert woodson argues that the legacy of entrepreneurship has been the backbone of the african american quest for economic development (woodson, ; p. ). african americans‘ resistance to economic discrimination and exploitation during enslavement fostered their community with hundreds of lucrative businesses in the north and the south. according to woodson, in the th and th centuries african americans owned and operated inns, stables, construction firms, barbershops, tailoring, catering establishments, restaurants and taverns (woodson, ; p. ). at the eve of the civil war, african american business owners had an estimated wealth of $ - $ million in the south and $ million in the north (woodson, ; p. ). at the turn of the th century african americans were collectively worth $ million (woodson, ; p. ). in , african american entrepreneurship took to the forefront of economic development with the push of booker t. washington and the founding of the national negro business league (nnbl). the nnbl assisted with the growth of african american businesses. cities such as mound bayou, mississippi; nicodemus, kansas; and boley, oklahoma were all formed by way of the entrepreneurial movement among african american business owners (woodson, ; p. ). with booming economic enclaves throughout specific sectors of the nation, entrepreneurship was central to african american employment and wealth accumulation. gammage amos wilson also discusses the importance of entrepreneurship in regards to african american development. wilson contends that the development of african american businesses assisted with economic stability. like many economic scholars, wilson regards the african american community as a separate entity (douglass, ; tabb, ; anderson, ). wilson argues that entrepreneurial endeavors would help aid against the various shifts and changes in america‘s economy and the larger global economy. wilson suggests that entrepreneurship and business cooperatives would assist with addressing african americans‘ economic and political crisis. he suggests that without a strong network of businesses stirred by business cooperatives and entrepreneurship, the shifts of the united states economy specifically, and the global market in general, would have the ability to devastate entire communities. he refers to the effects that general motors (gm) had on african american employment opportunities after moving its manufacturing plants to korea. as a result of gm‘s contract with a korean automobile manufacturer to produce subcompact, thousands of jobs were eliminated, thus disturbing a significant number of african american families. while gm is only one multinational corporation, the move to outsource foreign labor has become common among corporations within the past three decades. the declining manufacturing and service sectors of the economy has left african americans incessantly vulnerable to debt, poverty, and economic dependency (wilson, ). the state of black america, the annual report of the national urban league, contends that the still heavy dependence of african americans on the manufacturing sector of the economy and on the service sectors which are likely to decline in the near future, means that there is a ―bad fit‖ between the gammage current distribution of the african american work force and the reconfiguring industrial and service base. (wilson, ; p.) outsourcing has directly impacted the u.s. economy and shifted economic growth in the african american community. the literature reveals that dependence on multinational corporations at the expense of entrepreneurship has limited opportunities and competitiveness of the african american business sector. claude anderson‘s powernomics model also argues that african american entrepreneurship is a vital component for economic empowerment. although anderson asserts that the majority of african american owned businesses are only stable enough to employ the owner, he states that business development by way of entrepreneurship would lead to an independent african american economy. anderson stresses the need for the african american community to strive to form ethnic enclaves and a black nationalist ideology. he states that if blacks had become production-oriented rather than consumption-oriented; it is quite unlikely that today they would not have a hidden national unemployment rate of percent (anderson, ; p. ). while anderson recognizes the need for african american business development, he argues that without collective communal consciousness, african american businesses would serve no purpose but for individual advancement. he asserts that all functions within the african american community should be owned and controlled by african americans. community economic development corporations gammage the economic opportunity act of commissioned mass federal funding for urban and rural development and introduced the nation‘s proposed ―war on poverty‖ launched by the johnson administration. the act spearheaded the construction of community development corporations (cdcs) that would provide funding and training for impoverished community. cdcs were designed to promote economic and social growth in low-income communities by way of federal assistance. randy stoecker asserts that the primary purpose of the first wave of cdcs was for job creation (stoecker, ; p. ). the national advisory council on economic development projected cdcs to be a means to ―break the cycle of poverty in low-income communities by arresting tendencies toward dependency, chronic unemployment, and community deterioration‖ (berndt, ; ). the underlining assumption was that these programs would tackle poverty by encouraging the principles of self-help and community mobilization. the ultimate intent was to ―improve the quality of economic and social participation in the community life in such a way as to contribute to the elimination of poverty and the establishment of permanent economic and social benefits‖ (berndt, ; p. ). thus, cdcs served as a partnership between the community, government, and the private business sector (berndt, ; p. ). the practice of self-help was strongly emphasized in the formation of cdc as it was thought to be essential to urban economic development. the federal government sponsored cdcs under the assumption that the economic system of capitalism was fine and that poverty was created by a lack of participation and productivity. however, a wealth of literature disputes this and argues that poverty stems from a combination of external and internal factors. gammage stoecker contends that the second wave of cdcs essentially focused on housing development. a contributor from the ford foundation‘s grey‘s area program, support groups, and the community service act of funded urban redevelopment. moreover, funding provided from the federal government for cdcs between and exceeded $ million. out of the shift from economic development to housing development, we find federal agencies such as housing and urban development that were created. the national congress for community economic development reports that cdcs produced , houses in (stoecker from the national congress for community economic development, ). from a historical perspective, urban cdcs grew from african americans‘ historic struggle for civil rights, the black power movement, the ford foundation‘s grey area program, and the federal government‘s community action agency (caa) programs (berndt, ; ). cdcs in african american communities were designed to provide professional training and sponsor entrepreneurial growth. however, the function and purpose of cdcs have been debated among various scholars with different perspectives. patterson argues that communities and community-based organizations have expressed mixed feelings toward cdcs due to the inconsistencies of approaches taken across different communities. patterson cites steward parry, director of the center for community economic development, stating that the face of cdcs change depending on the community space they occupy. some cdcs have emphasized social and political goals while others have sought to maximize profit (patterson in cash and oliver, ; p. ). gammage from a structural perspective, cdcs are argued to be community-controlled projects in which community members are in the position to define the problems and needs of the community. moreover, community members are to be the agents that implement the recommended solutions. advocates of cdcs argue that through this method, african americans would meet business owners and government agents as equal partners investing in a business interest (berndt, ; p. ). proponents of cdcs stress that for cdcs to work, community members, government agencies, and businesses from the private sector must share this underlining understanding. the effectiveness of cdcs has been widely debated. detractors have argued that cdcs programs are, in large part, underfunded and unequipped to handle the severe conditions found in urban communities. from a statistical perspective, it is argued that programs over exaggerate production numbers and fall short on their projected production (stoecker, ; ). in addition, many african american communities do not have cdcs at their disposal. stoecker argues that at times cdcs are concentrated in one part of the city consequently neglecting other urban areas. furthermore, cdcs have been criticized for not developing working relationships with community members. critics of cdc also argue that business owners have undermined the authority of community members and have not provided services and skill training to meet the needs of the community. cooperative spending gammage the concept of economic development is complex and encompasses political, social, psychological, economic, and educational elements. these various components make up african american economic development. both conservative and liberal proponents of african american economic development agree on one aspect, cooperative consumer and corporate spending is a fundamental cornerstone for economic development. cooperative spending has been argued by recent scholars to be the tool through which the african american community could influence political support, corporate sponsorship, and even forge independent economic sectors within their communities (kunjufu, ; wilson, ; anderson, ; morial, ). the principle of cooperative spending is not a new concept. the philosophy of henry highland garnet and later espoused by marcus garvey aided in guiding african americans toward a nationalist ideology. jawanza kunjufu argues that the concept of cooperative spending was evident at the economic convention organized by martin delaney in rochester, new york. out of the conference, slogans such as ―buy black‖ and ―double duty dollars‖ were started (kunjufu, ; ). nationalist philosophy was widely supported during the great depression of the early ‘s when various african american communities launched the ―don‘t buy where you can‘t work‖ movement. through cooperative spending in the ‘s, african american communities were able to secure employment with white owned businesses who previously refused to hire african american labor. by-products of this movement emerged in washington d.c. with the ―buy where you can work – buy where you can clerk‖ and the ―buy black‖ campaigns of the late ‘s and ‘s. gammage for conservative economists, spending habits are one factor contributing to an individual‘s wealth portfolio. from a conservative approach to wealth accumulating, consumerism has been a detriment for african american economic wellbeing. anderson indirectly supports the philosophy as it relates to community economic development among african americans. as stated above, anderson argues that if african americans focus more time and energy toward a production-orientation as opposed to a consumer- orientation to economics, the issue of african americans unemployment would be less prevalent. moreover, anderson asserts that through cooperative spending african american businesses would increase their success rate and competitiveness among other businesses within the same market. anderson discusses the poor spending choices of african americans and their adverse affect on the success rate of african american businesses (anderson, ; p. ). he contends that african americans spend percent of their annual disposable income in their community and only percent of that with african american-owned businesses (anderson, ; p. ). anderson advances his argument by asserting that social integration destroyed african american businesses by destroying a principle carried by african americans for centuries; cooperative economics. during the period of segregation, the dynamics of the african american community encouraged the practice of communal economics. for anderson, as well as for other scholars, integration opened the market for large corporations to compete with african american businesses and afforded middle-class african americans and business-owners an opportunity to relocate to suburban neighborhoods. moreover, anderson argues that with the authority of urban gammage renewal policies, whites abandoned urban cities and drove expressways through the most prosperous african american business districts and communities throughout the nation (anderson, ; p. ). anderson espouses that these historical events contributed to the shift of african american spending habits. kunjufu also discusses the necessity of african american cooperative spending in relation to economic development. he found that collectively the african american community has an estimated annual income of $ to $ billion (kunjufu, ; p. ). if viewed as an independent nation, african americans‘ annual income would rank as the ninth wealthiest nation/colony in the world (kunjufu, ; p. ). kunjufu, like anderson, argues that integration laws deteriorated the african american economic sector and the practice of cooperative spending. kunjufu suggests that segregation provided african americans the needed circumstances for booming enclaves. he acknowledges the disadvantages of the segregated system but he explains how the system forced african american to depend on one anther (kunjufu, ; p. ). kunjufu argues that african american nationalism generally has been the only consumer support that african american businesses receive. anderson also contends that white america has collectively boycotted african american businesses in practice for centuries. kunjufu proposes that african americans channel their annual income to support the development of the african american economic sector. amos wilson‘s blueprint for black power argues that cooperative spending is the foundation of african american economic well being. wilson‘s analysis of african american economic development is multi-dimensional in that it encompasses a domestic gammage and international dimension. at the foundation of his analysis african american behavior modification in regards to cooperative spending is a necessary component of economic development. like kunjufu and anderson, wilson argues that the african american community has historically operated as an independent entity due to institutional and structural inequalities. he suggests that like during legal segregation, african americans should strategically focus their collective spending power to influence the political and economic landscape. wilson suggests that african americans‘ spending habits is a political tool that, if used properly, could provide political support for elected politicians and businesses within the african american community. the economic platform of ―the covenant‖ also suggests the use of collective spending power to influence elected officers and business owners. the covenant stresses the importance of african americans holding political officials accountable for service promised to african americans by way of channeling their spending. through cooperative spending, the covenant suggests that economic support be given to the candidates who address the needs of african americans. furthermore, it proposes that businesses that are consistent with the community‘s political support be patronized. although the platform offered by ―the covenant‖ is not structurally sound, it does however recognize the power of cooperative spending. cooperative spending has been a part of the legacy and quest for collective economic stability for african americans since their arrival to the americas. while the economy has shifted and transformed throughout history, african americans have remained on the periphery and have used cooperative spending as a means of survival. gammage thus, cooperative spending has been identified by economists to be one factor that gravely effects african american economic development. chapter methodology and procedures primary framework of analysis gammage the historical practice and current state of white supremacy gravely contributes to the historical and cultural displacement of african people. the eurocentric intellectual project has been highly successful in standardizing european‘s cultural and methodological approach to understanding the universe and studying human inquiry. moreover, research employing the eurocentric orientation has consistently misunderstood african american phenomena and has failed to prescribe effective recommendations. at the crux of intellectual warfare lie the negative effects that eurocentric research has had on the masses of african american people and the overwhelming impact that it has had on public policy recommendations and government funding initiatives for improving african american communities. many scholars in the field of african american studies maintain that methodology is culturally specific; thus discrediting the myth of universalism advanced by eurocentricism. accordingly, the primary framework of analysis for this research is afrocentricity as articulated by molefi kete asante. african american people will be the primary focus of this research and african culture will be the force guiding its methodological approach. culture is defined as ―a general design for living and patterns for interpreting reality‖ (nobels, ; p. ). asante argues, ―the afrocentric enterprise is framed by cosmological, epistemological, axiological, and aesthetic issues‖ (asante, ; p. ). in this regard, the afrocentric method pursues a world voice distinctly african centered in relationship to external phenomena. gammage according to asante ―afrocentricity is a philosophical perspective associated with the discovery, location, and actualizing of african agency within the context of history and culture‖ (asante, ; p. ). in response to recent historical events such as the european slave trade, colonization, and world white supremacy, african people‘s historical and cultural space has been systematically interrupted. afrocentricity is an academic, social, and psychological theoretical framework that seeks to revitalize an african centered reality. mazama states, ―…. what defines afrocentricity is the crucial role attributed to the african social and cultural experience as [a] ultimate reference‖ (mazama, ; p. ). afrocentricity contends that the centralization of african social and cultural phenomenon is essential for providing a relevant historical and cultural context for investigating african people. the afrocentric paradigm is divided into three essential aspects: ) the affective, cognitive, and conative aspect; ) the structural aspect; and ) the functional aspect. ama mazama identifies three dimensions that make up the affective, cognitive, and conative aspect of the afrocentric paradigm: ) metaphysical; ) sociological; and ) exemplars. the metaphysical aspect acts as the organizing principle. afrocentricity‘s organizing principle is ―…the centrality of africa for african people‖ (mazama, ; p. ). for the theory of afrocentricity, africa represents not only a geographical location, but more importantly, a historical and cultural space for african people throughout the world. historically, kemet (egypt) serves as the origin of african civilization, values and ideas. culturally, the theory pulls from the works of diop, karenga, and various african centered psychologists to identify the essence of shared african cultural gammage characteristics. karenga acknowledges seven core cultural characteristics: ) the centrality of the community; ) respect for tradition; ) a high level spirituality and ethical concern; ) harmony with nature; ) the sociality of selfhood; ) veneration of ancestors; and ) the unity of being (mazama, ; p. ). afrocentricity espouses the cosmological, aesthetical, axiological and epistemological components of african culture to collect and analyze data regarding african phenomena. afrocentricity‘s metaphysical aspect also provides the underlying assumptions of its organizing principles. a pan african perspective, which means that the theory is applicable to a common african experience the world over, guides the theory. a pan african perspective identifies all people of african descent as african; thus making them inhabitants of a shared african historical experience. as stated above, afrocentricity also stresses that people of african descent share a common cultural matrix. the theory makes it clear that africans may exhibit different physical manifestations (myths, motifs, rituals, etc.) but maintain a similar deep structural matrix. the organizing principle also has a deep commitment to african agency and consciousness of victory. the metaphysical dimension draws from four fundamental philosophical branches of african thought. asante recognizes the impact and significance of marcus garvey‘s philosophy, the negritude movement, kawaida theory, and cheikh anta diop‘s historiography. while these are acknowledged as foundational blocks for afrocentricity, the theory diverges with garvey, the negritude movement, and diop‘s historiography due to its commitment and reliance on indigenous african culture. as mentioned before, afrocentricity is organized around the concept of cultural reclamation/restoration. both gammage kawaida and afrocentricity seek to utilize the african cultural matrix as a means to liberate african people from spiritual, psychological, and intellectual subjugation. however, afrocentricity diverges from kawaida in its conceptualization of african culture. kawaida, in essence, argues that african culture is in a developmental stage while afrocentricity argues that indigenous african culture exists and is manifested in ancient africa and in the present day african diaspora. the kawaida theory also draws heavily on and centralizes the african american experience at the expense of a collective african world experience of subjugation. the sociological dimension of the afrocentric paradigm refers to the institutionalization of an intellectual framework that is guided by a particular set of metaphysical principles, methodology approaches, and set of theories (mazama, ; p. ). the conceptualization of the afrocentric paradigm finds its origins within the context of african american studies and the black power movement. a representation of the sociological dimension of afrocentricity is the field of africology, which is the afrocentric study of african phenomena, events, ideals and personalities (asante, ). the underlying principles of afrocentricity‘s sociological dimension guides its methodological approach to inquiry. the chief principle is that the african experience must direct all inquiry. this principle centralizes the dynamics of african phenomena when conducting and analyzing data. in researching african phenomena, the afrocentric paradigm asserts that accurate conclusions are made when the correct questions are asked. the afrocentric methodological approach also contends that african phenomena could only be accurately understood when the spiritual realm is represented and gammage accounted for in any analysis. the investigator must immerse her/him self in the area of study and apply a holistic approach. consistent with indigenous african culture, afrocentricity affirms that not all variables are quantifiable or measurable. lastly, the sociological dimension seeks to guide scholars to offer knowledge that is libratory in nature for people of african descent. the sociological aspect of the afrocentric paradigm also facilitates its conceptual apparatus which are the concepts employed by afrocentric scholars (mazama, ; p. ). modupe refers to the afrocentric conceptual apparatus as the afrocentric framework (formal academic framework). he identifies three components that make up the afrocentric framework: ) grounding; ) orientation; and ) perspective. the theory of afrocentricity stresses that afrocentric scholarship be grounded in that it seeks ―the acquisition of knowledge and experience centered in the history and culture of people of african descent‖ (modupe in mazama, : p. - ). the afrocentric orientation is to ―have and pursue intellectual interest in africa and the formation of a psychological identity direction, based upon the interest, in the direction toward africa‖ (modupe in mazama, ; p. ). the afrocentric perspective is a ―self conscious way of seeing and shaping the world which reflects the best interest of africans (modupe in mazama, ; p. ). modupe expands further on the sociological dimension of the afrocentric paradigm in his discussion of theoretical constructs. he explores three important afrocentric concepts: ) agency; ) centeredness; and ) situatedness. agency, which is vital for afrocentric thought and praxis, ―argues for and employs the philosophical gammage ‗should‘ of africans being subjects of history and culture, an efficacious habit of being in which the african acquires the ‗desire‘ and ‗capability‘ of recognizing and effecting african subjectivity‖ (madupe in mazama, ; p. ). modupe defines centeredness as the philosophical ‗should‘ of africans having knowledge and understanding of their historical origins and cultural development which provides connectedness to and the necessary reverence for the ancestors and thus an efficacious perception of self in culture. (madupe in mazama, ; p. ) afrocentric situatedness stresses that africans acquire and/or create an effective intellectual and psychic space, a ―place to stand,‖ for an anchored and proactive stance from which to form the ―proper attitude‖ toward african phenomena in general and data in particular‖ (madupe in mazama, ; p. ). the third and final dimension of the afrocentric paradigm described by madupe is the exemplars dimension. the exemplars dimension confirms afrocentricity‘s necessity, validity, and efficacy. the exemplars are the volumes of works produced by afrocentric scholars that serve as a guideline for others seeking to investigate african phenomena. these works take the form of dissertations, scholarly publications, books, programs, etc. the structural aspect of the afrocentric paradigm consists of the various intuitional spaces that make afrocentric research a reality. these institutional spaces are where ―a community of practitioners‖ utilizes and advances the principles of the afrocentric paradigm (madupe in mazama, ). these spaces are, but are not limited to, the first ph.d. program in african american studies at temple university, the diop gammage conference, the journal of black studies, and the graduate students conference annually held at temple university. the functional aspect of the afrocentric paradigm is reflected in the transcendence of research geared toward africa, african people, ideas, and behaviors. mazama borrows from asante to argue that the functional dimension of the afrocentric paradigm can be detected in at least three areas: ) the exhibition of cultural phenomena, such as music and dance clearly informed by afrocentric consciousness; ) the emergence of a new political discourse and praxis; and ) the building of institutions, such as schools and spiritual centers in africa and in the diaspora. the seven africological fields are communicative, social, historical, cultural, political, economic, and psychology (asante, ; p. , mazama, ; p. , mcdougal, ). this research primarily focuses on the fields of economics and history. the research is afrocentric in that it centralizes african american people‘s historical experience and cultural characteristics in formulating recommendations for african american economic empowerment in philadelphia. thus, the theoretical lens through which this research will be conducted and analyzed is afrocentricity. afrocentricity‘s importance for this research is its continuous spiritual, psychological and intellectual thrust towards cultural reclamation (asante, ; madupe in mazama, ). its functional objective is to achieve a communal cognitive will of psychological and cultural liberation for people of african descent (mazama, ) afrocentricity is also essential for this research due to its concentration on african culture and its emphasis on historical origins as an important dynamic in understanding gammage african phenomena. asante asserts, ―…adequate understanding of african phenomena cannot occur without a reference point in the classic and most documented african culture‖ (asante, ; p. ). this research seeks to advance the afrocentric intellectual project by centralizing the economic plight of african american people in philadelphia and provide solutions that are consistent with their historical and cultural context. furthermore, it attempts to seek out initiatives that reflect the ontology, cosmology, axiology, and aesthetics of the african american community in philadelphia. (mazama, ; p. ) it seeks to accomplish three initiatives consistent with the afrocentric paradigm: african american agency, victorious consciousness (conceptual and structural economic solidity), and cultural centeredness as related to economics. as mentioned above, asante identifies four major fundamental blocks of afrocentricity, which are garvey‘s philosophy, the negritude movement, kawaida, and diop‘s historiography. garvey‘s philosophy conceptually outlines african american agency that is dependent on two ideas: a conception of power as a divine attribute, and a deep commitment to the ancestors. (mazama, ; p ) african american agency is central to this research in that african americans are the agents of change and harnesses the power and the ancestral support to address their economic plight. the relationship between culture and economics has recently become central in the discussion of wealth accumulation. the work of baumol ( ) cole, mailath, and postlewaite, ( ) benabou ( ) and chaim fershtman and yoram weiss ( ) all conclude that culture influences variables that effect wealth accumulation such as employment opportunities, educational opportunities, and marital patterns. furthermore, gammage the essential values and principles of capitalist corporate america are dominated by european cultural characteristics. cheikh anta diop as well as black psychologists such as wade nobles, kobi kambon, daudi ajani ya azibo, naim akbar, d. philip mcgee, linda james myers, and others has done extensive empirical research on worldview and cultural differences between european and african people. fershtman and weiss take into account cultural differences and their impact on wealth accumulation when stating cultural differences among societies may translate into different status of occupations and can, therefore, affect the choice of education and occupation and, consequently, the equilibrium level of output and wages. conversely, the economic choices of individuals influence the social status of occupations. (fershtman, ) the late great thinkers jacob carruthers and paul robeson accurately chart the direction of future scholarship when charging african intellectuals with the task of equipping themselves to engage in intellectual warfare. the use of inappropriate methodological approaches in studying african phenomena has led to ineffective economic programs, the physical displacement of african american communities by way of urban renewal in african american communities, and a cut in government spending in urban communities that are predominately african american. historically, intellectual warfare has been waged primarily around the issues of structural inequality, intellectual integrity and cultural hegemony within the academy. the theory of afrocentricity as a methodological approach affords the researcher the autonomy to appropriately investigate african american people‘s complex economic history in philadelphia. more importantly, afrocentricity stresses the use of african cultural characteristics as a reference point for recommendations for economic development. gammage this research will be geared toward victorious consciousness in that african americans are not seen as permanent victims, but agents of change. the concept of consciousness is drawn from asante‘s articulation of the afrocentric consciousness matrix. modupe discusses the notions of consciousness for psychic liberation and consciousness for cultural reclamation. (mazama, ; p. ) this concept is also consistent to asante‘s articulation of the afrocentric idea when stating, ―afrocentricity proposes a cultural reconstruction that incorporates the african perspective as a part of an entire human transformation. (asante, ; p. ) the component of victorious consciousness seeks to also debunk the notion that structural white supremacy is a natural part of the human order. the component of cultural centeredness seeks to influence recommended programs and initiatives to assure that they are culturally congruent with african americans. as stated above, culture and cultural reconstruction are central to the theory of afrocentricity; thus it is this study‘s aim to seek culturally appropriate recommendations. secondary framework of analysis a secondary component of this study will focus on the disproportionate distribution of wealth as related to the african american community. the theory of intergenerational transmission, articulated in the work of francine blau and john graham and ngina chiteji and frank stafford, will be used to provide a historical context for wealth differences. intergenerational transfer will also be used to help determine the impact of bequeaths, low interest loans, critical financial information, and exposure to gammage financial transactions on wealth portfolios. blau and graham proposed that intergenerational transmission of wealth accounts for more than three fourths of the wealth gap. (blau and grahm, ) utilizing the theory of intergenerational transmission will aid in investigated structural barriers that have historically contributed to the growth of the wealth gap. in addition to assisting with a structural analysis, the theory helps with evaluating the impact of the transfer of financial knowledge and exposure to wealth. while the theory of intergenerational transmission alludes to the importance of parental wealth, it does not consider culture and the implication of culture and economics. however, its emphasis on historical context in investigating the causes of wealth differences is fitting for african american economic development. intergenerational transmission addresses the most vital aspect of investigating wealth disparity—history. the theory is historically based in that it attempts to follow the flow of wealth through observing the accumulation of wealth across generations. the literature dealing with african american economic development has consistently pointed toward racial discrimination as a means of causing the wealth gap. finally, the theory of intergenerational transfer will allow this researcher to explore and contextualize the current disproportionate distribution of wealth. procedures this study will observe external and internal factors that contribute to the economic plight of african americans in philadelphia. external factors refer to programs developed at the federal, state, and local levels designed to enhance african american people‘s ability to accumulate wealth. in addition, these factors also include gammage business and/or organizations in the private sector that operate in african american communities in philadelphia and provide employment. external factors also include ideologies that influence investment patterns, spending habits, and community involvement as it relates to the improvement of african american economic well-being. internal factors refer to behavioral patterns adapted by african americans that affect their ability to accumulate wealth. further, internal factor also refers to the adoption of ideologies and philosophies that are beneficial or detrimental to the economic well being of african american community in philadelphia. these internal factors may be in response to the exposure to certain external factors or stimuli. external and internal factors will be identified by the literature and various empirical studies. this research seeks to evaluate african american economic conditions in philadelphia, identify the factors that plague african american economic stability, and prescribe recommendations that effectively address economic empowerment. the primary methods utilized to carryout this research is afrocentric historiography, questionnaire, and interviews. the historiographical section of the research will investigate the historical progression of african american economic development in philadelphia. the historiographical analysis will be divided into two major sections: ) the first historical section explores the significant shifts in african american economic development in philadelphia during – . this sets a historical context for the african americans‘ economic conditions and seeks to investigate african american activism in philadelphia moving into the civil rights gammage movement. furthermore, it provides evidence that the civil rights era extends beyond – . ) the second historical section investigates african american modes of resistance to economics barriers during - . more important, this historical analysis examines the implementation of models for african american economic development. this section seeks to provide recommendations to explain why the national wealth gap grew after the s. also, this timeframe allows the researcher to evaluate the effects of civil rights legislation and the ―war on poverty‖ on african american economic development. both aspects of the afrocentric historiographical section will investigate the government, private sectors, and the african american community‘s response to historical factors that helped in shaping african american economic development. i will use primary documents such as books, manuscripts, articles, government documents, and other relevant materials to obtain information. to supplement primary sources i will conduct interviews with activists of the civil rights era. interviews will also be conducted with relevant figures in the intellectual community that have a knowledge base of african american economic development in philadelphia during - . interviews will also be conducted with selected black business owners to gauge their involvement with african american economic development. interviews with black business owners will seek to assess the impact of urban renewal on the expansion of the black business sector. moreover, these gammage interviews will gain black business owner‘s perspective on necessary aspects of improvement for the larger african american community in philadelphia. the third section of this research will present an afrocentric analysis of pertinent literature that seeks to address african american economic development in philadelphia during - . with the use of governmental documents, local statistical data, and literature proposing economic initiatives for african americans in philadelphia, this research will document and evaluate program of african american economic development during – . the fourth section of this research engages the current economic status via questionnaires administered to members of the african american community in philadelphia. data collected will seek to identify the current spending patterns of african americans in philadelphia. further, the questionnaire surveys african americans‘ knowledge of available economic resources and gauge their commitment to cooperative spending. the questionnaire will also assess the availability and quality of black owned business from a black consumer perspective. the final section prescribes afrocentric recommendations for economic empowerment for the african american community in philadelphia. the initiatives will be guided by the historical overview discussed above, the statistical data gathered from the studies observed, and data collected by questionnaires. in addition, these initiatives will be four pronged in that they will present: ) family center recommendations; ) local recommendations; ) national recommendations; and ) international recommendations. the primary initiative is to address economic empowerment in philadelphia, but to also gammage aid the global movement for african economic liberation. in accordance with afrocentricity, these recommendations seek to address a collective communal approach to economic empowerment. gammage chapter african american economic development and the inadequacy of liberalism introduction at the close of the th century, the american industrial revolution ( – ) signified not only a shift in the united states‘ economic focus, but also indicated a redistribution of political power and a repositioning of the nation‘s economic center. the defeat of the confederate forces in cemented this economic shift under the guise of liberalism and solidified the rise of liberal politics. the move toward industrialization helped expand america‘s economic infrastructure as well as weakened the stronghold that southern agricultural industry had on the country‘s economy. the industrialization process helped to revitalize local economies in many of the northern and western cities, transforming them into outposts for mass production. as a result, increased employment opportunities in cities such as philadelphia, pennsylvania attracted millions of african americans at the turn of the th century. the expansion of the manufacturing industry, coupled with wartime employment opportunities and the decline in cotton production in many southern states, influenced a consistent flow of african americans to philadelphia seeking employment between the fundamental principle of liberalism is the prioritization of individual citizens‘ liberties, equal rights and the restriction of government interference in economic affairs. this research leans on lizabeth cohen and james wolfinger‘s articulation of liberalism in that it is a ―political orientation that deploys the power of the state to improve the lives of working people through legislation and programs that protect their homes and jobs. a liberal or democratic coalition, then, is an alliance of ordinary people who seek to implement the vision. gammage and . the failure of philadelphia‘s political leadership to adequately address the needs of african americans heightened the issue of african american economic development and lent support for the growing liberal constituency. the transformation of philadelphia‘s racial demography, due to the presence of the african americans and their need for financial security, eventually became the impetus for the rise of local liberalism and the liberal reformist movement ( – ) in philadelphia. the liberal reformist movement and their commitment to liberalism, forced the central issues surrounding african americans economic development to the forefront of the liberal political platform and the local political discourse. the body of literature written on african american economic development as it relates to liberalism and the civil rights movement has primarily focused on antidiscrimination legislation (public policy), integration (socially, politically, and economically) and the role of liberals contributing to protest and financial assistance. to move the discussion further, this chapter investigates the implementation of local liberalism in philadelphia and the approaches taken by liberal politicians to address discrimination in employment practices, segregated work forces, and the inability of liberal politicians to secure equal opportunities for the african american community in philadelphia. african american economic development is the movement of african americans fighting to secure their collective economic opportunities for financial stability. lrm is the collaborative of liberals to restore democracy and transform philadelphia‘s local municipal government to a system committed to liberalism. a political philosophy that advocates for the freedom of individuals rights and acceptance of new and diverse alternatives for political and economic reform. gammage this chapter explores three central variables that contributed to the movement for african american economic development. these variables include: ) the evolution of the reformist movement and the efficiency of african american organizations and other civic groups to move the issue of racial restriction in employment into the political discourse; ) the racial transformation of philadelphia and the resulting political and social impact; and ) the historical ―bad faith‖ of the republican party in regards to civil rights. the chapter begins by examining early reformist movement launched in philadelphia. this section discusses the scope of the early reformist movement and its relation to african american economic development in philadelphia. the next section investigates the impact of the ―great migration‖ on philadelphia. this section gives a thorough analysis of the rapid increase of philadelphia‘s african american population and the physical and political impact of this phenomenon. the final section of the chapter evaluates the revitalization of the liberal reformist movement (lrm) in philadelphia during the s and s. this section analyzes the approach taken by reformists to address racial discrimination and a failing democracy. in addition, this section identifies the strengths and weaknesses of the reformist approach. early reformist movement in philadelphia the seventy years that preceded the lrm of the s created a political climate that influenced several political transformations at the local level in philadelphia. the mass exodus of african americans from southern states to the north and west states between and . a liberalist committed to the transformation (politically, socially, and economically) of institutions to reflect liberal democracy. gammage philadelphia, one of the nation‘s original colonies, has a lengthy political history that was instrumental in the way african american economic development was handled politically. the english tradition, as well as the quaker‘s society of friends, has historically influenced pennsylvania‘s political tradition (petshek, ). likewise, philadelphia has had a tradition of conservative leadership dating back before the era of the revolutionary war. from the s until the mid- s, the quakers dominated philadelphia‘s political leadership. from the middle of the eighteenth century until the early s, political leadership remained within a small community consisting of the city‘s wealthy families. kirk r. petshek argues, ―… an american democratic community dominated by an aristocracy of relatively few ‗well-born‘… exercise a power far in excess of their numbers.‖ according to dixon wecter, philadelphia‘s political leadership during this period was ―…[a] group of families with a common background and racial origin… fortifies itself …by friendship and intermarriage‖ (petshek, ; wecter, ). the change in political leadership from the society of friends to the city‘s wealthy families deterred the city‘s long tradition of civic service to a system that prioritized revitalizing the city‘s economic sector. the wealthy class of philadelphia marginalized the issue of social inequality, in terms of public policy, but applied a method of charity to address the issue of poverty and structural injustice. like the quakers, the wealthy elite employed a system of charity opposed to political and social a political philosophy that supports the preservation of traditional government and rejects reform. united states‘ conservatism has traditionally sought to preserve the political and economic status of its wealthy white constituency. gammage reform. however, unlike the wealthy elite, quakers established a long history of assisting enslaved african americans during the s. the society of friends played a central role in the underground railroad and the implementation of public policy opposing the system of enslavement in the united states. prominent individuals from the quakers community in pennsylvania helped to make the state one of the first anti- enslavement states in the early s. however, despite the quakers‘ approach to civic service, philadelphia‘s wealthy elite was successful at shifting the political paradigm to fulfilling a conservative agenda. due to a decline in philadelphia‘s economic production during the s, the wealthy elite seized control of leadership positions with the intent of shifting the local political philosophy and revitalizing the city‘s economy. this strategic move in the mid- s was largely influenced by philadelphia‘s declining economic activity and the rise of new york as the economic capital of the nation. in , the bank of the united states moved to new york, thus repositioning new york as the center of the growing american economy. previously philadelphia was the home to the first and second banks of the united states. the transformation of philadelphia‘s local political philosophy during the mid- s, assisted in the rejuvenation of the city‘s economy. with the rise of industrialization and philadelphia‘s political leadership focus on economic revitalization, philadelphia became the prime location for the new industrialized economy of america during the mid to late s. petshek argues, ―…philadelphia‘s development was more directly affected by its economic activities. a prominent port had made it a mercantile center, which served a rich hinterland in pennsylvania and southern gammage new jersey‖ (petshek, ; wecter, ). after the move of the bank of the united states to new york, the ―old philadelphia families‖ that established their wealth during the height of the philadelphia‘s thriving economic production, began to immerse themselves into politics, shifting the city‘s political focus on solidifying their dominance economically and politically. the ―old philadelphia families‖ maintained control of political leadership for more than a hundred years. between the periods of and the mid- s, philadelphia‘s political structure went through several transformations. toward the end of the nineteenth century, there were a number of attempts to organize a reformist movement and ―restore integrity to city hall‖ (petshek, ; p. ). in the s, a left wing liberal movement was cultivated to address the political and economic corruptions that had infested philadelphia politics. according to philip s. benjamin, philadelphia‘s municipal government ―ran the city in the interest of the republican party and its financial backers…[the] republican party, was corrupt in philadelphia; it therefore could not serve as a vehicle for reform‖ (benjamin, ). philadelphia developed a reputation for ―election frauds, graft, and political jobbery‖ (benjamin, ). during this era, the ―citizens' municipal reform‖ was formed which lead to the formation of ―the reform club in ‖ (benjamin, ). of the liberal reformist movements during the reconstruction era, the mugwump movement gained the most political traction of the liberal reformist of this era. the mugwump movement consisted of left wing liberals and quakers devoted to transforming philadelphia‘s local politics to a system that serves the majority of its voting constituents. the most productive organization developed out of the mugwump movement was the gammage ―committee of one hundred‖ which was successful in electing mayor samuel king in . the significant of this movement is its ability to elect a reformist during a period when republicans were majority. further, the committee of one hundred consisted mostly of members of the society of friends that accounted for less than percent of the total population of philadelphia. for quakers, who traditionally absolved themselves from participating in politics since the early s, the committee of one hundred was perceived as a means to actively participate in local politics and aid in restoring the ―civil service‖ tradition (benjamin, ). the movement was successful in forming various ―watch-dog‖ groups to monitor elections, and to resolve the ―gas ring scandal.‖ unfortunately, the organizations that came out of the mugwump movement were short lived. in , william b. smith, a conservative concerned with meeting the needs of the business community and wealthy families of philadelphia, was elected as mayor and the mugwump committees were immediately disbanded. although the mugwump movement did not have a long-lasting impact on philadelphia‘s political machine, it marked the beginning of an era of liberal reform. the first notable reformist movement that followed the mugwump movement was the middle and upper class revolt that came out of the progressive movement. between and , middle and upper class businessmen waged a ―status protest… against corporations and corrupt politicians…‖ (petshek, ; p. ). unlike the mugwump, this protest was the ―gas ring scandal‖ was a scandal that involved the use of philadelphia‘s gas trust, under the direction james mcmanes to develop political and corporate alliances. mcmanes controlled thousands of jobs and dictated contract bids, which gave him the power to ―systematically mulct the city of funds while the utility he directed provided the poorest service‖ gammage centered on the status and prestige of wealthy families. while this movement was largely unsuccessful, it had residual value for the working class and poor in regards to public policy that cut government spending and saved taxpayers millions of dollars. in rudolph blankenburg, a reform mayor, followed the traditions of the mugwump movements characterizing his administration as one committed to the ―principles of good government and civil service‖ (petshek, ; p. , benjamin, ). furthermore, blankenburg was successful in organizing the new transportation department that sought to expand public transportation in the city. like the mugwump movement, this movement was short lived, as blankenburg was a one-term mayor. the republican machine was able to defuse many of the accomplishments made by blankenburg‘s administration and his liberal supporters. although the wealthy were few in number, they were successful in exercising their power as bosses. a supporting constituency of the republican party in the philadelphia was the newly arriving european emigrants in the early s. according to petshek ―the political machine that persistently blocked any emerging reform spirit in philadelphia‘s city government was further strengthened by the ever increasing number of emigrants mostly from ireland, italy, and poland who debarked at philadelphia‘s port‖ (petshek, ; p. ). the support of european emigrants, through electoral politics, solidified republican dominance of philadelphia political leadership and as well as public policy. european emigrants and the wealthy class developed an oppressive relationship that gammage ultimately solidified the wealthy class‘ economic and political power in the city and the emigrants‘ space in the labor force. despite the influence of the society of friends and other prominent liberal politicians, the numerous attempts to transform philadelphia‘s local government into an institution committed to civil service were unsuccessful between and . however, while these movements failed, they lent insight for social movements that followed. most notably, it illustrates ) philadelphia‘s long political tradition of disregarding the responsibility of civil service and civil rights, ) the change in the social and political climate of philadelphia due to the influx of african americans and european emigrants, and ) the rise of liberalism as a political philosophy in philadelphia. the section that follows discusses the influx in philadelphia‘s african american population at the turn of the century. this increase was pivotal in the rise of local liberalism and the lrm during the . the great migration and philadelphia in the middle of the twentieth century, the african american presence in philadelphia was an essential factor that helped disrupt the common practice of systematized racism and fueled the lrm and the civil rights movement. african americans were the driving force that made economic development a primary issue that provoked protest by local organizations, selective municipal agencies, and prominent individuals. likewise, the racial transformation of philadelphia greatly influenced the nature of the local reform movement. the massive increase of philadelphia‘s african gammage american population was motivated by a number of social, political and economic variables. however, data collected in a survey conducted in by charles s. johnson, argues that people of african decent relocating to philadelphia were largely motivated by perceived availability of employment opportunities (miller, ). thus, in order to understand liberalism and the movement for african american economic development in philadelphia, we must explore the change in philadelphia‘s racial demography in the early s. to accurately position philadelphia‘s african american community and the issue of economic development, i will begin by discussing the dynamics that contributed to this drastic transformation of philadelphia‘s racial demographic. up until the s, pennsylvania had a relatively small african american population when compared with other states. yet, at the conclusion of world war i (wwi) and world war ii (wwii) the racial demography of philadelphia was drastically altered; thus shifting philadelphia‘s voting base and transforming philadelphia political landscape. between and , large industrial cities like philadelphia saw a major influx of african americans from the south seeking employment. this period is commonly referred to as the ―great migration‖. johnson‘s research conducted in philadelphia in included over recently arrived african american families. the findings give us insight into the ambitions and living conditions of african americans in the mid- s. the majority of gammage the new population came from the rural south such as georgia and south carolina (miller, ). historians generally attribute the great migration to two central factors: ) disparaging and work conditions of southern plantations and the prevalence of racism coupled with the decline of the agricultural cotton economy of the south; and ) increased employment opportunities in industrial cities. great migration historians apply the push-pull theory to explain the mass move of african americans. this framework suggests that social restrictions, low wages, cruel work conditions on plantations, and the decline in production of cotton pushed large numbers of african american people out of the cotton belt states. conversely, the theory suggests that higher wages, thriving industrial economies, better schools, and employment opportunities pulled african americans to northern industrial cities. these factors have been proven to be active according to the census roughly percent of the nation‘s african american population lived in rural areas and percent stilled resided in the south. for more readings of african american migration refer to fredric miller the black migration to philadelphia a profile, allen and farley the shifting social and economic tides of black america, – , robert higgs the boll weevil, the cotton economy, and black migration – . the impact of the boll weevil beetle on the southern agricultural economy is well documented. also the erosion of the soil crippled the crop industry. wwi and wwii opened temporary employment opportunities for african americans in large industrial cites in the north. for factors contributing to the ―great migration‖ refer to du bois black philadelphia (pg ), charles s. johnson survey, fredric miller the black migration to philadelphia a profile, and higgs the boll weevil, the cotton economy, and black migration. the boll weevil epidemic devastated cotton production in southern states across the nation and made african americans‘ opportunity for economic advancement nearly impossible. gammage variables in the mass move, and this is evident by johnson‘s findings, which show that african americans in philadelphia were influenced primarily by economic factors. table . provides an illustration of the survey responses of individuals in regarding their decision to relocate to philadelphia (miller, ). this data supports the notion that the african americans settling in philadelphia during this time were motivated by the opportunity for economic advancement. despite the wide use of the ―push-pull‖ theory, this research argues that social dynamics of the south were secondary factors for explaining the great migration. the work of johnson and higgs attempts to debunk the push-pull notion empirically and theoretically. higgs argues that african americans‘ dissatisfaction with the social conditions of the south was of minor concern and this is evident by their unwillingness to relocate earlier. while higgs suggests that social factors were insignificant, this author argues that social factors were central and they were best reflected by the restriction of political and employment opportunities in the south. as the production of southern cash crops decrease, restrictions for african american employment opportunities became more and more evident. between the years of and , the steady flow of african american southerners moving to northern and mid-western cities is trivial in comparison to the decades that followed. it is worth noting that the decline in european emigrants also was a factor in african americans perceiving the north as being a place of opportunity. historically, european emigrants have been competitors with blacks for employment. also, restrictions on foreign immigration during world war i and world war ii created more opportunities for african americans. gammage between and , seven percent ( , ) of the african americans population living in the south relocated to northern and mid-western states. table . migration: motivation and process reasons for migrating family came reasons for migrating together? head‘s occup. in the south boll weevil ―took a notion‖ lack of work contact s in phil. more money social conditions yes no farmer owner ( ) tenant farmer ( ) farm laborer ( ) unskilled worker ( ) domestic ( ) services ( ) skilled worker ( ) business owner ( ) total ( ) statistics and table provided by miller’s “the black migration to philadelphia a profile” during the s, ten percent ( , ) of the remaining african american southern population relocated (miller, ). between september and september , the united states department of labor, division of negro economics states that over , black southerners relocated to northern and mid-west states (kennedy, ; p. ). by , more than two million african americans were residing in northern and mid-west cities dropping the percentage of african americans living in the south from percent in to . percent in (miller, ) gammage the great migration not only increased the african american population in philadelphia tremendously, it transformed philadelphia‘s african american community. according to the census bureau, in philadelphia‘s african american population was , ( . percent of the population). by , african americans accounted for nearly . percent of the total population ( , ). according to miller, in only percent of the african american population in philadelphia was pennsylvania-born. african americans were attracted to philadelphia‘s manufacturing industries as well as the defense industries that increased production due to wwi and wwii. companies such as pennsylvania and reading railroads, united gas, baldwin locomotive, philadelphia rapid transit, midvale steel, cramps shipyard, wastinghouse, atlantic- refining, and lukens steel were industrial companies located in or near philadelphia that employed african americans at low-level positions. however, the african american migrants created a new economic dynamic due in part to the overwhelming majority of african americans relocating to philadelphia being unskilled workers. of the respondents, of these respondents were tenant farmers but only of them became skilled workers in philadelphia and became unskilled laborers. u.s. census of population and housing, : summary population and housing characteristics: philadelphia. washington: government printing office, .. ibid ibid. u.s. census of population and housing, : summary population and housing characteristics: philadelphia. washington: government printing office, . gammage prior to the great migration, philadelphia had the nation‘s second largest african american population. in the century preceding the great migration, african americans in philadelphia had success in industries such as catering, real estate, domestic service, and the restaurant industry (saunders, ). prominent african american entrepreneurs formed successful businesses in the catering industry that would ultimately lead to african americans dominating catering for more than a century in philadelphia. despite the successful african american businessmen that flourished in philadelphia, philadelphia, like most american cities with large african american populations, formed impoverished communities that resided in the city‘s ghettos. w.e.b du bois, the late social scientist, contends that slum areas were heavily populated by african americans (du bois, ). according to du bois, slums where african american resided were the worst neighborhoods in philadelphia. the bulk of the slums occupied by african americans were both north and south of south street and locus street. according to du bois, over half of philadelphia‘s african american population resided in the city‘s th , th , th and th wards (du bois, ). the illustration below shows a map of the philadelphia in and the population breakdown of african americans in the city. this illustration shows that the philadelphia‘s black community was highly concentrated before the great migration, which would later be a direct source of tension as it relates to the reform movement of the late s through the s. the african american population in philadelphia was highly concentrated in the area now known as center city/the historic district and on the south border of old city. the great migration ibid gammage increased the number of african american inhabitants in the central wards mentioned above. however, johnson‘s survey illustrates that the newly arrived african american population not only changed the economic status of black philadelphia, they also expanded the physical location of the black community. we see a drastic shift in the sections of the city in which african americans are concentrated as du bois points out in his epic sociological study, the philadelphia negro in . unlike late s and early s, black philadelphia in the ‘s begun to see large numbers of african americans began to settle in the western part of the city. according to the census, over percent of philadelphia‘s african american population was concentrated in the th ward ( , ); th ward ( , ); th ward ( , ); th ward ( , ); nd ward ( , ); th ward ( , ); th ward ( , ); and th ward ( , ). in the late s we will see the african american population pushed out of the center city area due to the reform movement ―slum clearance program.‖ also, in , the african american population of philadelphia increased to nearly percent of the total population. the increase in numbers created space for the shift to liberal politics that would alter city hall and begin to transform public policy in the late s. in the -year span between and , the african american population in philadelphia only increased to , but would spike in to , , an increase of , from . . u.s. census of population and housing, : summary population and housing characteristics: philadelphia. washington: government printing office, . u.s. census of population and housing, : summary population and housing characteristics: philadelphia. washington: government printing office, . gammage the african american population would continue to increase through the s. the shift in philadelphia‘s political tradition reflects the influx of african americans and their unique social challenges. the common practice of racial discriminatory employment practices and the increase in african americans from the south made the issue of fair employment a central issue for the african american community and the reformist movement. while some historians may attribute philadelphia‘s political shift toward liberalism to the european emigrants that migrated to northern parts of the country, we must keep in mind that the influx of european emigrants slowed down tremendously during the great migration. in fact, the great migration was partly motivated by the decreased numbers of europeans emigrants coming to the united states. race relations among african americans and european emigrants have historically been a relationship grounded in racial tensions. thus it was the great migration that set the stage for a political and social movement that took place in philadelphia in the s, s, and s. liberal politics of the early s reflected not only a shift in philadelphia‘s political tradition, but issues that directly surrounded the african american population in philadelphia. african americans have historically voted disproportionately for liberal leadership within the american political construct. this is in large part due to the lack of more radical alternatives as it relates to american politics. the split in the white vote in philadelphia made the african american population key in electoral politics of the s and s. african americans‘ voting power converted the black community into a political entity. moreover, the rash demonstrations of civil disobedience also proved to gammage figure . african american population map figure . . distribution of african american population in philadelphia during . this map illustrates the concentration of the africans americans community in three primary areas of the city. map provided by the philadelphia city planning commission. © city of philadelphia. all rights reserved. gammage influence the enforcement of public policy in philadelphia. the new demographics of philadelphia coupled with ―new deal‖ politics proposed by franklin d. roosevelt helped to carve a new space for liberal politics in a highly conservative city. collectively, the great migration, discriminatory employment practices, displacement of african american communities (due to the urban renewal project), segregated housing, the relocation of manufacturing factories to newly formed all white suburban areas and redlining by lending institutions made economic development a central issue for the african american population in philadelphia that shaped much of the local movement for civil rights. these factors were largely motivated by the growing numbers of african americans and their active engagement with local and state law makers. african americans shifting the political tide the mobilization of african americans in philadelphia during the first and second ―world wars‖ polarized the issues of race, economic deprivation, and the nation‘s hypocritical stance on fascism abroad while sanctioning domestic racial inequality. additionally, increased wartime employment opportunities in philadelphia‘s industrial sector and the failure of ―new deal‖ politics to protect african americans‘ employment and housing rights further heightened the contradiction. socially accepted practice of race exclusion helped to manufacture an african american economic crisis in philadelphia that devastated the overwhelming majority of african american households. philadelphia‘s social movement to resist economic and housing discrimination could best be illustrated by african american abandonment of the republican regime through electoral politics in the presidential election. gammage president franklin roosevelt‘s proposed ―new deal‖ resonated with the african american community‘s charge for economic opportunities and an improvement in housing. philadelphia‘s african american community, overwhelmingly impacted by the great depression, sought to express this through electoral politics. in the presidential election, . percent of philadelphia‘s african american voters changed their political allegiance to democratic, demonstrating their dissatisfaction with the nation‘s republican leadership (countrymen, ). furthermore, the change illustrated the power of the collective african american vote. locally this power was revealed through the rise of elected african american officials. as discussed by countryman, rev. marshall shepard, an african american baptist minister, was elected to the state legislature on a democratic ticket after being rejected by the republican party. african american political activities during the ‘s solidified itself on the national and local level (countrymen, ). during the ‘s, african americans increased its voter‘s registry by nearly percent. during the and presidential elections, roosevelt received percent of african american votes. this shift in african americans‘ electoral political activities aided the rise of local liberalism in philadelphia and transformed the lrm into a viable political movement. african americans‘ commitment to social and economic reform help to generate a base for the lrm in a city that had been dominated by republican leadership for nearly years. the second illustration of african american‘s influence on the political shift is revealed in february of when the philadelphia tribune, the city‘s premier black newspaper, and the national negro congress (nnc), a rising socialist organization gammage geared toward promoting economic reconstruction through inequality of african americans, launched a campaign to improve african american housing. while the movement focused on housing, it exposes the politicization of african american local activism and the call for federal and local governmental intervention. the campaign was aimed at gaining federal assistance for philadelphia who had yet to receive funding for public housing, which was a main component of the ―new deal‖ machine through the home owners loan corporation (holc), the federal housing act of , and the federal housing authority (fha). philadelphia‘s political leadership, dominated by conservative republicans, rejected the philosophical underpinnings of roosevelt‘s ―new deal‖ politics, thus largely ostracized from federal programs. nonetheless, the tribune sought to paint a descriptive picture of african americans‘ most economically impoverished communities and highlight prominent african american communities to demonstrate the benefit in investing in public housing for african americans. the issue of housing was closely associated with the labor movement in that housing conditions worsened during the ―great depression‖ due to the rapid rise in the african america unemployment rate. in , percent of philadelphia‘s african american population was unemployed and by it had reached as high as percent (countrymen, ). according to james wolfinger, ―[b]etween and , the city auctioned off more than ninety thousand homes‖ (wolfinger, ; p ). thus, desegregated housing coupled with economic hardships forced african americans in concentrated sectors of the city. over populated communities, comprised of mostly older building structures, produced a depiction that implied it was gammage unfit for human life. nnc, an interracial socialist organization, targeted housing as a means of illustrating an unfair ―distribution of the nation‘s resources [amongst] all of its citizens, [with regard to]… class or color‖ (wolfinger, ; p. ). to contextualize the housing condition of many african american families, the tribune reported that the average age of houses occupied by african americans were years old compared to years of age of those occupied by their white counterparts. aging structures coupled with relaxed enforcement of housing standards led to out dated amenities in a significant portion of african american homes. it was found that . percent of african american households resided in a home more than a years old. according to the report, . percent of structures were without restrooms and . percent were without gas or electricity. more alarming, structures were not equipped with heat. while the report deemed that the majority of the structures were occupied by african americans, it was also expressed that the buildings rapidly deteriorated due to aged structures and overpopulation. the tribune’s housing piece tried to appeal to sensibilities of local and federal representatives. in addition to the tribune’s efforts, african americans as well as organizations initiated a letter campaign directed at secretary of the interior, harold ickes, demanding slum clearance in philadelphia. philadelphia‘s african american community overwhelmed ickes and president roosevelt with letters and telegrams depicting the philadelphia tribune, ―local negro housing needs ‗face lifting‖ september , . pg. . ibid ibid ibid gammage harsh elements that a significant number of african americans endured. the collective trust of the tribune, african american citizens, and organizations led to philadelphia‘s public works administration (pwa) being awarded $ million in the summer of to improve slum areas. while the total would not solve the issue of substandard housing, it underlined the power of collective action and marked the momentum of the national movement for african american liberation. in the local context, philadelphia‘s african american community illustrated their value as a political entity federally as well as locally. the issue of poor housing conditions gained national attention in december of , when two housing structures collapsed in south philadelphia. the collapse led to an explosion of media coverage, which warranted an immediate response by political leaders. mayor wilson increased the number of housing inspectors and committed to eliminating hazardous housing. under the leadership of the nnc, the tenants league was formed to aid victims of the collapse and campaign for a viable solution for poor housing. according to wolfinger, nnc established an agenda to petition for federal funding for public housing, enact fair housing legislation, and implement a system that monitors who buys tenement housing and make sure the homes maintain legal living standards. throughout the mid and late s, the nnc played an active role in the fight to improve housing conditions for the african american community. the collective collaboration of african americans paired with the unfortunate tragedy of the collapse that claimed six lives and injured more philadelphia tribune, ―local negro housing needs ‗face lifting‖ september , . pg. . gammage than twenty, help to galvanize the african american thrust for liberation in philadelphia and politicize the social movement for african american economic development. the national thrust for equal opportunity in employment also ignited local organizational efforts to resist discrimination in the labor industries. influenced by abram harris during the s, the national association for the advancement of colored people (naacp) modified its organizational focus and became one the leading advocates for the african american labor movement. the rise of discriminatory practices in employment in philadelphia during the s also made philadelphia a prime location for nnc‘s conference focusing on the issue of african american employment, illustrating the significance of racial restriction in labor and the rise of communism in the african american community as well as among its intellectual leadership. moving into the s, the politicization of the african american thrust for civil rights was heightened in by a. phillips randolph‘s scheduled march on washington and roosevelt‘s enactment of executive order making racial discrimination in the nation‘s defense industry during war illegal. furthermore, roosevelt formed the federal fair employment practices committee (fepc), which during the late s into the s communists developed a large following of unemployed and underemployed african americans. the effects of the ―great depression‖ in addition to the disbanding of organizations like the unia help galvanized african american support. furthermore, organizations such as naacp refused to engage issues of poverty and unemployment. african american intellectual leadership during the s, nationally found united states‘ economic woes and military investment to be contradictory and reflective of its commitment to a system of racial subjections. for further discussion of the rise of communism in the african american community refer to stanford, maxwell c. revolutionary action movement (ram): a case study of and urban revolutionary movement in western capitalist society and mathew countryman, up south. gammage would investigate and report violations of order . philadelphia, one the nation‘s largest defense manufacturing industries, became an incubator for social conflict but also a launch pad for the movement for african american economic development. armed with the federal mandate in addition to becoming a political entity in local politics, african americans became the key factor in shaping the lrm and the public policy that came out of it. the national call to end racial discrimination, which undermined the notion of democracy during a war against fascism, made philadelphia an ideal space for a political shift. although the rise of liberalism across the nation was wide spread, the rapid change in philadelphia‘s local politics at the beginning of the s reflect african american presence and activism. in the section that follows, i discuss the reform movement that was sparked in the s and an analysis of its accomplishments as well as its many failures. the significance of the reform movement of the s, as it relates to african american economic development, was the great impact it had on african american communities. secondly, the reform movement of the s also influenced the black liberation movement of the s and s in philadelphia. liberalism and civic service organizations early reform movements that were organized and led by white liberal reformists succeeded in uprooting the conservative elite but failed tremendously in their intent to change the culture of the city‘s political system and improve the welfare of its citizens. however, in the late s, the face of philadelphia, like many of the large northern gammage metropolitan cities, drastically changed. a new political and social climate was forged by the city‘s new racial make-up. it became evident that the liberal idea of social reform in philadelphia during the s, s and s were distinctly different from african americans‘ desires for social, economic, and political justice. consequently, the conflict between public policy and the application of social justice for african americans altered the political climate in philadelphia and forced african americans to partake in direct action to impart social reform. these distinctions will be discussed in later chapters. nonetheless, a look at the white lrm in philadelphia highlights distinctions between the reform movement and the black liberation struggle. the limitations of liberalism offer us a rubric to measure the gains as well as the inadequacies of the lrm. entering the s, philadelphia‘s political and social landscape reached a pivotal shifting point in which civil rights legislation became the center of discussion at the state and local levels. fair employment dominated the discourse and liberal reformists were the driving force to enact laws prohibiting employment discrimination. as discussed above, the drastic increase in the african american population made the issue of employment discrimination key. the newly arrived voting constituency forced the republican party to alter their traditionally conservative agenda. between and , the republican party endorsed the enactment of a fair employment practice (fep) bill in their political platform. the deviation from previous platforms illustrates the it is significant to acknowledge the republican party‘s platform because they controlled the general assembly, the house, and the senate during this period. these are the political bodies that legislation would have to pass through before becoming law. many of the voting record for fep legislation could be found in the temple university gammage importance of african americans to the lrm and the shift in philadelphia‘s political climate. while the reform movement was politically oriented, civic service organizations served as the structural matrix of the movement. the great depression and the movement for urban renewal largely influenced the white lrm in philadelphia during the s, s and early s. petshek describes the white lrm as a collaboration of lawyers, academicians, writers, and other professionals joined to form new citizens‘ organizations, as the ethnic and occupational associations and neighborhood clubs, first started after the industrial revolution, lost importance. these new organizations laid the foundation for the reform movement of the mid-twentieth century, which cut much deeper than earlier progressive era reforms in some cities, especially those in philadelphia. (petshek, ) following the tradition of earlier political reform movements in philadelphia, reformists of the s centralized the concept of civic service. heavily influenced by the society of friends, in , reformists created numerous civic service organizations aimed at creating a platform that would afford the public a space to participate in municipal affairs. this platform gave voice to many civic organizations that were integral in galvanizing support from politicians and common citizens to advocate for civil rights provisions. urban archives in the commission on human relation collection, the naacp collection, the urban league collection and the fellowship commission collection. it must be note that the author terms this movement as the white liberal reform movement. gammage the start of the new wave of liberal reformists grew out of the movement to revise the philadelphia‘s home rule charter in . while the movement failed to accomplish its goals, the movement produced the city policy committee officially established in . in addition, a young group of ―professionals‖ that fought for the new charter pushed the concept of civic service forward and later formed a professional civic group commonly referred to as the ―young turks‖. the young turks served as a foundation for the white lrm during the early s. they were a band of lawyers, bankers, businessmen, architects and planners seeking to utilize their specialized skills to reform philadelphia‘s local municipal government (petshek, ); p. ). the young turks were the offspring of the wealthy elite, who had been educated at ivy league universities and returned to philadelphia committed to improving the city and transforming its reputation. according to nathaniel burt, the young turks were graduates ―…from harvard, yale and princeton, mostly, during the depression ... they were … new dealers. they believed that the city could be planned back to prosperity, and that politics could be radically and even permanently reformed‖ (petshek, ; p. ) the young turks were committed to liberalism and the principals of the ―new deal‖ politics. despite the young turks‘ early failures in , under the leadership of walter phillip it optimistically harnessed the movement‘s momentum to target the issue of municipal reform (petshek, ; p. , kleniewski, ; p. ). like previous reform movements, the young turks were concerned with reforming philadelphia politics, however their approach was much different. the young turks‘ initial approach was to gammage focus on the physical appearance of city hall. between and , the young turks formed a number of city planning groups that would eventually band together to form the citizens‘ council on city planning (kleniewski, ; p. ). the young turks efforts through the citizens‘ council on city planning were largely responsible for the city‘s decision to revitalize the city planning commission in . in , lawyer walter phillips, planner robert michelle, and architect oscar stonorov collaborated to develop a proposal for the ―the better philadelphia exposition‖. ―the better philadelphia exposition‖ was an expositional model that displayed what a refurbished central philadelphia would look like after its urban renewal project. in , the exhibit appeared on the ground floor of gimbel‘s department store and attracted the attention of many businessmen and politicians. the better philadelphia exposition would ultimately serve as the blueprint for the urban renewal program that was implemented in philadelphia and in other cities throughout the nation. according to bacon, former executive director of the city planning commission, the better philadelphia exposition was the foundation for everything that materialized in philadelphia‘s urban renewal project. with the momentum of the city‘s planning commission, in , philadelphia‘s redevelopment authority was established to revitalize areas that the city deemed slums. philadelphia was the first city in the nation to form a redevelopment authority and to embark on urban renewal (kleniewski, ; p. ). the formation of the interview for walter phillips‘ oral history project. november ( ) temple university urban archives gammage redevelopment authority in was seen as a tremendous accomplishment given that the federal legislation had not been passed under title i of the housing act of that assists with local urban renewal. the better philadelphia exposition and the early attempts at urban renewal looked to target slum areas surrounding city hall like wards , , and . the turk‘s focus on wards heavily populated by african americans intensified the issue of housing and forced the reformists to engage in african american displacement. as the young turks sought to improve the physical appearance of city hall, they applied the method of committee collaborations intended to maximize individuals‘ strengths and build an extensive political and professional base. committee collaboration was a staple for the lrm approach at social and political reform in philadelphia. according to petshek, the young turks ―…studied local issues in small subcommittees, using professional help and advice, and suggested policy positions which the groups as a whole should take‖ (petshek, ; p. ). the collaboration of committees helped to rejuvenate and solidify the liberal philosophy of reform in philadelphia. this transformation was reflected in public policy initiatives and litigation that targeted social inequality. civic service groups became the linchpin of the liberal approach to addressing civil rights. between and the city policy committee, the city planning committee, citizens‘ council on city planning, the better philadelphia exhibition, and the greater philadelphia movement were formed. by , the lrm had developed enough momentum to pass a new city charter that would change the philadelphia‘s municipal system. the formation of the fellowship commission was one gammage of the significant civic organizations ushered in by ―new deal‖ reformists. the commission was a collaboration of political agencies and liberal organizations to address the growing concerns of philadelphia‘s african american constituency as well as other communities experiencing structural inequalities. the existence of the commission marked a change in political power and helped to usher the era of liberalist politics. guian mckee argues by the end of world war ii, and for at least two decades afterwards liberalism attained a position of preeminence as the nation‘s leading political philosophy. this dominance was buttressed by the democratic party coalition of union members, big city political organizations, racial and ethnic minorities, intellectuals, and southerners that had built the new deal. (mckee, ; p. ) prior to the s philadelphia‘s political leadership, essentially dominated by republicans, marginalized issues of racial and religious discrimination. however, political and corporate corruption coupled with a system entrenched in structural white supremacy bred a political and social climate perfect for the new lrm. like the early reformist movements mentioned above, the new wave of reformists prioritized civic service. while the issue of racial inequality began to make its way to the forefront of a national discussion, philadelphia‘s conservative constituency attempted to appeal to african american and jewish constituents by instituting a central commission geared toward resolving matters of structural inequality. on october , , under the political leadership of mayor bernard samuel, the fellowship commission was gammage established to ―promote the understanding of racial, religious, and nationality groups‖ the commission was essentially organized for three central reasons: . ―promote the belief in and observance of the fundamental principles of justice and democracy and to seek to apply those principles to the relief of and solution to racial, religious, nationality or social tensions and problems . ―further a widespread appreciation of the cultural contributions of all elements in american life. . ―help members of all racial, religious and ethnic groups to work together and to live together democratically and constructively by equalizing their treatment, enlarging their opportunities and deepening mutual understanding and cooperation.‖ the influence of early reformist movements is evident by the commission‘s organizational structure. the commission was developed to serve as a private metropolitan human rights organization. in the outset, the fellowship commission was comprised of four constituent agencies: the philadelphia council of churches, race relations department; the society of friends; the fellowship house; and the anti- defamation league. a year later, the philadelphia branch of the national association for the advancement of colored people and the international institute joined the commission. finally, in , the philadelphia branch of the national conference of facts about fellowship commission. this document is a fact sheet of the inception of the organization and its early activities. fellowship commission acc. records - , box folder . temple university urban archives. fellowship commission: a brief review. commission‘s objectives stated in the organization‘s original bylaws. it also identifies the commission‘s goals and purpose. fellowship commission acc. records - . box folder . temple university urban archives, the philadelphia fellowship commission. three page document of questions and answers about the philadelphia fellowship commission. fellowship commission acc. records - box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage christians became the final organization to make up the original constituents of the fellowship commission. to gain access to governmental aid, the fellowship commission was incorporated as a non-profit, non-political, tax exempt, educational program in july . the commission became very active in the enactment of legislation outlawing employment restrictions based on race, religion, and nationality. as a result of the strike of by employees of the philadelphia transportation company (now known as septa), the fellowship commission‘s organizational constituents felt that it was vital to expand the federal wartime fep and enact a permanent fair employment practice commission. the fellowship commission helped to intervene in the ptc strike that was organized by white workers resisting the war time fep enacted by president roosevelt. in , the fellowship commission in collaboration with the state council for fair employment practices, began drafting the fair employment practice ordinance. in , the commission was successful in passing the fair employment practice ordinance. in the fellowship commission played a leading role in drafting the home rule charter, particularly the preamble and the civil rights provisions, as well as the establishment of the commission on human relations. to assist with the efforts of fair employment legislation, the fellowship commission funded the entire budget for the the wartime fep made provisions for african americans to be promoted to positions not previously occupied by blacks. the fep called for blacks to be promoted to address labor shortages. , ,january . report form fellowship commission‘s executive director. fellowship commission acc. records - box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage council for equal job opportunity. in addition to its work on fair employment legislation, the fellowship commission was active in writing the ordinance against discrimination in public housing and the section of the pennsylvania law forbidding discrimination in redeveloped housing. the fellowship commission helped write and enact the philadelphia and pennsylvania fair housing laws affecting public redevelopment and private housing. the commission was involved with eliminating questions concerning race and designated racial or religious preferences, and for the elimination of real estate advertisements that affirmed restrictive covenants. by , individuals and more than cooperating organizations were members of the fellowship commission. the work of the fellowship commission helped to establish other prominent organizations committed to the mission charted by liberal reformers during the s and s. in the greater philadelphia movement formed and became an essential organization for the white lrm. much like the young turks, the greater philadelphia movement was made up of business professionals, educators, political officers with a stated purpose of improving the living conditions and expanding industry, business and employment. the group claimed that it was effective largely due to two central principles: ) an executive board that was small in numbers; and ) an executive board that had a nonpartisan commitment to the organization. according to membership guidelines, board members could not allow their business, professional, or political relationships to influence their involvement in organizational stances and activities. thus, executives had to be independent. the greater philadelphia movement aimed at gammage becoming the central civic service organization of the reform movement. the organization hoped to serve as the umbrella organization for several civic organizations and the intellectual engine of the lrm in philadelphia. additionally, it sought to resolve civic issues by applying a broad structural approach opposed to focusing on specific issues. its aim was to be constantly engaged with the citywide civic agenda by resolving one major project at a time. the organization positioned itself as the civic service liaison for the clark and dilworth administration that stemmed from – . this period solidified the greater philadelphia movement as a fundamental organization for the lrm. countryman argues that the greater philadelphia movement was the most important of the wave of liberal reform civic service organizations (countryman, ). consistent with the early wave of reformists, the greater philadelphia movement sought to reform philadelphia politics. in addition, the group of young professionals targeted urban renewal to revitalize philadelphia‘s economic infrastructure. the greater philadelphia movement played a significant role in the selection process for the fair employment practice council charter commission that was responsible for authoring the home rule charter of . the organization was actively involved with the home rule of , the historic legislation that shifted philadelphia‘s municipal government by redistributing power to the mayor and civic groups. the greater philadelphia movement became a central organization that had the political support of the mayor and many civic groups. this support essentially placed the greater philadelphia movement at the forefront of the white lrm during the end of the s and midway through the s. while the greater philadelphia movement played a gammage significant role in restructuring political power in philadelphia‘s municipal government, various committees gave form to the new political system now leading philadelphia‘s lrm. the greater philadelphia movement would serve the purpose of intervening in civic issues and resolving the conflict through systematic investigations that was impartial to their own economic, political, or social interest. however, as mentioned above, the greater philadelphia movement was developed by a group of business professionals interested in revitalizing the economy and industry of philadelphia. social issues surrounding race and african american poverty were not the primary concern of the greater philadelphia movement or the white lrm. consequently, organizations such as the commission on human relations became a vital component for the white lrm during the s. the commission on human relations was established in to service as the political entity to reinforce civil rights legislation. at the beginning of the civil rights movement, the philadelphia commission on human relations assumed the responsibility of investigating and resolving violations of the city‘s fair employment practices ordinance, which became state law in , and the fair housing act that followed. thus the commission on human relations was responsible for resolving issues that would later become the linchpin of the civil rights movement in philadelphia. the thrust of the white lrm was the passing of legislation that made hiring practices based on race, ethnicity, and gender unlawful. however, agencies such as commission on human relations highlighted the , april . the general assembly of pennsylvania house bill no. session of . a copy of house bill to be introduced during the general assembly. fellowship commission acc box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage failure of lrm and further intensified the movement for civil rights and direct protest activism. the three central issues that heightened the civil rights movement in philadelphia were: ) education; ) equal employment opportunities; and ) housing. after the passing of the fair employment practice ordinance, the house rule ordinance, and the pennsylvania fair employment practice law, philadelphia‘s political machine created a three-prong approach to addressing the city‘s social challenges while conforming to new civil rights legislation. the lrm‘s approach to ensuring the that these issues were addressed, were: ) educating citizens of the advantages of integration; ) creating agencies that monitored violations of the fair employment practice legislation and the housing act; and ) holding violators legally accountable. thus, the commission on human relations was a critical component of the lrm in that it sought to reinforce the philosophical and legislative aspects of the reformist movement. the civic service organizations that made up the reform movement in philadelphia were the backbone of the reformist movement. the collaboration of organizations helped to solidify the legacy of political reform in philadelphia. as it relates to african american economic empowerment, the reform movement‘s enactment of fep legislation contributed greatly to the movement to establish african american economic stability. the next section of the chapter will explore the process and impact of key legislation that came out of the reform era. gammage liberal reformists and legislative justice the ratification of civil rights legislation was the strength of the reform movement in philadelphia. was the first year that the fair employment practice (fep) legislation was introduced to the state‘s general assembly for enactment. the focus of employment practices indicates the severity of the issue and the influence of the african american community. during the session, five bills for fair employment practice was introduced. although philadelphia‘s republican party advocated for fair employment practice, their voting record in the house of representatives and in the senate on fair employment practice reflects republican‘s lack of commitment to eradicating discriminatory practices in the labor industry. representatives homer brown (d), samuel weiss (d), samuel salus (r), and senators kephart (r), and rosenfeld (d) each respectively introduced a fair employment practice commission bill. of the proposed bills introduced, brown‘s bill was widely supported. the congress of industrial organizations (cio) was the first organization to endorse brown‘s bill and later all state labor bodies followed suit. brown‘s bill was granted a public hearing that was held during the session in the house chamber. despite pressure from numerous civic organizations, the republican controlled general assembly made no headway on fair employment practice legislation during the session. brown‘s bill (h.b. ) was rejected by the house with a vote of to and by the senate with a vote of to the state council for a pennsylvania fepc. , january. a brief record of the legislative report to gain a fair employment practice law for pennsylvania. a brief historical overview of the legal and community activities to pass fep legislation. fellowship commission. acc. box folder temple university urban archives. gammage . although no proposals for fair employment practice legislation made it out of the house of representatives or the state‘s senate, the period marked the beginning of a decade long battle for a statewide fair employment practice law. furthermore, could conceptually mark the beginning of the liberal reformist participation in the civil rights movement in philadelphia. in the general assembly session held in , again several fair employment practice bills were introduced but all failed to be approved for a public hearing. during the session, fair employment practice commission house bill failed to be discharged by a vote to . only of the republicans present voted in favor of the bill to be discharged. despite the lack of support for fair employment practice legislation in and general assembly sessions, the discourse on fair employment practice began to intensify. consequently, the state‘s republican platform declared its commitment to a fair employment practice commission act for the session. further, the house supported the formation of a council devoted to creating, advocating for, and informing legislators of fair employment practice legislation. on may , , a preliminary organizational meeting was held to chart the scope of a fair employment practice law and plan a statewide conference to inform legislators, employers, and the general public of the benefits of fair employment practice. on may , , the unofficial committee met with the state‘s governor james duff (r) to establish a working relationship and to solicit his support. governor duff assured his support and assigned a member of the justice department to council. consequently, on june , , people representing different organizations formed the executive gammage committee of the state council for a pennsylvania fair employment practice commission for the purpose of creating legislation for fair employment practice. clarence e. pickett was appointed as chairperson, frank s. reizenstein was named the co-chair, and a person executive committee was established. the office of the council for equal job opportunity (cejo) of the fellowship commission was made the temporary headquarter. the issue of discriminatory employment practices spearheaded much of the civil rights dialogue during the mid and late s. the philadelphia transportation company (ptc) strike of highlighted employment discrimination and helped catapult the thrust for public policy for the fair employment practice. at the close of the s, liberal reformists contributed significantly to advancing the discussion and made it a statewide concern. during september of , governor duff agreed to appoint a committee to study fair employment practice commission. while the committee failed to be formed, duff‘s willingness to expend government resources and the republican party‘s acknowledgement of the issues of fair employment in their political platform illustrated the efficiency of liberal reformists and civic organizations. despite the lack of support by the house and senate, on november , , the legal committee of the state council completed the first draft of the proposed fair employment practice the state council for a pennsylvania fepc. , january. a brief record of the legislative report to gain a fair employment practice law for pennsylvania. a brief historical overview of the legal and community activities to pass fep legislation. fellowship commission. acc. box folder temple university urban archives. ibid gammage commission bill. the bill was advertised and advocated by the state‘s leading newspapers, most notably the pittsburgh post-gazette. the campaign to enact fair employment practice legislation for the general assembly was successful in galvanizing support by democratic legislators, civic leaders, and a verbal commitment by republican legislators. at the beginning of , governor duff‘s address to the general assembly reiterated the shifting tide in pennsylvania. on january , the state council reviewed and accepted a bill that was to be presented to legislative leaders for introduction as the administration fair employment practice commission bill. after numerous modifications, the bill was approved and was distributed to members of the house. however, mason owlett, president of the pennsylvania manufacturers association, publicly expressed the republican party‘s apprehension for fep. in an interview on march , owlet stated that the republican party was united and would not actively oppose a fair employment practice commission bill but expressed that it was unlikely it would be passed during the upcoming session. on march , governor duff solicited the support of representative adam bower, chairman of the house labor committee, to no avail. like the and general assembly sessions, sessions had several fair employment practice commission bills introduced. on february , , the house of representatives failed to discharge a new fair employment practice the state council for a pennsylvania fepc. , january. a brief record of the legislative report to gain a fair employment practice law for pennsylvania. a brief historical overview of the legal and community activities to pass fep legislation. fellowship commission. acc. box folder temple university urban archives. gammage commission bill (h.r. ) that was approved by the house committee. in the general assembly, h.b. introduced by mintess and sax, failed to be discharged by a vote of to . it should be noted that even sax and mintess, both african american republicans, voted against having their bill sent to the floor for discussion and action. only of the republican representatives present voted to have the bill discharged. all democrats present voted in favor of the bill. in the senate, bill s. written by rosenfeld, barr, and leader was presented but was also defeated by a vote of to . during the session, the momentum for fair employment practice legislation began to look improbable. in fact, on march , the state chamber of commerce came out strongly against fair employment practice commission. the republican controlled house and senate had block all legislation that would make discriminatory employment practices based on race unlawful. on april , the senate committee on judiciary general held a secret ballot to delay action on the meade-frazier bill and it was killed by a vote of to . consequently, on april , governor duff held a news conference assuring the citizens of pennsylvania that fair employment practice commission legislation would pass and would comply with the republican platform pledge. however, on april , the senate rejected the final bill introduced at the general assembly. on april , the senate passed a resolution for research to be conducted to the state council for a pennsylvania fepc. , january. a brief record of the legislative report to gain a fair employment practice law for pennsylvania. a brief historical overview of the legal and community activities to pass fep legislation. fellowship commission. acc. box folder temple university urban archives. ibid gammage determine the need and effectiveness of fepc by the joint state government commission. the final action of the general assembly was the house‘s rejection of the senate‘s adopted resolution calling for a study to be made to determine the possible need for such legislation. in , pennsylvania‘s republican representatives and liberal reformists renewed their commitment to enacting fair employment practice legislation. on may , , during the general assembly, the house accepted house bill by mintess with a vote of to in favor of the legislation. however, the senate judiciary general committee killed the bill on two different occasions. on july , the senate voted to against the bill and on august , the bill was denied by a vote of to . the senate did not reconsider further action on the bill following the tie vote. in the general assembly, house bill was passed in the house with a vote of to but the senate judiciary general committee killed the bill with a vote to . finally, in , the house passed h.b. with a vote of to . the senate also passed the bill with a vote of to . thus, in , pennsylvania became one of the first states to enact fair employment practice legislations. the second major legislation produced during the lrm that affected african american economic empowerment was the home rule of . the new home rule the state council for a pennsylvania fepc. , january. a brief record of the legislative report to gain a fair employment practice law for pennsylvania. a brief historical overview of the legal and community activities to pass fep legislation. fellowship commission. acc. box folder temple university urban archives. ibid gammage not only redistributed political power for the local municipal government, it elevated the role of civic organizations in social issues. by ―increasing the powers of the mayor‘s and other executive-branch offices, reducing the size of the city council, and shifted of municipal jobs to an independent civil service board‖ civic service groups were empowered to intervene in civil disputes concerning racial discrimination‖ (countryman, ; p. ). under the home rule, local politicians were able to form governmental committees geared toward addressing racial discrimination. more specifically, the new city charter placed a ban on discrimination based on race, religion and nationality in city employment, services and contracts. the ban stemmed from the ordnance established in . as mentioned above, on march , , philadelphia enacted the fair employment practice ordinance that was responsible for producing the fair employment practice literature in the new city charter. the ordinance was formed to prohibit …discrimination in employment because of race, color, religion, national origin or ancestry by employers, employment agencies, labor organizations and others; providing for the creation of philadelphia fair employment practice commission; prescribing its duties and powers; and providing penalties. the ordinance acknowledges disproportionate employment practices in philadelphia and its residual effects. the ordinance argues that discriminatory employment practices …prevented and threatens to prevent the gainful employment of large segments of the people of philadelphia and has created and tends to create breaches of the peace; and has been and will continue to be detrimental to . the philadelphia fair employment practice ordinance enacted, march, . a original copy of the philadelphia fep ordinance. fellowship commission, acc. box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage the health, welfare and safety of the city of philadelphia and its inhabitants. the ordinance sought to prevent employers, labor organizations, and employment agencies from inquiring about and allowing race, religion, and national origin or ancestry to be a factor in decisions regarding employment or membership. furthermore, the ordinance prohibited the publications or circulation of any notice or advertisement relating to employment or membership that indicated any preference, limitation specification or discrimination, based upon race color, religion, national origin or ancestry. the ordinance established the fair employment practice commission that was responsible for ―receiving and investigating and seeking to [resolve] all complaints of unfair employment practices.‖ the commission was also responsible for formulating and carrying out a comprehensive educational program designed to eliminate and prevent prejudice and discrimination. employers, labor organizations, and employment agencies found to be violating the ordinance were subject to a fine not exceeding one hundred dollars and judgment of imprisonment not exceeding thirty days by the city solicitor for each violation. as mentioned above, the fair employment practice commission that came out of this ordinance played a significant part in developing the fair employment practices ibid , october . state fep program in action. this is a letter from the fair employment practice commission to the fellowship commission to galvanize support for enforcing new legislation. fellowship commission acc box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage provisions in the new home rule of . the ordinance made philadelphia the first city to enact fair employment provision. the new home rule shifted the discourse on unfair employment from a social issue to a legal matter. the ordinance and the home rule gave african americans in philadelphia the legal grounds to challenge discriminatory employment practices and racially exclusive labor unions. although the fair house act of pennsylvania was not enacted during the reform era, reformists helped to create a platform for the issue to be discussed. the city charter commission, heavily influenced by the reform movement, included provisions that promised housing reforms in the home rule charter. like the issue of fair employment practice , reformists helped to highlight the severity of living conditions for those living in the city‘s slum areas. as mentioned above, the ―slum‖ areas were predominately populated by african americans. reformists were successful in establishing numerous committees to research the issue of fair housing opportunities and identify troubling trends in housing. on august , , mayor joseph clark jr., a reform mayor, signed the housing code that spearheaded the ―slum clearance‖ movement that reformists felt would increase the living standard of philadelphians and refurbish the look of city hall. the housing code defined the standards that would be fit for human occupancy. clark also , january-february. issues publication. naap monthly publication january – february issue. philadelphia branch of the naacp urb box folder . temple university urban archives. , august-september. issues publication. naap monthly publication august – september issue. philadelphia branch of the naacp urb box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage expanded the city‘s budget for increasing the number of housing inspectors in the department of licenses and inspections. clark and supporters were confident that these provisions would translate into an improvement in housing conditions for african americans and other discriminated groups. unfortunately, this issue of housing discrimination was not addressed with the new housing code. according to a report published by the commonwealth of pennsylvania, department of labor and industry , in philadelphia had , dilapidated dwelling units, and of these, african american families occupied , . more than one third of the units occupied by african american renters were substandard. in addition to the poor living conditions african americans were subjected to, homebuyers were disproportionately unable to buy homes outside the slum areas. discriminatory housing practices forced many african american families to purchase older homes that were not comparable to their earning power. while the primary concern of the reform movement was an aesthetic improvement to philadelphia housing, they did not address the issue of housing discrimination. strengths of the lrm the strengths of the lrm of the s and s can be categorized by three key factors: ) its contribution to the shifts in philadelphia political discourse as it relates to civil rights; ) the enactment of vital civil rights legislation; and ) the formation of enforcement agencies to uphold civil rights legislation. through much of the th century philadelphia branch of the naacp urb box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage and half of the th , the wealthy class dominated philadelphia politics and thus focused much of its efforts toward maintaining and revitalizing of the city‘s economy. as mentioned above, between and the wealthy class contributed heavily to philadelphia‘s reputation for corporate and political corruption. however, at the end of the s, reformists were mildly successful in challenging the republicans with a platform that was committed to social responsibility and civic service. they gained success by establishing a wide political constituency made up of civic organizations and focusing on anti-discrimination policy. due to the new employment opportunities available to african americans as a result of the federal wartime fair employment practice policy, the large influx of african americans in philadelphia between and , posed new challenges for the republicans‘ disregard for racial discrimination. the reformist movement‘s advocacy for equal employment opportunities appealed to the new african american population of philadelphia. the wide appeal influenced the republican party in pennsylvania to shift their political platform between and to include fair employment. the republican controlled house and senate‘s reluctance to enact fair employment practice legislation during three consecutive general assemblies ultimately resulted in a transfer of political power and a rise of liberalism as a political philosophy. the reformist ability to appeal to the concerns of civic organizations and the african american population of philadelphia ultimately reshaped the political discourse in pennsylvania in general and philadelphia specifically. gammage the enactment of legislation, which is the second strength of the reformist movement, reflects the shift in the political discourse. by , voters enacted a new home rule that banned discriminatory practices in employment and redistributed political power at the local level and helped to alter the prevailing inaction to address racial inequality in employment. the immediate effect of the power shift could be illustrated in when a liberal reformist was elected mayor for the first time in more than years. three years later, the state enacted house bill outlawing unfair employment practices. the drastic shift in public policy in philadelphia and pennsylvania reflects the preeminence of liberalism. this change in social and political discourse heavily contributed to the civil rights movement that out lasted the reformist movement. the lrm was not the impetus for the civil rights movement but the shift in the political discourse equipped civil rights advocates and activist with the platform to challenge civil rights issues legally opposed to morally. the legislation opened the door for african americans to challenge governmental agencies to use the law as the rubric for social justice. the reformists also developed enforcement agencies designed to investigate and hold violators of civil rights legislation accountable. the common practice of racial discrimination in all aspects of the society made for a difficult task for government agencies to intervene and impose punishments for violations of the law; however, the construction of the commission on human relations became the apparatus for which civil rights organizations could have their complaints investigated and legally addressed. furthermore, the commission on human relations was the institution charged with the gammage task of developing educational programs to inform communities, businesses owners, and organizations of the benefit of adopting the equal opportunity philosophy. it was anticipated that the commission on human relations would be equipped to mediate issues of racial and religious tension and provide adequate solutions. the various law enforcement agencies, criminal justice system, and the city solicitor were at the disposal of the commission on human relations to reinforce the fair employment practice legislation. weaknesses of the lrm the primary weakness of the white reformist movement in philadelphia was its inability to critically engage the direct and residual effects of white supremacy on african american life, specifically as it relates to improving african american economic reality. the lrm‘s focus on equal opportunity was essential in assisting with addressing the most evident symptoms of institutional racism. however, the social, cultural, economic, psychological, and spiritual encroachment by white america on the life chances of african americans remain evident in the disproportionate distribution of wealth among african americans and their white counterparts. the lrm‘s inability to address this core issue, in effect rendered its approach to problem solving inadequate. pennsylvania legislatures failed to implement a program that would prepare the rest of society to deal with african americans as equal citizens. moreover, liberal reformists advocated for a subjective system that granted employers, who previously practiced racial discrimination, to make judgments on the qualifications of african american labors. the legislation seeking to disband discriminatory practices based on race, religion and gammage nationality in employment, union organizations and government targets the symptoms of a society deeply rooted in white supremacy. while legislation that was created during the reformist era challenged social barriers, its affect on african american employment opportunities had minimal affects for african americans in philadelphia. many of the industries now available for african americans to advance remained exclusively white. hundreds of african americans filed claims of employment discrimination with the commission on human relations only to be deemed unqualified, thus lawfully denied employment. the issue of fair employment practice taken on by the lrm was carried over into the civil rights movement of the s and the black power movement of the late s and s. the lrm initiative to restore city hall and other decrepit parts of philadelphia contributed to the displacement of hundreds of african american families. the lrm‘s inability to secure fair housing made programs such as the slum clearance initiative detrimental for the african american community in philadelphia. in , the commonwealth of pennsylvania department of labor and industry reported that african american communities in philadelphia had three characteristics: ―dilapidation, poor sanitation, and overcrowding‖ . in theory, anti-discrimination legislation was one of the strengths of the lrm. unfortunately reformists failed to support their philosophical approach with practical , may. philadelphia commission on human relations bulletin. the expanding ghetto. the month newsletter of the chr, which included a article focusing on the expanding ghetto. naacp urb / / box folder .temple university urban archives. gammage implementation. the lrm contradicted their philosophical approach of anti- discrimination by granting governmental contracts to construction companies in violation of the state‘s fair employment practice commission policy. in the late s, demonstrations conducted at the construction site of a school in strawberry mansion by the naacp, under the leadership of cecil moore in collaboration with community advocates, illustrated lrm inability to enforce fair employment practice pubic policy. similar demonstrations were held at construction sites in city hall. throughout the s and s, the lrm failed to effectively address the racial climate of philadelphia, which ultimately set the stage for the local civil rights movement. like new deal politics, the tradition that influenced the reformist movement, the reformists were unwilling to investigate the causational factors that contributed to the instability of african american‘s economic status. historical disenfranchisement of african americans, socially, politically and most important as it relates to this research, economically, produced social ills that could not simply be solved by legislation. a more extensive program that addressed social, political, and cultural transformation of society would have been more appropriate in combating the effects of racism. consequently, the failure of reformists to critically engage complete transformation of the culture of philadelphia and to truly uphold the concept of liberty proved to be its demise as it relates to the african american economic development. conclusion the reform movement that preceded the events of the civil rights era was key in changing the political and social climate of philadelphia during the s. the gammage legislation produced by liberal reformists armed civil rights advocates with the tools to combat racial inequality on legal grounds. reformists were effective in mobilizing around civic service issues and prioritizing problems that were central to marginalized communities. the rapid growth of the african american community at the turn of the th century, aided in transforming the lrm into a political entity that would eventually challenge the dominance of the republican party in philadelphia. in the span of seven years ( - ), reformists began to alter philadelphia‘s political discourse and take control of philadelphia‘s municipal leadership. the reform movement positioned the issues of economic development at the forefront matters of civil rights and created a foundation for later movements that directly address improving the economic status of african americans. during the late s, the reformists were successful in making philadelphia the first city to enact fair employment provisions based on race. the importance of the reform movement for the civil rights and the black power movements is that it exposed the limitations of liberalism as it relates to african americans‘ economic development in philadelphia. the inability of philadelphia‘s liberal reformists to deal with the crux of african american issues demanded for a more advanced and direct approach. reformists‘ failure to fulfill their promise of equal opportunity created a mistrust and bad faith for liberalism amongst african american leaders and the larger community. agencies such as the commission for human rights, created under the political leadership of the reformists, were ill equipped to address the challenges of enforcing fair employment legislation. as the method of discrimination evolved, the commission on human relations was unable to deter racial discrimination gammage in employment practices. furthermore, equal opportunity was an inadequate approach for the social and political climate of the s and s. the systematic denial of access to professional training, experience with mid and upper level positions, and experience with industrial companies outside of the war industry, ill equipped the overwhelming majority of african americans to excel in philadelphia‘s industrial economy. thus, the inability of liberal leadership to eliminate the barriers that denied african americans the right to be equally equipped to compete for employment, created a new challenge for african american economic empowerment. the approach of equal opportunity failed to challenge the authority of racially biased institutions that made subjective decision about the qualifications of african americans. subsequently, during the lrm, fair employment legislation was rendered ineffective due to its inability to identify the underlining effects of structural racism and prescribe a sufficient solution. although a small percentage of african americans during the reformist movement, and arguably few presently, benefited from fair employment practices laws, the overwhelming majority of the african american community in philadelphia was unable to excel in their industries and compete on an equal playing field within the economy. the frequent reports of discrimination through the commission on human relations, the african american poverty rate, and the disproportionate distribution of wealth, reflected the effects of structural inequality and the unsophisticated approach of equal opportunity. in my assessment, liberalism underestimates the impact of white supremacy. the reformists‘ philosophical approach sought to eradicate the mere practice of racial discrimination without investigating the social, psychological, physical, and gammage economic impact of a system deeply imbedded in white privilege and the effects white supremacy had on both black and white communities in philadelphia. as a result, the passage of legislation without a multifaceted enforcement program failed in detracting the practice of racial discrimination both on a structural level as well as on an individual basis. despite the great contributions of liberal groups such as the society of friends, young turks, the great philadelphia movement, and numerous civic organizations, liberalism as a political philosophy proved to be ineffective in combating white supremacy. thus, the local black liberation movement in philadelphia represents the demand for a radical transformation of philadelphia‘s political, social, and economic culture. bad faith, developed out of the empty commitments by both the conservative and liberal constituencies, which helped to advance the black liberation movement and its approach to address racial discrimination. while the liberal reformers made strides to implement equal opportunity, their unsophisticated approach created a different challenge for the african american community in philadelphia. the next chapter will explore the approach of the local civil rights movement in philadelphia for african american economic empowerment. gammage chapter african american resistance and protest: the anti- discrimination movement introduction the movement for african american economic development in philadelphia, as well other northern cities with large african american populations, indicates that the roots of white supremacy were firmly woven in the fabric of american culture and not just in the south. the rise of liberalism and the enactment of civil rights legislation that came out of the liberal reformist movement (lrm) ( – ) was a direct result of african american active revolt and demand for democracy in american cities throughout the united states. in philadelphia, fep legislation that sought to increase employment opportunities for african americans in industries that previously did not exist, was a reflection of african americans‘ importance as a political entity and the systemic assault on african american economic opportunities. during the philadelphia‘s lrm, african americans were the agents for change in the form of voters, intellectuals engaging in critical discourse on race and economics, architects of social and labor organizations, and producers of numerous self-help programs to address discrimination in the labor industry. african americans‘ discontent with american hypocrisy, the lack of economic opportunities, and the philosophical principles of capitalism, resulted in the search for new ideological frameworks for obtaining justice. as employment opportunities in the military and defense industries became readily available for african americans during wwi ( – ) and more gammage specifically wwii ( – ), the african american community continued to rapidly grow. following wwii, the shift toward deindustrialization and the expansion of the private sector offered whites higher paying occupations and the opportunity for upward mobility; thus creating vacancies in municipal and federal jobs as well as the declining industrial sector. the african american community, now a political entity of liberal leadership, became the beneficiaries of many of those openings. as african americans began to move into those positions, the collective economical conditions of african americans appeared to improve. according to leon sullivan, philadelphia‘s city hall was commonly referred to as ―uncle tom‘s cabin‖. by the end of the s, percent of african american workers earned more than $ per year compared to only percent in (countryman, ). however, racial discrimination still hampered the overwhelming majority of african americans seeking employment and those seeking mid and high level positions. sullivan argues that african americans, throughout the s and s heavily occupied menial positions. countryman states up to in philadelphia, although the black population comprised one- forth of the city‘s population, less than one percent of the sensitive, clerical, and ―public-contact‖ jobs were held by black people. the jobs blacks held fell mostly into the ―service‘ field and into the most menial work categories. (countryman, ; p. ) for discussion on the transformation of governmental employment in philadelphia refer to sullivan, ; p. . for a more in-depth analysis of the expansion of the private sector and new employment opportunities for african americans in post-war philadelphia refer to mathew countryman, ; g. mckee, ; wolfinger, . for further insight on the increase in african american annual income refer to leon sullivan build brother build pg. - . gammage at the close of wwii, the city‘s major industries began to decline and many of the major manufacturing and factory jobs began to dissipate and/or relocated to the outskirts of philadelphia, which affected the collective economic conditions of african americans. the failure of liberal reform and the principle of equal opportunity began to become overwhelmingly obvious for the movement of african american economic development. even prominent african american advocates for liberalism in philadelphia started to question the approach of liberal reform and the capability of political, economic and social reform under the current capitalist context. during the lrm, there was a spike in african american membership in socialist organizations as a response to the economic condition and the elusion of democracy. the growing appeal of african americans to communism in philadelphia during the lrm is illustrated by the impact that it had on the naacp intra organizational administrative conflicts. the inability of the reformist movement to effectively resolve the issues of poverty and discrimination of african americans in employment, union membership, and lending, called for a radical alternative to african american economic development. this chapter explores the redirecting of strategic approaches taken by community organizations to protest the practice of discrimination in the labor industry and the local municipal government. the first section explores direct action taken by the naacp to protest employment practices of major retailers and their use of the commission for human relations (chr). in this section, i give accounts of the naacp and protest efforts. the second section evaluates the ministers and the ―selective patronage‖ campaign waged on businesses that refused to desegregate their workforce. this section gammage explores the effectiveness of collective participation and economic withdrawal. the final section of the chapter focuses on the protest demonstrations directed at philadelphia‘s local government. these demonstrations look to illustrate the limitation of white reform liberalism and the support it lends to a tradition of discrimination. commission on human relations and the naacp: passive protest the tradition of protest was the springboard for which the movement for african american economic development was ignited and would be the platform for which fair employment opportunity would be implemented. for most of the s and s, african american leadership and their supporters committed themselves to the principles of liberalism and believed that the enactment of legislation would strengthen the fight to protect their right to secure employment. through collective resistance, african americans and white liberal civil rights advocates were successful in enacting fep legislation. the provisions for fair employment outlined in the city ordinance and the home rule of reflected african americans‘ presence as a political entity and their resistance toward discrimination in employment opportunity. the active involvement of the naacp, the urban league, and various agencies helped to create the chr, the municipal agency responsible for investigating and resolving violations of racial discrimination in employment. for the lrm, the chr would serve as the central agency to resolve incidents of employment discrimination, but for african american leadership it was the mediator and buffer between the african american workforce and white racist employers and labor unions. to address employment discrimination, the chr established a program that was heavily focused on gammage educational workshops and training seminars that sought to inform and better prepare job seekers for employment. however, the naacp began challenging the chr to conduct investigations in hiring practices in many of the exclusively white industries throughout the city. the difference in approach led to the civil rights protest era. the commission, an institution rooted in the principles of the white lrm, felt that racial tension and discrimination could largely be attributed to ignorance. thus, the educational component remained a central focus in its method to address issues of race. in , the commission established a basic plan of organization that would later be implemented in . the commission‘s philosophical approach to resolving discrimination in employment was made evident in pamphlets produced by the commission targeting african american youth. in a leaflet entitled your chances for a job, the commission stressed the importance of being prepared for employment. the leaflets asked african american youth to take a stock of what they want out a life by identifying five items to be considered by prospective workers: ) successful career; ) home and family; ) nice clothes; ) travel; and ) friends. beneath the stock check the leaflet states, ―these things are what most young people want…and they‘re what the parents of young people want for them… in order to get these things, you need a job. but want or need isn‘t enough. you have to prepare for that job.‖ the emphasis placed on qualifications was a theme and central framework for the chr platform. the leaflet goes further to state ―just going to an employer and saying you want just any old job isn‘t commission on human relations. your chances for a job in philadelphia a promotional leaflet for the commission. the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb / / box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage enough. you have to know the kind of job you are ready for. have you any skills, training and ability?‖ the leaflet concludes by outlining qualities that employers are looking for: promptness, doing work well, honesty, loyalty, cleanliness, good manners interest in the job, and pleasing personality. although the leaflet is insignificant in stature, it illustrates how the chr framed the problem of employment. at the point of distribution, the chr had not conducted any investigations on discrimination in employment, but was prepared to launch an educational program that sought to address the issue of african american unemployment and underemployment. the commission‘s educational platform was problematic in method and made critical assumptions that transformed the context for the movement for equal opportunity in employment. the central assumptions that prohibited the chr from impacting and resolving legalized discrimination were: ) if qualified, african americans would be afforded a fair assessment and consideration for employment; ) disproportionate numbers in unemployment and underemployment between african americans and whites were partially due to african american‘s lack of knowledge of hiring firms; ) african americans do not take full advantage of job placement agencies; and ) white employers were receptive to the rapidly changing racial makeup of philadelphia and interested in the benefits of integrating their industries. the naacp‘s approach was much different and demanded the chr to take direct action. commission on human relations. your chances for a job in philadelphia a promotional leaflet for the commission. the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb / / box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage in an attempt to maximize the political power of the commission and resolve the issue of discrimination in employment, the naacp, in conjunction with the council for equal job opportunity (cejo), formed a working relationship with the chr to act as a liaison for african americans and aid with filing complaints for racial discrimination. the naacp had established a reputation within the african american community for advocating for equal opportunity. the organization played an active role on many of the committees formed as part of the rise of the reformist movement and hoped to serve as a medium through which the community could feel comfortable with and an organization that had a long standing in the movement to deconstruct discrimination. to further advance the notion of equal opportunity, walter wynn, executive director of the cejo, and charles shorter, executive secretary of the naacp, requested that the commission investigate the hiring practices in the hotel industry, specifically in the area of waiters and waitresses in major restaurants, department stores, and hotel dining rooms. in their complaint they argue that african americans are ―virtually excluded or completely segregated in [those fields]‖ . the commission complied with the request and published their findings in their annual report. wynn, walter. , november . a letter distributed on november , by walter wynn to herman fisher, president of bucks county branch of the naacp discussing a collaboration of naacp branches and the cejo. the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb / / box folder temple university urban archives. wynn, walter and charles shorter. , january . a letter from wynn and shorter to mr. george schermer, executive director of the commission on human relations requesting a investigation into the restaurant industry. the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb / / box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage in the annual report produced by the commission, it reported that between june of to , complaints were filed charging discriminatory employment practices. the report indicated the ( percent) of the documented complaints were ruled that employers did not discriminate or the complaints were dismissed for lack of jurisdiction or withdrawn by complainant. percent of the initiated complaints concluded that the employer was lawful in denying complainant employment. the report reveals that the commission only initiated a total of investigations for unlawful employment practices. the report shows that percent of the complaints initiated by the commission resulted in unlawful employment practices by the employer. during , the chr received complaints of unlawful employment discrimination and percent of those concluded that the employer was lawful in their employment practices. in , percent of the complaints filed were on the basis of race. to intensify its involvement, the naacp asked major downtown retail stores to complete a survey of their hiring practices and a demographic breakdown of their working staff. when the retailers refused to release their records, the naacp protested by urging members not to patronize the business. of the retailers that completed the survey, the naacp found three stores in particular that were not in line with city‘s fep ordinance. on october , , the naacp drafted letters for the three companies that city of philadelphia: annual report. . annual report of the commission on human relations for . the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb / / box folder . temple university urban archives. gammage had not integrated their workforce. charles shorter, executive secretary of the naacp, sent letters to the executives of bonwit teller & company, the blum store, and b.f. dawees, inc. after an assessment of the companies‘ files, the naacp compiled a list of qualified sales agents that would meet the qualifications defined by each company. the proactive approach of the naacp sought to target businesses with low or no african american employment in certain fields that excluded them. in this way, the naacp offered a direct action method in resolving discrimination in employment practices. on january , , the commission launched their ―professional workers‘ seminar‖ that was intended to serve as a forum to discuss the dynamics of community race relations and the importance of professionalism when dealing with issues of racial conflict. while the seminar mainly focused on the conflict due to the racial change in neighborhoods, the seminar revealed the thrust of the chr approach to combat discriminatory practices in employment. the chr initiated a duo educational campaign that would inform employers of the changing racial dynamics of philadelphia and the benefit in integrating their living spaces and workforce. secondly, the commission organized training programs that sought to inform unemployed and underemployed job shorter, charles. , november . three letters from charles shorter to maurice spector of the blum store, tomas wriggins, president of b.f. dawees, inc. and lewis c. davis, president of bonwit teller and co. requesting that the companies reveal their employment demographics. the philadelphia branch of the naacp / / box folder . temple university urban archives. ibid. naacp philadelphia branch urban archive temple university; urb box folder gammage seekers of new openings and stress the necessity of professional development to meet job qualifications. while the state‘s hr bill of prohibited racial discrimination in employment practices, many industries legalized their discriminatory tactics by critiquing the qualification of african americans applicants. the affects of the commission‘s miscalculation of the issue of race and employment had devastating affects on african american‘s collective quest for economic stability. in january , the issue of the inside facts, the chr monthly publication, documented their findings of a review of construction jobs noting that the practice of discrimination was obvious. sullivan also weighed in on the matter by suggesting: of the thousands of young people in our files who wanted jobs, many had finished high school and a large number had finished college. their obstacle was their color. the only places where colored people could get jobs that amounted to anything were in the city government and in some federal installations – mostly the post office department. even in these places, advancement to high-level jobs was reserved for only a lucky few. (sullivian, ; p. ) the reluctance of chr to engage in a direct action method of eliminating employment discrimination hindered them from making any significant impact. the difference in the naacp and the chr revealed a growing wedge that was forming between the white lrm and african americans. more important, the ―no action‖ attitude exhibited by the commission prompted the naacp to move outside the scope of public policy and into protest. the naacp performed indirect forms of resistance the philadelphia branch of the naacp urb box folder temple university urban archive. gammage through demanding that retailers audit their workforce and outline their hiring procedures. through selective patronage, the naacp was able to force individual businesses to open their records. this act was successful for gaining a minimal number of jobs for african americans, but it marked a divergence with liberalism‘s passive approach. selective patronage movement a key figure in the movement to improve african american‘s economic conditions in philadelphia was reverend leon sullivan. in , sullivan, who formerly trained under adam clayton powell and a. philip randolph, became the presiding pastor of zion baptist church located in the heart of north philadelphia. during most of the s, sullivan spent a significant amount of his attention and leadership toward organizing around issues of juvenile delinquency and youth employment. while in new york, sullivan embarked on similar programs. in , sullivan was instrumental in forming an alliance called the philadelphia citizens committee against juvenile delinquency and its causes (ccajdic). the ccajdic sought to engage the ―problems of crime and ineffectual law enforcement and mutual disrespect between citizens and the law‖ (sullivan, ). sullivan‘s position was that the issue of juvenile delinquency was plaguing the african american community in philadelphia and harlem. in his observation, juvenile delinquency was partially attributed to high rates of youth unemployment. sullivan argued that the high dropout rate during the s left sullivan, leon build brother build. pg. . further discussion on the ccajd can be found in countryman‘s up south pg. - gammage large numbers of african american youths with unsupervised idled time, which translated to delinquency. he asserted, ―few boys got in trouble who were employed either full time or part time‖ (sullivan, ). consequently, sullivan‘s first attempt to address unemployment rates in the african american community and discriminatory practices in employment was with the youth employment program (yep). yep served as an inter-racial job placement agency for youth. the program collaborated with other state funded job placement agencies to assist with directing youth to employers with openings. through working with the ccajdic and yep, sullivan recognized one painful reality: the existence of an overwhelming prevalence of discriminatory practices based on race and its use by many of the industries in philadelphia. difficulties with placing african american youth made the common practice of discrimination obvious. sullivan commented on yep‘s youth job recommendations when saying, ―every day the want ads in the newspapers begged for workers. and when we sent white boys and girls to apply, they were hired. but when we sent colored boys and girls, the response was usually different: ‗we will call you later.‘ the telephone never rang‖ (sullivan, ). in june of , the issue of racial discrimination in youth employment gained local attention when an article entitled local ministers organize for youth employment opportunity was published in the philadelphia tribune. due to the challenges of placing african american youth, the article reported that formation of an alliance of african american gammage clergymen to launch a ―selective patronage‖ movement. after measures taken by the chr, the naacp, and other civic organization during much of the s failed, sullivan called a small meeting of ministers that ultimately served as the impetus of the selective patronage demonstrations. beyond serving as a spiritual sanctuary for the african american community, sullivan envisioned the black church as a ―formidable network of communication and cooperative power‖ (countryman, ). he identified the fundamental power of the black church as the african american minister‘s independence and impartiality in regards to political and economic affiliation. thus, in structuring a movement that centralized selective patronage, sullivan went to the heads of black churches for collective cooperation. his conceptualization of the church was very similar to how the church was utilized by his mentors powell and randolph. similar to the national civil rights movement that was currently in motion, sullivan sought to transform philadelphia‘s black churches into the active headquarters for a social movement geared toward resisting discrimination in employment. furthermore, he attempted to cement the african american minister as the spiritual and public head of the movement. in an article published in the baltimore afro-american titled ministers wage economic war on discrimination; the author reported that ―…the ministers agreed that they [could] not, in good conscience, remain silent while their members support companies which are philadelphia tribune, local ministers organize for youth employment opportunity. june , gammage violating not only philadelphia laws, but human rights of those who are the victim of job discrimination.‖ from that small meeting of ministers, a priority group was formed that would serve as the nucleus of the collaborative. the group would be responsible for charting the course of action and selecting a new spokesperson for each campaign. this central group was made up of leaders of denominational conferences and other ministers that were active and vocal on civil rights (sullivan, ). the organizational structure was based off of sullivan‘s, as well as his successor reverend gus roman‘s, belief that any significant social movement that was rooted in the african american community was successful because it was grounded in the church. further, sullivan regarded the african american minister as the most respected leader within the african american community. while many of the ministers were active in previous demonstrations in philadelphia, sullivan sought to devise a method that deviated from the liberal political reform approach and reestablished the grassroots bases that were responsible for the emergence of the liberal reformist movement in philadelphia. the first action of the priority group was to solicit the support of african american ministers in which they received a strong base of ministers. the priority group then investigated several businesses‘ workforce demographics and employment practices and made recommendations for which companies were to be targeted. the baltimore afro-american. ministers wage economic war on discrimination. june , ibid. in a discussion with rev. gus roman regarding african american economic development and the role of leon sullivan and the oic on (date) he emphasized this point emphatically gammage informational meetings were the venue where all supporters could discuss the recommendations of the priority group and outline the specific courses of action. of the selective demonstrations conducted, the group of demanded a meeting with the executives of the targeted company. the organizations outlined their concerns regarding selective employment based on race. the ministers established a timeframe for which the executive had to meet the collective‘s demands. in the case that executives refused to meet with the ministers, the collaborative would negotiate with the executives for the established timeframe, in most cases weeks, and then move to action if demands were not met. it must be noted that the demands established by the ministers were minimal when compared to the devastating affects that racial discrimination in employment had on african american poverty rates. sullivan states ―…the minimum requests were never really excessive. really, what was being asked was a concrete, visible change of employment practices as far as the colored worker was concerned‖ (sullivan, ). this collective act of resistance, at minimum, attempted to achieve what the white lrm failed to, afford african americans access to employment in industries and companies that were exclusively white. when companies did not comply with the demands presented by the group of ministers, the collaborative would encourage their congregation not to patronize the businesses‘ and/or their products. the strategy of the collective was to force businesses to acknowledge their racist employment practices by redirecting the spending power of the members of black churches. the idea was that if a significant number of african americans withheld their support, it would have a devastating blow for businesses that gammage heavily relied on african americans‘ dollars. moreover, sullivan‘s philosophy was that the most effective strategy for negotiating with business owners was through direct action that affected their pocketbooks. sullivan states ―…our desire was not only to get black men and women into sensitive positions they had never held before, but also to break the company‘s entire pattern of discriminatory employment practices‖ (sullivan, ). one of the pivotal demonstrations of selective patronage organized by the group of ministers was directed at the tasty baking company (tbc). throughout the late s, tasty baking company had a thriving business that sold products in nearly every convenient and grocery store in the african american community. african americans supported their products despite being excluded from employment as salespeople, delivery drivers, office workers, and production line workers. as a result, the priority group targeted the tbc and demanded five assurances: ) ―that the recently assignment [african american] driver salesmen and two in training be given ‗fixed routes and that more be added in the immediate future, ) a minimum of two [african american women] be included on the clerical force of the company, and additional colored office personnel be added in the immediate future, ) that bulletin board announcements declare the end of restroom and locker room jim crow for women employees, ) that [african american women] be given equal opportunity for upgrading, and ) assurance is given that these policies will be continued and not slighted if and when the campaign is declared ended.‖ philadelphia tribune, pastors reject tasty baking co. compromise. july , . gammage the tbc initially rejected the demands outlined by the ministers. tbc refused to acknowledge the disproportionate number of african american employees in low-level positions compared to skilled and managerial positions. on june th , , the group of launched their selective patronage campaign against tbc with sullivan serving as the spokesperson for negotiations. the tbc rejected the minister‘s claim of discriminatory hiring practices and responded by outlining the company‘s commitment to the hiring of african american workers and hiring based on qualifications. on june th tbc ran the advertisement tasty baking company outlines fair employment program obvious misunderstandings is corrected providing their explanation for low numbers of african americans in skilled positions. the ad states with our extremely low turnover and unusually large amount of employment applications, our standards and qualifications are high so that we have become the envy of the industry, and the sole consideration for anyone in the regard irrespective of race, color, or creed is their qualification as compared with all others applying for employment.‖ tbc also challenged the legality of the ―selective patronage‖ tactic by requesting that the chr investigate the demonstration. the chr later declared that the demonstration was within the law. during the demonstration, convenient stores throughout african american community in philadelphia refused to sell tbc products. the tri state defender reported that at the height of the demonstration, , people philadelphia tribune, tasty baking company outlines fair employment program obvious misunderstandings is corrected june . baltimore afro-american, new england baptists endorse selective patronage campaign against tasty baking company. for further discussion on the tbc protest refer to stacy sewell the ‗not-buying power‘ of the black community: urban boycotts and equal employment opportunity, – . also refer to mathew countryman‘s up south. gammage were actively participating. the overwhelming support of community members and local businesses forced tbc to accommodate all five demands outlined by the ministers. on august , the ministers discontinued the campaign after three months of economic withdrawal and negotiation. tbc began to hire a minimal numbers of african americans as sales people, delivery drivers, office workers and production-line workers. shortly after, tbc addressed the remaining demands. the demonstration on the tbc was the first and one of the longest demonstrations organized by the ministers. more important, the demonstration was pivotal in that it provided the momentum for future campaigns organized by the ministers. the demonstration‘s success was gained without the support of the local and many of the national daily publications. the minister did not call on any government agency to intervene. nonetheless, the network organized via the church, helped to gain the community‘s confidence in the method and immediate prestige and sense of urgency for the group of ministers within the business community in philadelphia. in the reader‘s response section of the philadelphia tribune, a community member‘s response to the minister‘s organizational efforts stated ―…besides liking the manner in which they‘re doing it, i am overwhelmed by the momentum their ‗selective patronage‘ campaign is picking up steam.‖ ultimately, the tbc demonstration also illustrated the tremendous power of collective participation. grassroots methods of organizing community activism were able to accomplish what liberal politics and reformist legislation failed to. it forced tri state defender, preachers call halt to selective buying. august , philadelphia tribune, hails ministers campaign june , . pg. gammage a white owned business that practiced discriminatory hiring in selective departments of the corporation to immediately abandon that practice. following the demonstration against tbc, the ministers chose a new spokesperson and research committee to target freihofer‘s, a local bakery. partially due to the success of the tbc protest, the ministers reached an agreement with freihofer‘s without having to utilize selective patronage (countryman, ; p. ). the group of ministers and the act of selective patronage began to gain a reputation for its effectiveness. the tri state defender reports this campaign was one of the most effective ever waged against what has been termed ‗gross discrimination in northern industry‘ and had the cooperation of all segments of the [african american] community in philadelphia and nearby areas, -clergy, business, fraternal, civic and youth. through protest, the negotiation process between civil rights advocates and big businesses in philadelphia began to drastically change. after reaching agreements with two of the largest baking companies, the ministers directed their protest tactics against the bottling industry. on october nd , the ministers targeted the local pepsi cola bottling company for selective patronage. on october th , the philadelphia tribune announced the demonstration and reported that pepsi cola‘s bottlers only had two employees that were not white on its staff. in the article preachers aim selective patronage guns tri state defender, preachers call halt to selective buying. august , gammage at pepsi-cola, the tribune reports that the ministers encouraged their followers to refrain from purchasing pepsi products. in less than a week, the pepsi cola bottling company made assurances to accommodate the ministers‘ demands. the pepsi cola protest, like tbc, solidified the group of ministers and the method of selective patronage. soon after the pepsi cola victory, philadelphia‘s coca cola and seven up bottlers complied with the demands made by the ministers. demonstrations launched on philadelphia‘s baking industries and the soda bottling industries were strategically planned so that the companies were targeted during what was perceived to be the company‘s most profitable business quarter. this approach made any business heavily depended on african americans‘ patronage extremely vulnerable. this further dramatized the protest and contributed to its success. the same tactics were used when targeting the city‘s petroleum companies. during the winter months, the group of launched selective patronage demonstrations during the petroleum industry‘s most profitable quarters. the group of ministers first targeted atlantic richfield and standard oil. the two companies entered negotiations immediately and reached an agreement with the ministers without the pressure of protest. as countryman points out in his text up south, the significance of atlantic richfield‘s compromise with the ministers was that after being investigated by the chr and declared discriminatory in their employment practices, the chr had failed in forcing atlantic to integrate all departments within their philadelphia tribune. preachers aim selective patronage guns at pepsi-cola. october , . gammage corporation (countryman, ; p. ). the inadequacy of liberalism was most evident by this protest. while local liberals were initially sympathetic to businesses targeted by the ministers, the agencies responsible for resolving discriminatory employment were largely ineffective. the next major selective patronage demonstration organized by the ministers was directed at the local gulf oil retailers. on january , , the ministers launched a selective patronage campaign against gulf oil to demand that african american workers be hired in the company‘s offices and as salesmen drivers on oil and gasoline trucks. unlike atlantic richfield and standard oil, gulf refused to make assurances to the minister‘s demands. the minister‘s research of gulf found that african americans were only employed in the company‘s cafeteria. the pittsburg courier reported that gulf assured that they were willing to make immediate steps to set a fair employment policy and requested the ministers to assess progress over a seven-day observation period. the ministers rejected gulf‘s request and reemphasized their commitment to continue the campaign until all demands were met. immediately after the campaign was announced, gulf customers sought to terminate their home heating contract. in addition, the tri state defender reports that s of african american motorists immediately discontinued use of gulf‘s filling stations. after a week of protest, gulf made assurances to meet the ministers‘ demands. gulf hired an african american accountant, a sales representative and several oil truck salesman drivers. tri state defender. gulf hires negroes, boycott called off. february , pittsburgh courier, atlantic, esso cooperating with philly ministers. january , chicago daily defender. gulf hires negroes, boycott called off. january , gammage the sun oil company (soc) was the next firm targeted by the group of ministers. the sun oil campaign illustrated the stark difference between the african american fight for economic liberation and white liberalism‘s conceptualization of equal opportunity. sun oil was generally accepted by liberals due the high number of african americans employed by the firm. however, the ministers were clear that volume did not correlate to equal opportunity. the ministers initiated negotiations with soc on february . due to the large number of african americans employed at the refinery, soc rejected the ministers‘ demands. the soc strongly felt that they complied with the state‘s fair employment practices policies. after a month of negotiating, the ministers announced that soc did not meet the minimal demands put forward and had declared the beginning of a selective patronage campaign on march , . on march th , leaflets were distributed throughout the african american community entitled ―no more dollars for discrimination‖. soc launched a public relation campaign of their own sending letters to various employees and distributing a press release to local and statewide papers. the soc went as far as distributing letters to protest participants outlining the progress made. the ministers intensified their campaign by incorporating the african american masons. countryman states, ―at an april press conference, the ministers kicked off the second phase of their campaign against sun with the announcement that the state leader of the [african american] masons had ordered pennsylvania‘s , masons to stop buying sun products‖ (countryman, ; p. ). the soc finally made assurances that they would comply to all of the demands of the ministers. on june , gammage , the ministers terminated the selective patronage campaign. sullivan states that between and , the ministers were successful in over selective patronage campaigns. he argued, ―it has been estimated that as a result of these campaigns in philadelphia more than two thousand skilled jobs were opened directly to colored workers. indirectly, the number reached several thousands more, because there was a chain effect‖ (sullivan, ). barriers of discrimination were being broken solely by african american collective cooperation. multimillion-dollar corporations such as tbc, sun oil, pepsi cola, coca cola, seven up, gulf oil, atlantic richfield and standard oil were forced to reconstruct employment practices because of selective patronage. selective patronage was a grassroots method of resisting discrimination in employment. the minister‘s ability to direct and redirect the spending patterns of many african americans in philadelphia allowed them to dictate the content of meetings and forced some of the most powerful companies to engage in business agreements on the terms outlined by the minister. the ministers stepped out of the restricted scope of liberalism and reclaimed their agency. through the act of protest they were able to form a movement that was exclusively controlled by african american leadership and independent of outside aid. this method allowed african americans to define the criteria for justice and made all other negotiating groups honor and adhere to that standard. however, while the selective patronage movement was largely successful in breaking the racial barriers in some of the philadelphia‘s largest industries and gained employment for thousands of african americans, it did not have a significant impact on eliminating discriminatory practices in employment. many corporations satisfied the gammage minimum demands and allowed an insignificant number of african americans in mid- level and skilled positions. further, the basis of the movement sought to demand entrance of african americans in a hostile white institution. fundamentally, the selective patronage movement was an integrationist model that sought reform. in this regard, the selective patronage movement was a direct extension of the white lrm. it failed to explore ways of directing african american spending toward developing a self- sustaining market that was owned and operated by african americans. after meeting the demands of the ministers, the companies went on to dominate their industries with the support of the black dollar. the selective patronage movement had the capacity to forge african american industries that would be competitive with firms who did not honor equal opportunity. african americans could have taken control of many of the industries that relied on the african american dollar and challenged racism and eliminated african americans‘ reliance on racially exclusive businesses. protesting government-sanctioned discrimination in december of , the american federation of labor and the congress of industrial organizations (afl-cio) vowed to make eliminating racism within trade unions a primary goal. later, in december of , the state of pennsylvania, through the pennsylvania fair employment practice commission, enacted the pennsylvania fair employment practice act. in addition to provisions outlined for equal employment, the fep act made provisions for federally funded contracts. the fep act explicitly states the commission may properly attempt to enforce the several provisions in various pennsylvania laws which require that contracts between the state of pennsylvania and a contractor for the construction, alteration or repair gammage of certain public buildings and public works ‗shall contain a provision by which the contractor agrees that in hiring employees for the performance of work under this contract or any sub-contract hereunder, no contractor, sub-contractor …shall by reason of race creed or color, discriminate against any citizen of the commonwealth of pennsylvania who is qualified and available to perform the work to which the employment relates. despite the provisions outlined by the state, employment discrimination based on race was prevalent in philadelphia‘s building trades unions well into the s. in a report produced by the naacp‘s labor department in , it was revealed that …discriminatory racial practices by trade unions are not simply isolated or occasional expressions of local bias against colored workers, but rather, as the record indicates, a continuation of the institutionalized pattern of anti- negro employment practices that is traditional with large sections of organized labor and industrial management. countryman also discusses the issue of racially selective employment by asserting as late as , not a single black skilled craftsperson was employed on city construction projects and the , combined members of the local plumbers, electricians, and steamfitters‘ unions included only one single black electrician (countryman, ; p. ). more important, the issuing of federally funded contracts to companies that widely practiced discrimination undermined the foundation that liberalism rested on and shattered the illusion put forth by philadelphia‘s liberal constituency. civil rights activists were well aware of the challenge of selective employment by contractors and the racially exclusive unions that were hired on city contracts. while protest was a stable in , urban league urb . box folder . temple university urban archives , urban league urb . box folder . temple university urban archives. this is a naacp report entitled racism within organized labor: a report of five years of the afl-cio – . gammage the movement for african american economic development, entering the s a shift in tactic illustrated the bad faith of the liberalism, a flaw in its philosophical approach, and the hopelessness of public policy. the fundamental principle of liberalism was being effectively used to maintain racial exclusivity in the mid- level and skilled positions in essentially all industries in philadelphia. the chr and other local agencies such as the philadelphia council for community advancement (pcca) were ineffective in ending the practice of discrimination by the enactment of legislation alone and they were not empowered to make violators comply with the local and state provisions for fair employment. movements like selective patronage possessed a power component that government agencies were missing. in addition, these movements deviated from the committee collaboration approach adopted by reformists, yet still showed commitment to the tenets of liberalism. the protest era of the civil rights movement and the thrust for economic development was a direct critique of liberalism and the ineffectiveness of liberal politics. by , the naacp joined the congress of racial equality (core) in engaging in protests methods that were used in the southern struggle for equal opportunity and equal rights. however, unlike the selective patronage movement, the protest era of the s began by shifting their focus from isolated institutions of employment to exposing the contradictions of local liberal reformists. the shift revealed the changing attitude of the masses of african americans with liberalism and passive protests. in essence, african americans began to iron out the stark differences in the liberal quest for equal opportunity and the african american movement for liberation. gammage in , in an effort to advance the movement for anti-discrimination in employment, core requested that james tate, former philadelphia mayor ( – ), meet to discuss the refusal of subcontractors to hire african americans as skilled workers on the new city hall project at th and arch street. discussing federally funded construction contracts directly indicted the city‘s endorsement of racial discrimination. tate and the chr had been unable or unwilling to deconstruct the rigid racial barriers within the building trades-unions, which directly affected many of the city‘s construction sites. tate initially declined the meet and immediately became the target for protest by core. like the selective patronage movement, core strategically attacked at the height of election year. on april , seven protesters with signs picketed for two hours outside the home of tate. among the protesters was louis smith, the chairperson of philadelphia‘s local chapter. smith publicly stated core‘s position on anti-discrimination in the construction industry when stating, ―…the city is morally bound to insure non-bias even if it means using non-union men.‖ core also formed a line of picketers around city hall to further publicized tate‘s refusal to address discrimination in trade unions and on federally funded construction sites. tate publically responded by recommending that core ―should be picketing the building trades unions.‖ new pittsburg courier. philadelphia mayor finds negro set to fight. june , philadelphia tribune. mayor tate ‘unhappy’ with core pickets at his home. april , ibid ibid gammage core targeted tate for what smith defined as his ―refusal to end job discrimination in the construction of city administration building on reyburn plaza.‖ in a letter, smith charged tate with deceiving african americans by taking the stance that he was powerless in ending racial discrimination in employment on city construction projects. in a comment to the philadelphia tribune, edward mauerman, deputy commissioner of public property, defended tate by stating that the selection of works was entirely up to the contractors. mauerma, like tate, attempted to exempt city hall from the responsibility of employment discrimination. in his letter, smith reiterated provisions of the equal employment opportunities section of the city‘s standard contract requirements, which states that the city has the power to terminate any contract in which the contractor is guilty of discrimination. consequently, core targeted tate, an elected officer, with the power to deny a contract or seizing an existing contract with any company using discriminatory hiring practices. on april th , core intensified the pressure on tate by staging an all-night sit-in in the mayor‘s suite and the hallway of the mayor‘s office. the philadelphia tribune reported that the demonstrators arrived equipped with food and prepared to stay until tate ended discrimination in the construction industry. after an hour of demonstrating, tate issued a letter requiring an investigation be conducted by the chr on the hiring practice of the construction company working on the city‘s municipal services building (msb). he also requested that the chr report their findings and recommendation within philadelphia tribune. mayor tate ‘unhappy’ with core pickets at his home. april , ibid gammage days. core immediately ended their demonstration. on may st , the chr began their -day hearing for individuals that could attest to selective employment in the construction industry. chr identified categories of potential witnesses. . if you can testify to the fact that you applied for a job on a city construction project and were refused or if you have applied to join a union which works on city construction project and were refused; . if you have been refused work on non-city contraction jobs; . if you have been classified as a helper and have not been upgraded or if as a helper you have been performing tasks of a union member while being denied the right to carry a union card; . if you can present facts to prove that there are none or very few negroes in any building trade union. as the chr conducted hearings, tate expressed the he would allow construction on the msb to resume. as a result, core resumed demonstrating at the construction site. on may th , core formed a picket line on the msb construction site with over demonstrators. like before, core expanded their protest on may th with demonstrators. participants manned tate‘s office and vowed to stay until construction was seized and a plan for making the construction industry anti-discriminatory. after hours of protest, tate met the demonstrators‘ demands by stopping construction on the msb until contractors agreed to incorporate fair employment practices. on may , the chr officially released a report with the same findings as the naacp‘s report by its labor department. the chr report concluded that craft unions, electricians, philadelphia tribune, mayor's office sit-in forces building trades study. april , ; gammage plumbers, a steamfitter, sheet metal workers, and roofers and contractors were not in compliance with the city‘s and state‘s nondiscrimination previsions (countryman, ; p. ). out of this protest, two things of significance were achieved: ) construction on msb was immediately halted due to the protest efforts of core; and ) contractors working on the msb agreed to hire at least one african american at a skilled position and had committed to hiring every qualified african american craftsmen who applied for a position. in addition, the unions committed to accept african americans as members when hired. although a collaboration between afl-cio local leaders and selected african american leaders was formed to identify and strategically address discrimination in construction, this replicated the traditional liberal approach of solving racial discrimination. legislation and previous commitments made by companies did not end racial discrimination, but such policies illustrated a shift toward structural change through social disobedience. core‘s demonstrations did not create equal opportunity in construction; it demonstrated to african americans that direct action protest demanded immediate action by the city‘s political elite. it forced contractors and unions to break the tradition of racial exclusivity. in a movement seeking reform, immediate action is the highest gain. while i do not consider the protest movement, black power, it is a shift in the liberal reform approach to social reform. naacp, under the leadership of cecil b. moore, also engaged in protesting government-sanctioned discriminations. moore sought to expose the united states postal services (usps), a federal agency, for discriminatory promotion practices. in july gammage of , moore criticized the usps for practicing discrimination in employment and promotion. in a telegram sent to j. j. doherty, regional director of the post office, moore argued that of jobs in the regional office with salaries ranging from $ to , none were held by [african americans]…of a total of persons employed by the office only are african americans. moore further pointed out that ―although approximately percent of the total work force is african american, a microscopic number of african americans have been promoted beyond grade - . in an effort to investigate the issue and negotiate a resolution, moore entered in discussions with philadelphia‘s postmaster anthony lambert and congressmen robert n.c. nix. however, moore declared negotiations unproductive due to the presence of nix. moore charged nix with being a ―racial apologist‖ and refused to resume negotiations with nix present. after lambert refused to resume negotiations without nix, moore contacted lambert‘s superiors in washington d.c. to force him to resume but was denied. consequently, on july th , moore declared that if the issue was not resolved, the naacp would have picketers in front of the th street post office starting monday july th , to disrupt mail trucks from going in or out of the building. despite a congressional sub-committee hearing on the problem of promotions within the usps set for august th , moore planned to carryout the protest and labeled the committee powerless. on july th , philadelphia‘s naacp became the first organization to protest the government‘s largest agency, the usps. after a month long protest, the philadelphia tribune. naacp levels new blast at bias in post office. july , philadelphia tribune. naacp selects po, greyhound as next targets. july , . gammage naacp reached an agreement with local postal officials that allowed the branch to review postal promotions in the city for one month for evidence of discrimination. while the protest did not provide immediate promotions for african american postal workers, moore placed the naacp in a position to actively engage discrimination and demand government intervention. although the state and local governments had shown negligence in enforcing anti-discrimination in employment the protest began to made government take responsibility to take action on issues in the labor movement. both examples of protest in the local movement in philadelphia demonstrate the departure of african american leadership from the liberalist passive committee collaboration approach. organizations began to take direct action to address the needs outlined by african american leadership. the articulation of the problems and the contradiction of liberalism came to the forefront of the movement and were illustrated by direct action protest. conclusion the movement for african american economic empowerment transitioned from a movement committed to the principles of liberalism to a direct action protest. this transition illustrates african americans‘ frustration with liberalism and the empty promises of civil rights legislation. moreover, the protest era demonstrates the philosophical differences between equal opportunity and african american liberation. the use of protest marked the period where african american leadership began to frame african american problems outside of the lens of the dominant political party and through the lens of the struggling masses. the tactics used required grassroots methods gammage that existed outside the lines of liberal reform. the selective patronage movement diverged from the naacp‘s work with the chr. sullivan‘s ministers claimed their agency and began to define the rule of engagement and the desired outcome. the protest on city hall‘s construction sites was a direct implication of liberalism‘s support for discrimination. core‘s ability to force the mayor to discontinue construction for five days revealed the commitment of discrimination in the construction industry and the ―do nothing‖ politics of liberal leadership. although these two forms of resistance are assimilations in nature, they demonstrate the inadequacies of liberalism. in the following chapter, i discuss more nationalist forms of resistance and identify the ideological shift in the movement for african american economic empowerment. gammage chapter civil rights and nationalism: african american economic development movements introduction as the movement for economic development gained momentum in the mid- s, it was clear through the use of new modes of resistance that african americans were beginning to sharpen their philosophical lens when charting out a course for addressing race and economic stability in the socio-economic climate of the united states. more apparent was the necessity to abandon the basic tenets of liberalism. the transition from the liberal reform movement to the civil rights movement illustrated that liberalism had far outlived its usefulness. the failure of local, state, and federal legislation, and the agencies that enforce them, to guarantee african american economic opportunities led to more radical methods of protecting african americans‘ economic security. moreover, the declining conditions of african american communities made it clear that economic stability for the masses of african american people would be gained by utilizing grassroots methods of resistance that was not dependent on assistance from the dominant political party. committee collaboration that was a staple of the white lrm since the passing of the new home rule, began to have less significance as african americans devised more effective ways to create results. as the movement for african american economic development shifted protest methods from passive resistance to direct action, factions in the african american gammage community began to develop and implement institutions rooted in black power. to this point, philadelphia‘s demonstrations were geared toward eliminating racial barriers that excluded african americans from securing stable employment. moreover, these approaches were assimaltionist in that they sought inclusion in exclusively white industries. the new wave of african american intellectual leadership in philadelphia began to move toward independent institutions and rejecting imperialism on a domestic and international front. with the emergence of african leaders in independent countries, such as kwame nkrumah in ghana, the movement became more critical of international factors of african exploitation. aspects of a pan africanist approach emerged and influenced modes of resistance and economic models as an alternative to capitalism. more important, the struggle was being redefined and expanded outside the national boarders to the international community. with the change in the national economy and the expansion of imperialism to africa, asia and latin america, the movement to address white supremacy became a fight against international dominance. new forms of resistance provided a much broader analysis of the african american condition within an international context. these new forms sought to reclaim african american agency through protest. the quasi-nationalist factions sought institutional formation as a means of protest but still sought to be competitive in the a pan africanist approach to economic development is collective commitment to african economic liberation that extends beyond geographic boarders. this concept takes from marcus garvey and kwame nkrumah philosophical conceptualization of a united african front for african liberation. i also lean on dr. zizwe poe‘s assertion of pan africanism in that it is ―a set of ideas and actions that seek to establish an optimal zone for macro african agency.‖ further pan africanism is concerned with centralizing collective african agency. gammage current socio-economic system without acknowledging capitalism‘s exploitive activities in africa. a nationalist constituency formed which leaned on the philosophical positions espoused by martin delaney, marcus garvey, elijah muhammad, and malcolm x. this faction sought black power and independence from white racist institutions. lastly, the pan african perspective emerged which linked africa and its diaspora in a unified struggle against economic and cultural oppression. thus, an afrocentric analysis of the economic activities of the united states was beginning to influence methods of obtaining african american economic stability in philadelphia. african americans in philadelphia, as well as blacks throughout the nation, sought to identify the links that bind africans throughout the world and other exploited communities. more important, more culturally inclusive ways of economic development were offered. activists began to identify strategies that allowed them to act with a sense of social responsibility while disrupting the production of an oppressive system. in philadelphia, there are three distinct methods of resistance that formed three alternatives for african american economic development. these methods are: ). quasi- nationalist ―black capitalist‖, ). nationalism through black power and ) pan africanist through international resistance to imperialism and exploitation. in this chapter, i discuss the climax of the assimilationist resistance and the formation of the ―black capitalism,‖ in sullivan‘s - program and african american industrial ownership. in the first section, i discuss the methods of resisting white supremacy and the alternative sullivan suggests for african american economic development. the next section investigates the black economic development conference and the black gammage manifesto‘s call for reparations. this discussion examines the formation of the black manifesto and its recommended alternatives for economic development. in the final section, i discuss the need for a pan african movement as a means of securing african american economic stability, and provide examples of pan african resistance and a charge to move toward african economic empowerment. progress movement and the zion investment associates if we build a thousand oics and establish aaes all across america, or if similar kinds of training and outreach programs are established by other people… black men must not only train for jobs but create jobs and add to the american economy -leon sullivan while rev. sullivan is well known for his role in organizing the ―selective patronage‖ movement and the formation of opportunities institutionalization center (oic) training program, this research focuses on the role of zion investment associates (zia) as a model for african american economic development. focusing on zia allows us to analyze sullivan‘s contributions to ―black capitalism‖ and the quasi-nationalist approach to african american economic development in philadelphia. in my assessment, zia exemplifies the height of sullivan‘s work in philadelphia and gives us a clear understanding of his philosophical approach to gaining african american economic stability. it is my contention that while sullivan‘s oic programs were beneficial to the labor movement and a key component of economic development in philadelphia, the program was also an extension of a vicious cycle that rationalized african american poverty. the rationalization of african american poverty in the new liberal reformist context constituted illegitimate prejudice in employment opportunities based on unequal gammage qualifications. the philosophical approach of professional training programs is one that suggests that african americans possessed a personal pathology, a defect that implied that they were unfit for advancement in employment. during the lrm‘s fight for equal opportunity, white racist industries used qualifications as rational for not employing african american workers, thus programs such as oic were a reactionary response to unverified claims. furthermore, the program was similar to projects previously established in the s and s such as the defense training program and programs initiated under the manpower development and training act. oic‘s unique contribution was its feeder program and courses that were culturally and historically specific for african americans. this does not diminish the value of the oic; it simply repositions it as an extension of the lrm and suggests that it moved away from the protest and resistance tactics that were pivotal in the s. brief overview of opportunity industrialization center despite the influence that social protest had on creating employment opportunities for african americans in philadelphia, a new challenge of meeting job qualifications created new barriers in the struggle for equal opportunity in employment. still committed to liberalism, sullivan‘s position was that ―… we had to be just as militant in getting our people ready for the jobs as we were in opening up the jobs for them.‖ the oic was designed to be a multi-cultural program, however, its location in the heart of the for discussion on the impact of racism and the perception of african american workers refer to gunnar myrdal, an american dilemma: the negro problem and modern democracy. also refer to guian mckee, the problem of jobs; liberalism, race, and deindustrialization in philadelphia. gammage african american community at th street and oxford, illustrates its commitment to african americans. the purpose was to serve as a training program that would give african americans proficiency in skills needed to work in various industries that philadelphia offered. following the success of the ―selective patronage‖ movement, sullivan recognized the slow rate of african americans integrating into skilled positions, management positions, and gaining union membership. according to the united states bureau of labor, whites made up . percent of the male professional and technical jobs, . percent of the managerial and proprietor positions, . percent of the clerical and sales jobs, and . percent of the craftsmen and foremen in . the limiting opportunities for african americans in skilled and managerial positions made african americans extremely vulnerable to poverty in a declining industrial economy. as a result, sullivan instituted the opportunity industrialization center (oic), a multicultural professional and industrial training center geared toward preparing african americans for skill trades and industrial labor. from sullivan‘s perspective, ―our people were getting jobs, but it was becoming more and more difficult to find people to fill some of the jobs. these were jobs that [african american] people had never had the opportunities to hold before in sizeable numbers‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). sullivan saw the oic as the platform through which african americans could gain necessary skills to take advantage of u.s. census of population and housing, : summary population and housing characteristics: philadelphia. washington: government printing office, . also refer to guian mckee‘s the problem of jobs: liberalism, race, and deindustrialization in philadelphia pp. . gammage employment opportunities produced by protest. the oic, like the ―selective patronage‖ movement, was viewed as a grassroots program rooted in the tradition of self-help and self-reliance. it deviated from the white lrm approach of public policy and picked up were protest left off. although the formation of oic deviated from the white lrm and protest movement of the early s, it sought the same ends, integration. sullivan expressed his motivation for oic when stating, ―i could see that integration without preparation was frustration‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). thus, the oic was intended to serve as the structural mechanism to resolve what gunnar myrdal, a social scientist, termed a ―personal pathology‖ which suggests that african american poverty is rooted in uneducated and unskilled labor. the civil rights movement‘s and sullivan‘s inability to resolve structural inequality in employment practices through protest and the failure of the education system led to a much subtle method of economic development. sullivan chose to target the issue of professional training. mckee contextualizes the issue of professional development in philadelphia‘s african american community and the challenges of securing skilled positions when arguing a number of factors created this dilemma. first, many employers based their requirements for entry-level jobs on the assumption that an employee would eventually be promoted to more demanding positions. as a result, hiring criteria often required skills that exceeded those actually needed for the initial job. second, the combination of inadequate educational opportunities and years of discrimination had often made it difficult for [african american] philadelphians to obtain skills, and even harder to take full advantage of skills that were developed. (mckee, ; p. ) gammage demonstrating his commitment to the liberal pragmatic method of civil rights, sullivan assembled a research committee to investigate the plausibility of an effective job-training program in philadelphia. the committee established the criteria for a community-based program that would embody three central characteristics: ) the program would prove specific training for skills needed for advancement in the local economy; ) in addition to professional skill training it would provide remedial education and black history courses; and ) it would be rooted, physically and administratively, in the community it served. due to the failure of previous job-training programs initiated by the federal government, sullivan sought to make oic specifically geared toward the african american community in philadelphia. many of the job training and job placement programs established to fight poverty largely excluded the african american community. in july , under the leadership of sullivan, a group of ministers officially announced the establishment of oic. reverend thomas ritter was named the director; sullivan served as the chairperson for the board of directors; and five ministers, five teachers, a lawyer, and a psychologist made up the remaining board members. after establishing the organizational structure and the ideological framework for oic, sullivan organized an operational meeting to draft instructors and administrative personal. these positions were voluntary but critical in transforming oic into the program that produced results for african american professional development training. according to sullivan, oic could not be an experiment but a solution based program that prepared african americans for local jobs that existed. gammage in the latter part of , with the assistance of councilman thomas mcintosh, mayor james tate signed an ordinance granting oic‘s board of directors a lease for $ per year for years (sullivan, ;). the lease gave oic a physical location in the heart of north philadelphia, one of the most densely populated african american communities during the s. ironically, oic‘s location, a dilapidated jailhouse, became the humble beginnings for a program intended to free an african american community imprisoned by poverty. the poor condition of the converted police station presented the board of oic with another extraordinary task of renovating the facility. according to mckee, the program invested $ , for renovations, hiring staff, acquiring equipment and supplies and developing the program‘s curriculum (mckee, ; p.). the funds were raised by a massive fundraising campaign that solidified the community‘s support as well as private investors. shortly after, a meeting with the executive director of the chamber of commerce of greater philadelphia, keeton arnett, president of wanamaker department store, richard bond, and sullivan, helped to form a working relationship that gained oic support from the business community (sullivan, ;). in the mist of public protest of the business community and the construction trade unions, oic became the beneficiary and outlet for the business community targeted by demonstrations for economic development. this union produced funding, training equipment, technical assistance, and most important jobs. among supporters, general electric company proved to be one of the most crucial. in addition, bell telephone company, the philco corporation, smith, kline and french laboratories, sharpless corporation, the western union company, the gammage budd company, westinghouse, and ibm and unions such as the international ladies garment workers union and the restaurant union made up the supporting cast of oic supporters (sullivan, ; pg ). an estimated value of $ , worth of equipment and $ , in liquid assets were donated to oic, which helped to jump-start the program (sullivan, ; mckee, ). in all, the union with the business community, more specifically the chamber of commerce, allowed the leadership of oic to navigate through the murky political terrain of the business industry during a racially charged climate of protest centered on discriminatory employment practices and african american poverty. on january , , oic held its dedication ceremony before a crowd of more than , community members, ministers, political dignitaries, businessmen, and reporters. sullivan‘s address emphasized the shift from protest to institutional formation and professional preparation. sullivan stated in this center, we shall lift the competencies and the spirits of our children, and we shall prove to the world that genius is colorblind. we shall help our boys and girls to know, that it is not the color of a balloon that determines how high it can fly, but what it has inside of it. the following day oic opened its doors for applicants and on march , admitted its first class. on may th , oic produced its first graduates. more important than graduation, all trainees had secured employment (sullivan, ; mckee, ). oic later incorporated a mandatory feeder program that offered remedial education courses (reading, writing, and mathematics), professional etiquette courses, and courses that were transcript of leon sullivan‘s address at oic dedication ceremony on january , . video provided by http://www.philaoic.org/sullivan.htm http://www.philaoic.org/sullivan.htm gammage culturally and historically relevant to african americans (sullivan, ;). the feeder program was oic‘s indirect response to substandard education that crippled many of the trainees and was prevalent in philadelphia‘s african american community. thus, the oic served as a professional training program and community up-lifting center. oic expanded itself and established a national base in large metropolitan cities throughout the united states and eventually in different countries. oic‘s rapid growth was due in part to the federal funding it received from the government‘s proposed ―war on poverty‖ (wop). in , under the lyndon b. johnson administration, the united states‘ government passed the economic opportunity act (eoa), which charted the government‘s course for attacking poverty. in , the area redevelopment administration (ara) awarded oic a $ , grant. during the same year, the department of labor‘s office of manpower, automation, and training awarded oic $ , for the feeder program. under the eoa, the office of economic opportunity (oeo) was formed to service the state and local governments through programs that were geared toward improving the health, education and social welfare of poor populations. to address the anti-poverty movement sponsored by the united states government, the oeo formed programs such as volunteers in service to america (vista), head start, and the job corps (augenbraun, ; p. ). like the approach taken by the chr, johnson‘s wop through the eoa provided funds for employment preparation and job skills training. on june , , oeo financed oic with a eric augenbraun, ( ) stand on your feet, black boy!: leon sullivan black power, job training, and the war on poverty . also so discussed in mckee, . countrymen . gammage $ , , grant that gave oic its financial stability (mckee, ). between and the philadelphia council for community advancement (pcaa) allocated $ , , to philadelphia‘s oic. the federal support for oic demonstrated two important factors: ) the program was consistent with the government‘s philosophical approach of addressing poverty; and ) the oic was a conservative alternative to more radical means of african american economic development. the escalation of racial tension in philadelphia in and the rise of black power politics created a political climate conducive for oic. thus, programs like oic, the black coalition, and early programs like the defense training program were largely funded and supported by the federal government as a means to addressing poverty. at the outset, oic operated with the support of private supporters, lenders and zion baptist church to sustain its operating budget (sullivan, ; countryman, ; mckee, ). however, shortly after oic was established, the ford foundation and the federal government became major contributors. oic, under the leadership of sullivan, produced business coalitions that helped to bridge the gap between industry and community. the oic movement founded partnerships with federal and local government agencies as well as some of the most successful business minds across the nation. one of the key coalitions formed was the national industrial advisory council (niac) and the national technical advisory opportunity industrialization center of america. acc temple university urban archives also refer to sullivan, ; mckee, ; countrymen, . gammage committee (ntac). the niac/ntac was oic‘s national industrial support network. the niac was a collaborative of roughly business leaders that offer their personal expertise, influence, and their company‘s resources, in advising and assisting the chairman of the board in oic matters. this coalition was formed to assure industry‘s commitment at the national and local levels and to enrich and update programs in addition to developing new systems and ideas to advance the productivity of oic. the niac was vital in instituting the computerized management information system. due to the advisement of pfizer, inc., international business machines, inc., the sun co, metropolitan life insurance co and the sperry and hutchinson co. this system was formed to expand the oic‘s technological management. the ntac was a committee appointed by the niac to provide advice and related assistance to the national executive director. zion investment associates the success of the social protest movement revealed two significant things for the movement for african american economic development: ) that structural change, no matter small or great, would only occur through protest and revolutionary resistance; and ) that professional development and integration did not correlate to equal opportunity within a capitalist matrix. sullivan‘s selective patronage campaigns were effective in breaking racial barriers in many of philadelphia‘s leading industries, but it was only able opportunity industrialization center america. acc box folder . temple university urban archives opportunities industrialization center america acc box folder temple university urban archives ibid gammage to force companies to relinquish a minute number of mid-level and skilled positions for a rapidly growing african american population. furthermore, oic‘s professional development did not challenge the dominance of white businessmen on the local political economy and the nation‘s economic activities. negotiations with some of the executives of leading industries helped sullivan to conclude that the most efficient way of contributing to african americans in philadelphia was to develop institutions that would have the capacity to transform african americans into owners of industry. demonstrations petitioning whites for entrance into their institution would not sustain african americans‘ economic well being moving as it moved forward into the future. despite the expansion of oic and its efficiency, the program still made many african americans vulnerable and reliant on a changing economy that often times still rejected african americans for high-level positions. furthermore, the issue of deindustrialization and urban renewal created a new dynamic for the african american labor struggle in philadelphia. the relocation of urban industries to exclusively white suburban communities, coupled with the discriminatory lending practices of the banking industry, created a new form of economic exclusion that limited african american opportunity for economic advancement (oliver and shapiro, ; p. - ). this mode of structural inequality had an adverse affect on philadelphia‘s african american community and heightened the racial tensions in many of the city‘s integrated communities. by the mid- s, it was painfully obvious that deindustrialization and discriminatory practices in housing had devastating affects on urban communities: ) the ghettoization of urban communities resulting in a decline in property value coupled with gammage restricted funding for renovation; ) over populated communities that led to rapid deterioration of homes; and ) impoverished communities that led to high levels of delinquency. mckee discusses the shifting climate and liberalism‘s inability to reform structural causes of poverty when stating, …unwilling to alter basic economic structures, unable to address non- cultural causes of poverty and inequality and uncertain in challenging systematic dimensions of racism, liberals during the s, s, and early s restricted political life to pluralist bargaining among interest groups, economic policy to a commercial keynesian focus on overall growth and antipoverty efforts to remedies for the cultural and behavioral characteristics of the poor themselves. (mckee, ; p. ) as a result, sullivan developed the blueprint for a program that would once again redirect african american dollars for the purpose of investing in developing independent industries. like the patronage movement, sullivan‘s plan was rooted in the church and funded by members of zion baptist church (sullivan, ). this would serve as the peak of the assimilationist thrust for african american economic stability. when rev. sullivan took over as presiding pastor of zion in , it had a membership of no more that but grew to exceed , by (sullivan, ). with a large congregation and a strong reputation in the community, due in part to his involvement with the selective patronage movement and the formation of the oic, sullivan was able to call on his members for a collaborative investment program. according to sullivan, ―our ultimate aim is to become involved in the full circle of national and international economics and affairs‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). sullivan‘s oic had benefitted from president lyndon b. johnson‘s wop, now it was time to advance his resistance to discrimination by institution building. gammage influenced by the philosophies of booker t. washington and marcus garvey, sullivan sought to engage in a project that embodied the principles of self-help, self- reliance and ownership. sullivan understood that in order for african americans to equally participate in the nation‘s economy, they would have to own homes and businesses, as well as provide jobs for their own community. sullivan argued blacks had bought the second-hand and third-hand houses from whites that took the money and ran like mad to all white suburbs to escape the black plague… nor was there a single shopping center built and owned by black people anywhere in the delaware valley of which philadelphia is a part. there was not a single factory, or an industry of any consequence that employed large numbers of black people or was owned and operated by african americans. (sullivan, ; p. - ) the wealth holdings of african americans nationally, had not increased in the years between and (. percent of the nation‘s wealth). sullivan stated further that ―we hold no more than one-half of one percent (point five percent) of the business and entrepreneurial wealth of the country‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). until that point, the protest movements organized in philadelphia sought only to dismantle racial borders in employment but failed to build competing industries. sullivan had abandoned the liberalist approach of political intervention due to the limitations of legislation and its governing bodies. as a result, sullivan introduced his - proposal to the congregation of zion in june of . the dominance of white businessmen in the african american community was illustrated by the drexel institute of technology study that reported whites owned percent of all businesses in the african america community (mckee, ; p. ). furthermore, sullivan predicted that by the year , half of the jobs people held would gammage no longer exist; new jobs will have taken their place (sullivan, ; p. ). as a result, sullivan stressed the need for a shift in strategy from direct and indirect protest to investment and institutional formation. to this end, sullivan instituted zion investment associates. he felt the resistance had to exist in a form that was adequate in combating new manifestations of institutional racism. he asserted, ―emancipation is achieved socially when people move in protest against injustice and deprivation. but economic emancipation is gained by knowledgeable bargaining, careful fiscal management and control and open competition‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). sullivan‘s new approach to african american economic development was his own form of ―economic emancipation‖. according to sullivan, ―my intention was not to change the order of things so much as to demonstrate what could be done by consolidating the economic resources of a dedicated few‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). sullivan argued, ―…we were living on a different kind of plantation, except that we went to our own homes at night‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). sullivan explained that african americans had become completely dependent on outside industries for employment, housing and lending. he argued, ―the black man was an economic beggar. he rented himself out to white employers for a weekly paycheck and owned little of significant commercial value‖ (sullivan, ; p. ). through economic collaboration and institutional development, african americans could stand on their own ground economically. the study published by drexel institute of technology also reported that in , african americans owned , businesses that accounted for gammage percent of the city‘s total. the report revealed that only of the businesses were in manufacturing and only were in wholesaling. mckee states eight of the manufacturers and eight of the wholesalers were either producers or distributors of beauty products. hairdressers, barbershops, and restaurants, almost all of them small and extremely marginal in profit making, stability and physical conditions, accounted for . percent of the remaining black owned businesses in the city. (mckee, ; p. ) the labor movement in the united states, while in the beginning contained some great leaders in the struggle against the absolute control of the economy by the industrial giants, essentially fought only for more money. sullivan‘s - program proposed a platform that transcended liberal legislative intervention and the pragmatic approach of committee/community cooperatives. the - was a program that sullivan felt responded to the changing economy, deindustrialization, and the declining opportunities for african americans in a racialized society. aside from the boost in the defense industrial production, by the s, the industries that still remained in philadelphia were on the decline. shortly after wwii, industrial production across american cities experienced a decline, most notable those in detroit, chicago, and philadelphia. the empty promises of the new deal of the mid- s and s left thousands of disappointed african american migrants in philadelphia. african americans employed by manufacturing industries were limited to the lowest-paying, dirtiest and most dangerous jobs (mckee, ). african american women were limited to domestic service jobs. the limitations of industrial opportunities coupled with discriminatory practices in nearly all industries forged an economic climate gammage that produced an african american community largely ravaged by poverty and dependency. grounded in the black church, sullivan utilized a bible scripture, luke verses – , as the spiritual and philosophical foundation for the - - business venture. the principle taken from the verse was that collective resources of a small group could be invested to produce businesses that had the potential to feed many. sullivan termed it ―the gathering of fragments for the emancipation of our people‖ (sullivan, ). on june , , sullivan introduced the basic framework for the - - plan to his congregation. the - - plan had major objectives: ) accumulate community capital; ) community development of its own needs; ) community involvement in its own destiny; and ) a basic belief in the self-help concept. at the conclusion of his sermon, sullivan asked members of his congregation to invest $ per month for a total of months to establish the zion investment associates, inc. (zia) . a strong base of members volunteered. the overwhelming response from the parish caused sullivan to change the titled to simply - plan. to establish a consistent flow of cash, the plan stipulated that dividends could not be expected immediately. participants‘ investments were funneled into two different aspects of the progress movement; ) an investment corporation for profit making purposes the - ―development manual‖ opportunities industrialization center of america acc box folder . temple university urban archives ibid also refer to l. sullivan, build brother build, mckee, the problem of jobs; liberalism, race and deindustrialization in philadelphia, countrymen, up south; civil rights and black power in philadelphia, augenbraun, stand on your feet, black boy!‖; leon sullivan black power, job training, and the war on poverty. gammage (zia) established in and ) a non-profit charitable trust, (the trust) that was established in . zia, the for profit business component of the progress movement, invested in real estate and business ventures that sought to expand zia capital and investment power. concluding the three-year investment period, participants were endowed one share of stock in all zia enterprises. participants were free to retrieve their investment at any time but without any interest accrued on dividends and forfeiture of the right to rejoin the investment corporation. sullivan stressed that collective commitment over time would lead to strong investment cooperative and cause zia‘s stock to consistently increase its value. by , the investment corporation reached investors. in all, zia grew to more than , stockholders. zia‘s first active investment came in , with the purchase of a $ , apartment building in a predominately white community. due to the escalating tensions of discriminatory housing practices and its effects on the quality of african american housing, this venture embarked on a critical component that contributed heavily to african american poverty. after a landlord of the -unit building discriminated against a couple of sullivan‘s congregation, sullivan and zia associates moved to purchase the property (mckee, ). this venture accomplished two major achievements as related to philadelphia‘s racial politics: ) it alleviated the use of legislation and government intervention in desegregating housing; and, most importantly ibid temple university urban archives opportunity industrialization center of america acc part box folder gammage ) it provided stockholders with ownership and power to dictate the management of housing. later in , the ―zion non-profit corporation‖ broke ground on zion gardens, its first construction project. the project was a $ million construction of a -unit apartment complex at girard avenue and th street in north philadelphia. the project made history, being the first site developed and owned by african americans in philadelphia. the project also marked the first community intervention of the slum clearance projects taken on by the lrm during the s that contributed to overpopulated communities. by , zion gardens was completed and fully occupied with families on the waiting list. financing for zion gardens was partially provided by ―the trust‖ and private loans made available by the department of housing and urban development (hud) under section (d)( ) of the national housing act (mckee, ; p. ). sullivan and associates were able to take advantage of the department of housing and urban development act of to provide quality housing for low and middle-income families in urban communities. in , zia invested $ million in the construction of the progress plaza shopping center, a . acres shopping center in north philadelphia at broad street and oxford. progress plaza became the first black-owned and managed shopping center in philadelphia. sullivan reported that in the outset, progress plaza consisted of stores, owned by african american entrepreneurs and the other establishments were leased opportunities industrialization center american acc box folder . temple university urban archives. sullivan, build brother build, mckee, the problem of jobs: liberalism, race and deindustrialization. gammage out (mckee, ). the establishments were major corporations such as first pennsylvania bank and trust, mary hat shop, a marriott restaurant, north carolina mutual life insurance company, bell telephone, and atlantic & pacific supermarket (a&p). zia stipulated that all retail stores in progress plaza were to be managed by african americans. the twenty-year, $ million contract with a&p supermarket solidified progress plaza and helped to attract other major businesses. according to sullivan, the lease was the largest agreement ever made with an african american group in the history of america. the shopping center illustrated the capability of community cooperatives and provided an example of the significance of black ownership. zia placed itself in a leadership position to create employment opportunities and construct racial provisions on management positions as well as the racial demographics of progress plaza‘s work force. to further expand on the economic development component, zia established three subsidiaries: progress aerospace enterprises, inc. (pae) in may of , progress garment manufacturing company, inc. (pgm) in august of , and progress enterprises, inc. (pe). according to sullivan, pae was ―born at breakfast‖ in an april meeting between sullivan and mark morton, the vice president of general electric‘s missile and space division in valley forge pennsylvania. in the meeting, sullivan introduced his idea of incorporating an aerospace company. like the feeder component of the oic training program, sullivan sought to diversify zia‘s enterprise in a opportunity industrialization center america. acc. box folder . temple university urban archives gammage sophisticated industry as a form of inspiration. he argued that pae would demonstrate that ―[african american] owned and managed businesses [could] compete profitably in more sophisticated sectors of american industry.‖ following the meeting, sullivan gained general electrics‘ (ge) support in establishing zia‘s new venture. in addition to contractual support, ge provided zia with the technical personnel for its infrastructure. sullivan eventually hired benjamin w. sallard as production manager as well as other african american ge employees to make up pae‘s management and technical staff (mckee, ; p. ). pae was a manufacturer of sophisticated electronics that demanded the use of engineering and skills. in june of , sullivan introduced the new investment to stockholders and by july, pae was fully operational in its new location at windrim avenue (mckee, ). pea also collaborated with the u.s. department of labor and the national alliance of businessmen (lnab) to form job opportunities in the business sector (jobs), a training program for the unskilled/unemployed populace. lnab funded pae $ , for the training program (mckee, ). ge awarded pae‘s its first contract for nearly $ . million to produce subcomponents for its space program. in august of , pae delivered its first completed product to ge, less then months after establishing a physical location for production. pae received contracts from nasa, u.s. air force, boeing , philoco-ford, , summer. progress parade. this is the newspaper of the pae and progress produce company. opportunity industrialization center america. acc. box temple university urban archives. gammage and westinghouse (sullivan, ; mckee, ). by the end of , pae employed approximately people and had a backlog of work of roughly $ , , . in august of , zia launched the progress garment manufacturing enterprises (pgm), an enterprise in philadelphia‘s apparel industry. with the support of the international ladies‘ garment workers union and villager corporation, pgm was able to secure subcontracts to insure immediate production. according to sullivan, ―hundreds of thousands of garments were subcontracted by the village [corporation] to the pgm.‖ the village corporations also provided technical assistance and management training for the ―whole garment-manufacturing process.‖ the singer corporation also provided the pgm with equipment and within a year the company was producing its own label, - fashions by progress. the pgm operated out of the windrim location and started with employees but quickly grew to by (mckee, ). pgm secured a contract from sears roebuck producing women skirts. however, pgm was short lived. in , pgm‘s reliance on contracts by villager corporation was illustrated when the contact was ended. pgm was unable to secure a significant contract and was forced to discontinue production within a year. by mid , pgm discontinued contracts in the apparel industry and began accepting contracts in electronics. zia then restructured the subsidiary and transformed it to progress product company (ppc). ppc was a commercial electronics manufacturer that dealt with high production of basic electronics that required labor-intensive work. ppc secured small-scale opportunities industrialization center america acc box folder . temple university urban archives gammage contracts from delco and ibm and large-scale contracts from general motors, where sullivan now served on the board of directors. at one point, ppc employed people and had a backlog of roughly $ , , . in addition to ppc, pe was a small volume of commercial electronics and owned a complex of industrial buildings that housed all of zia‘s manufacturing operations. in , zia‘s investment ventures created jobs. zia continued to expand its economic development activities in early by incorporating ―our markets‖, its own line of convenience stores. despite the presence of a&p supermarket, our markets intended to provide inexpensive food products to urban communities. with a $ , grant by the ford foundation, zia opened its first store in february of and by spring of expanded to locations. like progress plaza the stores were managed and staffed by african americans. also in , zia incorporated its own construction company. unfortunately, zia‘s construction company was only successful in completing construction on zion baptist church. on the community development component, the charitable trust emphasized job training, community improvement, and community development. the non-profit trust funded educational and scholarship benefits for children and initiated other projects servicing the african american community and other impoverished communities in need of development. the trust concentrated on community development in two areas: ) physical development in the rehabilitation of homes and the selling of those properties to persons indigenous to the targeted community; and ) assisting individuals with opportunities industrialization center america acc box folder . temple university urban archives ibid gammage entrepreneurialism through professional consultation, and financial packaging at no cost. the two-prong program established funds for community development in education, health and social welfare programs as well as business development in the local market. programs created under ―the trust‖ such as entrepreneurial development training center (edtc), focused on business management training and business ownership. the edtc training site was located in progress plaza and also received funding from ford foundation and federal agencies such as the office of minority business enterprises (ombe) and the department of commerce. edtc helped to fuel the federal funding of programs for small businesses that provided participants with business cost planning and operation projections for entrepreneurs. it provided prospective business owners with financial and technical planners. through edtc, individuals would have their business plans put on paper and organized into a presentation for lending institutions. edtc, as well as other oic programs, were an extension of johnson‘s wop. the central aim was to promote economic development and eliminate poverty through financing entrepreneurship. also under the umbrella of ―the trust‖, was the progress educational project (pep), a tutorial program for junior and senior high school students to help prepare them for the transition to college. pep had a high success rate, sending percent of participants to the college of their choice. the trust, though edtc and pep, provided students with college counseling, opportunities industrialization center america acc box folder . temple university urban archives opportunities industrialization center america acc box folder . temple university urban archives gammage college tours, college placements, as well as scholarships and emergency funding for students in need. in addition to the ―the trust‘s‖ involvement with the zion garden‘s construction project, the program also sponsored the progress community development corporation (pcdc), an on the job training vehicle that had subsidiaries in real estate, construction, real estate renovation, and real estate management. through its subsidiaries, the program was able to give participants on job experience in various aspects of real estate. the real estate subsidiaries were not for profit, but rather a means through which students could get experience and allowed the ―the trust‖ to rehabilitate neighborhoods by purchasing properties, rehabilitating them and selling them to members of that community. by , ―the trust‖ had acquired more than properties and was able to intervene in the deteriorating of community housing (mckee, ). despite the rapid growth of the progress movement and the wide range of investment and entrepreneurial activities of zia, it faulted both on an operational level and on a practical level as it related to its philosophical foundation. on an operational level, many of zia‘s subsidiaries struggled to remain profitable in the early years. pae, ppc, and progress plaza were extremely dependent on major corporations and contracts by the united states government, specifically its defense industry. although pae won contracts by numerous companies, it was dependent on contracts from ge which accounted for percent of its work, and percent of its total production was associated gammage with federal sources. despite the security of ge and government contracts, pae reported a loss of $ , in (mckee, ). in addition to pgm folding in , largely due to losing a contract with villager corporation, pae‘s financial stability was contingent on its relationship with ge. ―our markets‖ also recorded losses in ($ , ) and ($ , ). according to mckee, zia‘s and its subsidiaries lost more than $ . million between and . despite pae‘s turnaround between - , pea succumbed to debt in september of (mckee, ). progress plaza and ppc remained marginally profitable but was unable to sustain the accumulated debt of zia subsidiaries. ppc was unable to continue their production by due to cost of production and outdated equipment. zia did undergo reconstruction in and changed its name to progress investment associated and maintained control of the progress plaza. in , progress plaza‘s refurbishment under the state of pennsylvania‘s fresh food financing initiative. the contradictions between zia‘s practical application and its philosophical objectives were illustrated both in the nature of contracts and its response to financial hardship. when met with financial strain, zia responded in the same fashion as typical corporations operating in a capitalist system. in , zia laid off more than percent of its work force. thus, its commitment to job creation was compromised in the face of adversity. aside from its promotion of african american management, zia operated as any other corporation. this is expected in a harsh capitalist market. this highlights the , summer. ―zion expands plant facilities‖ in progress aerospace enterprises inc. progress parade newspaper. opportunity industrialization center of american acc box . also discussed in mckee the problem of jobs pg . gammage weakness of capitalism and illustrates the limitation of african american economic empowerment within a capitalist structure. the nature of zia contracts also contradicted its philosophical intent. due to much of zia‘s contracts being funded by federal dollars, a large percentage of its production contributed to military commodities during the vietnam war where large numbers of african american lives were lost. in addition to african americans losing their life at a disproportionate rate, the war symbolically represented the expansion of western dominance and capitalism. equally important, these military goods helped to solidify americans‘ presence in africa countries as a means for exploiting african labor. the expansion of american corporations in apartheid south africa was made possible by military occupation that was fortified by the manufactured goods produced by zia subsidiaries. thus, the jobs created by zia contributed indirectly or directly to african exploitation. the collaboration of industry and community was the strength of the progress movement, which grew out of oic and was implemented by zia investments. while the oic was instrumental in massive job and professional training programs, the activities of zia and its subsidiaries directly engaged african american economic development under a capitalist context. sullivan and his industrial ventures sought to gain ownership of industry and get returns on investment in the local economy. through zia‘s investment group, a collective of african american investors, sullivan was able to purchase zion gardens, progress shopping center, industrial properties for manufacturing firms, and real estate throughout philadelphia. these ventures empowered stockholders to dictate gammage management positions, construction contracts, and receive return on dividends from a wide variety of investments that fell under the umbrella of zia. in addition to the ownership aspect of zia, the trust established zia as a community development program by way of its real estate and refurbishment projects that it undertook. due to the negative effect that the federal housing act of had on african american‘s housing prospects and the refurbishment of older properties, the trust was a program rooted in the community to intervene in the deteriorating conditions that many african american families experienced. neglect by the federal and local sectors of the government and its inability and/or unwillingness to address the discriminatory practices in housing contributed to communities that were overpopulated and forced african americans to purchase or rent homes that were older, which in essence produced what is generally referred to as the ghetto. although zia did not address the government‘s role in the formation of poverty stricken communities, the trust targeted properties that were in african american communities helping to increase the value of african american property. also, zia helped to bridge the gap between government spending and housing through its real estate projects. the economic development activities of zia and its subsidiaries were the peak of sullivan‘s contribution to african american economic development in philadelphia and have remained visible to this day. the zia model for african american economic development was not designed to resolve poverty, rather create investment opportunity for the african american middle class. the investment aspect of zia provided opportunities for those whom had expendable capital to invest. zia investment ventures were not geared toward solving gammage the issue of poverty. statistics suggest that more than percent of african american households have zero or negative assets, thus the overwhelming majority of african americans in philadelphia as well as throughout the country would have been unable to participate (oliver and shapiro, ; p). the model supports ―the rich get richer and the poor get poorer‖ model that often times is found in capitalist societies. sullivan and zia investors accept the underlining principles of capitalism without engaging the devastating effects that it has had on african communities throughout the world. in essence, the zia model champions the imperialist aspect of capitalism and fails to address economic development and the racial factors that have historically influenced it. the zia model is a manifestation of ―black capitalism‖ in that it attempts to capitalize on investment opportunities in and around african american communities with out critically evaluating the larger scope of poverty. in essence, the zia model was a program that further widened the wealth gap between the african american middle-class and the poor. the black manifesto: black power and reparations the struggle for black power in this country is the struggle to free these colonies from external domination…black power is more than a slogan; it is a way of looking at our problem and the beginning of a solution to them. it attacks racism and exploitation, the horns of the bull that seek to gore us. - kwame ture (stokely carmichael) when the missionaries came to africa they had the bible and we had the land. they said, ‘let us pray.’ we closed our eyes. when we opened them we had the bible and they had the land. -bishop desmond tutu another significant model for african american economic development in philadelphia came out of the black power era with the call for reparations by the black economic development conference (bedc). although this movement was directed at gammage white religious institutions (white christian churches and jewish synagogues), its critique on capitalist exploitation, the role of religious institutions in expanding capitalism, and the need for african american reparations became the foundation for the current movement for reparations and the repairing process of african americans‘ psychological, economic, cultural, and spiritual reality. the bedc was not only a response to african american poverty but also the white religious efforts toward urban economic development. in september , religious leaders formed a liberal interfaith group consisting of individuals to form the interreligious foundation for community organization (ifco), in an attempt to direct church funds toward organizations that fought against poverty and social injustice in urban communities. the ifco served as the religious community‘s response to wide spread poverty in urban communities and the rise of the black power movement across the country. a year after the inception of the ifco, arrangements were made to institute a national black economic development conference (nbedc) to bring african american leaders together for discussions and action on the economic aspects of the black power movement. in october , the national committee of black churchmen (ncbc) expressed disappointment with white religious establishments efforts and called for black control of white funded community development projects. countryman, matthew. up south. university of pennsylvania press . also for discussion on the history of the black manifesto movement refer to robert lecky and l. wright. black manifesto; religion, racism, and reparations. sheed and ward, inc., . arnold schuchter, reparations: the black manifesto and its challenge to white america. j.b. lippincott company. philadelphia pa. . time magazine. churches: a black manifesto. may , . gammage however, in april , , at the nbedc in detroit, a group of activists, including james forman, took over the conference and the bedc emerged. the organization formed chapters in cities across the country, including philadelphia. the bedc adopted the ―black manifesto‖, a document that demanded financial compensation for systematic economic exploitation through slavery and institutional racism via jim crow de facto discrimination. the manifesto was passed by a vote of to out of roughly participants (lecky, ). according to muhammad kenyatta, national administrative vice chairmen for the bedc and the chair of the philadelphia chapter, african americans are owed back capital as a result of free labor during enslavement and for further exploitation for years after enslavement. the black manifesto marked the first call for reparation for african americans and outlined an extensive action plan for african american liberation. the bedc, through the black manifesto, called for a complete reorganization of the american political, economic and social infrastructure of the united states. the black power movement, as well as aspects of the socialist left, influenced the call for the reorganization of economic and political power. under the leadership of kenyatta, the philadelphia chapter of the bedc presented the black manifesto to local episcopalian bishops seeking a commitment to their demands for reparations. kenyatta gained support of some african american clergymen after a meeting with paul m. washington, the presiding pastor of the church of the advocate. washington, an active participant in the black power conference of , organized a meeting with the leadership of the bedc and immediately was impressed by gammage the presentation and clarity in which kenyatta was able to articulate the rational for their demands. for washington, the black manifesto served as a prophetic voice calling for the repentance of the episcopal clergy. washington also arranged a meeting between kenyatta, himself, bishop robert dewitt and others at the church of the advocate for kenyatta to present the black manifesto. bishop dewitt, who had been interested in the concept of reparations, became a supporter of the black manifesto and committed to presenting demands of the manifesto to his diocese and the members of its executive council (washington, ; p. ). on may st , the black manifesto gained national attention when forman disrupted the service of the episcopal church center in new york city to present their demands. days later, forman, through the bedc, made a formal written request to bishop john hines, presiding bishop of episcopal church center, demanding $ million, percent of the church‘s profit on assets each year and an accounting of the total assets of the episcopal church in all its dioceses (washington, ; p. ). the presentation of the manifesto to white churches and soon after jewish synagogues, was an indictment of the white faction of the christian and jewish clergy for its beneficial relationship with capitalism and their direct involvement in the exploitation of african americans. soon after gaining national attention, the mid-western division as well as the philadelphia chapter, increased their activities and became active in the public discussion of the manifesto and the notion of reparations. according to washington, kenyatta‘s philadelphia chapter of the bedc had developed an efficient public relations campaign that publicized the demands of the gammage manifesto and began highlighting other critical issues of injustice affecting the african american community (washington, ; p. ). by the mid ‘s, philadelphia had become a bedrock for the black power movement, which heightened the sensibilities of the federal, state and local government agencies. furthermore, due to philadelphia being the host of the power conference, the federal government and the local police department targeted organizations associated with black power, which made police brutality a growing concern for the african american community and the local spokesperson for the bedc. like forman, kenyatta disrupted local episcopalian church services to present the manifesto. according to bishop dewitt, kenyatta intruded on a service at holy trinity, rittenhouse square, recited the demands of the manifesto then marched to the altar and picked up the offering dish and flung the money on the floor. this act symbolically represented the hypocrisy of the ―holy‖ offering in an institution that neglected to assume responsibility for the historical exploitation of african americans. in july , kenyatta formally wrote bishop dewitt demanding reparations from the diocesan of pennsylvania (washington, ; p. ). although acts of protest by members of the bedc had been staged in cities throughout the nation, philadelphia‘s chapter was effective in gaining support of active clergymen that played an active role in the push for reparations. kenyatta, a charismatic leader, gained the support of both washington and dewitt, members of the pennsylvania diocesan. on june , , kenyatta and other activists protested the westminster press united presbyterian church and demanded $ , for a nbedc campaign and office space (lecky and wright, ). the bedc steering committee took the church‘s gammage typewriter but returns it days later. a week later on june th , black manifesto supporters occupied a quaker settlement house in chester. the escalated activity by the bedc influenced the sixth annual national workshop on christian unity in philadelphia to allow kenyatta to present the manifesto on june th . on july rd , the philadelphia‘s bedc took over cookman united methodist church and occupied it causing church services on july th to be cancelled and protests continued. however, two days later, cookman church officials demanded that protesters evacuate the premises and threatened with court action. on july th , five of the eight clergymen demonstrating were arrested as police ended occupation of cookman church. in addition, the group of clergymen refused to meet with judge robert nix. however, on august rd , judge nix subpoenaed bedc leaders to warn against church occupations (lecky, ). at the behest of dewitt, kenyatta was invited in july to a meeting of the diocesan council to present the manifesto‘s demands (washington, ; p. ). with the collective support of washington and dewitt, the diocesan formed a committee chaired by rev. richard hawkins to research african american poverty and the plausibility of the diocesan to contribute funds toward structural intervention. on july th , the council of episcopal diocese rejected kenyatta‘s demand but bishop dewitt and local delegates formed a special denominational convention in august to support nbedc to endorse the manifesto. on july th , kenyatta addressed the abington united presbyterian church and threatened to demonstration if reparations were not paid. later, a -person city coalition (reparation action project) of protestants, catholics and jews supported gammage reparations. on august th , bedc was given permission to keep the quaker settlement house in chester for one year after earlier demonstrations (lecky and wright, ). the bedc was largely unsuccessful in their goal of seizing the funds from white religious institutions for the purpose of community and economic development. the philadelphia chapter of the bedc was able to get a commitment from the diocesan council to establish a $ , restoration fund for antipoverty projects in the philadelphia african american community. however, the restoration fund did not fund bedc‘s projects or proposed charities. the quaker‘s religious community also formed an ad hoc committee of the yearly meeting that was to appropriate $ , toward african american economic development projects. the bedc received $ , total in individual donations. the council of black clergy donated $ and church groups in other cities gave similar amounts (countryman, ). in all, the bedc movement was ineffective in accumulating capital for economic development activities or convincing white religious institutions of its financial debt to african americans for aiding in african american economic exploitation. however, the movement did provide a critical analysis of capitalism and presented the platform for reparations. the discourse of african american economic development and the process of repairing the dire conditions of the african american community were forged to the forefront of the national discussion. the plea to religious leaders did not receive the desired response of bedc activists but it created the self- evaluating mirror for white americans to conceptually face. more significant, the movement was effective in articulating the devastating affects of capitalism, through a gammage socialist lens. despite the marxist perspective, activists centralized the african american community and developed a platform that sought to address racism and economic exploitation from a nationalist orientation. the bedc movement abandoned the liberal approach to economic development as well as alternatives that sought inclusion in the capitalist system. like the black power movement, the bedc began to explore new alternatives for african american liberation. according to kwame ture, …more and more of us were realizing that our problems would not be solved by the enacting of these laws. in fact, these laws did not begin to speak to our problems. our problems were an inherent part of the capitalist system and therefore could not be alleviated within that system carmichael, ) although i do not agree with the philosophical principles of the movement, the bedc movement marks a shift in the evolution of the african american economic development. the black manifesto presents a nationalist approach to gaining economic stability. it marks the deviation from previous approaches of white coalitions, committee collaborations, and white leadership. conclusion the two models discussed progressed the struggle for african american economic development beyond protest for equal opportunity in employment. zia of the oic, targeted ownership of industry and the bedc sought to: ) gain reparations for africa americans for exploitation and institutional white supremacy; ) establish nationalist institutions that were geared toward community and economic development; carmichael, stokely. black power and the third world. address to the organization of latin american solidarity, august . third world information service. thornhill ontario. gammage and ) reconstructing the political and economic infrastructure of the united states. ultimately, these models failed to accomplish many of the goals charted by their respective organizations, but in their failures critical lessons were left for the current movement for economic empowerment. the principals of collective cooperation and industrial investment during the s sought to eliminate racial discrimination through business ownership and competition. the rapid return on zia‘s investment capital made collective cooperation within the capitalist market appear highly lucrative for african americans. however, the zia movement failed in two critical areas: ) it did not produce a large number of jobs; and ) it failed to directly challenge structural white supremacy. while zia was able to temporarily dictate the hiring practice of businesses that partnered with the zia subsidiaries, the number of positions was minimal and the act of racial discrimination was still widely practiced throughout the ‘s and arguably today. currently, progress plaza does not house an african american owned business and african americans manage few businesses in the plaza. while the racial climate of the united states is relatively similar to the ‘s, zia‘s racial policy has changed, leaving african americans at a disadvantage. the failure of zia to directly address white supremacy during philadelphia‘s deindustrialization process only contributed to making african americans‘ economic condition worse in that as jobs began to move to suburban communities, the quality of jobs decreased and the opportunity for upward mobility decreased. moreover, the unwillingness of zia to explore other means of economic development outside of gammage capitalism, perpetuates the systems‘ exploitative characteristic domestically as well as other international communities. zia‘s leadership commitment to liberal structural reform undermined a more pan african perspective to african american economic development. the bedc did call for reparations, however, the movement also relied on the moral conscience of white religious institution. while the movement sought to establish independent institutions, it was heavily dependent on white liberal sympathy. moreover, it charged african americans to seize positions of leadership as a means of restructuring the political and economic infrastructure of the united states, which is essentially reformist. the movement failed to develop international relationships with africana diaspora communities and extend the movement beyond the boarders of the united states. the exploitation of african americans to fuel the advancement of the united states was the same as us exploitation in africa yet the movement did not include other african communities. due the its nationalist approach, the bedc sought to develop institution in the united states independent from africa and its diaspora. however, the movement made a critical assessment of capitalism and the need for reparation addressing african american economic development. as the movement for african american economic development moves forward, i recommend that a pan africanist perspective be used in approaching economic development. movements that unfolded in philadelphia have taken aspects of pan africanism. take for instance the coalition to stop rhodesian and south african imports in the early s, which sought to disrupt capitalist activity and develop solidarity gammage between other african communities that were exploited by the united states. while this movement was relegated to demonstration, it forged a bond of activism to resist a common enemy. the two movements that were implemented above failed to establish this bond and were largely dependent on and committed to capitalism. in the following chapter, i will assess the current state of african americans‘ economic reality and provide recommendations for the next step in the movement for economic empowerment. while many phases of protest and institution formation have left us with a wealth to consider, the next stage must address our current economic context and the most pressing needs of our community. gammage chapter assessing african americans’ current economic status in philadelphia introduction to advance the historical analysis of the movement for african american economic empowerment in philadelphia, this research seeks to assess the current economic state of the african american community in philadelphia and offer recommendation for obtaining economic stability. this chapter utilizes the african american economic development questionnaire (aaedq), a -item questionnaire designed by justin gammage, to explore five variables of economic. the five dimensions examine the following factors as they related to participants‘ financial status and their experiences in philadelphia as consumers, investors, and employees: ) money storage and investments; ) use of assistance programs (home buying programs, professional workshops, etc); ) household spending habits; ) satisfaction with employment opportunities in philadelphia and opportunities for professional advancement; and ) satisfaction with black-owned businesses. the questionnaire was randomly distributed to african american heads of households for the purpose of identifying some of the residual affects of structural inequality. the questionnaire provides a multidimensional analysis that is more accurate of current and historical factors that make up the current economic conditions of the african american community in philadelphia. therefore, the questionnaire assessed demographic circumstances, in addition to participants‘ ratings on issues that may help gammage improve the economic condition of african american communities in philadelphia. majority of the questions were weighed on scales that ranged from -points to -points. the questionnaire also contained questions that required participants to provide open- ended responses. data collected by the aaedq allows this research to bridge the gap between the historical movement for economic development and the current context of african americans‘ economic stability. the findings helped to guide a statistical analysis of the current circumstances surrounding african american economic empowerment in philadelphia, and inform recommendations for stability and growth moving forward. in the next stage of the struggle against economic exploitation and white supremacy, african americans must maintain their agency, and plot a course that maximizes our strengths and seeks to elevate our weaknesses. in the sections that follow, four major research questions are explored which include an analysis of the findings. first, a description of participants is provided followed by a discussion of the measurements used for the aaedq. the data analysis section introduces the tools used to analyze the data and the results section discusses the findings of the major research questions. finally, the discussion section provides an analysis of the findings and their significance. participants questionnaires were administered at community and professional organizational meetings, public venues, and numerous residential districts in philadelphia. there were participants that completed the questionnaire. participants were african american gammage men (n = ) and women (n = ) heads of households. participants‘ ages ranged from to with the mean age of . with a standard deviation of . . participants‘ average marital status ranged from single, never married (n = ) to widowed (n = ); with . percent of participants reported currently being married. in . percent of participants resided in philadelphia for or more years and reported residing different area codes in philadelphia. the majority of the participants reported being employed ( . percent), while . percent of participants were unemployed. . percent of participants reported annual household incomes below $ , , with an average household size of . with a standard deviation of . . participants‘ education levels ranged from high school (completed _- grade level in high school, n = ; completed high school n = ) to doctorate or other professional or terminal degree (n = ); with . percent of participants having completed some college. additional demographic information is located in table . . measures the african american economic development questionnaire (aaedq) contains two components: ) a demographic profile; and ) the economic development survey. the demographic component consists of items that gather participants‘ background information such as marital status, education level, age, and annual household income. the economic development component is made up of items that are grouped into five subscales: money storage and investment; assistance programs; satisfaction with job opportunities; percentage of income spent; and satisfaction with black owned businesses. the money storage and investment subscale consisting of items gammage measured on a -point scale with = no and = yes. the satisfaction with job opportunities subscale contained five items measured on a -point scale ranging from very dissatisfied to very satisfied, and never to always. the satisfaction with job opportunities subscale mean score is . with a standard deviation of . . the assistance programs subscale included three items measured on a -piont scale ranging from never to always. the assistant programs subscale‘s mean score is . with a standard deviation of . . the percentage income spent subscale consisted of five items on a -point scale ranging from = % to = % or more. an example item in the percentage income spent subscale is ―what percentage of your household‘s monthly income is used to pay rent/mortgage?‖ the satisfaction with black owned business subscale is compiled of five items measured on a -point scale ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree; strongly dissatisfied to strongly satisfied; and never to always. the satisfaction with black owned businesses subscale‘s mean is . with a standard deviation of . . data analysis spss was used to analyze the data compiled by the aaedq. to test the reliability of the aaedq, a cronbach‘s alpha was conducted for the instrument‘s five subscales, in which all five produced high reliability result. the cronbach‘s alpha calculated for the money storage and investments subscale was . and was comprised of items. the cronbach‘s alpha score commuted for the job opportunity subscale was . and contained five items. the assistance programs subscale consisted of three items and the cronbach‘s alpha score was . . the cronbach‘s alpha score for the percentage gammage income spent subscale was . and included five items. for the final subscale, black- owned business, the cronbrach‘s alpha was . for the five subscale items. to assess the validity of the aaedq, a principle component factor analysis was conducted. extracted values contained items with a factor loading greater than . . the factor solution was composed of items grouped into five factors that accounted for percent of the variance. factor , money storage and investments (eigenvalue = . ) accounted for . percent of the variance and included items about the modes in which money was stored and invested by participants and their parents. factor , assistance programs (eigenvalue = . ), accounted for . percent of the variance and was composed of three items about the participants‘ usage of assistance programs. factor , job opportunity (eigenvalue = . ), accounted for . percent of the variance and comprised five items about participants‘ satisfaction with employment opportunities in their neighborhood and in philadelphia in general. factor , percentage of income spent (eigenvalue = . ), accounted for . percent of the variance and was comprised of five items about the percentage of monthly income spent on rent/mortgage, food expenses, transportation expenses, savings, etc. factor , satisfaction with black owned businesses (eigenvalue = . ), accounted for . percent of the variance and included five items about participant‘s satisfaction with the service and products of black owned business. gammage table . demographic information gammage results data collected from the african american economic development questionnaire (aaedq) will address the following research questions: . to what extent does intergenerational transfer of wealth influence african americans‘ wealth in philadelphia—via assets such as homes and businesses— accumulation? . to what extent are african americans‘ spending habits conducive to generating wealth? . to what extent does job availability affect employment and job satisfaction? . how does the experience of african americans with black-owned businesses affect their frequency in patronizing such businesses? research question # : to what extent does intergenerational transfer of wealth influence african americans’ wealth in philadelphia— via assets such as homes and investments—accumulation? to explore the phenomenon of intergenerational transfer of wealth, this research examines the role of parental wealth accumulation on african americans‘ assets accretion. there are variables in the subset designed to address the individual wealth and questions to address parental assets. first, the questionnaire asked participants to report whether or not they own a checking account and whether or not their parents have/had a checking account. . percent of participants stated that they, as well as their parents, have a checking account, while . report that neither they nor their parents have a checking account. . percent of participants reported that they, as well as their parents, have a saving account. another set of questions asked participants to report their investments in stocks, bonds, and credit derivatives. the majority of participants reported gammage that neither they nor their parents possess any stocks ( . %), bonds ( . %), or credit derivatives ( . %). in terms of home ownership, percent of participants‘ parents owned their homes while only . % of participants bought a home—and of those only % of participants currently own their homes (see figure . ). figure . homeownership by parental homeownership to further address the research question, a pearson correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between participants‘ parental money and investments and individuals‘ money and investments. a weak positive correlation was found (r( ) = . , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between the two variables. thus, participants whose parents accumulated wealth tended to also accumulate wealth. in addition, a crosstabulation of home ownership by gender and marital status revealed that gammage married females ( %) and single, never married females ( %) purchase homes at a higher rate than their male counterparts (see figure . ). figure . homeownership by gender and martial status further analysis revealed that . % african american participants do not receive assistance from family members when obtaining home ownership. only . % of participants who were granted assistance with acquiring a home received assistance from family resources. to account for any other contributing factor to african american asset accumulation this research analyzed the role of education and income in homeownership. a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between participants‘ level of education and homeownership. an extremely weak correlation that gammage was not significant was found (r( ) = . , p > . ). findings reveal that level of education is not related to homeownership. a second spearmen rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between participants‘ income and homeownership. a moderate positive correlation was found (r( ) = . , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between income and homeownership. data collected revealed that the direct transfer of wealth from one generation to the next is significantly low. respondents illustrate that families did not significantly contribute to the purchasing of homes. historically, african americans‘ wealth assets have overwhelming resided in homeownership. however, the trend of intergenerational transfer of knowledge regarding handling assets and financial resources appears to be high among respondents. the rate of having checking and savings accounts from one generation to the next exceeds the national average for african american household heads. this illustrates that african americans are storing their money, at a higher rate, in institutions that help establish credit and interest accruing accounts. in all, african americans‘ ability to transfer wealth from one generation to the next is extremely restricted by their low levels of wealth accumulation. research question # : to what extent are african americans’ spending habits conducive to generating wealth? to examine the ratio of wealth accumulation to spending patterns, this research investigates african americans‘ household spending habits. this includes an analysis of the distribution of monthly income, investments, and savings. descriptive statistical analysis provides evidence of how african american participants‘ distribute their gammage monthly income. in order to address this research question, an independent-samples t test comparing the average annual household income of african american males and females. no significant difference was found (t( ) = . , p > . ). the mean of males (m = . ($ , to $ , ), sd = . ) was not significantly different from the mean income for females (m = . ($ , to $ , ), sd = . ). a one-way anova was computed comparing the level of education and household annual income. a significant difference was found among participants (f( , ) = . , p < . ). tukey‘s hsd was used to determine the nature of the differences between annual household incomes. this analysis revealed that participants with more than a master‘s degree but less than a doctorate degree made more than participants that earned a ged or license/certificate. in addition, participants that earned a master‘s degree made more than participants that earned a ged or license/certificate. participants with more than a bachelor‘s but less than a master‘s degree made more than participants that earned a ged, license/certificate, and associates degree. participants with a bachelor‘s degree made more than participants that earned a ged and a license/certificate. participants with some college made more than participants that earned a ged and license/certificate. additional descriptive statistics were used to calculate african american participants‘ monthly spending habits. it was found that percent of participants put less than ten percent of their monthly income aside for savings. on average, african american participants spent between and percent of their monthly income on expenses such as credit cards, utilities, etc. another to percent of participants‘ gammage income is spent on food and . percent of participants spent % to % of their monthly income on transportation. the first component of this research question explores the relationship between income and investments. a pearson correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between household‘s annual income and participants‘ savings and investment practices. a moderate positive correlation was found (r( ) = . , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between household annual income and wealth accumulation. therefore, as african american household annual income increases their rate of investment also increases. analyzing african americans‘ spending habits is an essential component to understanding wealth accumulation and its affect on intergenerational transfer of wealth. in studying this matter, it is important to examine income distribution on goods (i.e. rental housing) versus investments (i.e., homeownership). a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between amounts spent on rent/mortgage and current home ownership. a weak negative correlation was found (rho( ) = -. , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between homeownership and spending on housing. thus, those who own their homes tend to spend less on housing than those who rent. the final component of this research question explores african american participants‘ investments patterns. a pearson correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between participants‘ percent of income in savings and their wealth accumulation. a weak positive correlation was found (r( ) = . , p < . ), indicating gammage a significant relationship between saving and generating wealth. moreover, those who set aside funds for savings tend to invest in wealth generating venues at a higher rate than those who do not save. findings in this section of the research revealed that level of education significantly influence household annual income. the importance of advancing in education is key to increasing household annual income. furthermore, the results expose that the majority of african american participants were unable or unwilling to contribute to their savings each month. participants that had low rates of saving invested at a lower rate than those who contributed at higher rates to their savings. the ability to invest and save impacts individual‘s ability to accumulate wealth and transfer wealth to future generations. more important, the data illustrates that homeownership positively impacts participants‘ spending on mortgage/rent; thus creating more opportunities to save and/or invest. these findings are consistent with previous studies that conclude that african americans transfer wealth from one generation to the next at a low rate. however, these findings deviate from previous findings in that african americans‘ money storage is not affected by where parents stored their money. african americans in philadelphia stored their money in checking and savings accounts at a higher rate when their parents did not own a checking or savings account. research question # : to what extent does job availability affect employment and job satisfaction? to investigate the extent to which job availability in philadelphia affect participants‘ job satisfaction, this research asked participants a range of questions that gammage were used to examine their satisfaction with job opportunities as well as the frequency of opportunities in their neighborhood. this research found that job availability is a vital component in economic development. in this analysis, correlations are used to calculate the relationships between employment status and attending job workshops, satisfaction with job opportunities and satisfaction with jobs in neighborhood. a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between satisfaction with jobs found in their neighborhoods and in the greater philadelphia area, and employment status. an extremely weak negative correlation that was not significant was found (r( ) = -. , p > . ). thus, participants‘ satisfaction with job opportunities offered in their neighborhood did not influence participants‘ employment status. it was also found that an extremely weak negative correlation that was not significant was found for employment in the greater philadelphia area (r( ) = - . , p > . ) in addition, an extremely weak negative correlation that was not significant between employment status and participants reporting that philadelphia had jobs for their skills (r( ) = -. , p > . ). it is also noteworthy to state that no significant correlation was found between employment status and attending job workshops (r( ) = . , p > . ). a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between philadelphia job opportunities related to participants‘ professional skills and satisfaction with job opportunities in philadelphia. a moderate positive correlation was found (rho( ) = . , p < . ), indicating that a significant relationship between job opportunities related to participants‘ professional skills and satisfaction with job gammage opportunities in philadelphia. such that percent of participants are very dissatisfied to dissatisfied with employment opportunities and only . percent are very satisfied to satisfied (see figure . ). figure . satisfaction with job opportunities in philadelphia a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between frequency of jobs found in neighborhood and satisfaction with job selection in neighborhood. a moderate positive correlation was found (rho( ) = . , p < . l), indicating a significant relationship between frequency of jobs found in neighborhoods and satisfaction of the selection of jobs in neighborhood. . percent of participants expressed dissatisfaction with job opportunities in their neighborhoods. moreover, . gammage percent of participants stated that they never or rarely find jobs in their neighborhoods (see figure . ). figure . frequency of jobs found in neighborhood this research provides evidence that nearly half of the participants were either very dissatisfied or dissatisfied with employment opportunities in philadelphia. the rate of dissatisfaction of participants with job opportunities in philadelphia illustrates that african american unemployment rate ( . reported by department of labor and . percent of african american participants) may be influenced by the availability of employment opportunities and/or the selection of job opportunities. african americans‘ high rate of unemployment could be a contributing factor to the current wealth gap. furthermore, findings show that nearly percent of african americans never or rarely are able to find employment in the areas where they live. this suggests that employment gammage opportunities are more readily available outside their own communities. this not only forces the overwhelming majority of africans to travel further for opportunities, but reflects the state of economic development in african american communities. this research does not assume that income is correlated with wealth, but it suggests that income could be used to generate wealth via investments, savings, purchase of real estate, etc. thus, participants‘ dissatisfaction with the availability of employment opportunity may impact employment rates. this finding is also consistent with the historical analysis, in that as deindustrialization impacted the local economy of philadelphia, the availability of employment opportunities also decreased. the struggle for equal opportunity in philadelphia reflects that african americans‘ quest for employment has consistently been rejected. research question # : how does the experience of african americans with black- owned businesses affect their frequency in patronizing such businesses? to explore participants‘ satisfaction with their experience with black-owned businesses, this research examines participants‘ frequency of patronizing black-owned businesses, satisfaction with the services of black businesses, and participants‘ satisfaction with black businesses products. this analysis provides descriptions and correlations between participants‘ satisfaction and frequency of patronization. a statistical analysis supports that percent of african american participants report owning a business. of the business owners, percent owned businesses for less than five years. among the businesses, different types of businesses were reported ranging from barbershops to law firms. percent of african american participants state that gammage they agree (n = ) or strongly agree (n = ) that they should support black-owned businesses (see figure . ). while in actuality, less than percent of participants report often ( ) or always ( ) shopping at black owned businesses. figure . support black owned businesses in examining the research question, this analysis entailed a correlational assessment between participants‘ experiences with and their thoughts about black-owned businesses. a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between support of black-owned businesses and frequency of shopping at black-owned businesses. a moderate positive correlation was found (rho( ) = . , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between support of black-owned businesses and the gammage frequency of participants shopping at black-owned businesses; such that percent of participants report that they sometime shop at black-owned businesses. an interesting finding was that percent of participants reported spending less than percent of their income at black-owned businesses. to explore this phenomenon further, a spearman rho correlation coefficient was calculated for the relationship between supporting black owned businesses and percent of monthly income spent at black owned businesses. a strong positive correlation was found (rho( ) = . , p < . ), indicating a significant relationship between support for black owned businesses and percentage of monthly income spent at black owned businesses. another spearman rho correlation coefficient revealed a moderate positive correlation (rho( ) = . , p < . ) that was significant between supporting black own businesses and satisfaction with products sold. it was found that percent of participants were satisfied with products at black owned businesses. to further explore the research question, a spearman rho correlation coefficient was conducted to assess the relationship between spending habits with black owned businesses and the satisfaction with those products. a moderate positive relationship was found (rho( ) = . , p < . ) which indicates a significant relationship between spending habits at black-owned businesses and product satisfaction. interestingly however, it was found that percent of participants were undecided (n= ) or expressed dissatisfaction (n= ) with customer service at black owned businesses. a spearman rho correlation coefficient supports this assertion. a low positive correlation was found (rho( ) = . , p < . ) which indicates a significant relationship between gammage amount spent at black owned businesses and satisfaction with customer service at black- owned businesses. figure . percent of participants’ monthly income spent at black owned businesses the second component of the research questions sought to examine whether gender significantly influences ratings of black-owned businesses. an independent- samples t test was calculated comparing the mean score of male and female participants and their patronization of black-owned businesses. no significant difference was found (t( ) = . , p > . ). the mean for males (m = . , sd = . ) was not significantly different from the mean for females (m = . , sd = . ). to further explore this component of the research question, a one-way anova was conducted comparing black-owned businesses ratings by level of education. no significant difference was found (f( , ) = . , p > . ). rating of black-owned gammage businesses did not differ significantly based on level of education. another one-way anova was computed comparing employment status and participants; rating of black- owned businesses. a significant difference was found among the different employment categories (f( , ) = . , p < . ). tukey‘s hsd was used to determine the nature of the differences between employment categories. this analysis revealed that respondents that were in other (m = . , sd = . ) category (student, retired, etc) rated black-owned business significantly higher than participants that were employed (m = . , sd = . ). there were no other significant differences. this research provides evidence that african american participants felt strongly that african american people should patronize black-owned businesses. however, data revealed that nearly percent of participants spend less than percent of their monthly income at black-owned businesses. more important, percent of participants spent less than percent of their monthly income at black-owned businesses. this finding is consistent with other research in that members of the african american community support black-owned businesses at a low rate. despite the fact that percent of participants felt satisfied with the products from black-owned businesses, participants still patronized them at a low rate. low rates of support by the african american community and relatively no support by other communities may explain the low success rate for black-owned businesses. african american business ownership is an important component of african american economic empowerment in that it has the capacity to create jobs, maximize african american spending power, and provide alternative for markets that have historically been exclusively white. the lack of support also prevents gammage black-owned businesses from expanding and competing with businesses within their respective markets. this research also suggests that black business owners in philadelphia may need to explore strategies for improving customer service. participants‘ low rates of support may be explained by their unfavorable rating for black business customer service. however, discussions with participants reveal that african american participants had a low tolerance level for black-owned businesses. participants were more likely to continue patronizing businesses that were not black owned despite unfavorable ratings in customer service. dr. jawanza kunjufu discusses the psychological impact of racism on african americans‘ assessment of black owned businesses. in his analysis, white ice is colder than black ice, he suggests that african american consumers have been socialized to believe that the quality of goods sold at white owned stores are superior to that sold at black businesses despite being the same product. in my discussions with participants, it was evident that african american participants were more likely to stop patronizing black businesses for what was perceived to be poor service when compared to white, asian, middle eastern, etc. moving forward, african americans must investigate the impact of racist social stimuli regarding black owned businesses and our assessments of black owned businesses. discussion in conclusion, the transfer of wealth across generations affects african american participants‘ heads of household wealth accumulation such that, the lack of intergenerational transfer of wealth results in reduced asset accumulation. according to gammage national statistics, african americans invest percent of their wealth in functional assets such as homes and vehicles. data from this study is consistent with previous findings, in that african americans invested in income-producing and financial assets at low rates. only . % of participants report stock ownership; . % own bonds; . % own real estate outside of their personal home; and . % report investments in other income producing assets. it was also found that . % of participants report having purchase a home. of the percent of african americans that currently owned homes, . percent did not receive assistance from their family. moreover, the rate of homeownership between generations declined, where percent of african american parents owned their home compared to only percent of their african american children. as we investigate the impact of poverty on african american households, we find that intergenerational wealth plays a major role in alleviating or perpetuating trends that contribute to poverty. intergenerational transfer of wealth also affects african americans ability to take advantage of many of the benefits of homeownership and other positive investment practices. while intergenerational transfer of wealth is low for african american participants, this could be an indicator of african american‘s inability to transfer wealth from one generation to the next due to their mean annual income and sparse investment in wealth accumulating assets. furthermore, we find that the previous strategies for economic development presented in the historical analysis merely expand the gap between the middle and poor class without fully addressing the historical causational factors that contribute to poverty. this research does not merely suggest that gammage higher levels of intergeneration transfer of wealth will decrease poverty; it simply charts the trends of generational transfers and uses those trends as an indicator of inequality. the section that assessed african americans spending habits, explored whether african american spending patterns were conducive to accumulating wealth. it was found that on average, african americans in philadelphia earned household annual income between $ , and $ , . data from this research proves that as african american household income increases, their rate of investment increases. accordingly, african americans in the range of $ , to , displayed poor investment practices. this suggests that the average annual household income for african americans does not leave much room for investment. it was revealed that african americans spent the majority of their household income on rent/mortgage and other debt (credit card, phone, utility, etc). more than percent of african americans were unable to save more than percent of their monthly income. thus, this research concludes that african americans in philadelphia are unable to save or invest largely because of their low levels of annual income, which influences their investment power. this research also found that african americans, on average were dissatisfied with employment opportunities in philadelphia. the data shows that employment availability in african american communities is essentially nonexistent. this finding may be attributed to high rates of african americans making less than $ , annually. this research found that more than percent of african americans felt that philadelphia had jobs for their professional skills. more telling however, was the fact that majority of african americans were not satisfied with their jobs. gammage finally, this research provided evidence that african americans in philadelphia rarely support black owned businesses. despite expressing the need for african americans to support black owned businesses, african americans rarely implemented that philosophy in practice. as a result, african american businesses remain relatively small. this finding is also attributed to the fact that whites on average exclusively boycott black owned business in practice. african americans in philadelphia may benefit from an evaluative system that would improve the customer service at black- owned businesses, which may lead to increased support. limitations a limitation of this study was its participant size. the study collected data from african american household heads. this clearly reveals that the findings are representative of a small sector of the larger african american community in philadelphia. in addition, the aaedq did not explore the accessibility of black-owned businesses. the accessibility of black-owned businesses in certain industries may impact the frequency of african american patronage. gammage chapter conclusion and recommendations for africana economic empowerment overview the disproportionate distribution of wealth and the collective wealth holdings of african americans is an indicator of the failure of the african liberations struggle to resolve african american economic exclusion and exploitation. more important, it illustrates the historical affects of past and present forms of institutional white supremacy on african american economic stability. although economic stability alone doesn‘t solve all challenges that stifle the collective african american community, it must be investigated as it historically has had devastating effects. local and national demonstrations have proven that collective consciousness and directed spending have been an effective method of combating racial discrimination. however, moving forward, african americans must strategize ways of: ) institutionalizing an economic philosophy that is consistent with our history and culture; ) seek to resist and uproot institutions of white supremacy and its adverse effects in influencing african economic consciousness; and ) strengthen national and international relationships of the african diaspora as it relate to our collective economic reality. in our historical analysis, we must engage past models of african american economic development and assess the strengths and weaknesses of those philosophies and methods to inform future models. the african american economic development movement in philadelphia gives us three models to examine: ) a integrationist model; ) a black capitalist model; and ) a gammage nationalist model. through an afrocentric historical analysis, we are able to locate each approach and draw upon the components that would be useful moving forward. in chapter four i discussed the evolution of the lrm, the rise of liberalism, and african american economic development. african american resistance through electoral politics helped shift philadelphia political leadership and ignite the rise of local liberalism. philadelphia, having an extensive defense industry during the s and s, increased production of military goods coupled with the labor shortage during wartime, attracted thousands of southern african americans seeking social equality and economic advancement. the influx of african americans during the first and second ―world wars‖ transformed the economic and political landscape of philadelphia. the presence and active resistance of the african american community forced the issues of discrimination in employment practices to the forefront of social and political discourse. with the help of the african american vote, liberal reformists were able to pass the new home rule of and elected joseph clarke in , its first democratic mayor in nearly years. the liberal reform movement (lrm) and the rise of liberalism initiated significant public policy and government intervention on the issue of employment discrimination. progressive legislation was the strength of the lrm. however, the prevalence of discrimination in employment and housing, and the inability of philadelphia‘s liberal political leadership to enforce public policy was the root of its downfall. moreover, the integrationist model conceptually conflicted with african americans‘ understanding of liberation. the integrationist notion of equal opportunity did not and does not have the gammage capacity to address white supremacy and its residual effects. fundamentally, the integrationist model fails to adequately account for historical aspects that contribute to african americans‘ economic reality. in addition, it failed to address the present manifestations of white supremacy. philadelphia‘s liberal leadership was forced, through african american collective demonstration, to directly confront discrimination; however, liberalism as a political philosophy does not advocate for any significant structural reform to eliminate racial inequality. in many cases, philadelphia‘s liberal leadership sanctioned racial inequality, and incorporated racial bias as a means for integration. the liberal concept of integration is illustrated by mayor tate‘s response to the demonstration on the strawberry mansion construction site, organized by the naacp under the leadership of cecil b. moore. tate forced the construction contractors to hire five skilled african american trades-men but did not engage the exclusion of african americans from builder trade unions. thus, liberalism and integration does not correlate to equal opportunity. william melvin kelley discusses one of the central downfalls of the integration model with stating, by calling upon the black man to integrate himself into american society, the black integrationist can only mean that, despite his black skin and his black experience, the black man must become as ―white‖ and as ―american‖ as possible. he is also asking the black man to ignore and renounce all that has and will happen to him until the day of total integration. the integrationist model forces african americans to reject our experience here in america and does not engage structural reform. kelley, william melvin, on racism, exploitation and the white liberal in the negro digest. january issue. johnson publications gammage likewise, the integrationist model suggests that african americans should immerse themselves in american society and resist for inclusion and equal opportunity. during the early ‘s, the movement for african american economic development shifted to direct action and protest. demonstrations such as the ―selective patronage‖ movement redirected african american spending to protest industries whose work forces were racially exclusive. although african americans shifted their method of protest from electoral politics and liberal reform to direct action, the means sought were integrationist in nature. this period of protest demonstrated the inability of liberalism and the lrm to truly resolve the issue of race and economic development. more important, these demonstrated implicated liberalism as a collaborator of inequality. demonstrations targeting racially exclusive construction sites that received federal funding illustrated the failure of the liberal reformist. although lrm instituted agencies such as the commission on human relations (chr) to investigate and resolve violations of civil rights legislation, it proved itself to be powerless. demonstrations targeting the mayor and other federal agencies marked a significant changing point from liberal reform to direct action. the change in strategy from targeting individual industries to focusing on governmental compliance with structural inequality offered a more sophisticated method of resistance within the integrationist model. furthermore, the shift highlights the fundamental contradiction between liberalism and african american liberation. this change demonstrated that the liberal notion of equal opportunity could not eliminate white supremacy. despite its integrationist approach, the ―selective patronage‖ gammage movement illustrated the power of collective cooperation. through collective cooperation, the ―selective patronage‖ movement was able to integrate mid-level skilled and management position in the city‘s major industries, a task that liberal reformists failed. although this only produced a small number of openings for african americans, it emphasizes the bad faith of liberalism. leon sullivan‘s the progress movement exemplifies a quasi-nationalist approach. sullivan‘s mission to develop and expand ―black capitalism‖ allows us to examine the quasi-nationalist alternative for african american economic development. the two-pronged approach (―the trust‖ and zia) of the progress movement illustrates another shift in african american economic development from resist and reform to ―black capitalism‖. as an extension of oic, the progress movement focused on african american ownership of industry and community development. although sullivan stayed committed to an integrationist approach, his progress movement embraced the principle of capitalism and developed a race specific platform for business formation and investment. through zia, the progress movement produced one of philadelphia‘s earliest cooperative investment groups that excelled in creating employment opportunities for african americans and produced businesses that were owned and controlled by members of the african american community. although cooperative economics has been used within the african american community, zia advanced the typical model and organized subsidiaries in sophisticated technological industries the author uses the term ―members‖ because initially, zia was exclusively open to members of zion baptist church. also, to liquidate debt, zia shares were sold to ford foundation and government agencies during the early and late s. gammage (progress aerospace) and manufacturing of minor electronic goods and apparel. in addition, the progress movement was effective at channeling federal funding for small businesses to african american entrepreneurs. thus, with the assistance of the progress movement, african american owned businesses grew during the late s and early s. however, the quasi-nationalist model, much like the integrationist, forces african americans to reject their historical experience in american and embrace aspects of self-exploitive behavior. zia, like any typical military industrial manufacturer, depended heavily on federal contracts that were driven by the defense sector. the overwhelming majority of zia contracts were provided by the government‘s defense budget during the vietnam war, a war in which african americans were disproportionately forced to fight compared to any other cultural group. furthermore, the expansion of american corporations‘ investment in africa, with the aid of united states‘ military presence, in an attempt to gain political and economic hegemony, fundamentally contradicts the philosophical principles of the progressive movements. although sullivan became an active advocate in the anti-apartheid movement, during the s, zia was primarily funded by the united states defense industry. the progress movement, exemplified the potential of cooperative economics, but was unable to sustain itself without major corporations and government agencies that had a divested interest in african exploitation and economic hegemony on communities that were not capitalist. the black economic development conference (bedc) and the black manifesto marked another major shift in philadelphia‘s local movement for african american gammage economic development in its call for monetary reparations. the black manifesto was organized on the fundament principles of black nationalism with a socialist influence. born out of the black power movement, the black manifesto developed an agenda that sought to establish an independent black controlled social, political, and economic infrastructures and demanded the reorganization of untied states‘ political and economic leadership. while the movement was largely unsuccessful, it instituted a new perspective for solving african american poverty. while the restructuring of unites states‘ economy had been staple of the local socialist leadership and the concept of reparations had been articulated before, the bedc attempted to institutionalize the concept and targeted white religious institutions and the federal government. in all, the movement failed to gain massive support and only succeeded in producing the formation of numerous committees with budgets to invest in african american community development project. the movement did not materialize a significant amount of capital to institute its ideas for african american economic development. however, the movement‘s demand for reparations is a component in the current movement for african american economic development. philadelphia‘s local movement for african american economic development from – has left us an important history worth investigating and informing the current movement for african economic empowerment. through the african american economic development questionnaire (aaedq) i was able examine factors that may contribute to the disproportionate distribution of wealth and the wealth gap between african americans and their white counterparts. our historical analysis reveals that gammage african american‘s economic woes have been directly (institutional racism and discriminatory employment practices) and indirectly (intergenerational transfer of wealth and lack of exposure to generational investment practices) which influences our current economic behavior. nonetheless, the aaedq allowed us to explore african american spending habits, investment patterns, views about african american owned businesses, views of employment opportunities in philadelphia, and the ability for upward mobility. data collected from the aaedq revealed that african americans were overwhelmingly dissatisfied with employment opportunities in philadelphia, and more than percent of participants (n = ) had never been offered a promotion at their place of occupation. more important, more than percent of household heads were unemployed. the rate of intergenerational transfer was extremely low, and support for african american owned businesses was also low. the historical analysis of philadelphia‘s local movement for african american economic development coupled with the data collected by the aaedq will be used to formulate recommendations for advancing the current thrust for the movement to gain african american economic empowerment. my recommendation is the afrocentric economic empowerment model , which consists of three major components: ) institutional economic network; ) africana national economic network; and ) africana network for international economic security. developed by justin gammage in for use in his dissertation research entitled ―fighting for economic stability in a time of uncertainty: african american economic development in philadelphia - ‖. gammage recommendations afrocentric economic empowerment model there has been a wealth of literature written on african american financial empowerment, strengthening individual‘s wealth portfolios, and social economic responsibility for community economic development (rodney, ; kimbro and hill, ; wilson, ; kiyosaki and lechter, ; anderson, ; kunjufu, ). with the exception of the extensive work of amos wilson‘s blue print for black, these proposals focus primarily on african american economic consciousness (spending habits, investment patterns, frequency of patronizing african american owned businesses and cooperative economics). in addition, these platforms offer an individualist, communal, and national analysis but completely disregard a pan african component. the afrocentric economic empowerment model suggests that african american economic security is dependent upon the strength of its africana economic network. however, the africana network can only exist if there is an individual commitment to local, national and international economic cooperation. in order for this model to be effective, afrocentric institutions and organizations must adopt it and implement it as an economic framework. through afrocentric institutions and organizations, this model could aid in the active conceptual and behavioral transformation of africana people so that we may see the world and our role (economic, social, political, intellectual, etc.) in it from its proper vantage point. these institutions must be afrocentric in that they prioritize africana communities and engage in economic activities as africans oppose to christians, muslims, philadelphians, ghanaians, etc. the strength of africana people gammage and this model is collective agency. therefore, this model will only materialize through existing institutions and organizations as well as those forthcoming. thus, the first component of the afrocentric economic empowerment model, the institutional economic network, starts where other platforms end, individual‘s economic consciousness and institutional formation. gammage figure . afrocentric economic empowerment model: economic and institution formation gammage figure . afrocentric economic empowerment model: africana national economic network gammage figure . afrocentric economic empowerment model: africana network for international economic security gammage in the contemporary movement for economic empowerment, the african american community must work to institutionalize an economic philosophy that addresses the factors that challenge our economic stability as well as strengthen the economic pillars that fortify our community‘s local, national, and international economy. this component of the economic empowerment platform particularly focuses on transforming (revolutionizing) the individual‘s economic perspective. thus, it serves as a charge to form and strengthen existing social institutions that normalize afrocentric economic behavior. the economic and institution formations is divided into two subcomponents: ) africana economic consciousness and ) institutionalizing africana economic consciousness. africana economic consciousness is the essential ingredient for transforming africana peoples‘ economic reality through africana collective agency. the africana economic consciousness subcomponent seeks economic transformation through psychological decolonization and reposition how the business industry (capitalist, socialist, communist, etc) engages the africana community by activating collective africana agency. the africana economic consciousness subcomponent contains two dimensions that focus on transforming the spending and investment practices of african americans. the two dimensions are: ) transformative spending and ) directive investing. while the first dimension focuses on africana peoples‘ economic behavior, it does not prioritize individual advancement such as the black capitalist model. rather, it seeks to harness africana peoples‘ collective agency to produce resources for the africana community and transform the current exploitive relationship between africana people and business corporations. these dimensions offer gammage african americans a criterion for afrocentric spending and investment practices that would aid in strengthening the households‘ wealth portfolio, the local african american business community, and the africana national economic database, which will be discussed later in the chapter. the transformative spending dimension endorses three tenets that attempt to direct/redirect african american spending patterns: ) informed spending; ) inside out spending; and ) spending power through collective collaboration. the informed spending tenet specifically focuses on household budgeting, directed spending, and unified spending. the fundamental tenet is to direct household spending to businesses that have financial and institutional commitments to the movement for african american economic empowerment. additionally, we seek to tax businesses that occupy space in african american communities for the purpose of community and economic development projects. similar to earlier models, informed spending attempts to transform african american spending power into a tool for social, political, and economic transformation. this component advises heads of household to itemize household spending and place a priority on saving to establish an investment base. furthermore, it recommends the household to eliminate and/or limit spending on luxury items. inform spending seeks to limit african american consumers‘ participation in counterproductive and over consumption spending (christmas, valentine day, black friday, tax return season, etc.) as a means to establish a tradition of investment and eliminate over consumption. this tenet does not seek to diminish the spiritual or cultural significance of these celebrations, but rather asks african americans to redirect focus to gammage the spiritual and cultural purpose and disregard the consumption component that has been attached to these seasons. lastly, the informed spending component advises african american consumers to follow the african american economic database annual report for directing spending to companies that invest in the africana economic empowerment monetary and away from corporations that are strictly for-profit. the inside out spending tenet seeks to establish a strong consumer base for the african american business community and establish a tradition of recycling african american dollars. it advises african americans to purchase goods from african american businesses first, and then extend to other businesses for products that cannot be found within the african american business community. while this may prove to be more expensive initially, we will find that as african american business support increases and the demand for goods increase and prices will decline. the second aspect of the inside out spending is to report vacant industries within the african american business community to the africana economic empowerment depository. the inventory of business vacancies will be used to inform entrepreneurs of untapped industries that are desired by african american consumers. the idea is to empower african american consumers through their spending power to dictate the businesses they feel are needed in their communities and with the local african american business community. the final tenet under the transformative spending subcomponent is spending power through collective collaboration, which advises african americans to commit to and participate in collective spending strikes on local businesses that do not contribute to community development projects within the african american community and as well as gammage businesses offering substandard products. thus, this suggests that consumers may forfeit convenience and personal experience with a particular business for the greater good of the collective. through reports produced by the african american national economic depository, consumers will be informed of businesses that do not meet the standard for contributing to community and economic development nor are not willing to make adjustments to comply. thus, consumers will commit to african american economic development before personal comfort through their spending practices. the second dimension of the afrocentric economic consciousness subcomponent is directed investment, which seek to establish afrocentric guidelines to channel investment practices toward collective african american economic stability. the investment dimension advocates that african americans steer investments toward businesses that have a divested interest in improving social and economic conditions of the african american community. the investment aspect suggests that african americans commit to two investment tenets: ) profit through principled investing: and ) innovative investing. profit through principled tenet recommends that investors gage investment‘s profitability on social impact first, and monetary gain second. while this may seem contradictory within a capitalist context we must keep in mind that this platform is based on african cultural principles with a goal of revolutionizing african economic reality. therefore, this tenet is influenced by a principle espoused by the late john henrick clarke when stating, "for a people to be free, they have to produce one sacrificial generation. that generation must be the role model for other generations to gammage come." (clarke, ) those in a position to invest must invest in the future of african american economic stability and establish a standard for next generation to follow. the innovative investing tenet recommends that african american homebuyers and potential homebuyers seek to purchase homes within the african american community. this commitment seeks to establish a strong community base in which african americans are invested in the development of their community. secondly, it seeks to reconnect the middle and upper class with impoverished african american community such as those before ―desegregation‖. the presence of professional and skilled labors adds a social component and aims at transforming neighborhoods into communities. this does not assume that the presence of middle and upper class individuals is what makes a community; it simply suggests that ownership of property is an important component of community control. furthermore, the issue regarding property value must be investigated and strategically addressed and this fight will be waged primarily by african american homeowners and prospective homeowners that are committed to uplifting black communities. the fleet of middle and upper class families from economically deprived communities does not help the community or fight against racialized property value estimations. this is an area rarely addressed in economic development platforms but vital given that the overwhelming majority of african american wealth is stored in home value and equity. institutionalizing africana economic consciousness, the final subcomponent of the institutional economic network, is the second critical aspect in the duel process of institutionalizing the movement for africana economic empowerment. like social gammage movements of the past, this subcomponent is responsible for producing educational material and forming social institutions that work to educate/reeducate the africana community on the principles and significance of afrocentric economics. thus, this component suggests that africana economic behavior is informed by socialization and institutional support. institutionalizing africana economic consciousness subcomponent is charged with infusing the afrocentric economic empowerment framework into educational, social, and political institutions that serve the africana community. the institutionalizing africana economic consciousness component consists of two dimensions: ) africana economic empowerment monetary; and ) africana economic empowerment depository. the africana business community will be responsible for collaborating to establish both institutional networks and will reap the benefits of the network by galvanizing africana consumers. the africana economic empowerment monetary (aeem) will serve as a cooperative investment group that will be responsible for community development projects and a funding base for business formation. much like the progress movement, aeem will be two pronged but will focus on producing educational material on the local africana economic condition. also, aeem will seek to establish afrocentric educational institutions to address substandard education, professional development, and social economic responsibility of africana people. aeem educational institutions will be rooted in an afrocentric curriculum and include an economic educational component that teaches youth the value of community responsibility. furthermore, educational material would articulate the local and broader africana economic reality in its historical context and centralize the need for institutional gammage and monetary reparations. in addition to its institutional activities, aeem will be responsible for contributing annually to the africana national economic network. the africana economic empowerment depository (aeed) dimension would serve as a research think-tank. the aeed will be charged with investigating local movement for africana economic stability and compile important data of past strategies of resistance and community—controlled models for economic development. this information will arm aeed in developing models for local institutional and monetary reparations. aeed will also survey the local community to establish lines of communication between community and africana business community. aeed will inventory the community‘s satisfaction with africana owned business and find voids within the africana businesses community. aeed will work to expand the local africana business market by consulting entrepreneurs and recommending that they fill voids in the african american community. more important aeed will solicit financial contributions from businesses located in africana communities for economic development programs. businesses that do not contribute to aeed will be protested by methods similar to the ―selective patronage‖ movement. the intent is to enforce the principle of community responsibility, and promote afrocentric economic empowerment. the afrocentric model is flexible to local factors, but must adhere to the afrocentric economic principles identified above. history has taught us that human behavior is largely reflective of our culture, experiences, socialization, and our interaction with society‘s social, political, and economic institutions. thus, this component seeks to gammage establish social institutions that act as education incubators. this encompasses a collaboration of numerous institutions that distribute the cultural values and principles that directly influences our behavior. the central institutions include, but are not limited to, family, religious institutions, community action networks, educational institutions, as well as a media component. collectively, these institutions have the capacity to begin to revolutionize africana people‘s economic philosophy and economic behavior. finally, aeem would be the liaison for between the local network and the national economic empowerment monetary, which will be discussed in the national component of the afrocentric economic empowerment model. the africana national economic network, the second component of the afrocentric economic empowerment model, contains two subcomponents: ) national economic empowerment monetary; and ) africana economic network outreach. the national economic empowerment monetary (neem) serves as the national body for direct action for the movement of africana economic empowerment. the dimensions of neem will be to research national conditions of africana communities and distribute findings to local networks. these reports should include progress of local movement as well as spending and investment pattern of africana communities. in addition, neem will provide support for local movements. lastly, the monetary will establish a national investment firm, which would work to invest the contributions made by local networks. the investment firm would seek to expand and strengthen corporation that have establish a commitment to the movement for africana economic empowerment. furthermore, the gammage firm would contribute to the africana economic network outreach, which works to strengthen afrocentric economic empowerment model‘s support base. africana economic network outreach, the second component of africana national economic network, includes two strategic dimensions of outreach. first, the outreach network seeks to establish communication and informational exchange with regional, state, and local networks. the national network outreach component would solidify a strong national coalition and harnesses the momentum of local movements to forge a national movement for economic transformation. in addition, the africana economic network outreach will establish communication and informational exchange with the africana network for international economic security. thus, the network‘s outreach subcomponent would have the vital task of connecting local movements to form national thrust as well as creating a link to the international component. the africana network for international economic security, the third component of the afrocentric economic empowerment model, consists of three dimensions: ) the international trust; ) the international economic outreach network; and ) the africana studies school of research. the international trust would serve as the international bank for the international africana community. contributions from national economic networks will be combined to establish the international trust and as the local, national, and international model. to generate momentum, the international trust would work to form national and local banks. the trust will aid in recycling africana dollars and gain investment power on the national and international levels. the benefit of an international gammage trust is that it would not be tied to the fluctuation in local economies and it would have an international support base, opposed to simply national. similar to the national outreach network, the international economic outreach network (ieow) would serve as the model‘s international coalitions. ieow would be responsible for establishing communication and informational exchange with national africana networks to further strengthen the transformative base and link local movement to an international movement for economic empowerment. the networking dimension of the model will be vital in the expansion of the africana international business community and may possibly serve as a means of an international exchange of goods, which could decrease pricing. this also creates new avenues for africana industries (transporting, manufacturing, distribution, etc.). the africana studies school of research (assr) will serve as an international research wing of the afrocentric economic empowerment model. first, it would look to collaborate with afrocentric schools to conduct research on local, national, and international aspects of africana poverty. this research will seek to address some of the structural causational aspects of poverty and prescribe solution. furthermore, the assr will research and formulate models for economic development and new economic models that would be more receptive to africana people‘s economic reality and culture in the present economic climate. the afrocentric economic empowerment model seeks to utilize resources (spending power, investment resources, social institutions) within our local communities to forge an international movement geared toward africana economic empowerment. gammage the model suggests a movement to transform the economic conditions of the overwhelming majority of africana people rooted in the africana community and ignited by those who suffer most from economic deprivation. this model seeks not to imply that these conditions are due to africana consumer practices, but that they can be transformed by transformative spending, directed investing, and institutional formation. these challenges, though not created by africana people, will only be solved through strategic planning and collective action. the afrocentric economic empowerment model seeks to be the base of action in the area of economic development. limitations a limitation of this research was the sample size of respondents of the aadeq. despite exceeding participants, a larger sample size may have possibly given the researcher a deeper understanding of some of the local factors that contribute to the economic condition of philadelphia‘s african american community. in addition, my analysis was heavily reliant on historical research opposed to other research methods. the use of more empirical methods may have aided in drawing a stronger link between the historical components and the contemporary factors. additionally, my focus on philadelphia only, restricted my research to explore selective models for african american economic development. the inclusion of local models implemented in detroit, chicago, los angeles, etc. may have given the research various models to explore and add clarity to the national movement for african american economic stability. lastly, my historical analysis did not fully explore class. focusing primarily on social movements left the researcher little room to investigate issues of class, which may have gammage advanced my analysis and engaged intricate aspects of institutional racism and explore theories that suggest economic reconstruction based on class collaborations. gammage key terms african american economic development african american economic development is the movement of african americans fighting to secure their collective economic opportunities for financial stability. afrocentric historiography afrocentric historiography refers to the examinations of the past through written documents, oral accounts, and traditional or epic stories. afrocentric historiography is distinct in that it specifically accommodates the various methods that africans used to record their historical narrative. further, afrocentric historiography holds high the centrality of culture as a means to truly understanding a people‘s traditions, rituals, and historic events. afrocentric historiography differentiates itself from other methods of historiography in that it places equal value on oral and traditional stories and written history. in addition, it centralizes african culture as the chief factor in analyzing phenomena. afrocentricity as articulated by molefi kete asante, afrocentricity is a philosophical perspective associated with the discovery, location, and actualizing of african agency within the context of history and culture. conservative a political philosophy that seeks to preserve traditional government and reject reform. united states‘ conservatism has traditionally sought to preserve the political and economic status of its wealthy white constituency. great migration a mass exodus of african americans from southern american cities to northern and western cities in the united states between and . intergenerational transfer of wealth the transfer of liquid assets, wealth accumulating assets, financial knowledge, as well as investment and spending philosophy from one generation to the next. the theory focuses on the transfer of parental wealth to offspring or extended family. liberal a political philosophy that advocates for the freedom of individuals rights and acceptance of new and diverse alternatives for political and economic reform. liberalism the fundamental principle of liberalism is the prioritization of individual citizens‘ liberties, equal rights and the restriction of government interference in economic affairs. gammage this research leans on lizabeth cohen and james wolfinger‘s articulation of liberalism in that it is a ―political orientation that deploys the power of the state to improve the lives of working people through legislation and programs that protect their homes and jobs. a liberal or democratic coalition, then, is an alliance of ordinary people who seek to implement the vision. liberal reform movement lrm is the collaborative of liberals to restore democracy and transform philadelphia‘s local municipal government to a system committed to liberalism. pan africanism a pan africanist approach to economic development is collective commitment to african economic liberation that extends beyond geographic boarders. this concept takes from marcus garvey and kwame nkrumah philosophical conceptualization of a united african front for african liberation. i also lean on dr. zizwe poe‘s assertion of pan africanism in that it is ―a set of ideas and actions that seek to establish an optimal zone for macro african agency.‖ further pan africanism is concerned with centralizing collective african agency. reformist a liberalist committed to the transformation (politically, socially, and economically) of institutions to reflect liberal democracy standard of living: standard of living generally refers to the consumption of goods and services of individuals or a group that would in turn increase one‘s well being. however, this research argues that the term ―standard of life‖ is culturally specific in that one‘s culture defines the desired standard of life for its members. for the purpose of this research, the desired ―standard of living‖ refers to economic stability, spiritual groundedness, and an active community involvement. this research‘s desired standard of living diverges with others in that it is not solely dependent on economic factors. the spiritual component as well as the community involvement holds equal importance as the economic component. also my analysis of desired standard of living takes into accounts an individuals or group‘s involvement with securing an environment that celebrates, reinforces, and honors their cultural characteristics and historical reality. this study does not take the stance that economics solely dictate standard of life. however, economics is one of various social factors that contribute to one‘s standard of life. economics, like spiritual groundedness, education, living environment etc., have the potential to affect one‘s life experiences and aspirations/desires, which help to make up one‘s standard of life. standard of life refers to, but is not limited to, the quality of healthcare one receives, ability to purchase quality food, the quality education available. but it also refers to the individual‘s consciousness and involvement in the process to continually transform their reality to reflect an environment that is receptive to an african way of living. gammage wealth from an afrocentric perspective similar to the general definition of wealth, the afrocentric understand of wealth refers to the difference in money and/or anything holding monetary value or exchange value against liabilities. in addition, the afrocentric concept of wealth extends beyond monetary goods and requires an individual or group to be spiritually centered, and to have an unwavering commitment to the african american community. as with all other aspects of african reality, spiritual centeredness is essential for the physical accumulation of wealth and a located consciousness that guides the use of those material assets. the metaphysical component of wealth serves as a necessary foundation that connects the individual with creator and the larger african community. further, the spiritual component helps to bind and secure african people‘s commitment to one another. the commitment to the african american community refers to active involvement in procuring the external and internal security of african american people‘s space. further, it refers to a conscious commitment to addressing structural attacks that challenge the economic well being of the african american community. the afrocentric paradigm suggests that wealth is reflected in a harmonious balance of the spirit, material possessions, and active involvement in the community. white supremacy historically based, culturally rooted, institutionally perpetuated system of exploitation and oppression of continents, nations and peoples of color by the social/political institutions of nations under the economic and political influence of europeans and the european diaspora; for the purpose of establishing, maintaining and defending a system of wealth, power, privilege and domination. 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( ). a people‘s history of the united states: - present. new york, ny; harper & row. gammage appendix a african american economic development questionnaire . what month and year were you born? . what is your current zip code? . how many years have been a resident of philadelphia? . what is your employment status? . what is your annual income? . what is the highest level of education that you completed? . how many people currently live in your household including you? . what is your current marital status? . what is your gender? . do you have a checking account? . do your parents have a checking account? . do you have a savings account? . what is your current savings? . do your parents have a savings account? . do you own any stocks? . do your parents own any stocks? . do you own any bonds? . do your parents own any bonds? . do you own any credit derivatives (cds)? . do your parents own any credit derivatives (cds)? . do you own your own business? a. if yes, how long have you owned your business? b. what type of business do you own? . do you currently own your home? a. if yes, how long have you owned your home? . did you receive assistance for paying your down payment on your home? a. if yes, who provided assistance and what percentage of your total down payment did that assistance account for? . do you own any real estate in addition to your home? a. if yes, what types of other real estate do you own? . have your parents ever owned a house? . do you keep your money in any other place not mentioned above? a. if yes, please list them. . i am __________ with the job opportunities in my neighborhood. . i am __________ with the selection of job opportunities in my neighborhood. . when looking for a job, i _____________ find employment opportunities in my neighborhood. . i am ___________ with the job opportunities that are available in philadelphia. gammage . philadelphia has jobs for my work skills. . have you ever been offered a promotion at your job? a. if yes, how many times have you been promoted? . i have ____________ attended assistance programs available to me. . i have ____________ attended job workshop(s). . i have ____________ attended a job fair(s). . have you bought a home? a. if yes, did you use a first time homebuyers program? . what percentage of your household‘s monthly income is used to pay rent/mortgage? . what percentage of your household‘s monthly income is used to pay food (grocery) expenses? . what percentage of your household‘s monthly income is used to pay transportation expenses? (transportation expenses include car notes, auto insurance, gas, public transportation, etc.) . what percentage of your household‘s income is put into savings? . what percentage of your household‘s monthly income is used to pay other expenses? (credit card bills, utility bills, etc.) . i shop at black owned businesses. . i think it is important for black people to support black owned businesses? . i am ___________ with the customer service from black owned businesses. . how much of your household‘s monthly income is spent in black owned businesses? modern-day minstrelsy: online microaggressions and the digital narratives of homeless black males by julie l. snyder-yuly a dissertation submitted to the faculty of the university of utah in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy department of communication the university of utah may copyright © julie l. snyder-yuly all rights reserved t h e u n i v e r s i t y o f u t a h g r a d u a t e s c h o o l statement of dissertation approval the dissertation of julie l. snyder-yuly has been approved by the following supervisory committee members: joy pierce , chair feb. , date approved robin jensen , member feb. , date approved tracey owens patton , member feb. , date approved peregrine schwartz-shea , member feb. , date approved veronica valdez , member feb. , date approved and by kent ono , chair/dean of the department/college/school of communication and by david b. kieda, dean of the graduate school. abstract microaggressions are brief and often unintentional daily acts that communicate insults or negative messages to marginalized individuals or groups. most research on microaggressions comes from psychology and higher education and focuses on the interpersonal effects of the target of the microaggression. additionally, the research focuses predominantly on racial microaggressions. this qualitative study focused on microaggressions targeted at black, homeless males, in order to explore the societal effects of these acts. using narrative analysis, this study examined the articles, images, and comments related to three homeless black males whose stories went viral. in this project, i examined news articles, videos and images, and , comments from npr.org, thegrio.com, and usatoday.com. utilizing the typology of microaggressions outlined by sue, capodilupo, torino, bucceri, holder, nadal, and esquilin as a framework, this project identified ten themes of microaggressions: ) waging stereotypical attack, ) assertion of violence, ) second-class citizen, ) intellectual inferiority, ) ascription of exceptionalism, ) decentering the subject, ) assumption of criminality/deviance, ) significant absences, ) divine assistance, and ) assumption of sameness. more significant is that when these themes are examined together they begin to alter the narrative resulting in the emergence of stereotypes historically associated with black people: minstrelsy, the coon caricature, and the uncle tom. this research finds that no matter one’s intentions, social conditioning instills within each of us ideas, beliefs, and stereotypes iv outside our awareness. so, while many individuals consciously endorse equality, on an unconscious level they act in ways that impede equality. it is clear through the stories, comments, and videos that we are not postracial. this finding is significant with the current political administration appearing to support conservative white nationalism. these findings can help those who challenge these policies by recognizing how they may inadvertently support the white, male, dominant hegemonic order so that they can create positive change. additionally, these results can provide education and guidance to the media and its consumers to become more critical producers and consumers of the media. v dedicated to farin. for being supportive of me quitting my job and moving away from home for four years. dedicated to my grandma. you passed away the day after my comprehensive exams, but i know you would be so proud of me for completing my ph.d. also to kc, friday, and walker. table of contents abstract ....................................................................................................................... iii list of tables ...............................................................................................................x list of figures ........................................................................................................... xi acknowledgements .............................................................................................. xii chapters . introduction: race and homelessness in america .......................... contextualization of race and homelessness in the united states ......................... defining homelessness ....................................................................................... current statistics related to race and homelessness ...................................... overview of the research ...................................................................................... problem statement ............................................................................................ statement of purpose and research questions ................................................. research approach ........................................................................................... the researcher.................................................................................................. rationale and significance ............................................................................... key terms ......................................................................................................... organization of the study ................................................................................. . theoretical framework ............................................................................... theoretical frameworks ........................................................................................ critical race theory ......................................................................................... social construction of race and racism ..................................................... from racism to postracial ........................................................................... microaggressions .............................................................................................. categories and themes of microaggressions .............................................. from interpersonal to societal microaggressions ....................................... bourdieu and the dynamics of power .............................................................. capital .......................................................................................................... habitus ......................................................................................................... field ............................................................................................................. vii the interrelationship between crt and bourdieu .......................................... chapter summary .................................................................................................. . literature review ............................................................................................ portrayals of homeless people and black people: from news to new media ..... but the news said: mediated narratives .......................................................... homelessness in the news ................................................................................ seasonal and environmental appeals .......................................................... high-profile events ..................................................................................... stigmatization and deviance: “the other” ................................................. limiting the voice of homeless people ...................................................... black people in the news ................................................................................. deviants and criminals ................................................................................ race relations and enlightened racism ..................................................... black people and poverty ............................................................................ invisibility .................................................................................................... black people as entertainers or minstrels ........................................................ the emergence and study of online racism ................................................... online othering ........................................................................................... user-generated content............................................................................... chapter summary .................................................................................................. . methodology ...................................................................................................... master narratives, social narratives, and digital narratives ................................ defining narratives ................................................................................................ whose story are we really telling? master narratives and white privilege ............................................................................................................ not all narratives are unique: social narratives ........................................... online social construction of others: digital narratives ................................ rationale ................................................................................................................ those who tell the stories rule the world: qualitative narrative analysis .. who cares about viral stories of homeless men? ......................................... the research selection .......................................................................................... three viral stories of homeless black men .................................................... ted williams ................................................................................................ jeffrey hillman ............................................................................................ billy ray harris ......................................................................................... searching the internet and locating my data collection sites ...................... national public radio................................................................................ usa today ................................................................................................. the grio ..................................................................................................... data collection ............................................................................................... where do i begin? analyzing the data ......................................................... chapter summary ................................................................................................ viii . a one-man minstrel show: the digital narrative of ted williams................................................................................................................ from where the stories came ............................................................................. overview of the data ...................................................................................... from rags to radio ........................................................................................ creating williams’ digital narrative through microaggressive communication .................................................................................................... microinsults .................................................................................................... second-class citizen ................................................................................. ascription of exceptionalism .................................................................... microinvalidations .......................................................................................... divine assistance....................................................................................... significant absences .................................................................................. visual microaggressions ................................................................................. williams’ digital narrative: a modern minstrel ................................................ chapter summary ................................................................................................ . stepin fetchit of the streets: the digital narrative of jeffrey hillman ................................................................................................ from where the stories came ............................................................................. overview of the data ...................................................................................... from invisible to infamous ............................................................................. creating hillman’s digital narrative through microaggressive communication .................................................................................................... microassaults .................................................................................................. waging stereotypical attacks.................................................................... assertion of harm or violence .................................................................. microinsults .................................................................................................... second-class citizens ................................................................................ assumption of deviance and criminality .................................................. intellectual inferiority ................................................................................ microinvalidations .......................................................................................... assumption of sameness ........................................................................... significant absences .................................................................................. visual microaggressions ................................................................................. hillman’s digital narrative: the outcast coon .................................................. chapter summary ................................................................................................ . from homeless to house negro: the digital narrative of billy ray harris ............................................................................................... from where the stories came ............................................................................. overview of the data ...................................................................................... from homeless to housed .............................................................................. ix creating harris’ digital narrative through microaggressive communication .. microassaults .................................................................................................. waging stereotypical attacks.................................................................... microinsults .................................................................................................... decentering the subject ............................................................................. intellectual inferiority ................................................................................ ascription of exceptionalism .................................................................... microinvalidations .......................................................................................... divine assistance....................................................................................... significant absences .................................................................................. visual microaggressions ................................................................................. harris’ digital narrative: reviving uncle tom .................................................. chapter summary ................................................................................................ . conclusion .......................................................................................................... how and in what ways are microaggressions invoked online? ........................ support of prior research ............................................................................... emergent microaggressive themes ................................................................ microassaults ............................................................................................. microinsults ............................................................................................... microinvalidations ..................................................................................... visual microaggressions ............................................................................ how microaggressions alter the stories and narratives ..................................... microaggressions and master narratives............................................................. limitations and recommendation for future research ...................................... implications and reflection ................................................................................. appendices a: sample coding table for articles ......................................................... b: sample coding table for comments ...................................................... references ................................................................................................................ list of tables . sue and capodilupo’s taxonomy of racial microaggressions ......................... . breakdown of data collected based on each individual case .................................... . breakdown of data by online news sources .............................................................. . taxonomy of microaggressions related to race and homelessness ......................... a. sample coding table for articles ............................................................................... b. sample coding table for comments ........................................................................... list of figures . image of ted williams by doral chenoweth iii ...................................................... . screen capture of williams doing the opening for today on january , ........ . screen capture of reunion of williams and his mother julia on january , .... . original image taken by jennifer foster in november and posted to the nypd facebook page that subsequently went viral ................................................ . postcard of a slave singing stephen foster’s minstrel song ............................ . cartoon still from “scrub me mama with a boogie beat” universal ............. . screen capture of jeffrey hillman and childhood friend, rev. john graf jr., from video and interview by bob makin .......................................................................... . movie still of stepin fetchit in judge priest fox film corporation ................ . screen capture close up of harris. ............................................................................ . screen capture from today on september , showing harris panhandling on the streets of kansas city, mo ................................................................................. . photo card of uncle tom and little eva from stetson's uncle tom's cabin, ca. s ......................................................................................................................... acknowledgements first and foremost, i want to acknowledge my great husband who supported me when i had the wild idea of moving away from home for four years so i could earn a ph.d. it was a sacrifice that was worth it for both of us. also, my family who provided amazing support and on occasion came to utah and bought me food! i would also like to thank the “fab five,” my amazing committee members. my chair, dr. joy pierce, inspired my interest in new media and let me run with my idea, while gracefully guiding me through my project. dr. tracey owens patton has continued to challenge me and be a friend and mentor since my master’s program. dr. robin jensen’s perpetual smile, positive attitude, amazing teaching, and continual encouragement never let me doubt myself in achieving this. dr. peregrine schwartz-shea’s excellent class on qualitative interpretive methods inspired my project. dr. veronica valdez does a tremendous job teaching about theories and theorists and piqued my interest in pierre bourdieu. i could not have asked for a more intelligent and supportive group of women to guide me through this project! i also thank ellen kress for her friendship, vegetables, and editing skills throughout my doctoral journey. i am also grateful to patricia vansteenburg who helped me edit and proofread this dissertation. to make my life and education exceedingly better while in utah, i have to acknowledge the maud may babcock doctoral writing group. these women provided a xiii source of support, friendship, guidance, and laughter that kept me going when many times i wanted to quit. additionally, i wouldn’t have made it without elliott and celia who reminded me that food, down time, and all around silliness is important. finally, i want to thank my friends at caws. it meant a lot to me that you trusted me enough to take care of foster and feral cats. i think that taking care of them while i was away was even more beneficial to me than it was for them. collin, payton, jesse, gizzy, sidney, puma, frazier, and walker may your new lives be filled with lots of snuggles. chapter race and homelessness in america to engage in a serious discussion of race in america, we must begin not with the problems of black people but with the flaws of american society—flaws rooted in historic inequalities and longstanding cultural stereotypes. —cornel west, race matters, this study seeks to document and categorize online microaggressive expressions targeting the intersection of race and homelessness. the purpose of this multicase study is to explore how these microaggressions have a negative impact on society by creating digital narratives of their targets. the research employed qualitative narrative inquiry focusing on the newspaper articles, their images, and associated comments centered on three black homeless men. the data for this study was derived from the content produced by authors of the articles, the images and videos included to enhance the articles, and the comments by those who voluntarily chose to post in article discussion boards. this chapter begins by contextualizing the relationship between black people and homelessness in the united states. a brief history of black homelessness in the united states, an overview of the concept of homelessness, and statistics on race and homelessness are provided. following this is the problem statement, statement of purpose, and accompanying research questions. also included is a discussion of the research approach and researcher perspectives. this chapter concludes with a discussion of the proposed rationale and significance of this research study and some of the key terminology used. contextualization of race and homelessness in the united states historically, wars, economic issues, immigration, and discrimination were some of the main causes of homelessness in the united states. according to historian kenneth kusmer, “vagrant persons” can be traced back as early at when peace officers in boston were charged with finding and punishing them ( , p. ). it was in the late eighteenth century that homeless populations, often known as the “wandering poor,” “sturdy beggars,” “vagrants,” and “paupers” became noticeable (kusmer, ; marvasti, ). by the s day laborers, indentured servants, former and runaway servants, and escaped slaves augmented the homeless population, especially in the northern colonies (kusmer, ). kusmer explained that in the s, escaped slaves and servants in philadelphia were frequently sentenced to prison and hard labor for vagrancy. as he further noted, homelessness and incarceration were preferable to the wait for the pennsylvania manumission law to become effective ( , p. ). prior to slavery, the colony of virginia was “plagued” by bands of young men who lived without work. the institution of slavery in the early s was the greatest reducer of homelessness (kusmer, ). not only were black people enslaved, “poor laws” allowed the auctioning off of the able-bodied poor, including the mentally ill, to the lowest bidder (mavasti, ). this could conceptually be the beginning of the connection between homeless black people and the notion of being mentally ill and/or lazy. in , virginia passed its first vagrancy laws, which were followed by an immediate act aimed at apprehending and suppressing runaways, negroes, and slaves (kusmer, ). bacon’s rebellion in , which resulted in “lower-class elements” (including slaves and former indentured servants) rising up against the plantation owners, put in motion even more laws for the control of black slaves; these laws took little interest in white vagabonds ( ). the s saw ever-greater demand for slaves, especially in the large plantations in the south. as the slave population grew, “slave codes” were put into place to restrict enslaved people’s behaviors and to prevent the chances of an uprising (bunn, ). the importation of slaves was banned in the united states in ; however, american born slaves had outnumbered african born slaves since the s. between and , spurred by the revolutionary war, the northern colonies abolished slavery. yet, because of the basic prejudice felt by many northern whites, following emancipation many white people took over the jobs of black people, laws were created to expel black individuals who were not citizens, interracial marriages were barred, and additional northern colonial race laws were created to discourage black individuals from fleeing to or staying in the north (greene, ; litwack, ; mcmanus, ). between the northern colonial race laws and the slave codes of the south, black individuals lived in a precarious situation dependent on the tolerance of whites (harper, ). by the s, the newly freed black slaves in the north disproportionately represented the homeless population. kusmer explained that while black people made up only about % of a city’s population, - % were incarcerated for vagrancy and about % of those gained admission to the county’s almshouse ( , p. ). in the s, the percentage of black homeless was comparable to the black population in philadelphia where vagrancy became more associated with immigrants, rather than black people. following the civil war, the white south was increasingly hostile to black vagrants and tramps. in the south, black codes were established to restrict freed black slaves’ activity and to ensure that they were available for the labor force. these codes allowed black people convicted of vagrancy to be sentenced to involuntary servitude through auctioning, being sent to work on chain gangs, or leasing to coal mining corporations. additionally, kusmer ( ) noted that some police would raid black establishments and arrest those who could not account for themselves, thus forcing black men into undesirable and low paying jobs (kusmer, ). as the s emerged, the characteristics of black male vagrants were quite different than those of white males: they were younger than average, less likely to be married, over half were illiterate, few were skilled artisans, and many had been servants (kusmer, ). as kusmer ( ) explained, it was the difficult economic situation for black people and women that resulted in their overrepresentation in the homeless population. black homelessness was reported as declining between - , in the northern states; by the s the percentage of black people utilizing homeless services was greater than their percentage of the population. in other words, aid was provided to between - % of black people in philadelphia, but the black population was only about % of the city’s population. the first world war’s need for industrial workers caused many black people to flee the south and head north for employment. this was the first black codes were laws passed in the southern states in and . these codes were part of pattern of white individuals working to suppress black individuals. these codes were part of the foundation of the jim crow era and the separate by equal doctrine. northern migration. while kusmer ( ) noted that, at times, black people had lower unemployment rates than white people, many of them had more reliable, yet lower paying service work. however, racism and newly arriving immigrants began pushing black people out of these lower paying jobs and discrimination was working against black skilled workers and businessmen (kusmer, , p. ). this potentially pushed more black people into homeless situations. another term related to homelessness was “tramp.” the term tramp can be traced back to the civil war era when small bands of soldiers headed out “on a tramp” or exploration on their own (kusmer, , p. ). by , the word tramp began to be used to describe train-riding vagrants. the rise of black “tramps” may be traced to those enslaved people who ran away when they heard about the impending approach of union soldiers. following the abolition of slavery, many black individuals simply migrated as an expression of their freedom of movement (cohen, ; kolchin, ; williamson, ). those who migrated were seeking intermittent manual labor, escaping the south, or were travelling musicians or entertainers (harris, ; jones, ; kusmer, ). as kusmer ( ) explained, tramp life was often appealing to black men as racial segregation was quickly growing throughout american society. to some extent, tramp and vagrant life was more accepting of racial diversity (caplow, ; kemp, ). however, historian todd depastino ( ) explained that black individuals were averse to tramping due to the racial discrimination in public services, as well as the outright violence they expected to encounter on the road. kusmer ( ) noted there were conflicts and violence based solely on racial intolerance. while homeless “tramps” found varying degrees of acceptance, those in urban communities in the north were subject to more and more racial segregation, especially as the black homeless population increased. while some municipal lodging and shelters accepted everyone, others had separate dormitories for white people and black people, and some completely excluded black people (kusmer, ). this type of segregation prompted civil rights activist and journalist ida wells-barnett to challenge the chicago social service agencies who refused refuge to black individuals. it was not just the homeless shelters that were segregated, but also residential areas. black lodging houses were often located in areas full of bars, prostitution, and illegal activities (anderson, ; kusmer, , ; spear, ). unlike other areas with large lodging houses, those in black neighborhoods had houses that were small, in bad condition, and split into tiny apartments with kitchenettes (kusmer, ). as documented by kusmer ( ) and spear ( ), black families were substantially more likely to take in lodgers compared to white families, causing even more crowding in black family homes. as the united states moved into the great depression, the homeless population of black people continued to increase. various research indicated that the percent of black people in homeless shelters and transient housing was disproportionately higher than the total black population in the communities that they served (drake & cayton, ; kusmer, , ; thomas, ). as kusmer ( , ) illustrated, black homelessness was caused by racial and economic discrimination. black individuals were the first to be laid off in skilled work, unskilled labor positions, and in domestic service. this resulted in higher percentages of black homelessness. during this time, the federal transient service was established to coordinate the federal, state, and local authorities in providing job training, housing, meals, and medical service for the rising number of homeless individuals (kusmer, ). these services brought people of different classes together. however, while they were open to all races, they frequently segregated the eating and sleeping quarters and hired black staff members to deal with black transients (kusmer, ). although there was segregation in some of these facilities, black people were not prevented from using their services. in , the program was abruptly ended, resulting once again in an upturn of homeless individuals. thus, the rise of skid rows—impoverished areas inhabited by the poor, homeless, or those forgotten by society—began and continued through the mid- s. one of the biggest misconceptions of skid rows was that the residents were unemployable. both kusmer ( ) and depastino ( ) highlighted evidence that the vast majority of men on skid rows were working and very few earned an income from begging or illegal activities. kusmer ( ) wrote that between and , homeless people were considered nothing more than a nuisance by those in more privileged classes. the drive to clean up blighted areas and skid rows began to bring the issue to light. most research during this time perpetuated the stereotypes relating to general behaviors, like alcoholism or laziness. however, as kusmer ( ) remarked, some research found that those in skid row neighborhoods wanted to live independent lives. beginning in the late s, beggars and street people became more noticeable in the large cities (kusmer, ; depastino, ). depastino ( ) pointed out that racialized minorities were never underrepresented; in fact, nationwide they comprised over one half of the homeless population. the stigmas associated with homelessness had a direct impact on the resources and support they received. during the late s through the mid- s, the demographics of homelessness changed drastically and the homeless population saw its largest increase since the great depression. between the deinstitutionalization of mental hospitals and institutions, and the economic recession caused by the reagan and bush administrations (da costa núñez, ), the number of homeless individuals surged. it became recognized that homelessness was not just alcoholic men living on skid row (kusmer, ; zltonick, zerger, & wolfe, ). along with the stagnation of the economy and the increase in unemployment, there was a marked decrease in low-income housing, housing assistance, and social programs (da costa núñez, ). in the s, federal spending on social programs related to housing, health, job training, child nutrition, and education decreased. during this time, the republican administration cut funding to many areas that had been fought for by civil rights activists in the s, s, and s. education spending decreased by % and there was an almost % decrease in spending for low-income and housing assistance, yet military spending increased by almost % (da costa núñez, ). depastino ( ) pointed out that during this period, women and non-white people were the hardest hit because of deindustrialization and job migration. while women, predominantly white women, were able to garner pity and inspire intervention, homeless men of color frequently faced arrests and incarceration making it even harder to gain employment (depastino, , p. ). these “unworthy” men of color caused demands for police intervention for those seen panhandling. today, both scholars and everyday citizens still turn to the predictable and often stereotypical causes of homelessness: deinstitutionalization of the mentally ill, addiction, and laziness (baum & burnes, ; durham, ; french, ). even leading scholars doing research on homelessness, such as donald bogue ( ), samuel wallace ( ), howard bahr ( , , ), and theodore caplow ( ), who conducted excellent work in discussing the diversity of the homeless population, tend to overemphasize vices and deviancy of the homeless. homelessness in america has been an ongoing issue for hundreds of years (kusmer, ; depastino, ; marvasti, ), yet the intersection of race with homelessness remains understudied. defining homelessness there is no single definition of homelessness, which has a strong effect on how various programs determine eligibility for services. homelessness is characterized and experienced in a variety of different ways, so understanding homelessness as a single concept is impossible. as such, homelessness takes on a variety of meanings: an individual who lacks housing, someone whose primary residence during the night is a shelter, a resident in transitional housing, an individual who lives on the street, a person who is doubled up (meaning forced to stay with a series of friends or family members), or a previously homeless person being released from prison or the hospital without stable housing, to name a few (national health care for the homeless council, n.d.). both the national alliance to end homelessness (naeh) and the u.s. department of housing and urban development (usdhud) report that homelessness is decreasing (henry, cortes, shivji, & buck, ; witte, ). the usdhud reported that the opening doors: federal strategic plan to prevent and end homelessness has helped decrease homelessness by % since its implementation in (henry et al., ). the report stated that the number of people experiencing chronic homelessness has decreased by %, the number of homeless veterans has decreased by %, and the number of people in homeless families has decreased by %. according to the naeh and the national health care for the homeless council (nhchc), one of the keys to ending homelessness has to do with economics (national health care for the homeless council, ; witte, ). economic factors, which include housing costs, health care, unemployment, average income, and foreclosure activity, play a part in determining access to housing. additionally, the naeh reports that demographics also play an important role in homelessness (witte, ). this report specifically noted that people living in doubled up situations, those discharged from prison, young adults leaving foster care, and people without health insurance are at increased risk of homelessness. while many of these governmental agencies talk about homelessness as a whole, there is limited or outdated research on race and homelessness. current statistics related to race and homelessness in a report published by the substance abuse and mental health services administration (samhsa), gender, age, race, and ethnicity are important factors to consider when dealing with homelessness; however, much of these data were drawn from reports in the mid- s. samhsa reported that % of sheltered individuals over the course of a year were male, . % were over the age of , and . % identified as non- white. mental illness and substance abuse also played a role in those being sheltered with . % having a severe mental illness, and . % having chronic substance use issues. furthermore, those experiencing chronic or long-term homelessness were middle-aged males with . % being african american and . % being latino/a. the data also indicated that african americans made up more than % of families residing in shelters or transitional housing programs. rates of homelessness were higher for veterans who identified as african american, native american, and hispanic/latino. a march policy brief by the institute for children, poverty & homelessness (icph) reported the harsh realities faced by black americans that led to homelessness. nearly % of black families lived in poverty, which is three times the rate of white families at . %. in , persons in black families stayed in homeless shelters at a rate of seven times higher than those in white families. as the icph ( ) pointed out, interrelated social and structural factors led to this overrepresentation of black people in homeless shelters. the icph ( ) brief specifically illustrated the issues of economics and demographics that naeh and nhchc addressed. black males tended to have lower educational attainment that led to fewer opportunities for gaining job employment in better compensated sectors. in , black males with an associate’s degree experienced higher unemployment than white males with only a high school diploma. finally, black males with college degrees earned % less on average than white male workers (icph, ). the employment and earnings disparity impedes black americans’ attempts to move beyond poverty. the accumulative effects are also apparent. living at or near poverty levels impacts the ability to accrue financial assets, which can help cover health care, unexpected expenses, or job loss. as ralph da costa núñez, professor of international and public affairs and president of homes for the homeless stated on citylimits.org, homelessness is a racial issue and one that is not being discussed ( ). he explained that although government- sanctioned racial discrimination is a thing of the past, the overrepresentation of black people in or near the poverty level and in homeless shelters highlights the fact that black people continue to face prejudice and barriers to basic necessities that are not experienced by white people. overview of the research problem statement traditional research on microaggressions focuses primarily on interpersonal interactions (gildersleeve, croom, & vasquex, ; nadal, wong, griffin, & srikin, ; pérez huber & cueva, ; smith, hung, & franklin, ; smith, yosso, & solórzano, ; solórzano, ceja, & yosso, ). microaggressions do not just present a variety of problems to the individual, but i argue to society as a whole because they serve to normalize stereotypes and faulty assumptions about marginalized groups. as such, i sought to explore how microaggressions could be found in online, mediated sources, specifically online newspapers, their images, and their comments. because mediated depictions of homeless people present a form of storytelling that serves to influence our understanding of homelessness, news articles regarding homelessness are an important source of information. news regarding homelessness is perceived by many as presenting an objective portrayal of the realities of homelessness. the news has the potential to shed light on this issue by providing us a background, discussing problems, and presenting individual and societal solutions to this ongoing social issue (reynalds, ). however, as research shows, the media presents a deficit model of homeless individuals, rather than examining the societal mechanisms or acts of prejudice that perpetuate racial and class inequalities (campbell & reeves, ; min, ; power, ). compounding the problem of the presentation of the deficit model of race and homelessness, media that was once locally driven is now accessible on a global level courtesy of the internet. not only do we have access to our local news, but we can more easily access national and international newspapers, as well as specialty newspapers that align with our personal ideologies. this ability to access news globally presents issues because viewers are repeatedly presented with the same types of articles on race and homelessness that potentially help solidify a narrative pointing to individual problems, rather than social issues. in addition, many of these online news sources allow for comments and discussions associated with the published article. statement of purpose and research questions the purpose of this research is to examine how online publications and their comments serve to reinforce hegemony and master narratives through the use of online microaggressions. this research seeks to explore online news articles, photos, and comments to discover the subtle ways language and images are used when addressing the intersection of race and homelessness. in addition, this study is concerned with how these textual and visual microaggressions are affecting society through their subtle creation and maintenance of master narratives as the stories permeate through the internet. to shed light on the problem, the research questions are: . how and in what ways are writers and commenters employing microaggressions within online news stories? . how does the use of microaggressions within the article and/or the comments alter the narrative being produced by the story? . how does the use and proliferation of online microaggressions reinforce master narratives? research approach this qualitative interpretive study examined the digital narratives created for three homeless men who each had an incident in their lives captured and shared online, subsequently resulting in viral stories. in this study, i utilized narrative analysis as my method to analyze and bring meaning to the stories being created and told about a particular population. narrative inquiry done through analysis of online newspaper articles was the method used to identify microaggressions and illuminate how their use creates or maintains master narratives. the documents included the articles, images, videos, and comments found in three online news sources. the information obtained from these textual, visual, and audio documents subsequently informed the basis for the overall findings of this study. as noted by the interdisciplinary group of scholars claire hewson, diana laurent, and carl vogel ( ) and social work scholars dorothy van soest, robert canon, and darlene grant ( ), communication via the internet may result in more candor and less adherence to socially desirable norms. additionally, psychologists craig murray and judith sixsmith ( ) found that computer-mediated communication through online documents provided access to emerging conversations allowing for a more holistic picture of the communication around a topic. the researcher as a middle-class white woman, there seems to be a disconnect between my life and the study of race and homelessness. however, i cannot help but wonder how my own beliefs, experiences, actions, or inactions both shape and are shaped by society. could my own beliefs and actions somehow factor in to how society treats marginalized individuals? in what ways do i perpetuate the hegemonic order and white privilege? for the majority of my life i have grown up in predominantly white communities with very small or inconspicuous homeless populations. in some ways that was good. because there were so few minority members where i grew up, it was seen as positive to befriend them. i recognize now that the small population of minorities was not deemed a threat to the white population, therefore interaction with the few female students of color was not a big concern. additionally, rarely seeing individuals panhandling or gathered around shelters at meal times, made me believe that i lived in a community where people worked hard and succeeded. yet, as i reflect back, i recognize many ways that white dominant ideologies influenced my upbringing. although i had friends of differing races and ethnicities, they were often subtly or not so subtly belittled in ways that included referring to them as my “little black friend” or the “indian girl down the street,” by sharing stories of how their family members were in trouble, or pointing out their lower income status. with the exception of one situation, i do not recall these same things being said about my white friends. these words and actions shaped my ideologies and, for many years, i often associated race with lower incomes and bad behaviors. it was not until i moved to salt lake city that i had any real awareness of homeless populations. i was surprised that the vast majority of homeless people i saw were white men. living here was the first time i regularly experienced people sleeping in parks, lined up to get meals through some of the church outreach programs, or seeking contributions of clothing, food, or money. walking through the city and seeing these individuals both scared and saddened me as i did not, and still do not, know how to help. what has affected me most are the family members and acquaintances who openly disparage or denigrate anyone who is not like them. hearing people that i know shout things in public like “get a job” to an elderly homeless man, continue to use the “n” word when referring to black people, or support policies specifically designed to perpetuate the marginalization of certain populations is what truly motivated me. in my attempts to engage some of these individuals (most of whom are older), i have rarely had anyone open to listening to a differing opinion, let alone have a discussion. while i may not be able to help open the minds of some, i hope that this research will inform my teaching to help my students think and act critically so that they might make a difference. my impetus for this study came from two courses taken during my doctoral program. the first was a course on media and society where i first became aware of the image of a shoeless man (jeffrey hillman) and police officer (lawrence deprimo). during this course, i wrote about this viral image and its relationship with surveillance and control, linking the viral image with directions on how we should behave (deprimo) and what happens when we do not (hillman). because hillman did not do what was expected of him, he was surveilled, and to some extent punished, through the unflattering stories that were told about him. while this still resonates with me, i could not help thinking i was somehow missing something. in a subsequent class on critical race theory, i learned about microaggressions. although the focus of microaggressions was always on the individual, i wondered if they had a larger impact than just at the individual level. i began to revisit the content on the shoeless man, looking at the articles and the comments that were present. i reflected back on it, wondering what it was about this image that caused it first to go viral and second what was the need to continue reporting on hillman following the initial “feel-good” story. what i began to notice was the limited amount of overt racism and classism present, but more subtle ways that the articles and commenters were invoking stereotypes. articles went from using words like “shoeless” and “homeless” to “hobo” and “bum.” issues of substance abuse and mental illness were later linked to hillman through articles and comments, although there was no evidence of this. a digital narrative was being created by the authors and the commenters that seemed to be reminiscent of familiar racial stereotypes, although the egregious language from the past was not being used. the story captured my attention and led me to two other viral stories of homeless black males. through these stories, i was seeing similar digital narratives being created through subtle stereotypes and storytelling methods. i began to ask myself if the use of microaggressive language was moving beyond interpersonal communication and becoming imbedded in our general communicative language and what the ramifications of that process would be. rationale and significance the rationale for this study emanates from my desire to expand the research on microaggressions beyond the experiences of the victim(s) to also include the actions of the perpetrator(s), to provide an opportunity to explore the societal impacts of these actions. currently, research on microaggressions focuses on the victim, not the perpetrator. as clark, spanierman, reed, soble, and cabana ( ) pointed out, microaggression research addresses the target, forcing them to substantiate the racist or oppressive action. however, in our current “color-blind” society, perpetuators or nontargets suggest victims are just oversensitive or making everything about race (bonilla-silva, ). by studying online expressions of microaggressions, we can document them and explore their use and pervasiveness, which allows us to study the greater societal effects they cause. as sociologist jessie daniels ( ) has explained, research on internet racism is sorely undertheorized. additionally, media and communication scholars lisa nakamura and peter chow-white ( ) have noted our digital communication is not only altering understandings of race, but creating new types of racial inequalities. this project is two- fold. first, it will build on the research of clark et al. ( ) and steinfeldt et al. ( ) to help fill a gap in the current literature on how discursive language is used on the internet. second, it will build on the growing research of microaggressions in a previously unstudied area of the intersection of race and homelessness. this will illustrate how pervasive microaggressions are and how their manifestation online serves to reinforce powerful master narratives reinforcing stereotypical depictions of race and homelessness. key terms this section includes definitions of important terms that are used throughout the study. article – the journalistic piece written for an online media outlet. black – for the purpose of this paper, i use the word black rather than african american as it is a term which refers to skin color. the term african american relates to those individuals of the diaspora that were oppressed, enslaved, or who are decedents of those individuals. not all black people in the united states are of african descent and others, who do not know their history, prefer other terminology. black is a more encompassing term as it is inclusive of multiracial individuals and those with similar heritage worldwide. i use the term black as an adjective rather than a noun. using color as a noun dehumanizes people by reducing them to a species or an inanimate color. i do this for the term white as well. commenter – the person who responds in the comment section following an online article. a commenter may post one or multiple comments. in this particular study, on several occasions a commenter posts in multiple articles of the same subject or across case articles. color-blind – rather than valuing differences, this is a disregard of racial characteristics proposed by white people suggesting that racism is a concept of the past. this idea erases the experiences and backgrounds of individuals of varying races and ethnicities. digital narrative – the convergence of storytelling media found online that allows for individuals to create narratives about individuals, organizations, or events. this primarily happens when the actual subject(s) are not provided their own voice in the online medium, allowing for others to tell their story and define their lives. hegemony – a concept developed by antonio gramsci where the ruling class can manipulate the value systems and beliefs of a society so that their view becomes the world view. a dominant and oppressive culture sets the standards for minority culture. homeless – a homeless person is an individual without permanent housing who may live on the streets; stay in a shelter, mission, single room occupancy facilities, abandoned building, or vehicle; or in any other unstable or nonpermanent situation. it can also include those who have a residence but choose or are forced into an alternative living arrangement for a number of reasons. this is just one among many definitions of homeless. i also use the term homeless as an adjective, rather than a noun for the purpose of humanizing those who are already experiencing dehumanizing conditions and situations. intersectionality – a concept developed by kimberlé crenshaw to understand how aspects of our social and biological identities overlap and interact with each other and how they lead to domination, oppression, or discrimination. master narrative – a concept developed by jean-françois lyotard described as the colonially derived story of events, typically emphasizing european perspectives. microaggressions – “microaggressions are the everyday verbal, nonverbal, and environmental slights, snubs, or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative messages to target persons based solely upon their marginalized group membership” (sue, , p. ). microaggressions are comprised of: (a) microassaults – overt biased beliefs or attitudes directed at a marginalized individual or group, (b) microinsults – unintentional or covert interactions or environmental cues that communicate demeaning messages about a marginalized individual or group, and (c) microinvalidations – color-blind comments or post racial beliefs suggesting that minority groups do not have different experiences based on their marginalized status. narrative – unlike a story, a narrative is open-ended. a narrative is a system of stories told over time. postracial – the belief that a society that once had a history of racial prejudice and discrimination no longer practices racial prejudice and discrimination. race – a socially constructed classification system whereby groups of people are identified as distinct from others based on supposed physical or biological traits shared by that group. this includes the physical manifestation of skin color, hair type and color, face shape, and other visible characteristics. racism – the belief that there are inherent differences among racial groups that determine individual achievements. it is often the belief that one’s own race is superior and has the right to dominate those of other races, which often leads to hatred or intolerance of other races. story – an account of an event that relates the who, when, where, and how. it has a beginning, middle, and end. an article, the images, and comments come together to tell a story. viral images/stories/videos – online objects that become well known outside their contexts through the process of internet sharing. virality is determined by the speed of shares, volume of shares, and longevity online. organization of the study chapter of this study provides background information, the problem, purpose, research approach, information about the researcher, rationale and significance, and a definition of key terms relevant to this study. chapter includes the theoretical framework. chapter is a review of the literature to contextualize the study. chapter provides a description of the methodology, including an overview of narrative analysis, the process of selecting and gathering data, and a description of each individual case. chapter is my first analysis chapter focusing on ted williams, the homeless man with the golden voice. chapter focuses on my second case study of jeffrey hillman, the shoeless man given boots by a police officer. chapter is the final analysis chapter that focuses on billy ray harris, the homeless man who returned a very valuable ring to its owner. chapter will provide a conclusion and recommendations. chapter theoretical framework “racism didn't magically go away just because we refuse to talk about it. rather, overt racial language is replaced by covert racial euphemisms that reference the same phenomena—talk of “niggers” and “ghettos” becomes replaced by phrases such as “urban,” “welfare mothers,” and “street crime.” everyone knows what these terms mean, and if they don't, they quickly figure it out.” —patricia hill collins, on intellectual activism, in this study, i employ a narrative analysis grounded in critical race theory (crt) and pierre bourdieu’s theory of power and practice. the study explores how the trajectory of three homeless black males, who went from obscurity to temporary celebrity through viral media, are digitally constructed through a series of online news articles, visual imagery, and audience comments. while traditionally crt and its narrative approaches “present stories about discrimination from the perspective of people of color” (creswell, , p. ), in an effort to expand the research of microaggressions and racism, i interrogate how digital narratives are constructed through online discourse. specifically, i sought out instances of online microaggressions to see how or in what ways they are invoked, as well as how they are often used to shape a story, thus affecting our cultural and societal master narratives. as my research focuses on the intersections of race and homelessness and embedded systems of power, issues of race, class, and power are a central focus to this project. to provide a framework for this study, i first offer a description of crt and its basic tenets, delving specifically into the social construction of race, postracial color-blindness, and stereotyping through microaggressions. next, i overview pierre bourdieu’s theory of power and practice. finally, i show the interrelationship of these two frameworks. theoretical frameworks critical race theory the reality of ending racism is a remote prospect and is embedded psychologically in the layers and system of the american society (bell, ). human rights scholars and activists have taken keen interest in critically studying and transforming the relationship between race, racism, and power through the framework of crt (gildersleeve, croom, & vasquez, ; matsuda, lawrence iii, delgado, & crenshaw, ; smith et al., ; yosso, ;). the framework is rooted in the principles of legal studies in the s. according to legal scholars mari matsuda, charles lawrence iii, richard delgado, and kim crenshaw ( ), crt was conceived in the s following the stalling of the civil rights movement of the s and the reversal of gains made during that time. scholars, teachers, students, and activists recognized “that dominant conceptions of race, racism, and equality were increasingly incapable of proving any meaningful quantum of racial justice” (matsuda et al. , p. ). additionally, in the s, during the reagan administration, as many republicans were tapped to serve, most of the federal judges appointed were conservative, leaving their liberal colleagues teaching in law schools (russell, ). many of those who remained in law schools recognized that the law was biased and worked together to form critical legal studies (cls). crt is a spinoff of cls, but with a focus on race and racism, rather than the traditional cls focus on gender, class, and economic structure (crenshaw, gotanda, peller, & thomas, ). however, when we consider the concept of “critical” in crt, we need to look back further as there had been substantial treatment of the concepts of race, racism, and systems of oppression more than a century prior to cls. as early as the s in europe, enslaved africans began to speak out and challenge notions of racism. anton wilhelm amo, the first intellectual of african descent to earn a doctorate in germany, wrote about the rights of black people in europe (abraham, ). quobna ottobah cugoano, later baptized as john stuart, was a ghanaian who was kidnapped and forced into slavery in grenada and later taken to england in the mid- s. while there he became an influential abolitionist. in the late s, he published a piece on the evils of slave trade and the commerce of humans (cugoano, ). throughout american history, there have been many writers, orators, and activists challenging the status of black people in the united states. in , abolitionist david walker wrote walker’s appeal, one of the earliest black protests against slavery and racism. drawing upon biblical text, walker compared slavery in the united states to the israelites, helots, and roman slaves, as he questioned the enlightenment of christian americans. through this appeal, he hoped to encourage readers to fight their oppression and for white people to realize how slavery was both a moral and religious failure. inspired by david walker, maria stewart’s work focused on religion, sexism, racism, and slavery. in , her first essay focusing on religion and morality was published as a pamphlet. by , she gave her first public address, making her potentially the first american-born female public lecturer (richardson, ). in the s, fredrick douglass began his work on the injustices experienced by black people by first focusing on abolition and later attacking jim crow and lynching. as a writer and orator, he indicted slavery and racism, while providing hope for his people. in one of his most well-known and ironic speeches, “what to the slave is the fourth of july,” douglass ( ) reminded abolitionists that the fourth of july is a celebration for white americans, but a day of mourning for slaves because of the unfulfilled promises of equality for all as written in the declaration of independence. douglass was a voice of social justice during this era. one of the key early philosophers essential to the development of critical race theory is w.e.b. du bois. as noted by ethnic studies professor reiland rabaka ( ), du bois’ collection of work utilized a wide range of theoretical perspectives from varying disciplines. additionally, his work centered racism, sexism, and colonialism in critical theories, where most other critical scholars merely mention these concepts in passing (rabaka, ). as such, du bois’ work has been essential to the creation of critical race theory. there were many other advocates of social justice issues for black individuals, who not only voiced and penned on freedom issues, but on the complex issues relating to the barriers of oppression. just like the earliest abolitionists, orators, and writers, crt focuses on the marginalized individual or population central to the analysis. according to matsuda et al. ( ), crt “is grounded in the particulars of a social reality that is defined by our experiences and the collective historical experiences of our communities of origin” ( , p. ). in addition to lending its voice in numerous ways within academic arenas, crt encourages scholars to push for equality and social justice for racial and ethnic minorities (gildersleeve et al., ). scholars such as derrick bell, kimberley crenshaw, richard delgado, gloria ladson-billings, mari mastuda, and daniel solórzano have developed six interrelated tenets that shape crt (yosso, ). first, crt asserts that racism is central in american life and it is endemic. for individuals of color, racism becomes a routine occurrence within their daily experience. crt scholars are less focused on how discrimination can be eliminated, but rather how the dominant interests and values utilize racial subordination to maintain the status quo (matsuda et al., ). second, crt challenges the traditional, dominant claims of race neutrality, color-blindness, and equal opportunity as being a camouflage for the self- interests of the dominant group. because of this, racism is infrequently challenged by those in the dominant population. the third tenet is that crt scholars view race as a social construction. they suggest that current inequalities and social “practices are linked to earlier periods in which the intent and cultural meaning of such practices were clear” (matsuda et al., , p. ). fourth, crt is committed to social justice and the elimination of racism as part of the broader goal of eliminating all forms of oppression. crt scholars recognize that aspects of our identity intersect, resulting in multiple forms of subordination. fifth, crt recognizes that the experiential knowledge of people of color is appropriate, legitimate, and necessary to understanding the law and the lived experiences of people of color. because of what patricia hill collins ( ) identified as positionality, individuals and populations of color approach issues as an outsider looking by “our” the authors are speaking about their own experiences as individuals of color. in. through their own experiences via methods such as storytelling, individuals of color share what happens to them through their vantage point of observing how they are treated by those in the dominant class. finally, crt uses interdisciplinary methods of analyzing race and racism. thus, by incorporating a variety of theories and methods, or various aspects of theories and methods, crt can examine issues of racial injustice in various ways that most effectively allow the marginalized voice/experience to be heard and critically understood. cumulatively, crt seeks to deconstruct and destabilize the many forms of racism and racialized oppression constructed by the dominant white culture (gildersleeve et al., ; ladson-billings, ). in summary, crt research foregrounds race and racism in all aspects of research, examines white privilege and institutionalized racism from a structural perspective, and challenges traditional methods in order to offer transformative solutions to the interrelated problems associated with race, gender, and class subordination caused by our social and institutional structures (cresswell, ). some of the structural components of crt include the social construction of race (crenshaw, gotanda, peller, & thomas, ; lewis, ; omi & winant, ), color-blindness (bonilla-silva, , ), and microaggressions (pierce, ; solórzano, ; sue, ). given their importance as analytical tools of crt, the following sections provide further detail on these concepts. social construction of race and racism historically, both social and biological scientists portrayed race as if it were a biological fact that rendered certain groups genetically inferior to others (bonilla-silva, ; myers, ). although there is no such thing as “black” or “white” genes or blood, for some these notions are still tempting ways to explain racial difference (myers, ). many scholars and philosophers suggest that the contemporary roots of race and racism stem from the enlightenment (see eze, ; goldberg, ; mosse, ). the enlightenment was marked by creating order and classifications. the thinkers of the time (hume, voltaire, jefferson, etc.) explored the ideas of innate differences between groups, developing kernels of ideas that evolved into the th century’s focus and concern with racial difference. today, most scientists agree that race is a social construction, although sociologist eduardo bonilla-silva explained that there are some social scientists who conceive of race as being biological or primordial ( ). sociologists michael omi and howard winant ( ) recognize that race is not fixed because throughout american history racial categorization depended upon political context. both omi and winant ( ) and bonilla-silva ( ) have demonstrated that racial boundaries have continued to change over time both advantaging and disadvantaging individuals depending on how they are racially classified at any given time. the concepts presented from aristotle through many of the enlightenment philosophers have been conflated over time creating racial classification systems that have led to the notion of essentialism. as molecular anthropologist jonathan marks ( ) explained, what we identify as race is a compilation of genetic traits that include such things as skin, eye and hair color, hair texture, and facial features. we then use these visual cues to organize people into racial groups. these visual cues provide clues about who someone is and through these clues we guide our behavior (bourdieu, ; lewis, ; omi & winant, ). our behaviors based on these visual cues often lead to essentialism, the idea that particular groups of marginalized people have specific core qualities that are inherent and unalterable. for many in marginalized positions this results in racism, classism, sexism, or other forms of cultural imperialism. it is through social collaboration that we create meaning within and between these categories, frequently crafting boundaries to determine in and out groups based solely on difference. according to african american studies scholar, amanda lewis, “race is about who we are, what we do, how we interact. it shapes where we live, whom we interact with, how we understand ourselves and others. but it does so in specific ways based on our social and historical location” ( , p. ). the notion of social construction suggests that racial categories are human creations and are subject to change (bonilla-silva, ; myers, ). however, bonilla-silva ( ) stated that there are multiple approaches that social scientists take in understanding the social construction perspective. first, some researchers suggest that since race is socially constructed it is no longer a fundamental category of analysis and praxis. second, researchers simply give lip-service to the notion of social construction, but fail to acknowledge or focus on the social dynamics producing racial differences. third, social categories, such as race, class, and gender are recognized as constructed, but there also is a recognition that they have a social reality that produces real effects on those within that category. i show it also produces effects on those outside of that category. bonilla-silva noted that the concept of social construction suggests instability, yet there is a quality of “changing same” at its core ( , p. ). this suggests that although there is this notion of change, it is only the façade that is changing, and this results in similar types of disadvantage and oppression for those in marginalized groups. even with the notion of race as socially constructed, these racially differentiated groups were still being used to show the dominance of one group over another (banks, ). civil rights activist audre lorde wrote that racism is “the belief in the inherent superiority of one race over all others and thereby the right to dominance” ( , p. ). according to race scholars joe feagin, hernan vera, and nikitah imani ( ), racism “encompasses subtle and overt discriminatory practices, their institutional contexts, and the attitudes and ideologies that shape or racialize them” (p. ). according to bonilla- silva ( ), racism is based on social systems, where individuals are racially classified, putting them in categories producing inequitable hierarchies that favor dominant races over all others. the hierarchies reward individuals based along racial lines and produce ideologies that lead to racial conflict (bonilla-silva, ). sociologist kristen myers ( ) agreed with bonilla-silva, noting that racism is a systematic means that restricts and denies access and opportunities based on racial classification. there are multiple definitions of racism, but as education scholars daniel solórzano and tara yosso ( ) noted, there are three important factors that tend to be embedded when you begin to look at definitions of racism: a) one group deems themselves as superior, b) the superior group has the power to enact racist behavior, and c) racist acts benefit the dominant group while negatively impacting other subordinate groups. essentially, racism is about “institutional power” (solórzano & yosso, , p. ). from racism to postracial the concepts of color-blindness and a postracial society imply that our social and political life is now race-neutral and americans no longer tolerate practices of overt racial discrimination and prejudice. color-blind racism, as defined by bonilla-silva ( ), is a racial ideology that expresses itself in seemingly nonracial terms. color-blind racism is a form of new racism that emerged following the civil rights movement (bonilla-silva, ; fiske, ). this type of racism allows white people to understand and talk about the social world as if race is no longer a factor. this notion is appealing as it suggests equality for all, but it also suggests that the usa’s contentious history of racial inequality and racism is downplayed or forgotten. while this is appealing for white individuals, people of color have experienced a history of marginalization, discrimination, violence, and murder. american society expects individuals of color to become race-neutral by forgetting their past and investing in this new color-blind society. if they choose to do this, the expectation is that they must leave the past in the past in order to move forward, effectively erasing a history of overt racist acts while embracing a present and future filled with covert strategies leading to the same type of segregation and discrimination. legal, cultural, and physical boundaries marked all those who had dark skin or were considered “non-white” against the civilized white people. so even as slavery ended, these demarcations left these individuals with enormous disadvantages compared to their white counterparts. over the course of history, black individuals faced systematic emotionally and physically degrading treatment (feagin & mckinney, ). while much of the overt racism associated with slavery, jim crow, and the civil rights movement is much less visible, newer forms of racism and racial segregation are developing, creating the appearance of a postracial society. as bonilla-silva ( ) explained, today in the united states few white people claim to be racist and many claim to be color-blind, judging people on their character, not the color of their skin. unlike the racism of the jim crow era, “color-blind racism ‘otherizes’ softly” ( , p. ). color-blindness is becoming a naturalized form of racism as it is not recognized as racism by the perpetuators. because of the belief that we are now beyond race, when an issue of race is brought to white people’s attention they deny their intention to offend, accuse the person of misunderstanding, or believe the person is being oversensitive, thus insisting minority members are the ones maintaining the racial divide (bonilla-silva, ; sue et al., ). bonilla-silva ( ) argued that color-blind racism, which has become the central racial ideology of the post-civil rights era, developed a particular style made of up five components. the first is simply the avoidance of racist language. today certain racial slang is hardly used in public through our everyday language. when it is used, it sets off a heated and mediated topic normally resulting in public shaming. the problem with this is that our avoidance of and immediate chastising of those who use it serves to shut down dialogue about race, effectively preventing society from having an open conversation about the prevalence of race in our nation. a second component is the use of rhetorical strategies to safely express racial views. semantic moves or positioning statements allow the individual making the comment to save face with the use of disclaimers. a third component of color-blind racism focuses on projection. in this particular situation, white i am by no means suggesting name calling, open hostility, and outright violence against minorities no longer exist. individuals tend to refocus the blame onto the minority. the use of diminutives is a fourth way for white individuals to soften racial blows. for instance, saying “affirmative action is a little concerning to me” suggests opposing certain issues, while cushioning an individual’s racial views. finally, bonilla-silva described the concept of incoherence when faced with uncomfortable racial discussions. this suggests that grammatical mistakes, long pauses, stammers, and repetition become very prevalent when individuals are discussing sensitive topics. the color-blind ideology is used to maintain white dominant ideologies through subtle, nonracial institutionalized practices (bonilla-silva, ). the move from overt racism to anything perceived as racist left little space for speech about race-related matters. these techniques and strategies simply masquerade a historical and deeply engrained racial bias within our society. my work touches on a variety of concerns with the use of language as a way for the dominant culture to maintain and control power. what this color-blind ideology leads to is the use of racially coded language or “racetalk,” which is the use of rhetorical strategies to suggest racial linkages without sounding overtly racist. coded language “affords elites the opportunity and incentive to activate racial thinking without explicitly ‘playing the race card’” (valentino, hutchings, & van dijk , ; white, , p. ). in , social and political psychologists david sears and donald kinder used the term “symbolic racism” to point out how white people’s deeply rooted oppositional attitudes toward black people had more to do with abstract moral values rather than actual negative experience with them. as such, the idea of racial coding is used to provoke negative racist stereotypes. as racist terms have become taboo in public settings, a variety of other terminology with hidden meanings has taken their place in the media and everyday conversations of white people (feagin, ). “racial coding, parading as commonsense populism, associated blacks with a series of negative equivalencies that denied racial injustice while affirming the repressed, unspeakable racist unconscious of dominant white culture” (giroux, , p. ). for many, terms like thug, gangs, ghetto, slum, the poor, the economically disadvantaged, welfare recipients, violent criminals, and drug pushers have come to symbolize black people (collins, ; feagin, ). because these terms are not specific to any one group of people, anyone can use these terms to denigrate minority groups and still appear to be factual rather than prejudiced. one example of racial coding involves mainstream media linking certain stories such as those relating to crime or welfare with racial imagery, reinforcing linkages between race and violence or race and welfare (coltrane & messineo ; entman , ; entman & rojecki ; gray ; valentino, hutchings, & white, ). for myers ( ), racetalk is “any talk that demeans on the basis of race or ethnicity” (p. ). myers’ study focused on individual rather than institutional forms of racism, through the dialogue of college students in their everyday routines. this is talk that is used in sanctioned spaces, allowing for racial jokes, comments, and candid statements around like-minded people. racetalk becomes a backstage form of communication, often done by people who claim not to be racist. to some extent, myers’ work challenges some of the other notions of color-blind racism by noting that people are still invoking racial stereotypes, but only in specific spaces, thus regenerating racial stereotypes and beliefs. even without explicit reference to race, text and visual linkages can potentially activate racial thinking (gilens, , ; jamieson, ; mendelberg, , ; valentino et al., ). research suggests this strategy is frequently used by those in dominant groups to gain and support political advantage (jamieson, ; mendelberg, ; pierce, ). a prime example of this is the willie horton ad run in the election. the narrator informs the audience of the horrific details of rape and murder of a white couple by horton when he was on a two-day furlough, while simultaneously imposing a menacing picture of horton (jamieson, ). political communication scholar tali mendelberg ( ) suggested this ad worked due to its implicitness, rather than a blatant racial appeal. in her research on campaign strategy, mendelberg ( ) outlined a theoretical approach to understanding racialized campaign messages. first, white americans are torn between desire for equality and resentment of black americans for failure to live up to the american standards of individualism and hard work. second, racial priming works as certain cues evoke racial schemas in memory. third, awareness of racial content in messages would cause rejection as it would violate equality norms. finally, these appeals are effective only if they are not recognized by the audience. while this framework was directed at understanding political campaigns, it works just as well to understand aspects of everyday racial communication. while there has been substantial work on framing issues, most of that work has focused more on textual narratives or visuals that frame a message. less work has been done on subtler single words or phrases with no explicit racial content (hurwitz & peffley, ). research has addressed how the words welfare and crime have become racially coded issues in policy settings, and specifically how white people think about welfare in racial terms (gilens, ). political communication scholars tali mendelberg and john oleske ( ) found instances of coded language during town meetings. for instance, phrases like white flight, neighborhood schools, quality of education, and outsiders were employed in ways that carried substantial racial meaning in a discussion of integrating school districts. in their research, political scientists jon hurwitz and mark peffley ( ) found that introducing the word inner-city had a direct effect on political views related to crime prevention. it is not just in the area of politics and policy where racial coding is used. research by professor of education eddie comeaux ( ) on racial differences in faculty perceptions of student athletes found that faculty used coded language and distorted views of affirmative action to suggest black student athletes’ accomplishments were not entirely earned. racially coded language comes about in a variety of ways – narrative, text, images, short phrases, and words. some of the earliest examples, such as the willie horton ad, pair text and narrative in ways to drive political messages (jamieson, ). however, as the notions of color-blindness and postracial america perpetuate, coded- language becomes even less explicit. not only is it showing up in political discourse (hurwitz & peffley, ; mendelberg, , ), but research shows it is appearing in social media (boyd & marwick, ), education (comeaux, ), and online (hughey & daniels, ; loke, ). additionally, newer racially coded language does not just signify or allude to a particular racial population, such as thugs, welfare moms, or inner-city. it also utilizes certain terminology to bring into question achievements by minorities, like questioning a black female athlete’s grades or implying her success is due to affirmative action. as the study of racial microaggressions is becoming more prominent, racially coded language offers a unique venue to examine the instances and effects of microaggressions. microaggressions beginning in the late s, psychiatrist chester pierce began talking about the subtle and often automatic “put downs” of black individuals by offenders, known as microaggressions. research in the s and s used the term aversive racism (dovido & gaertner, ; pierce, carew, pierce-gonzalez, & wills, ) or modern racism (mcconahay, ) to illustrate those who sympathize on past injustices, support the principle of race equality, and view themselves as not prejudiced, but at the same time still have negative feelings and/or beliefs about minority groups. pierce ( ) referred to “offensive mechanisms” designed “to reduce, dilute, atomize, and encase” black people in their place (p. ). his later publications ( , ) explained how these “offensive mechanisms” are cumulative, based in beliefs of white superiority, and serve to perpetuate racism. throughout his research agenda, pierce has discussed or related microaggressive acts in a variety of areas, including: health ( ), children and poverty ( ), the workplace ( ) and the media ( , ). by , pierce, drawing from both racism and sexism, defined microaggressions as “subtle, innocuous, preconscious, or unconscious degradations, and putdowns, often kinetic but capable of being verbal and/or kinetic” (p. ). he explained that while these acts may seem harmless, the ongoing nature of them over an extended time period contribute to both mental and physical health issues. microaggressions are the framework for this study and they are embedded in critical race theory and can also be drawn from bourdieu’s concept of power. microaggressions take on many shapes, including nonverbal communication such as moving seats on a bus so as not to have to sit next to a person of color, oral or textual communication that promotes stereotypes or deficit thinking, and environmental assaults that include leaving students of color off a college brochure or appropriating culture for halloween costumes. according to psychologist derald wing sue ( ), “microaggressions are the everyday verbal, nonverbal, and environmental slights, snubs, or insults, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative messages to target persons based solely upon their marginalized group membership” (p. ). race, class, gender, (dis)ability, sexuality, and the intersections of these constructions, all factors beyond an individual’s control, contribute to the marginality of these individuals who are often excluded, treated unequally, and are victims of abuse and violence. in addition to being oppressed and marginalized, these groups are often the victims of intentional and unintentional microaggressions. recently, research on microaggression has gained substantially more attention, especially in the fields of education and psychology. in these areas, scholars have focused on campus racial climates (garcia, johnston, garibay, herrera, & giraldo, ; solórzano, ; solórzano, ceja, & yosso ; watkins, labarrie & appio, ). they have examined the negative and adverse effects of microaggressions on self-esteem, as well as the psychological, physiological, and emotional effects (nadal, wong, griffin, & srikin, ; smith, hung, & franklin, ). others have examined microaggressions in k- schools where teachers could not or would not use students’ given names in their classroom (kohli & solórzano, ). other research, focusing on college campuses and associated online microaggressions, examined microaggressions and racial language associated with college mascots (steinfeldt et al., ; clark et al., ), as well as online responses to racially themed campus parties (tynes & markoe, ). finally, research has been conducted on microaggressions related to racist nativism and immigration issues (buenavista, ; pérez huber, ; roy & rokas, ). education scholar daniel solórzano created a model for understanding racial microaggressions: (a) examine the types of race, class, gender, sexuality, or other factors that place one in a marginalized population; (b) look at the context of the racial microaggression or how and where the microaggressions occur; (c) examine the physical, emotional, and psychological effects of the microaggressions; and (d) consider how individuals respond to interpersonal and institutional racist acts and behaviors (as cited in pérez huber & cueva, ). this particular framework provides scholars with a tool to expose, understand, and challenge subtle forms of racism. although it was designed to study the lasting negative impacts on students, this model may be very relevant in fields outside of education in the exploration of microaggressions. categories and themes of microaggressions psychologist derald wing sue, whose research spans education, counseling, and work, has broadened the notion of microaggressions from just race to class, gender, sexuality, and religion. according to sue et al. ( ), there are three categories of microaggressions: (a) microassault, (b) microinsult, and (c) microinvalidation. these categories have been further refined into more specific themes to highlight their hidden messages (sue & capodilupo, ). table . provides a breakdown of categories and themes within the racial microaggression taxonomy. microassaults are conscious biased beliefs and attitudes which are intentionally expressed or acted out toward a marginalized individual or group. these types of beliefs and actions are often referred to as overt bigotry, racism, and sexism. within this category there is typically one theme identified as waging stereotypical attacks with the intent to hurt or harm another. examples of this include name calling, publicly displaying images like confederate flags or playmate images, telling racial, ethnic, or sexually based jokes, deliberately moving away to avoid marginalized people, or outright discrimination and harassment. these types of actions take place online as the perpetrators have a degree of anonymity allowing them to feel free to engage in this behavior or as they participate in online groups with likeminded individuals. unlike microassaults, microinsults are often unconsciously enacted by another individual. they are similar to a backhanded comment which starts out with a positive statement, but ultimately insults the individual or group. this type of microaggression communicates demeaning messages about another individual’s or group’s identity (sue, ). microinsults can include verbal comments such as: “you are a credit to your race,” or “you are sure smart for an athlete.” additionally, this type of microaggression includes such things as objectifying images of women or minorities, excluding diverse individuals from promotional materials, or using stereotypical images of marginalized individuals. all of these acts, while mostly unintentional, send a message to the marginalized group or individual that they are different or that they do not belong. within this category, themes include ascribing intelligence based on race or gender, treating an individual as a second- class citizen based on race or class status, assuming someone is criminal or lazy based on race or class status, or assuming that groups with differing communication styles or values are abnormal. these types of microinsults may manifest online through comments or images that reinforce stereotypes, such as an online newspaper headline referring to a homeless man as a hobo or bum or using a photo without context to the situation. like microinsults, microinvalidations often occur outside of conscious awareness. according to sue ( ), these types of microaggressions might be the most harmful because they “directly attack or deny the experiential realties of socially devalued groups” (p. ). microinvalidations are comments and beliefs suggesting that we are all the same and minority groups and individuals do not have different backgrounds or experiences based on their gender, race, class, or sexuality. these microinvalidations deny marginalized persons their background and experiences. individuals in majority groups often use these strategies to avoid appearing racist or to avoid engaging in discussions on race, gender, or identity (apfelbaum, sommers, & norton, ; bonilla- silva, ; sue, ). themes within this category include believing that minority members are foreigners; suggesting color-blindness; denying one’s own racism, sexism, classism or perpetuating those “isms”; or believing the myth of meritocracy. examples of this category of microinvalidation online might include news articles that silence marginalized individuals by allowing experts to speak for them, making comments that suggest the expert has more knowledge of the person’s situation than the person him/herself. the concept of visual microaggressions is a relatively new addition to research on microaggressions. visual communication scholars rick busselle and helena bilandzic ( ) explain that images serve as additional information, often containing the bulk of the narrative or serving as a symbolic representation helping the reader/viewer understand an event (p. ). we use narratives to help us make sense of the world (bruner, ; fisher, ) and images become an essential part of the narrative (hariman & lucaites, ). as visual scholar william mitchell ( ) noted, the images are either explicitly or implicitly linked to information not pictured. further, busselle and bilandzic ( ) suggested that “images not only add to or define a narrative…but also independently convey narratives” through expressions of experientiality (p. ). thus, individuals are able to draw upon the image, other text, and their own knowledge and belief to construct a story to explain what they are seeing. visual microaggressions fall within the category of environmental microaggressions, but move beyond sue’s definition. there are several common themes that occur in traditional microaggression research that might also be found in visual microaggressions: sexual/racial objectification, second-class citizenship, assumptions of inferiority, social invisibility, and traditional gender role assumptions. currently, there is limited research on visual microaggressions. education and culture scholars lindsay pérez huber and daniel solórzano’s ( ) research on the historical image of mexican banditry is the only published article. tara yosso focused on chicano/a resistance to visual microaggressions in her dissertation ( ). huber and solórzano’s ( ) research findings suggest that the mexican bandit image functions to continually misrepresent latinas/os as criminal, nonnative and threatening. they also note that dominant white ideologies are essential to the maintenance and legitimization of this type of discourse, allowing for the mexican bandit image to “pervade the public imagination of latinas/os for over years” (p. ). i define visual microaggressions as the everyday, banal, and often unintentional, visual cues presented by individuals or institutions through images, art, displays, or other visual processes that communicate and/or reinforce hostile, derogatory, or negative stereotypes and insults to a marginalized individual or group, or those cues that create a sense of exclusion. i suggest that along with huber and solórzano’s findings it is not just the image selected that often reinforces stereotypes, but also the embeddedness of stereotypes within our culture and society that influences the images we select. for instance, a photographer’s or editor’s own belief about a marginalized group or individual may result in the selection of an image that unintentionally reinforces that stereotype, rather than a more appropriate image for the situation. this type of research is key to understanding how online newspapers use their photos to continually perpetuate the stereotypes or master narratives associated with marginalized subjects. from interpersonal to societal microaggressions traditional research on microaggressions focused primarily on interpersonal interactions (gildersleeve, croom, & vasquez, ; nadal et al., ; pérez huber & cueva, ; smith, hung, man, & franklin, ; smith, yosso & solórzano, ; solórzano, ceja, & yosso, ). in fact, sue ( ) identifies four effects of interpersonal microaggressions: biological/physical effects, emotional effects, cognitive effects, and behavioral effects. however, microaggressions do not just present a variety of problems to the individual, but also to society as a whole. as such, more recent research on microaggression is beginning to examine the more embodied nature of racism in social systems. although still focusing on the area of education, garcia et al. ( ) and tynes and marko ( ) examined issues related to microaggressions and racially themed parties and clark et al. ( ) and steinfeldt et al. ( ) examined online racial microaggressions that target american indians as associated with naming and mascots of college sports teams. according to sue et al. ( ) “[r]esearchers continue to omit subtle racism and microaggressions from their research agendas, and this absence conveys the notion that covert forms of racism are not as valid or as important as racist events that can be quantified and ‘proven’” (p. ). this dissertation research will focus on online microaggressions in order to extend the work of microaggressions into the realm of online newspapers and into the field of communication, where it is seldom employed. the study of microaggressions is specifically identified as systematic everyday racism (solórzano, ; sue, ). thus, it helps illustrate that racism exists beyond the individual act and is structurally and institutionally embedded in our culture, and therefore in our communication. as such, i see it as a more holistic tool for researching institutionalized forms of discrimination. scholars who use this tool not only can explore specific acts or actions, they can also examine who perpetuates them, their effects, and/or strategies for combating them. research on microaggressions, beyond simply identifying coded texts, acknowledges the deep-seated racism within the united states. the study of microaggressions does not just focus on one particular aspect of racial injustice, such as coded language, but rather it seeks out the prevalence of these acts and the underlying causes of these behaviors. by studying microaggressions on a target population, we can see how they function to continually misrepresent certain groups. bourdieu and the dynamics of power in distinction: a social critique of the judgment of taste, philosopher, sociologist, and anthropologist pierre bourdieu ( ) explained that how we experience our society is directly related to our class orientation and our relations between these classes. bourdieu did not believe that individuals are defined by a social class membership, but rather they belong to a multidimensional social space that is shaped by the types of capital one possesses. in accordance with gramsci ( ), bourdieu ( ) suggested that society functions in ways that preserves the dominant class position by involuntarily supporting inaccessible and vague conceptions of existence stemming from civil society. as bourdieu ( ) explained, subaltern classes often have limited economic resources and therefore prioritize functionality before form. for the wealthier and dominant classes, they are able to access different forms of goods and services that convey cultural superiority that ultimately leads to the belief that they are more deserving of additional economic resources. in order to maintain their positions, those in subaltern positions often blindly follow the dominant classes rather than joining together to challenge the dominant class. this is part of the hegemonic design, where individuals fail to recognize that their behavior and the hegemonic structures, that have become comfortable and legitimate, actually function to keep them in their place. thus, structures that legitimize the dominant class are reproduced, while a stratified class system is maintained. capital in order to maintain these stratified systems, bourdieu ( ) explained that all classes are given interrelated and tangible forms of cultural, social, and symbolic capital. cultural capital is “symbolic goods, especially those regarded as the attributes of excellence” ( , p. ). he emphasized that cultural capital is what marks the difference between classes. cultural capital is ascribed based on our class orientation at birth. social capital refers to the aggregate of resources that provides an individual with credentials. this type of capital can include such things as a family name, levels and degrees of education, language, values, the type of employment position held, or even the size of personal and professional networks (bourdieu, ). these resources determine the power one has to advance his/her interest in a particular situation. finally, symbolic capital represents “the acquisition of a reputation for competence and an image of respectability and honourability…” (bourdieu, , p. ). capital can be accumulated and transferred from one area to another (navarro, ), thus becoming symbolic capital. a person who holds symbolic capital and uses his/her power against someone who holds less symbolic power in order to alter that person’s actions is said to exercise symbolic violence. just as covert forms of microaggressions can be more powerful than overt forms (solórzano, ; sue, ), symbolic violence can be just as powerful as physical violence. symbolic violence is powerful because it is unseen or unrecognized even by its victims. as such, it also allows for the possibility of more explicit forms of violence to emerge. both symbolic and physical violence can become embedded in cognition and modes of action, resulting in a legitimization of the social order (bonilla- silva, ; bourdieu, , ). habitus bourdieu’s notion of habitus is essentially the physical embodiment of cultural capital. habitus is the habits, skills, and attitudes we develop based on our life experiences. one’s habitus is defined as a system of dispositions or tendencies developed in response to conditions encountered (wacquant, ). it is not a fixed concept, but rather an interplay between past events and societal structures that shapes current practices and structures (bourdieu, ). one’s habitus both generates and regulates the practices that make up one’s social life. one’s aesthetic sensibilities are shaped by one’s habitus that determines one’s taste for cultural objects, one’s likes, and one’s preferences. bourdieu explained that one’s habitus is so engrained that it is mistaken for something that is natural rather than culturally developed. because of this, social inequality can be justified because of the mistaken belief that some people are predisposed to lead better lives, while others are not (bourdieu, ). field related to habitus is the concept of field that is the social arena where we negotiate for desirable resources. “fields are defined by the stakes which are at stake— cultural goods (lifestyle), housing, intellectual distinction (education), employment, land, power (politics), social class, prestige or whatever—and may be of differing degrees of specificity and concreteness” (jenkins, , p. ). fields are the social and institutional locations where individuals express and reproduce their dispositions. navarro ( ) explained “a field is a network, structure or set of relationships which may be intellectual, religious, educational, cultural, etc.” (p. ). within these fields, individuals use their forms of capital to express their power at any given moment. for instance, in a public setting, individuals may not express their racial beliefs due public response or fear of losing capital, but when they are online or with like-minded individuals they may freely express their beliefs. within bourdieu’s conception of power is the idea of doxa, our learned, fundamental, deep-seated and unconscious beliefs, and our values that are used to inform our actions and thoughts in various fields. doxa is the common sense behind the distinctions we make. bourdieu explained it as “an adherence to relations of order which, because they structure inseparably both the real world and the thought world, are accepted as self-evident” ( , p. ). bourdieu’s theory of power emphasizes an individual’s own background and know-how in understanding how he or she operates in the social world. individuals operate based on their habitus within the various fields they occupy, often reproducing mechanisms of social domination. the interrelationship between crt and bourdieu pierre bourdieu’s framework can easily be applied to race, just as it is for class status. many of the same ideas that bourdieu uses can also be used to help explain racial oppression. in the united states, whiteness and class status are both underexamined identity markers, yet serve as the standard by which others are judged and measured (feagin & o’brien, ). bonilla-silva ( ) identifies “white habitus” as “a racialized, uninterrupted socialization process that conditions and creates white people’s racial taste, perceptions, feelings, and emotions and their views on racial matters” (p. ). for white individuals, this white habitus serves to create a sense of belonging or group identity that is used to segregate or “otherize” non-white individuals. this habitus creates a worldview and viewpoint on what constitutes white people’s actions as normal behavior. in terms of the intersection of race and class, we have to consider the effect of one’s habitus as a factor in the way we create narratives relating to race and homelessness. because fields are where habitus operates, they become the places where individuals compete for resources, where some individuals are dominant and others oppressed based on their capital. in these spaces, individuals use their power to determine meaning and legitimacy or the rights for the rest of the populations. this includes race and class. bourdieu’s notion of fields suggested that there can also be conflict between and among fields and the areas of behavior that are not strongly established by a particular habitus (swartz, ). a field operates like a strategy game, where participants bring their capital and skills to try and conserve their position or to displace those in a dominant position (prior, ). media can serve as a field and so can comment sections. depending on who is narrating and commenting, a battle can emerge challenging positions on issues related to race and homelessness. similar to bourdieu’s concept of capital, lipsitz ( ) noted, “whiteness has a cash value: it accounts for advantages that come to individuals through profits made from housing…unequal distribution of education…insider employment networks” (p. vii). this type of racial capital has been accruing over many decades across fields. as such, those who have this racial capital gain advantages through the institution of whiteness. in comparable situations, white people have more capital than those with similar education, knowledge, and skills. this was specifically illustrated in the introductory chapter in the case of less educated white people gaining employment over black people and earning disparities between equally educated black individuals and white individuals (icph, ). for poor white individuals, their whiteness is a form of social capital allowing them unearned opportunities over people of color, resulting in them seeing themselves as superior to black people. this power creates a hegemonic hierarchy that serves white supremacist discourse in the united states. chapter summary in this chapter i provided the theoretical framework i would be utilizing for this project. first, i explained the significance of critical race theory. under the rubric of crt, i outlined how race and racism are socially constructed concepts. additionally, i explained how a shift from overt racist language to more political correctness has many individuals suggesting the united states is now a postracial society. by providing information on coded language, i illustrated that this idea of a postracial society is far from accurate. next, i covered the three main categories of microaggressions: microassaults, microinvalidations, and microinsults. as these concepts are key to my research, i provided a history and the direction i plan to take in examining microaggressions. then, i overviewed pierre bourdieu’s dynamics of power. i outlined three major concepts: capital, field, and habitus. finally, i illustrated the connections between crt and bourdieu’s work. by examining issues of race and homelessness in the various news stories and comments, these two theoretical lenses will enable me to examine how authors attempt to shape the narrative based on their own habitus. because each of the subjects is a homeless black male, there must be a central focus on race. race and class have been intrinsically linked throughout the history of the united states as illustrated in the introduction. because of this, both race and power dynamics must be considered within this analysis. the next chapter highlights the literature associated with race and homelessness. t ab le . : s ue a nd c ap od ilu po ’s t ax on om y of r ac ia l m ic ro ag gr es si on s. chapter literature review you're a black educated fool, son. these white folk have newspapers, magazines, radios, spokesmen to get their ideas across. if they want to tell the world a lie, they can tell it so well that it becomes the truth; and if i tell them you're lying, they'll tell the world even if you prove you're telling the truth. because it's the kind of lie they want to hear. —ralph ellison, invisible man, portrayals of homeless people and black people: from news to new media news is an important commodity that many americans receive on a daily basis. the american newspaper press began in with public occurrences that ended up being banned after its first issue (wilson ii & gutiérrez, ). while press coverage continued over the next years, it did not reach a vast population until the penny press was established in the s as the first “mass medium” in north america (wilson ii & gutiérrez, ). today, americans receive news through a variety of outlets including newspapers, magazines, radio, television, and the computer. however, most of these mediums deliver news in a unidirectional manner, from the news source to the consumer. with the advent of the internet and creation of newspaper websites, social networking sites, information portals, blogs, and other online methods of communication, there are more ways than ever to share and discuss the news. these new sites of news need to be examined both in the ways we have examined traditional media and in new and emerging ways that more fully encompass the range of experiences in which communication takes place. in this chapter, i examine news as narrative, explore how issues of homelessness and race have been covered by the news media, and provide an overview on minstrels and minstrel characters. because what was traditionally covered in the newspapers and on television has now found a home on the internet, i end this section with an overview of the literature relating to online othering. i do this to address how online newspaper comment sections further the stereotypes and ideologies often presented in traditional media. but the news said: mediated narratives narratives are not just a philosophical concept studied by academics, but are also becoming recognized in the field of journalism. journalist jay rosen ( ) discussed how the master narrative functions in journalism. he described the journalistic master narrative as “a part of the press that too easily eludes attention: the big story, sometimes the back story, often a fragment of a narrative, that generates all the other stories, which are smaller pieces” (para. ). he noted that although journalistic stories have a byline, to some extent the author is “‘journalism’ itself and its peculiar habits of mind” (para. ). this idea ties directly into the issue of media and journalistic frames and framing. it is possible that the function of framing is less deliberate today, and is simply reconstituted master narratives used to tell stories about the world in terms that individuals can understand. those who report and read the news tend to believe that it is an “objective” version of the world we live in. the term “objectivity” began to be used by journalists in the twentieth century to express both their impartiality and reflect the reality of the world (stephens, , p. ). this belief suggests that the news is simply facts delivered with accuracy. the news sets the agenda of what the media establishment believes the audience should notice by covering some stories and omitting others, or by determining what aspects of the story to tell. as english professor helen fulton ( ) noted, individuals are often represented as stereotyped characters in recognizable locations (pp. - ). communication scholar anne dunn ( ) pointed out that there are certain journalistic criteria that make something newsworthy: it is timely, it is perceived as having significance to people in the intended audience, it is unexpected or ironic bad news, or it is of human interest (p. ). as sociologist herbert gans ( ) posited, it is the “unknowns” that human interest stories focus on. these unknowns become newsworthy by doing or having something extraordinary done to them (dunn, ). fulton ( ) noted that there are consequences of news as narratives. she explained that the news narratives “are distinctively narratives in the sense of being shaped into stories or myths about the ‘way things are’” (p. ). one consequence is that the narrativization often presents current event news as a human-interest story. what should be a story with important information to the reader is turned into “infotainment” (p. ). another issue she addressed is the concept of individualization, which presents events as the work of individuals who are constructed as stereotyped “characters.” what this does is makes most events seem as though they “are the result of individual human agency and their impact is to be perceived mainly through individual experience” (p. ). this is frequently done unless responsibility needs to be placed on an organization. individualization is problematic because it often attributes agency to those who did not really have any agency or takes the focus off the real issue. one of the recent trends i have noticed in all news formats is that they often highlight images and/or videos that have gone viral in some form on the internet, as two of my cases illustrate. when doing this, the news has to provide very little context and the “story” is already individualized. thus, in this particular case, they make news out of something that is really not newsworthy or pass over the potential reasons that people are sharing a particular video or image, rendering the news story as noncomplex or as resolved. additionally, utilizing narrative principles in the news tends to “dumb it down.” no time is spent explaining the historical, political, or cultural factors that have gone into the situation. while this may inform the public of the current situation, it also prevents access to the complexities involved in this news event. fulton ( ) explained that this leads to misperceptions about our public leaders: that problems can be attributed to individual incompetence and if the right people were in place things would easily be solved (p. ). finally, fulton acknowledged that the narrativization works against stories that unfold over time and against understanding of long-term consequences. because the narrativized story focuses on immediate outcomes of the event(s), many stories are viewed simply as random occurrences rather than being interconnected. this either provides an impression the problem is solved or a sense that this story will inevitably be repeated (p. ). considering the convergence of all types of media (text, video, photos, blogs) in online formats, as well other forms of social media and online interactive practices, understanding the role of narratives becomes increasingly important in how narratives, especially master narratives, are created and maintained. helen fulton wrote, “in a world dominated by print and electronic media, our sense of reality is increasingly structured by narrative” ( , p. ). if this is the case, it is going to become even more devastating for marginalized groups or individuals that have digital narratives created for them. homelessness in the news news media, whether television, radio, newspapers, or online, has the potential to present stories on homelessness in a variety of ways which inform the public and frame social issues. how the media covers homelessness can influence public perception, can increase awareness, and can mobilize support to effect change (reynalds, , ). it can also limit the understanding of the issue, maintain stereotypes, and distort the public view on causes of homelessness (campbell & reeves, ; min, ; power, ). since online newspapers are a direct spinoff from traditional news outlets, understanding how homelessness has been covered by news media is essential to understanding how narratives are created and reinforced through the articles/stories told by the various narrators. research specifically focusing on media portrayals of homelessness is somewhat limited. in this research, several interrelated themes related to coverage of homeless people appear: seasonal appeals, newsworthy events, emphasizing otherness, and silencing the voices of the homeless. the next sections address each theme. seasonal and environmental appeals the coverage of homelessness is the greatest during the holiday seasons or following some type of natural disaster. in his dissertation, communication scholar insung whang ( ) noted that news programs repeatedly reported stories about homeless individuals during the winter holiday season, with the focus on religious organizations’ charitable services. whang explained that this type of extended coverage during a particular season was not effective, as seasonal giving does little to solve the immediate or long-term problems of homelessness. sociology scholars william bunis, angela yancik, and david snow ( ) did a comparison study between the new york times ( - ) and the london times ( - ) and found that coverage and sympathy for homeless people increased during holidays, namely thanksgiving and christmas, which are also celebrated during the colder seasons. they suggested that sympathy followed both temporal and cultural patterns that in part played out in the media, suggesting that this type of coverage helped individuals cope with their own consciences during the holiday. communication scholars rebecca lind and james danowski’s ( ) quantitative research on the transcripts of television and radio content from may to january found a correlation between seasonal and weather markers in conjunction with homelessness. they found when weather was mentioned with homelessness the weather was bad and terminology such as frigid, cold, and freezing was prevalent. this suggested holidays and weather may be used to increase giving during these times. political scientist todd shields’ ( ) extensive content analysis of television nightly news between and found extensive coverage between thanksgiving and christmas eve. yet rather than focusing on the homeless individuals, the focus of the stories was on the volunteers working in soup kitchens or sharing meals with homeless people at this time. additionally, shields ( ) pointed out that there was more media coverage of the difficulties of being homeless when the temperatures dropped to freezing. in a study regarding homelessness in the united kingdom, psychology scholars darrin hodgetts, andrea cullen, and alan radley ( ) examined portrayals of homeless people by the british independent television news from january to december . they found the number of news items peaked between october and december then dropped in january and february. because almost % of the stories depicted homeless people out in the cold, the authors suggested the media used rhetoric focusing on charitable appeals. similar research suggested that the emphasis on getting homeless people out of the cold had an underlying message of getting homeless people out of the way of the housed (bunis et al., ). while any coverage has the potential to raise awareness of the plight of homelessness, the research points out problems with the type of coverage in these stories. the main problems are that homelessness is a problem year-round, not seasonally or just during environmental catastrophes, and that the coverage focused less on homeless individuals and more on those who help. high-profile events another common situation leading to stories about homelessness centers on high- profile events associated with homelessness. one of the most visible stories relating to homelessness happened in late and focused on joyce brown. brown, a black homeless woman living on the streets of new york city, was the first person involuntarily committed to a psychiatric treatment facility under mayor koch’s new program that removed mentally disturbed people from the streets. the program was based on a state law mandating involuntary hospitalization of the mentally ill who were considered dangerous. brown was defended by the new york civil liberties union and ultimately released after eleven weeks because the state supreme court ruled she could not be forcibly medicated and, although she was mentally ill, she was not found to be a danger to anyone. mass communication scholars richard campbell and jimmie reeves ( ) noted, however, that in , minutes ran a follow-up story on brown after she won her case. while in this particular story she did become the protagonist and the representative of common sense, this story did nothing to help bridge the difference between the reality of homelessness and the dominant understanding of the issue. in fact, by making brown the “expert” and through editing, the minutes story reinforced the beliefs that most homeless people are crazy or homeless by their own choice, which was not an accurate representation. the media covers not just stories about individual people, but also high-profile events targeting homeless populations. shields ( ) noted that there was extensive coverage on mitch snyder in and his hunger strike to call attention to the plight of homeless people. similarly, in the media event “hands across america” garnered extensive news coverage. the problem that shields pointed out was that the stories about these events became political stories, rather than a discussion of the actual plight of homelessness, extent of homelessness, or social causes of homelessness. the stories were about the event itself or particular characters within the event. stigmatization and deviance: “the other” homeless individuals are often negatively portrayed in news media with an emphasis on mental illness, substance abuse, criminality, or poor health. as early as the s and s, popular perceptions of homeless populations exaggerated and invented traits associated with homeless individuals as a means to separate them from those who held the dominant values of the time. as kusmer ( ) described, media in the s and s focused on psychological problems painting homeless people as alcoholic, lazy deviants. academic studies between the s and s reinforced these stereotypes, even though the data presented could be interpreted quite differently (kusmer, ). kusmer ( ) also acknowledged that research challenging or providing reasoning for the standard of living remained unpublished or inaccessible. as research shows, this type of stigmatization still occurs. a dissertation by communication student bernadette mcnulty ( ) focusing on print and broadcast media between november and february identified five basic images of homeless individuals, four of which fall into the stigmatization or deviance category. the first, “institutional avoiders,” are those who shun social institutions but take charity in the form of subsistence from institutions. they are considered both victims and villains (pp. - ). next, “mentally-ill individuals” are described as those mentally ill homeless individuals who avoid relationships because of distrust of authority, fear of hospitalization, or a deluded understanding of their situation. a third category, “runaways or abandoned teens,” includes teens who run away or get pushed out. often, they are victims of abuse or violence, but they are not portrayed as innocent; rather as social deviants involved in some type of criminal behavior (p. ). finally, homeless people are portrayed as “threatening villains” who prey upon ordinary people or behave in violent ways when dealing with legal or political institutions (p. ). mcnulty explained that these journalistic approaches illustrated homeless individuals as “ungrateful victims” who overly rely on public charity. lind and danowski ( ) found that nearly % of all homeless references in their study contained an allusion to mental illness, drugs, crime, or illness. they asserted that their findings showed that homeless people tend to be extensively stigmatized by the media. in contradiction to this research, communication student james power’s ( ) dissertation suggested that news coverage of homeless individuals was less likely to present them as stigmatized. only slightly over % were coded as stigmatized. in his study, stigmatization was defined as “the discrediting of the individual based on their physical appearance, character, or membership in specific groups” (p. ). this study did not quantify the number of stories that featured the mentally or physically ill, substance abusers, or perceived criminals, although the dissertation did focus on the communication of otherness. in a content analysis of over years of coverage of homelessness by media and in journals, psychology scholars phillip buck, paul toro, and melanie ramos ( ) found that journal articles were more likely to list deviant and deficit characteristics as the causes of homelessness. they also noted that newspapers provided a more sympathetic focus on homelessness and focused more on some structural causes such as deinstitutionalization and mental health. additionally, it was noted that in the s there was positive coverage of homelessness with an emphasis on programs and services for homeless people. while newspaper coverage may be more sympathetic, the notion of deinstitutionalization and mental illness still points to “othering” of homeless populations. finally, sociology scholar rachel best ( ) challenged the research that suggests homelessness is predominantly presented as a social problem. best’s research focused on content analysis of newspaper articles. her findings suggested that homelessness rarely presented as a social problem. she found that only % include statistics about homelessness, only % referred to a structural cause of homelessness, and only % included statements suggesting not enough was being done about homelessness. as such, this research suggests that media, whether or not intentionally, blames homeless people as the cause of their own homelessness. limiting the voice of homeless individuals while prior themes focus on what is in the news, this theme focuses on what is left out – namely the voices of homeless people. even when voices of homeless individuals are heard they are often appropriated by the reporter or other officials, used to highlight a specific narrative, or tempered by images. campbell and reeves ( ) focused on how the media covered homeless people, specifically the coverage of joyce brown, as mentioned previously. their research described how brown and her story were packaged. in this case, the nightly news assisted the public in making sense out of events through the process of storytelling. this was done by featuring interviews with the well- informed and those with a “common-sense” perspective, intermixed with dehumanized discourse that either showed images and soundbites of unidentified homeless individuals or interviews with incoherent homeless individuals. the lowest level of discourse was that of joyce brown, who was made an abstraction as her words were only heard secondhand. in this way, the media was able to maintain the division between us and them, through the silencing of “the other.” insung whang and eungjun min ( ) researched stories in “mini-news magazine” segments in the network news. their research examined how coverage ultimately served to blame homeless people for their plight. one of the key ways that media does this is by marginalizing the voices of homeless people. their research found three major ways that homeless individuals were silenced. first, the voices of homeless people were semiotically stolen, becoming embedded in the narrative to give credence to what the reporter was assigned to cover. second, their voices were used to tell only of the immediate effects of the particular situation, such as how they felt about being homeless or mentally ill. finally, homeless people were made to appear as members of a group, rather than autonomous individuals. this was done by hiding identities, long shots, and voice overs. canadian scholars barbara schneider, kerry chamberlain, and darrin hodgetts ( ) found in their study of canadian newspapers, that fewer than % of the words quoted in their study were from homeless individuals. similar to that of campbell and reeves ( ), the voice of professionals was also privileged over that of homeless individuals. the voices of the professionals become the collective abstract of authority regarding the homeless issue. these actions led to the news anchor becoming the ultimate window to view the story. additionally, some research has shown that even homeless individuals do not believe they are being adequately covered. in her research on homeless people who are featured in street newspapers, scholar danièle torck ( ) found that street newspapers in both the united states and europe failed to provide a voice or platform to those who need it most. jeremy reynald ( ), founder and director of new mexico’s joy junction, wrote that homeless people considered their situations and perspectives to be inadequately covered in the media. one of the struggles noted by sociologists daniel cress and david snow ( ) and communication scholars josh greenberg, tim may, and charlene elliot ( ) was that homeless people have limited access to resources that could help them gain access to the media. ultimately, the silencing of the homeless population serves to create an “us and them relationship” between those who are homeless and the domiciled. putting the voice of the problem and solution in the caretakers’ hands absolves the ordinary population from actually having to do anything about the “homeless problem.” black people in the news black people receive more news coverage than any other racial minority (larson, ). scholar and activist bell hooks ( ) emphasized that white and male ideologies are institutionalized in the media, explaining that representations of race in the media serve to oppress and exploit all black people. in the research that has covered black people in various news formats, four themes emerged: black individuals as criminals, stories on race relations, black people and poverty, and the invisibility of black populations. deviants and criminals historically, the association of black people with crime is evident in all forms of media coverage (larson, ). as far back as news coverage of the enslaved, stories relating to crime were told in colonial newspapers more than any other story (copeland, ). in the spring of , the united states witnessed much racial unrest, resulting in the creation of the kerner commission to examine the link between racial discrimination and urban policy. the commission reported that most violence was committed by young african american men committing property crimes (jenkins, ). as journalism and communication scholars carolyn byerly and clint wilson ( ) explained, the media during this time focused its efforts on depicting young black males as deviant and violent through stories and images, creating a distorted view of american inner cities. the kerner commission pointed to the lack of diverse perspectives and diversity in the media (thornton, ) and further noted that media sensationalism and quoting officials without fact checking presented a highly-unbalanced story between what actually was happening and what was being reported (jenkins, ). the link between race and drug use in the media is also worth noting. as reported by law professor michael tonry ( ) in his research on crime and public policy, black individuals neither use nor sell drugs at higher rates than white individuals, yet their arrest, conviction, and imprisonment rates are much higher than those of white individuals. media constructions of illegal drugs, users, and sellers repeatedly point to black males as the worst offenders in all aspects of illegal drugs (boyd, ). there is limited research on news coverage of race and drugs, but what has been studied mirrors what is portrayed in other forms of media. for instance, reeves and campbell ( ) discovered that national news reports in the s treated white cocaine addicts much differently than black crack addicts. white individuals were considered offenders who needed rehabilitation and black individuals were delinquents needing jail time. drummond ( ) pointed out that the news media vastly over reported the number of black drug dealers and buyers (cf larson, ). news coverage focused on drugs and drug-related violence in inner-city neighborhoods, but spread outward leaving the white middle class vulnerable to random violence (brownstein, ). a specific variant of the story, black men as sexual threats to women, particularly white women, has preoccupied many news stories (knudson, ). this is particularly prevalent regarding black athletes (consider stories about o.j. simpson, mike tyson, jim brown, darryl strawberry, warren moon, and ray rice). this connotation of the “black brute” continues to be seen in local and national news through the language and images used (enck-wanzer, ; hardin, dodd, chance, & walsdorf, ; moorti, ). as hardin et al. ( ) pointed out, sports are one of the few areas where black individuals are often shown to be superior to white individuals. the assumptions linking black male athletes and the notion that sport leads to physical violence reinforce the stereotype of black males as brutish (enck-wanzer, ; hooks, ). as media scholar donald bogle pointed out, “the black athlete, powerful and seemingly of superhuman strength, has always been a double-sided social/political figure, both celebrated and feared because of his remarkable skills” ( , p. ). as bogle explained, the black brute or buck was a savage and violent being with a lust for white flesh. this is one of the many historic stereotypes of black males. as noted by multiple sources, the local news is fascinated with violent crimes, with stories and images showing up in newscasts, newspapers and on websites (campbell, ; campbell, leduff, & brown, ; entman & rojecki, ; gilliam, iyengar, simon, & wright, ; larson, ; martindale, ; roberts, ). however, the coverage of black individuals and white individuals differs (campbell, ). black people are more likely to appear unnamed and with mugshots, restrained or in custody of the police (campbell, ; dixon & linz, a, b; entman & rojecki, ; jamison, ); reporters and anchors make more negative comments about them (campbell, ); crime is presented as a “black problem” (gilliam et al., ); and black victims are largely ignored (dixon & linz, b; newkirk, ). several scholars have suggested the news media has developed a script that links black individuals and crime and that viewers link criminality with blackness (dixon & linz, a, b; gilliam & iyengar, ). a recent video short by brave new films ( ) compared and contrasted the television news coverage and language used between black protests and white riots. it pointed out that during black protests the media used language such as “bad guys,” “lawlessness,” “criminals,” and “thugs” while showing images of the event, which often simply showed people lining up in the street, surrounded by police and military in riot gear. yet, when the coverage was about white individuals who were tearing up a town after a sporting event the language referred to “young people danced on a flipped over car,” “fans did stupid things,” “some maybe got a little out of control,” “passionate,” “tough to lose,” while showing images of people flipping over cars, dumping porta- potties, and burning various items. additionally, the film showed how the news often does not even refer to the acts as riots, but rather “a party gone awry,” fans getting “a bit too rowdy,” an “altercation,” or a “brawl.” they also compared the differences between how the police at these types of events act and have different expectations. during black protests, the news showed officers in full riot gear standing at attention and the newscasters complained officers were doing nothing. while at a white riot, the newscasters pointed out the police are doing nothing, showing officers standing around in their uniforms “looking like they could be watching a parade” (brave new films, ). the video also explained that there was always a call for black leadership during protests, yet during events damaging college campuses, no one asked where the white parents were as their children engaged in destruction. multiple studies have pointed out that racial composition of criminal offenders presented in the media has negative outcomes on viewers. research by political science and media studies scholars mark peffley, todd shields, and bruce williams ( ) found that exposure to black male suspects in the context of a violent crime caused white people to activate their racial stereotypes. this caused a racial double standard for viewers by enlisting negative stereotypes causing viewers to see the black suspect as guiltier, deserving a harsher punishment, more likely to be a repeat offender, and being more fearful than a similarly portrayed white suspect. one study reported that for white people, the frequency of seeing black individuals as offenders was a significant variable in predicting fear of crime (escholz, ). in a study, communication scholars travis dixon and cristina azocar explained that the cognitive association of blackness and criminality explains the exposure to the one eliciting the images of the other. as such, we continue to see the portrayal of black people as criminals and deviants, directly impacting our perceptions of black individuals and reinforcing negative stereotypes such as the brute and even the coon. race relations and enlightened racism a second theme associated with black individuals in the news focuses on stories of race relations. as journalism professor carolyn martindale ( ) explained, “clearly, american journalism’s emphasis on news as events, and as controversy, helps produce a distorted picture of race relations and of american blacks” (p. ). journalism scholar churchill roberts ( ) found in his research on national news segments in and that the most frequent kinds of stories about black people focused on the civil rights movement, the tenth anniversary of martin luther king’s march on washington, the angela davis trial, and shirley chisholm as the first black woman to run for president. this suggests that while black people were seen in the news, it was primarily related to major events that shaped the nation. additionally, they were given limited participation in these stories. research on the coverage of the los angeles race riot/rebellion (caldwell, ; hunt, ; ramaprasad, ) portrayed black people as senseless criminals rather than purposeful actors demanding change, with only a small percent of the coverage discussing the causes of the event. black victimization was ignored, and those interviewed were not the people on the street, but the helicopter pilots looking down on the event (caldwell, ). the event was also blamed on individuals, not the system (caldwell, ; ramaprasad, ). media scholar kim leduff’s ( ) study on race in the media during the obama campaign and election from - illustrated the deep-seated racism still found in the united states following the election of president obama. as leduff ( ) pointed out, often local events reached national prominence because they were so ugly. for instance, town hall meetings or local discussion of health care became sites of racist discourse and actions, as did many of the conservative talk shows when discussing social programs, which many white people conflate with minority services. she also discussed the coverage of the story of black children attending a camp being ejected from a country club pool, even though prior arrangements had been made, and the story regarding dr. henry louis gates, jr. being arrested at his own home when a neighbor reported someone breaking in. within the stories that were covered, news stories failed to address class diversity by focusing only on the haves or have nots, ultimately reinforcing hegemonic realities (leduff, ). mass communication professor christopher campbell’s ( ) study of news stations covering the martin luther king, jr. holiday found the coverage reinforced the notion of enlightened racism. he suggested the use of more black journalists covering this story reflected the notion of racial assimilation. additionally, he reported that the coverage of the holiday was done in a way to imply that american racism was no longer relevant. this was done by conducting interviews of successful black individuals, referencing the attainability of american dream, juxtaposing the past violent treatment of black people with the diversity of participants in the parades and celebrations, and discussing today’s racial intolerance. although campbell noted that issues of contemporary racism were occasionally touched on, they were overshadowed by the other features in the story. the perpetuation of the american dream ideology featuring successful black individuals who do not challenge the idea that racism still exists represent the idea that racism is over. as film historian donald bogle ( ) and sociology professor david pilgrim ( ) suggest, the tom caricature is that of the socially acceptable, submissive, good negro. throughout history the tom caricature of a black male has taken on a variety of roles. it was born in antebellum america, along with the mammy caricature, in the defense of slavery (pilgrim, ). as pilgrim noted, the idea behind this was questioning how slavery could be wrong if black servants were loyal and content. the tom is often presented as dark, older, eager to serve, and nonthreatening to white individuals. as radio, movies, and television became staples of entertainment, various versions of the tom caricature were depicted (pilgrim, ). these toms became more humanized, being portrayed as cool under pressure, congenial, religious, dignified, and confident. the media tends to frame coverage of race in ways that either reinforce the black/white dichotomy or pretend race is no longer an issue in the united states by showing black individuals who have become successful, but who do not acknowledge racial injustice. by doing so, when issues of race and racism emerge it allows white individuals to put the blame on black individuals as the news media continues to perpetuate the postracial myth. thus, issues of race become an individual issue, not a societal problem. black people and poverty another prominent way that black individuals are covered by the news is in stories related to poverty. research found that when black people were presented they were shown in blue-collar jobs (roberts, ). political science and sociology professor martin gilens’ ( b) work on poverty in the american news media found that although black people made up about % of america’s poor, within the newsmagazines and major broadcast news more than % of the american poor pictured were black, more than double the estimated proportion. essentially the urban poor became the face of poverty. however, few images of black people were found in the most sympathetic groups of the poor: the elderly and the working poor. because, as he noted, the public was not at all sympathetic to working-age adults, this led to misrepresentation reinforcing the public’s exaggerated association of blackness and poverty. additional work by gilens ( ) found that imagery associated with black poverty found on network news can contribute to the stereotypes of black people as lazy and undeserving of public assistance. political science scholars rosalee clawson and rakuya trice ( ) also found that coverage of the poor between and disproportionately featured black people. they found that black individuals were overrepresented in the negative stories on poverty; specifically, black welfare recipients were pictured with large numbers of children, reinforcing the “welfare queen” stereotype. these same stereotypes continue as illustrated by political science professor bas van doorn ( ), whose content analysis of photos from to found that media coverage of black individuals was disproportionately high relating to stories on welfare and the unsympathetic poor. news media tend to conflate class and race, as journalists fail to “distinguish between race and class issues” (simmons, , p. ). because the news tends to associate their coverage of poverty with urban black people, there is a misperception that black people are overwhelmingly on welfare (entman & rojecki, ; kellstedt, ; clawson & trice, ). the reality is that more white people are poor and on welfare (entman & rojecki, ; simmons, ). research also illustrates that minorities are frequently featured in powerless roles (graves, ; van dijk, ). a study of photographs from national newspapers found black people portrayed as helpless victims and dependent on government assistance (kahle, yu, & whiteside, ). similar findings were presented by voorhees, vick, and perkins ( ) in their study of media coverage of hurricane katrina. they found that the news coverage disproportionally showed minorities as powerless victims. they noted that white people were often pictured in safe conditions, such as shelters, homes, or boats, whereas black individuals were shown on rooftops, being lifted by helicopters, packed in the superdome or looting. additionally, they found that black individuals were portrayed as needing to be organized and rescued by white people. by consistently conflating race and poverty, the media reinforces racial stereotypes that present them as lazy and shiftless. it also reinforces the notion that they are the primary beneficiaries of welfare and presents an unsympathetic and unrealistic image of black people in the united states. again, this points to individual issues rather than larger problems facing the country. as bogle ( ) and pilgrim ( ) have acknowledged, these types of beliefs led to the coon stereotype. it emerged during slavery and developed into the most blatantly degrading of all black stereotypes. the pure coons emerged as no-account niggers, those unreliable, crazy, lazy, subhuman creatures good for nothing more than eating watermelons, stealing chickens, shooting crap, or butchering the english language. (bogle, , p. ) as gilens ( ) and others have pointed out, the continued association with black people and poverty and being lazy serve to perpetuate this stereotype. through the news and other forms of media, versions of this stereotype continue to develop and perpetuate black people as lazy and needing the help of others. invisibility in , the kerner commission charged the media with being “shockingly backward” and treating black people as invisible (thornton, ). since then, multiple scholars have pointed out the continuing issue of “invisibility” of black people in the news (campbell, ; gist, ; roberts, ; rubin, ). research by johnson, sears, and mcconahay ( ) of press coverage of black people found that coverage of black people did not increase from to relative to the growth of the black population in los angeles, thereby rendering black people invisible. while the press was not perceived to be as anti-black as in the past, their focus was concerned with coverage of and stories about white people. according to linguistics scholar teun van dijk ( ), the role of news media is to construct a dominant consensus, which includes associating race with threats to the dominant value or cultures. it is also done through less media representation of minorities and less employment of minority staff (van dijk, ). in more than half of the stories featuring black individuals, there was a failure to provide them any speaking roles (roberts, ). there were also few black news correspondents, limiting the black voice even more. campbell ( ) found limited coverage of minorities and minority life in his study, noting that “underrepresentation… can contribute to a dangerous ignorance about people of color…” (p. ). additionally, research has found that in certain circumstances, white individuals are overrepresented as homicide victims and as police officers compared to actual employment records (dixon & linz, a, b; romer, jamison, & de coteau, ). the overrepresentation of white people in these situations essentializes black bodies into stereotypical roles as criminals and white people as victims. also, by not representing all aspects of the black experience and continuing to silence black individuals, viewers do not get a sense of what it means to be black in the united states. black people as entertainers or minstrels research by churchill roberts ( ) found that black people were hardly seen in entertainment roles in newscasts in the s, which has changed today. although there is limited research in this area, it is an important area that needs to be acknowledged. campbell ( ) reported that during the inauguration of president clinton, there was extensive coverage of black entertainers during the preinauguration ball. because there was so little coverage of other minorities during the event, campbell ( ) submitted this as one of the few ways minority success is portrayed. this parallels what political scientist andrew hacker ( ) suggested when he noted that white americans prefer black people to be athletes and entertainers. entman and rojecki ( ) found that black voices were typically silenced in almost all types of stories, except those of sports/entertainment, discrimination, or human interest. as noted by a report from the opportunity agenda, a social justice communication organization, all media collectively presents a distorted representation of the lives of black males ( , p. ). campbell ( ) noted that the most frequently covered stories of black individuals came during the sports reports. media coverage of sports has been a source of entertainment for americans for many years (brown, anderson, & thompson, ). while to some extent this type of coverage has turned many athletes into celebrities and presented this utopian place where minorities can be seen as equal to or even superior to white people, media coverage provides notable inequalities. (coventry, ; kahn, ; rada, , ). research has illustrated that sports announcers and media coverage of black athletes focused on ability and physicality, but discussed white athletes in terms of work ethic and intelligence (coventry, ; eastman & billings; ; mccarthy & jones, ; rada & wulfemeyer, ). additionally, research found that there have been significantly more negative statements made about black athletes’ “off-field” persona (rada & wulfemeyer, ; rainville & mccormick, ). several projects have pointed out that there is more coverage when a black athlete is accused of a crime compared to a white athlete accused of the same type of crime (brown, anderson, & thompson, ; king & springwood, ). as rada and wulfemeyer ( ) suggested, black athletes can only be seen as athletes or entertainers. once they move “off field” they face the same types of stereotypes of black individuals found in the media. this reinforces the white dominant hegemonic order by providing a venue where black individuals can seem successful, but within constraints, within their roles as entertainers. once black people move from that venue, they are immediately entrenched in stereotypical assumptions, preventing them from gaining equality with the dominant white population. this notion of black people as entertainment for white people has a deeply entrenched history in the united states, especially in the minstrel show. blackface performances date back to the mid- to late- s (wittke, ); however, it was during the s when blackface minstrelsy came to life (lott, ). minstrel shows were frequently used to define slavery as acceptable (toll, ). as lott ( ) suggested, minstrelsy was a way that americans worked through class identities. it was through these original minstrel shows that the abject othering of black people allowed white individuals to racialize and color class (lott, ). the purpose of the minstrel was entertainment for white audiences through stereotypical depictions of black people, by white individuals wearing blackface. anthony sparks ( ) explained that the minstrel show was an effort to resubordinate formerly enslaved black people. additionally, lott ( ) and roediger ( ) explained that the minstrel performance was a mechanism to contain the body of the dangerous black male. this containment and resubordination served to leverage white hegemonic power, by drawing distinctions between white and black bodies or “us” and “the other.” minstrel shows included comic skits, music, dancing, and variety acts. a key factor was the entertainment for the audience. these shows also had several stock characters with various stereotypes of black people. one caricature was that of the coon, who was typically a lazy, slow fool who wanted to avoid all forms of work. several varieties of the coon emerged. the “zip-coon” was an urban black dandy who tried to impersonate white individuals, but was ignorant in his performance. there was also the “urban coon” who engaged in gambling (authentichistory.com, np), and the tom caricature, a gentle old soul who was happy yet fearful. there was typically an adaptation of uncle tom’s cabin during the minstrel performance (pilgrim, ), where the elderly ex-slave longed to return to the plantation. additionally, there was the interlocutor, the well-dressed white man, who controlled the actions of the blackface actors. this was the role with which the audience identified (barnes, n.d.; pilgrim, ). eventually black individuals themselves began taking on these stereotypical portrayals. black minstrelsy was the first formal opportunity for black entertainers to enter american show business (watkins, ). however, black entertainers’ contributions served to reinforce racist stereotypes. toll ( , ) suggested that white curiosity of black talent was what motivated attendance at these minstrel shows along with the black performers’ persuasion that they were the experts in plantation material. due to changes in society, by the th century, interest in the minstrel shows declined (toll, ). even though the minstrel show disappeared, the stereotypes of black people remain. numerous research articles illustrate how minstrelsy continues to be recreated in american culture subtly and not so subtly through both language and visuals (see haggins, ; patton, ; sparks, ). as such, it is important to understand how minstrelsy relates to the coverage black and homeless individuals receive in news media. the emergence and study of online racism as the internet continues to grow and transform, there is still limited research on issues of race, class, and gender as compared to more traditional media. not only does the internet provide venues for traditional media formats, it also provides a plethora of new types of communication. these mediated types of communication need to be examined in new and emerging ways that more fully encompass the range of experiences in which communication takes place. while the internet and all its components are young compared to other forms of media, research on the internet does not seem to possess the same energetic dynamic that traditional media studies does. yet, just as traditional media is a form of pedagogy that teaches us, shapes us, and socializes us, so does the internet in even more comprehensive ways, making it essential to study. online othering studying issues of racism, sexism, classism, and so forth, is a large undertaking in general, but when exploring them in an online context it becomes even more difficult. not just because of the plethora of information, but also because of the lack of research in these areas. although a prime source of communication, information gathering, shopping, socializing, gaming, self-expression, community building, and more, there is very limited research on the role and effects of racism, classism, and other such issues. in the online environment. daniels ( ) suspects that because the majority of research about the internet is done by white people, who rarely acknowledge the relevance of race, they tend to adhere to the belief that the web is color-blind. when the internet was first developed, visionaries imagined this new world as a utopian space where issues of gender, race, class, and other forms of “otherness” could be transcended. in its inception and through the early years, the internet was a text-based medium where social identity was not visible, making it democratic and free from issues of race, class, gender, and so on. (hanson, ; nakamura, ). the text-based format of the internet allowed individuals to become free from their limiting bodies. eventually, the internet became more visual, allowing users in various domains to create graphic representations of their identities that could be customized. additionally, they could “try on” or appropriate identities as they moved through cyberspace, known as masquerading or identity tourism (nakamura, ). many researchers view the internet as a site that allows for identity and community formation centered on race, class, and gender (nakamura & chow-white, ; parker & song, ). as daniels ( ) pointed out: the key insight here for race and internet studies is that rather than offer an escape route out of notions of race tied to embodiment, the visual culture of the internet complicates race and racism in new ways that are still closely tied to a politics of representation with ties to colonialism. (p. ) in his article on the spectacle of the other, cultural theorist stuart hall ( ) addressed the idea of the “racialized regime of representation” and how it was developed. hall noted that representations are the basis of stereotypes that serve as “part of the maintenance of social and symbolic order” (p. ). according to daniels ( ), racism is produced and reproduced online in ways that are unique to the internet. in addition, she noted that the study of race or racism has not even become central to the field of internet studies (p. ). with the ability for individuals to easily locate news stories across the globe, for online news sites to add video and imagery to stories and allow for individuals to comment and communicate with other users, online news sources are excellent sites to begin to study. covert and overt denigrating communication online is emerging as an important area to examine. user-generated content in addition to looking at the news stories themselves, another way to study expressions of racism, classism, and sexism on the internet is through various online newspaper comment sections. research has found that the top reasons for commenting include: expressing emotions or opinions, correcting inaccuracies, adding information, balancing the discussion, educating others, sharing experience, community building, and persuading others (stroud, van duyn, alizor, alibhai, & lang, ) while there is the opportunity for community building on these sites, instead of using these venues to add one’s voice to a dialogue, many individuals use it to propagate racial or racist ideologies or other forms of intentional or unintentional oppression (daniels, ; gerstenfeld, grant, & chiang, ; glaser, dixit, & green, ; leduff & cecala, ; steinfeldt et al., ). the supposed anonymity of posting may also lead people to careless or poorly thought out responses or comments as they have nothing to lose. research has shown that public opinion condemns racist, sexist, and classist behaviors in public settings (apfelbaum, sommers, & norton, ; bonilla-silva, ; picca & feagin, ; sue, ); yet, these same expressions and behaviors are beginning to show up in various online formats (bargh & mckenna, ; melican & dixon, ; steinfeldt et. al, ). the anonymity provided by the internet allows bigoted speech and dominant ideologies to happen in a public sphere (bargh & mckenna, ; glaser et al., ; melican & dixon, ). the format of the internet serves as a vehicle for this type of communication to reach a larger audience and to be replicated by others who may share similar beliefs and ideologies. while research is showing how and why racist, sexist, and classist language appears online, very limited work examines the language itself and the type of online environment it is creating. several recent research projects have begun to explore issues of online racism through comments on forums, blogs, social networking, and newspaper sites. education psychology scholars and researchers brendesha tynes and suzanne markoe ( ) examined the relationships between responses to online racial discrimination and color-blind racial attitudes. their research suggested that white people understand these acts are wrong but often accept racist acts because they do not know how or are not comfortable talking about racism due to color-blind ideologies. this research illustrated how college students do not recognize that what they post and how they respond can be taken as racist acts. similarly, steinfeldt et al. ( ) and clark et al. ( ) studied how the attitudes and stereotypes about american indians are electronically expressed in online forums. what they found was an overwhelming number of forum commenters expressing ignorance and disdain toward american indians. those who commented posted misinformation about american indians, had overtly racist attitudes, and perpetuated stereotypes. the findings indicated that comments conveyed a sense of privilege and power by subjugating and oppressing others. psychology scholar clemence due ( ) examined the ways in which denials of racism were presented in online comments of several australian newspapers. in , a popular former comedy show in australia featured a reunion show with an episode where a group of racially diverse doctors performed a sketch in white- and blackface called the jackson jive. following the performance, guest judge harry connick, jr. scored the group zero out of points and commented that this would never be allowed in america. due ( ) specifically looked at the ways that australians denied that they were racist, specifically illustrating how the denial comments built on and reinforced construction of australian national identity and a nation free from racism. in doing so they ultimately silenced the voices of the colonized individuals who may have believed the act on i use the term american indian because that is what both steinfeldt et al. and clark et al. use in their research. television was racist. media scholar jaime loke’s ( ) research on online news readers’ comments argued that the anonymity of comments and the comment section, which is uninhibited by political correctness, provided readers a space to comment with a certain level of freedom not tolerated in public. her research question focused on the construction and articulation of race in the readers’ comments. loke’s findings indicated that racial epithets are being replaced by coded language and contemporary racist terms, culture is replacing race, and minorities are being blamed for others’ actions. loke’s work provided groundwork to begin creating a thematic overview of findings prior to delving into the more nuanced understanding of microaggressions as they appear online. research in comments sections is an emerging area that may provide new and exciting insight into the ways in which people communicate beliefs about race in public, yet anonymous venues. chapter summary the coverage of black people and homeless people in the media are routinely stereotyped and presented in deficit ways. research has shown that coverage of homeless individuals focuses primarily on seasonal appeals and newsworthy event. within the coverage of homelessness, findings indicated that when homeless individuals are present they are frequently presented through a deficit model, “othering” them as compared to the dominant or domiciled population. additionally, they are often silenced within the news with “experts” speaking about them and for them. similar types of coverage are found in relation to black people in the news. black people are frequently presented in the news as criminals or deviants. black people are also linked with stories relating to poverty and welfare. as such, there is connection between black people and homelessness in the news. when presented in a positive light, the stories frequently focus on race relations, specifically topics such as civil rights, martin luther king, jr. day, or the election of president obama. however, within these stories black subjects are often invisible. similar to coverage of homeless individuals, voices of black individuals are seldom heard. one other area of positive coverage is related to that of sports or entertainment. unfortunately, in these situations black individuals frequently take on the role of the minstrel performer. once black individuals move from the entertainment venue, stories about them become entrenched with stereotypes. along with the news coverage of black people and homelessness, this chapter also examines the literature related to online racism. it overviews research that illustrates how marginalized individuals are “othered” in online environments, including how user generated content has become an outlet for expressions of racism, classism, sexism, and so forth. because there is very little research present examining how news stories and their comments sections can promote or challenge these racists and classist content, i chose to couple the literature on race and class in news stories with research on online content to establish a base for this project. the next chapter will discuss the methodology used within this dissertation. chapter methodology since anti-racist individuals did not control mass media, the media became the primary tool that would be used and is still used to convince black viewers, and everyone else, of black inferiority. —bell hooks, salvation, master narratives, social narratives, and digital narratives one of the key aspects in understanding the embedded nature of racism is through narratives. the purpose of this multicase narrative study is to explore how online publications and their comments serve to reinforce hegemony and master narratives through the use of textual and visual microaggressions. because of this, narrative inquiry served as my approach to this study. this research uses a selection of online viral news stories, their photos and videos, and their comment sections to discover and analyze the subtle ways language and images are used when addressing the intersection of race and homelessness. essentially, this project examined how the media, along with their readership, create digital narratives for black homeless men by the way their stories are narrated by the author, by additional content, and by the audience. in addition to understanding how microaggressions manifest through online news stories, this study interrogates how those discussions serve dominant populations through their subtle creation and maintenance of master narratives as the stories permeate through the internet. in seeking to understand this phenomenon, this study addresses three research questions: (a) how and in what ways are writers and commenters employing microaggressions within online news stories? (b) how does the use of microaggressions within the story and/or the comments alter the narrative being produced by the story? (c) how does the use and proliferation of online microaggressions reinforce master narratives? in this study, i utilize narrative analysis, specifically social narratives, as my method to interrogate the stories created and told about a particular population. below i provide a literature review of aspects of narrative analysis relevant to this project, the rationale for using qualitative methods, the specific methods used to select my cases, and a discussion of the analysis process. defining narratives whose story are we really telling? master narratives and white privilege my understanding of master narratives as i use it in this project is strongly shaped by the french philosopher jean-francois lyotard. the terms “metanarrative” or “grand récit” were introduced by lyotard ( ), and are now most commonly referred to as master or dominant narratives. for lyotard, this master narrative serves as an invisible directive in which members of society unconsciously participate. i suggest the same is true for the use of microaggressions in our daily language. the master narrative is not just one overarching narrative, but rather multiple narratives that interlock and support each other (lawless, ). again, this is similar to how microaggressions work. it is not just one type or one occurrence of microaggressions that cause harm, rather various types of microaggressions work together to create an oppressive environment for individuals and groups. language is the basis for master narratives as they are based on storytelling. a narrative story is enduring as it is repeatedly told and retold by the community it affects. these master narratives serve as scripts that determine how some social processes are enacted in order to support the maintenance of dominant groups. the master narrative both explains and legitimizes knowledge (lyotard, ). it also sees connections between events as a way to make sense of history and guide us into the future. essentially, master narratives function as codes that individuals use to make sense of and to explain the world. unfortunately, many of these codes are based on stereotypes and outdated notions. mary romero and abigail j. stewart ( ) discuss the significance of stories in the creation and maintenance of social identity. master narratives are those elaborate and often stereotyped stories wherein we are taught about who does what and why, as well as what they are likely to do (romero & stewart, , p. xiv). as such, these master narratives function to both create and maintain our own social identity, specifically how we stack up in relation to others. individuals use these narratives to classify, stereotype, marginalize, and make assumptions about others based on these perceived realities. the problem with master narratives is that they represent a very narrow perspective of what it means to be latino/a, african american, white, etc. (montecinos, ). “a master narrative essentializes and wipes out the complexities and richness of a group’s cultural life…” (montecinos, , p. ). white privilege is one of the ways that master narratives relating to race are maintained. white privilege, which is often invisible, is a system of opportunities and benefits given to people based solely on the fact that they are or can pass as white (delgado & stefancic, ; mcintosh, ). as solórzano and yosso ( ) pointed out, “majoritarian” stories (or master narratives) are created by those with racial privilege, therefore making racial privilege seem “natural.” these master narratives are not just about race, but also about gender, class, and other forms of privilege. as such, a master narrative “privileges whites, men, the middle and/or upper-class, and heterosexuals by naming these social locations as natural or normative points of reference” (solórzano and yosso, , p. ). white privilege can be viewed as a type of symbolic capital, providing hierarchical distinctions between individuals and groups. the intersection of dominant identities is used as a means to further oppress and dominate. it is important to recognize that these dominant or master narratives are not just stories but rather a tool used to maintain hegemonic hierarchies. not all narratives are unique: social narratives one of the ways in which master narratives are continually supported (and challenged) are through social narratives. social narratives are the more local or regional stories. they can include tribal folklore, local legends, or social and cultural histories. these social narratives can shape or be shaped by master narratives. for instance, even though the northern colonies emancipated the enslaved, white people used a variety of laws and rules to dominate and control black people in an attempt to create a dominant white community. yet, as pointed out by melish ( ) new england not only attempted to forget it had slaves, but rewrote the region’s past identifying itself as historically free and morally superior to the black south. thus, it creates its own social narrative. while this social narrative is specific to one area, it supports a master narrative of white people as morally superior and saviors, rather than as violent colonizers. bourdieu ( ) wrote, “social order is progressively inscribed in people’s minds through ‘cultural products’ including systems of education, language, judgements, values, methods of classification and activities of everyday life” (p. ). as such, our taken-for- granted comments relating to social constructions of identity (race, class, gender, sexuality, etc.) and our own failure in challenging those taken-for-granted assumptions help to maintain these dominant social narratives. for political scientist shaul shenhav ( ) social narratives have the ability to bind people together as certain stories or versions are told and retold by individuals, groups, or institutions, which helps scholars understand why certain groups continue to bind and create affinity for members past and present. i would suggest that these narratives bind dominant groups together while continuing to marginalize other groups. the social narrative is the integration of communicative aspects of speakers, text, and audience that has proliferated over space and time (shenhav, , p. ). multiple versions of a narrative can become powerful and even establish group norms. these social narratives frequently support dominant or master narratives as story becomes more influential than the narrator. this can be especially true when examining online stories. just as the stories develop and spread, multiple versions of the narratives can develop. in terms of race, class, and gender, similar stories have been reproduced in various ways over time causing them to replicate, reinforcing master narratives through the reproduction of stereotypes. shenhav ( ) recently developed a methodological framework for examining “the impact of narratives on our lives and societies” (editor’s forward, np). shenhav’s work focuses on what he identifies as the three key elements of narrative: story (what is being told or the tale), text (the modes of communication and representation of stories), and narration (the act or process of producing a narrative). unlike other scholars, he adds a fourth element of multiplicity that is “process of repletion and variation through which narratives are reproduced at the societal sphere” (p. ). shenhav also discussed the issue of normativity and its significance in the study of narratives. while i will not go into detail on this issue, it is important to consider the relationship between stories and social reality. specifically, we need to consider the extent to which stories reflect social realities. even though stories are understood somewhere between two poles – human fictions or the capability to fully represent reality, shenhav explained the scholar may want to utilize an interactive approach that suggests stories and social reality shape and are shaped by each other. for example, this project looks at how the failure of the media to present facts on homelessness leads to the social reality that most homeless people are mentally ill or lazy. this belief is then perpetuated by those who comment. while the media is not reporting a fiction, by adding more factual information about homelessness they could more fully represent reality. this has the potential to reshape the social reality. shenhav has suggested we need to be aware of intertextuality, or how all texts somehow contain elements of other texts, whether by quotes, metaphors or references. by understanding these elements, we may better be able to account for power relations within the text. finally, shenhav addressed the issue of how marginalized groups tell their stories and how narrators are empowered. he noted there are three major types of social narratives that can be considered: dominant-story relations, competing-stories relations, and story-proximity relations. a dominant social story is a story embraced by a group whose members consider it normal or desirable. competing stories often challenge dominant stories, to try and establish hegemony. additionally, counter-narratives are those employed by marginalized groups challenging dominant beliefs by sharing their own experiences and understandings that are in contrast to the dominant narrative. proximity between stories is the degree of similarity between story versions. the levels of proximity can illustrate how the stories people embrace influence or reflect their behavior in certain instances (p. ). as creswell ( ) emphasized, there are several features of narrative studies. narrative researchers collect stories by and about people. these stories tell of experience and/or shed light on the identity of people. many different forms of data may be used to collect these stories. narrative stories are shaped into a chronology and can be analyzed in a number of ways. in narrative stories, researchers often highlight the turning points, plot twists, or tensions for emphasis. finally, narrative stories have specific contexts that are vital for the researcher when telling the story. while all these components are not required, this provides a broad base of what to consider within the narrative. online, multiple mediums are often present together allowing us to examine how their convergence creates or recreates both stories and narratives. because the concept of digital narratives is socially constructed, i rely heavily on shenhav’s concept of social narratives. the remainder of this chapter will focus on my specific subjects, data sites, and method of analysis. online social construction of others: digital narratives for this dissertation, i am particularly interested in the creation of digital narratives through the construction and sharing of stories that have multiple authors because of the addition of reader comments. unlike master and social narratives that focus on the creation of grand story, digital narratives use aspects of the master and social narrative to create stories about others and/or the groups and activities in which they are involved. often these narratives are wrought with stereotypes and are used to create an us versus them picture of a marginalized individual or group. i define digital narratives as the convergence of storytelling media found online and the comments of individuals who share their perspective as a way of adding to the story. these collections of online news articles and individual engagement with them serve to create digital narratives about individuals, groups, organizations, or events. while in some cases, the individual who the story is about may be heard, often the digital narrative becomes a story about a marginalized individual or the particular socio-cultural group to which they belong, drawing from specific cultural stereotypes and assumptions. because of the interactive nature of the internet, these digital narratives can proliferate quickly and widely, allowing those who historically would not have even heard the initial story to now be able to read, share, and contribute to it. each time the story is shared and commented upon, it contributes to the ways in which narrative is created and/or maintained. as such, these narratives become cultural productions that have the potential to enhance or challenge the dominant or master narratives. rationale those who tell the stories rule the world: qualitative narrative analysis qualitative research is a method of inquiry used for the acquisition of new knowledge. by utilizing qualitative methods, a researcher can enter the world of others at a particular point in time in order to examine social situations or interactions providing a more holistic understanding (cresswell, ; saldana, ; tracy, ). the impetus behind using qualitative methods is its focus on discovery and description with the purpose of interpreting the meaning behind what the researcher witnesses and experiences (cresswell, ; denzin & lincoln, ). qualitative research looks broadly at interconnected processes and engages in a dialectical way between the questions and the data (cresswell, ; merriam, ). one particular form of qualitative research is that of narrative inquiry or analysis. humans use narratives and stories from, by, and about participants to make sense of current and past experiences (saldana, ). humans are story makers and storytellers, and thus it is important to examine the impact these stories have on a society. “those who tell the stories rule the world” goes the proverb. storytelling has been a function of all human groups throughout the history of humankind (barthes, ). the survival of ancient stories and myths was due to the storytellers who were able to share with and between generations, as well as teach future generations the importance of continuing these stories. today, we continue to use storytelling as a way to make sense of our world (bruner, ; foss, ; gee, ; mishler, ). narrative analysis is grounded in a principle that human beings are fundamentally story-making, storytelling creatures, and narrative is our primary mode of knowing, of constructing meaning, and of navigating our day-to-day worlds (polkinghorne, ). narrative analysis refers to a family of approaches that utilizes stories as its object of investigation (riessman, ). narrative analysis is more interested in the study and interpretation of human knowledge. who cares about viral stories of homeless men? through the stories written, shared, and commented upon, a digital narrative was created for each of these homeless black men. when we look at these narratives individually, we see varying trajectories; however, when we look at these narratives collectively, we begin to see a larger master narrative relating to race and homelessness. while there are certainly a variety of news stories relating to race and homelessness, these particular stories were selected for several reasons. first, each of these stories deals with the intersection of race and homelessness. within this intersection, there are many myths and stereotypes that emphasize personal problems – laziness, mental illness, drug and alcohol addiction, criminality, a belief in homelessness as a life of freedom and leisure, or poor decision-making – over societal issues. however, as noted previously, homelessness is predominantly tied to poverty, which affects minorities much more than white people. these stereotypes lead to a fascination with “the other,” making their stories more palpable and possibly serving the dominant culture. second, each of these stories had a social media component that factored into it going viral, thus creating digital narratives for these men. one started on youtube, one on facebook, and the other through a local news story and fund sourcing website that allows users to invite others to share the story to raise funds. this allowed these stories to spread well beyond their regional interest area, thus allowing the potential for millions of people nationally and internationally to read about them, comment on them, and share them. the viral nature of the articles continued to lead to more publicity. in some instances, later stories referenced the characters or plots in the earlier stories. while these are all “feel-good” stories, nothing about any of them should be of that much interest beyond the region in which the events occurred. third, the timing of these stories might factor into their publication and viral spread. research by whang and min ( ) on television coverage of homelessness found that the majority of stories ran from thanksgiving through the winter season, with % broadcast between december and february. the timing of these stories falls into this category with one going viral between thanksgiving and christmas, one right after the first of the year, and a third right around valentine’s day. each of these viral images become conscious or unconscious representations of the particular holiday season. if coverage indeed surfaces around the winter holidays, are we somewhat primed to cause these types of stories to go viral at certain times of the year? finally, rather than just considering one of these stories to illustrate the manifestation of microaggressions and the maintaining of dominant or master narratives, i argue that it is more effective to show how this occurs within and between each case. because these stories start out as feel-good stories but take different trajectories in their outcomes, it is also relevant to see how the microaggressions emerge in different ways. specifically, how does the narrative change or is it maintained through the readers’ comments? the present research fits well within the criteria of narrative analysis. not only does it examine the articles/stories present, it also considers the commenters as additional narrators adding their voices to help construct meaning. for this project, i seek to utilize the concept of narrative analysis to interrogate how technology is being used to create and/or maintain narratives about a particular marginalized group of individuals. the research selection three viral stories of homeless black men the data for this study are drawn using a narrative inquiry that focuses on the digital narratives of three homeless black men: ted williams, jeffrey hillman, and billy ray harris. the narratives centering on these three men were selected because they began as simple, local feel-good stories, but ultimately went viral causing them to garner national and international attention. the narratives selected for analysis represent the various ways that race and homelessness are often depicted in the media and expanded upon or challenged by consumers of media. i will first provide details of each of these stories and then my rationale for selecting them. ted williams ted williams gained national and international attention when a recorded interview was conducted with him by doral chenoweth iii, a videographer for the columbus (ohio) dispatch. the recorded interview took place on a street ramp off northbound i- in columbus, ohio during a time when williams was homeless (joy, ). williams was reportedly living intermittently in a camp behind an abandoned gas station, even though he had been offered the opportunity to be relocated to a shelter (joy, ). in the video, he explained that drugs, alcohol, and other things had derailed his ambitions, but he had recently marked two years of sobriety (joy, ). chenoweth iii put the video online at dispatch.com and someone posted it to youtube resulting in a viral video. this quickly projected the spotlight on williams, who became the focus of media stories, interviews, local and national job offers, and who reconnected with family members. this attention brought him back together with his mother, ex-wife, and several of his children. however, all of the fame was too much for williams causing this recovering alcoholic to resort to drinking again. his new-found fame rekindled past problems and his trials and tribulations were repeatedly the focus of media attention. stories regarding his sudden claim to fame, going in and out of rehab, reconnecting with his family, loss of finances, his book, and his work on the houseless movie continued to make the news as recently as january . jeffrey hillman in november of , a photo was put on the nypd facebook page showing a new york city police officer giving boots he had just purchased to a barefoot man sitting on the sidewalk in new york city. the image was shared through facebook and reddit resulting in overnight viral status, moving from online social media to mainstream media, due to the act of kindness it represented. this subsequently resulted in the identification of the police officer as lawrence deprimo and the shoeless man as jeffrey hillman. while the officer became famous for his act of kindness, receiving awards and media attention, hillman became infamous as he was seen a few days later without the boots. an army veteran, hillman reportedly worked in kitchens in new jersey prior to becoming homeless (santora & vadukul, ). when hillman was asked how he became homeless, reports differ. according to the new york times, he replied “i don’t know” (santora & vadukul, ), but in an interview with the new york daily he said it was his choice and noted he struggled with mental problems (mikelberg, smith, brown, kemp, & mcshane, ). technically, hillman was not homeless as it has been reported that he had lived in transitional housing and later secured housing through the department of veterans affairs (brown, ). however, according to the department of homeless services, hillman had a history of turning down these services (brown, ). hillman’s story continued on for several months with media and others tracking him trying to determine if he was “truly” homeless, what he was doing, and why he was not wearing his boots. while the stories helped him reconnect with family and friends, they appear to have served more as a mechanism of surveillance and control, potentially reifying the negative perception of homeless individuals. the stories regarding hillman continued into march . billy ray harris the final case is of billy ray harris, a homeless missouri man. in february , harris, who reportedly lived underneath a bridge in kansas city and panhandled at the country club plaza (webster, ), gained national and international attention after finding an engagement ring in his donations cup. rather than pawn the ring, which he considered doing, he kept it until its owner, sarah darling, returned to see if he had it. after harris returned the ring, a friend of darling’s told the story to a local kansas city news station that ran an article that was picked up by multiple news outlets. because of harris’ act of kindness and “interest from others in helping out,” darling’s husband, bill krejci, set up a -day giveforward fundraising campaign (krejci, ). according to darling they had set a fundraising goal of $ , , but were hoping to raise $ , because that is what a jeweler had offered harris for the ring. however, more than , donations poured in, raising over $ , . this resulted in additional media coverage and a surprise reunion of harris with his family on nbc’s today show in march of . stories on harris continued in the news media and on various websites until september , following his purchase of a car and his down payment on a house. searching the internet and locating my data collection sites using the internet as the location of data collection for a qualitative study is not a new concept; however, using it as my source of data for a narrative analysis is somewhat unusual. however, as clark et al. ( ) showed, commenters can be used as research participants as they have voluntarily posted information to public websites. scholars have suggested that those who respond anonymously to online content may be more likely to reduce their need to respond in a socially desirable manner resulting in greater candidness (hewson, laurent, & vogel, ; van soest, canon, & grant, ). this type of online communication also allows users to feel safe when posting opposing positions (mckenna & bargh, ). as wall ( ) explained, online forums function like a virtual town hall, allowing those who have an opinion on a topic the chance to participate. of particular interest to this project, xiao and polumbaum ( ) and leduff and cecala ( ) found that themes in online discussions were often different from the themes presented in the news coverage of an event. one important issue to note is that not all comments make it online and others may be deleted. some online news agencies employee technology or people that read and approve what goes online, which may skew the perception of how their readers respond. other online news sources also provide an option to report a comment that they believe is inappropriate resulting in the comment being removed. because of this, those who want their comment displayed may adjust their language to what is deemed appropriate by the news source. online communication through comment sections has the potential to allow for both honest and hostile remarks; either way, this type of communication has the potential for more open expression of beliefs and ideologies. as noted by hallett and barber ( ), the digital methodological approaches have been slow to catch on; however, research utilizing narrative analysis is becoming more widely used. for example, keim-malpass and steeves ( ) examined online narratives of cancer through illness blogs, fleischmann and fleischmann ( ) studied online narratives of adults with adhd, gulbrandsen and just ( ) looked at the construction of contradictory organizational narratives, and robinson ( ) examined the changing narrative as a news story went from traditional media to online. each of these used different methods of gathering and examining online narratives. because my narrative research focused on social and dominant narratives, rather than just individual narratives, the internet became an ideal location for examining the maintenance, construction, and challenges of dominant narratives. as boyd ( ) explained, the internet has become entwined in our lives as both an imagined space and architected place (p. ). it is in this online space and place where one can study what eichhorn ( ) calls “textual communities.” she defined these communities as places where people are brought together through shared text(s) or writing practices. these communities have the ability to link individuals across geographic boundaries. while eichhorn’s ( ) research focused on ethnography, i suggest that research on social narratives can also been done in online environments. the internet has changed the way we interact and communicate. the internet textual communities are also associated with online news sources. through the internet, we can get our news, allowing people all over the country and world to interact in an online space to see and share news they would have traditionally missed. through comments, blogs, and social media sites, we can communicate in these textual communities about issues we find important. but, we can also hide behind the internet and “flame,” that is harass others in these communities if we do not like what they have to say. i see each of these online news sites as textual communities. throughout and between these communities we can create digital narratives. as cresswell ( ) noted, narrative studies can benefit from having a collaborative feature where information is drawn from a variety of sources. in this research, i am drawing data from three different sources, their images and videos, and their reader responses. i am not only looking at the text of the article, but also the images, videos, and comment sections. i specifically chose online news sources for their ability to reach larger audiences. additionally, the online comments contribute to the overall meaning and understanding the general public or general readership of each source has regarding the subject. the content of the news article proper, the images, and the comments create both consensus and dissensus between the readers and the article and the commenters. it is through this give-and-take that stories develop into narratives. sometimes the narrative focuses on the specific individual; other times it focuses on the socially constructed communities in which these individuals belong, and it can even focus on society as a whole. by the nature of an artifact “going viral” there is an abundance of places in which to seek out information. i decided i must whittle down the potential sources of my information to create a more cohesive way to collect and analyze data. because i am interested in the comments as part of the story, i focused only on those online sites that had comment sections. as the focus is on united states citizens and their narratives, i focused on u.s news sites. further, i chose to focus only on those news sites that featured stories and comments about each of the men in my project, thus i could compare like sources. finally, i chose to focus on established national media, rather than new blogs or sites that do not have an established national name. this eliminated the vast majority of online news sites and left me with the huffington post (huffingtonpost.com), the new york daily news (nydailynews.com), the new york post (nypost.com), national public radio (npr.org), the grio (thegrio.com), and usa today (usatoday.com). however, as i began to collect my data, the huffington post, the new york post, and the new york daily news, which were rich sources of comments and images, changed their comment policies and effectively removed that content from their websites before i was able to collect it. because of my desire for the comments, my research focused on the online content of the national public radio, the grio, and usa today news sites. these three sources provided rich content including the stories, comment sections, images, and videos, which provided a substantial source of data for my analysis. prior to explaining the procedure to collect and analyze data, i will provide a brief overview of each news site and the content within. national public radio national public radio (npr) was incorporated in and hit the air in april of to provide national news programming (npr.org). npr.org reports . million unique visitors per month, and it is both a privately and publicly funded nonprofit membership media organization. according to a pew research report, npr’s audience tends to be highly educated, equal in terms of the sex of listeners, have high incomes, and the audience is moderate to liberal. the website suggests that npr has embraced the power of technology, launching an iphone and android news app. the website also has over two million twitter followers and facebook friends. because of its adaption of these social media technologies, it is engaging young listeners. usa today founded in , its mission is “to serve as a forum for better understanding and unity to help make the usa truly one nation” (usatoday.com). located in mclean, va., usatoday.com launched on april , , provides visitors with a variety of types of news, and is updated hours a day, seven days a week. as of december , the usatoday site reports having nearly million unique visitors and . billion page views. usatoday.com’s digital profile reports that it has an audience of over million readers with approximately % male and % female; % of its readers have at least a bachelor’s degree, approximately % are identified as upper- or middle-level professionals, and about % of its readers have a household income of $ , or more. according to the alliance for audited media, usatoday.com is third in digital editions, behind the new york times and the wall street journal, with an average digital circulation of , (auditedmedia.com, ). additionally, the site showcases interactive features and multi-media functions with free rss feeds. finally, usatoday.com delivers news via email and to various mobile devices (usatoday.com marketing). the grio thegrio.com, whose name is based on “griot,” the term used for a west african story teller, is an independently owned “video-centric news community site devoted to providing african-americans with stories and perspectives that appeal to them but are underrepresented in existing national news outlets” (thegrio.com/about). it was launched by nbc in and msnbc.com shares content partnership with thegrio.com relating to breaking news and politics. according to a promotional video by thegrio.com, it works with essence.com and is the news provider for the national urban league (thegrio.com). from november to november the total number of visitors increased approximately % to nearly two million unique visitors. the grio’s marketing overview notes that it has just under seven million unique visitors per month and over million page view per month. the audience is predominantly female and african american, and the average age of readers is between - . sixty-four percent have advanced degrees, % are considered politically engaged, and % have an income greater than $ , (thegrio media kit, ). additionally, thegrio.com reaches over four million unique viewers per month on its mobile platforms. (thegrio media kit, ). thegrio’s editorial mandate is to “focus on news and events that have a unique interest and/or pronounced impact within the national african american audience” (thegrio.com /about). data collection in order to gather the articles in each online news source, i used the search function on each site. first, i focused on the main individual in each of my cases. second, i utilized the related story function that came up on most of the sites. finally, after retrieving some of the stories, i re-searched the news sites for other key individuals in the stories. this was particularly relevant in the hillman case, as he had not been identified in the initial articles relating to the viral image. for example, i utilized the name of the identified officer, lawrence deprimo, to conduct additional searches. once i identified the various stories, i attempted to print and download the content in its most complete format. in some cases, the site provided a print button that allowed me to download the story in a pdf format; however, some of the visual content was lost. because of this loss, i also used an online screen capturing program (http://ctrlq.org/screenshots/) that allowed me to take complete shots of the website that i could download. my goal was to capture the story, images, videos, and comments for analysis. one issue that i had was capturing the entire comments section in a usable format. in several cases i had to copy and paste it into a word document, then i manually went through it to format it the same way as on the site. i wanted to ensure that both the individual comments and those that were in dialogue with each other could be easily discerned when i went back to review them. the biggest challenge was that there were several videos embedded within the stories, but i was unable to download or save those. therefore, i took copious notes in the event that the video was removed or i was unable to access it. all content that i was able to download was saved onto my computer and a backup was saved on the university of utah’s box cloud storage so that i was able to access it from any computer with internet access. ultimately, i gathered a total of stories, images, videos, and , comments. see table . for a breakdown of data per each individual case and table . for a breakdown by online news sites. to enhance the methodological validity, i sought to triangulate the data sources and the data itself. drawing upon multiple sources and viewpoints results in a more complete representation of the phenomenon being explored. as cresswell ( ) explained, triangulation helps to validate the research by tapping into a variety of sources of information. where do i begin? analyzing the data according to cresswell ( ) and riessman ( ), narrative research presents the least structured procedure with no single method for analysis. riessman ( ) explained that narratologists draw insights from semiotics, hermeneutics, discourse analysis, and textual approaches to documents, but the approach is known for its “interpretive thrust” (p. ). because i am interested in the construction of digital narratives, i am concerned with both what is being told and how it is being told, as well as how these stories spread. i utilize shenhav’s ( ) approach to analyzing social narratives because the creation of digital narratives is a shared endeavor. it is also an iterative approach (tracey, ) that encourages both emergent readings of the data and existing theories and literature. shenhav employs rimmon-kenan’s ( ) traditional narratology triplet of story-text-narration and adds a fourth element of multiplicity. although shenhav presents these four components, he stated that they do not all need the same emphasis, and that the research question should drive which elements the researcher chooses to emphasize. the story in social narratives is what is being told as well as the characters involved. however, unlike traditional narratology, in the study of social narratives there is an expectation that the story being told is recurring in multiple different texts (shenhav, ). in analyzing social stories, one can evaluate the similarities and differences in the stories embraced by groups, individuals, and institutions. finally, one of the most important aspects of shared stories “is their ability to carry forward information and beliefs from past generations” (shenhav, , p. ). my analysis of the story is a basic technique of reconstructing the story from the narrative, by removing the textual and narrational elements to reveal the events and characters (shenhav, ). a basic table was created for each story that included the author and lists of the main events, time periods, characters, and observations. appendix a provides an example of this process. this basic analysis focuses on similarities and differences within the stories for each case. narration in social narratives highlights both the process by which the narrative is told and “it invokes the agents who are inherent in the communicative acts of producing, consuming, and reproducing narratives” (shenhav, , p. ). according to herman and vervaeck ( ) narration encompasses all of the factors that go into storytelling. this includes visual communication as well. in a way similar to how the story was analyzed, a basic table was created to examine the type of narration such as textual or extratextual, the type of narrators, again textual or extratextual, and the anticipated audience. my analyses of the text and multiplicity were more dynamic and thick in their scope due to the focus of my research questions. in order to analyze the text, i utilized saldana’s ( ) coding manual for qualitative research and used manual coding methods. the texts in social narratives include the written word, as well as any type of visual or oral storytelling, including pictures, videos, cartoons, and even the physical space and place where the story is told. i first began by reading the articles and comments and viewing the videos and images utilizing memoing to identify patterns within and between the stories and comments (saldana, ; tracey, ). in my next pass through the texts, i utilized open coding that allowed me to look for distinct concepts or categories present in the data (corbin & strauss, ). for example, words such as “god,” “blessings,” “accountant,” or “broke” were first-level codes that described words or idea that appeared in the text. this allowed me to break down the data into segments to be interpreted. i then utilized axial coding to further define the themes that were present such as “religion as a cause of action,” “religious sentiment,” or “financial management.” i used specific coding to identify instances of microaggressions and highlighted them as microassault, microinsult, or microinvalidation. coding helped to inductively find the microaggressions. it was used find patterns within the articles and comments in order to suss out microaggressions. appendix b illustrates an example of coding for microaggressions. many of these were drawn from the prior microaggression themes outlined by sue et al. ( ) that were introduced in the prior chapter. because the original model primarily focuses on race, to enhance the unique experience of homelessness, i attempted to situate the emergent themes in the context of the racial microaggression categories to extend the original taxonomy. however, not all microaggressions fit into these categories, so new themes were created. for instance, in my coding of comments in one of the stories, i identified an initial concept that suggested one of the men was blessed. further line-by-line coding of the comments revealed a pattern of religious endowment. through the use of axial and selective coding i was able to elucidate a microaggression suggesting that the man was not acting on his own agency but at the hand of god. finally, in order to examine multiplicity i looked across and between the narratives to see if there were core elements at play, such as language, images, and coverage. additionally, i examined if the narrative employed well-known stereotypes of race or class. by doing this, i was able to draw upon historic stereotypes of black males as they are being subtly recreated through the online articles, images, and comments. chapter summary this chapter provided a detailed description of this study’s research methodology. a multicase qualitative narrative study was done to explore how online publications and their comments reinforce master narratives through textual and visual microaggressions. my research sample included stories focusing on homeless black males that had gone viral. i selected three online news sources to collect my data sources. each of these sources was selected as they included stories, images, videos, and user comments related to each subject. unlike traditional qualitative research, my participants were the online article authors and online commenters, who voluntarily posted information to public sites. this was done as anonymous posting can allow for more candidness. the data was reviewed against the themes within the literature and within the scope of the theoretical framework. additionally, i provided a literature review focusing on narrative analysis, my conception of digital narratives, master narratives, and social narratives to provide a conceptual framework for the design and analysis of the study. the intent of this study is expand the research on microaggressions from a purely interpersonal concept to a more societal concept with an understanding of the greater impact microaggressions have on society. source total articles total images total videos total comments npr.org usatoday.com thegrio.com total ted williams source articles images videos comments npr.org usatoday.com thegrio.com total jeffrey hillman source articles images videos comments npr.org usatoday.com thegrio.com total billy ray harris source articles images videos comments npr.org usatoday.com thegrio.com total table . : breakdown of data collected based on each individual case. table . : breakdown of data by online news sources. chapter a one-man minstrel show: the digital narrative of ted williams because my mouth is wide with laughter and my throat is deep with song, you do not think i suffer after i have held my pain so long? because my mouth is wide with laughter, you do not hear my inner cry? because my feet are gay with dancing, you do not know i die? —langston hughes, minstrel man, the collected poems of langston hughes, in this first analysis chapter i examine the articles, videos, images, and comments related to ted williams, the black homeless man with the “golden voice” who was “discovered” by columbus dispatch videographer doral chenoweth iii. chenoweth iii stopped and asked williams to earn his contribution by demonstrating his some of the videos and images were the same or similar between the three sources. gift of voice advertised on his cardboard sign. the interaction was recorded and posted on the dispatch website and reposted on youtube where it quickly went viral with over . million shares (memmott, a). the minute-and-a-half video includes the initial interaction and subsequent interview identifying the homeless man as ted williams and a brief background on how he ended up homeless. his honesty regarding a history of drug use, his humbleness, and his talent challenged many individuals’ stereotypes of a black homeless man, resulting in an outcry for a second chance. his unexpected voice and story caused an outpouring of requests and job offers for the former radio announcer, potentially providing him with this second chance. five years past the initial article the media continues to follow the ups and downs of williams’ life. in the following sections, i will (a) provide an overview of the data that i analyzed, (b) summarize the story and characters, (c) examine the stories, comments, and images for instances of microaggressions, and (d) examine the digital narrative that is constructed through the use of microaggressions to show how traditional stereotypes of black males are invoked in today’s online media. from where the stories came overview of the data the data that i used to analyze ted williams was retrieved from the following sources: national public radio (npr.org) that featured nine articles, six videos, four images, and comments; the grio (thegrio.com) that ran articles, seven videos, three images, and four comments ; and usa today (usatoday.com) that ran nine articles, i made several attempts to contact the grio to see if the articles i was looking at truly had no comments or if they had archived them. i never received a response. five videos, seven images, and comments. additional information regarding williams’ background was gathered from other news sources to fill in the gaps left by my data set. none of the background data were included in my analysis. from rags to radio in october , videographer doral chenoweth iii decided to stop and engage with a disheveled homeless man who held a sign along the hudson street ramp off northbound i- in columbus, oh. he stopped based on what the man’s sign said: “i have a god given gift of voice. i’m an ex-radio announcer who has fallen on hard times…” (joy, ). pulling over, chenoweth iii told the man he is going to make him work for the dollar and requested that he says something in his radio voice. the homeless man complied in a deep baritone voice with “when you're listening to nothing but the best of oldies, you're listening to magic . !” (joy, ). the video was later posted to the dispatch’s website on january , during a slow news week and reposted to youtube, where it garnered millions of views. during the video, williams admitted to a history of alcohol and drug use, noting that he had been clean for two years (chenoweth iii, ). by the next day, williams was doing local interviews and on january , he appeared on cbs’s the early show, on january th, he was on nbc’s today show, where he did the opening, and on january th he was on the last word with lawrence o’donnell on msnbc. he was also reunited with his mother after nearly years on january , (memmott, c). during this time, williams was getting numerous voice-over offers from the cleveland cavaliers, kraft macaroni & cheese, msnbc (memmott, d), as well as espn and mtv (thegrio.com, a). even after revealing a lengthy list of arrests and prison time for theft and forgery, williams became the voice of kraft macaroni & cheese and was hired by msnbc for voice-over work and continued to be pursued by the cavaliers. during a stint on the dave and jimmy radio show on january , , he received offers to come to hollywood for several voice-overs and shows (the dave & jimmy show, ). while in los angeles, williams reunited with his children. however, on january , , williams and one of his daughters were detained by the police after a loud argument in their hotel (memmott, e). on january , , after a talk with dr. phil mcgraw he admitted he had started drinking again and agreed to enter a private rehab facility (thegrio.com, f). after just days, williams checked himself out (duke, ). in early march , he moved into a sober house in california, noting that “it was too much, too fast” (oldenburg, b). during february , tmz.com reported that williams was working on a deal for a reality show called second chances at life. by may, williams reentered origins in texas, the initial rehab he attended following the dr. phil visit, for a -day program focusing on emotional support, not a drug relapse (garvey, ). this caused williams to take a break from the show and book contract he received (garvey, ), and there was a report that he was no longer being considered for a position with the cleveland cavaliers (finnan, ). throughout , williams received a $ , advance to write his memoirs, a lucrative contract with kraft macaroni & cheese, and some additional voice-over work (chenoweth iii, ), and became the official voice of the new england cable news (heslman, ). williams managed to stay in the news, appearing at least once a year relating to a project or setback. in , he became “the golden voice of love” to promote kraft macaroni & cheese in a youtube campaign (ivanovic, ). starting in may he began promoting his co-written book detailing his life from successful dj to crack addict, his years on the street, and his youtube rise to fame. he appeared on several talk shows, including filip & fredriks Årskrönika , the wendy williams show, huckabee, and today (stump, ; ted williams, nd). in , he was once again on the media circuit, noting that he was steadily employed as a voice-over artist by kraft macaroni & cheese, promoting the ted williams project he created with kraft to raise money to help the poor in columbus, and working on his strained relations with his children (gosk, ; stump, ). he also began doing promotional work for the documentary houseless that he narrated (spero, ). by , in an interview with doral chenoweth iii, williams revealed that he was broke. in the interview, williams stated that he “should have been a millionaire by now,” but instead owns nothing. he claimed that he had people in his life that he should not have and he trusted the wrong people. furthermore, he explained that his managers deprived him of residuals and payment. as he did not even have a car, his current manager drove him to his job. he did note that he had been clean and sober since august , and had the opportunity to give back through volunteering. additionally, he talked extensively about his relationship with god over time, noting that god used him as a vehicle. by june , once again williams made news by announcing his bid for president (calfas, ). williams suggested if donald trump could do it, so could he (calfas, ). however, by august , william’s facebook page reported that he would not run for president because of how candidates were treating each other. on january , williams began his own talk show the golden voice show on am wvko. in the following few months he made appearances on the steve harvey show and the dr. oz show (williams, , a, c). however, by april , williams’ facebook page announced the show was going to be changing its time and location (williams, d); as of october , , no announcement had been made of the new show. by october , , williams’ story was once again revived with a feature called where are they now? on oprah winfrey’s own network (williams b). throughout all the media coverage, williams continues to be a source of media fodder and entertainment for viewers. creating williams’ digital narrative through microaggressive communication in the case of ted williams, there were very few explicit verbal or nonverbal attacks on him or overt behavior that may be discriminatory toward his race or class. as such, there are no explicit microassaults. while there were a few comments relating to drugs and homelessness by choice, the vast majority of comments were overwhelmingly positive, even in the subsequent stories relating to police and rehab. this may be due in part to a couple reasons. in the initial video that went viral, williams openly said that his situation was a direct result of alcohol and drug abuse and then went on to tell doral chenoweth iii that he had been clean and sober for two years. this openness regarding his history of drug and alcohol abuse to chenoweth iii and in other forums may have been a type of stigma management communication (meisenbach, ; smith, ). by acknowledging drug abuse williams may have been using a coping method to show he was at ease with his past struggles (goffman, ), he may have been trying to change public opinion relating to homelessness and drug abuse, or he may have been engaging in transcendence by suggesting that the stigma ultimately led to a valuable end (meisenbach, ). connie boucher ( ) commented, “you go ted williams…your honesty and attitude are an inspiration!” williams’ openness on this issue appeared to silence those who tend to immediately suggest the overemphasized causes of homelessness: drugs, mental illness, and laziness. by admitting drug use, claiming sobriety, and suggesting he wants to work, he seems to have taken some of the power away from those who respond by filling in the blanks with their own beliefs and ideologies. however, in doing this williams also reinforced the link between drugs and homelessness and, to some extent, makes living on the streets sound like a viable and noble way to get clean and sober. it was not just his honesty that seemed to bring out the best in commenters, but also his apparent sincerity and appreciation when speaking to chenoweth iii. several commenters even mentioned williams’ graciousness. for instance, tai muraki stated “couldn’t of [sic] happened to a more gracious man” ( ). additionally, because of williams’ unexpected voice and articulate nature, rather than diminish him based on class status, people wanted him to be helped. many individuals in the comments suggested that he needed to be given a job and a second chance. zed towers ( ) asked “npr could’ve given him a job – right?...didn’t juan williams leave an empty seat?” according to a comment by nimanae pip ( ) reddit.com had already had at least job offers for ted williams doing voiceover work. although it is good to see that there were limited overtly hostile comments, there are plenty of microinsults and microinvalidations present. the next section will focus on microinsults. microinsults as noted in the literature review, microinsults are the types of communication that convey either a rudeness or insensitivity that ultimately demean a person’s identity. they are subtle snubs that are often unknown to the perpetrator, but ultimately convey an insulting or hurtful message to the recipient. in this section, i will examine two categories of microinsults: those that suggest williams is a second-class citizen and those that suggest he is exceptional for his race and/or class. second-class citizen both the newspaper articles and the comments continually remind the readers that williams is a second-class citizen. as noted in the microaggressions typology in chapter , one is treated as less than another based on identity characteristics such as race, class, gender, etc. within the category of second-class citizen, an individual may face stigmatization by continually being referred to as different than other citizens, they may lose their right to privacy by having their images, names, and stories shared locally or globally without their permission, and they may have different expectations placed on them than other citizens. in some instances, these second-class citizens lose the rights and privileges supposedly given to all united states citizens. the first way that this was done to williams was through the constant reminder that he is or was homeless. since this is the core of the story, all but one article features either a headline or first sentence identifying williams as homeless or formerly homeless. this constant reminder, even after he is no longer homeless, associates williams with the stigma and stereotypes of homelessness. for example, the headline from the january , article in thegrio.com reads “homeless man with velvety voice becomes star” (thegrio.com, c). a headline from usatoday.com stated “former homeless man with ‘golden voice’ enters presidential race” (calfas, ) and a subsequent headline from a article on npr.org noted “formerly homeless man with ‘golden voice’ back on the airwaves” (domonoske, ). additionally, text from the articles also remind us of williams’ status. “williams and his compelling tale became an online sensation after the columbus dispatch posted a clip of him demonstrating his voiceover skill while begging by the side of the road” (thegrio.com, c). the articles clearly want to remind the readers that williams is a second-class citizen. the article in the grio goes so far as to remind us that he is not just homeless, but also a beggar. in the today show video featured on the grio site, kevin tibbles referred to williams as “just another beggar by the highway” (thegrio.com, b). additionally, in a video interview with stephanie gosk featured on thegrio.com ( ), when describing williams during his discovery by chenoweth, he referred to him as “a dirty bedraggled beggar with the most unlikely of gifts.” even though williams quickly became known as the man with the golden voice, both the articles around the initial “discovery” of williams, as well as articles four and five years later, still continue to connect williams and homelessness. as bourdieu ( ) explained, our individual conditioning leads us to permanently identify others based on their social class, thus impeding social mobility. even though williams gained both economic and social capital, what viewers know about him becomes constantly regurgitated, effectively keeping him in his place. his second-class status was not only established by reminding the readers that williams was homeless or had a past infused with drugs and alcohol; the articles also began reporting his personal situations. williams right to privacy was clearly invaded. most white, middle and upper class citizens would never have a story written about them for a disturbance that did not result in an arrest or actual violence. a few days following the initial media blitz, williams and his daughter were reportedly taken in for questioning for a disturbance call at the renaissance hollywood hotel and spa. both thegrio.com ( f, g) and npr.org (memmott, e) ran articles regarding the incident. the articles pointed out that the pair were released, and both thegrio.com ( e) and npr.org ( e) noted that there were no signs of physical abuse. however, usatoday.com ran a story after the fact, noting that there was a physical altercation (oldenburg, a). running these types of stories parallels the research emphasizing black males as violent or brutish (enck-wanzer, ; hardin, et al., ; hooks, ; moorti, ). additionally, it implies emotional immaturity by being unable to handle emotionally charged moments with grace. by adding these comments, both articles illustrate underlying stereotypes connecting black people with lower class status, crime, and violence. after this event williams made an appearance on the dr. phil show in which he volunteered to enter a rehab facility. again, reinforcing the connection between black people and drugs. reader comments also illustrate williams as a second-class citizen. some of the reader comments in the initial articles expressed surprise that a homeless man could have a golden voice. jennifer stammers ( ) noted, “why is this guy homeless? he’s well- spoken, articulate and obviously personable. then came the explanation of drugs and alcohol.” other commenters focused on his addictions, suggesting they will be with him forever. “one day when ted is crooning on some far away radio show with his bottle of grey goose he will fondly remember the days when he was able to just relapse with oblivion on some desolate highway” (christopher kouloris, ). comments in the later stories that have featured his ups and downs are a bit harsher. ryan thomas ( ) noted that williams is “pan handling [sic] some type of book at a local mall in columbus ohio.” as williams had recently published a book it is possible that he was doing a publicity tour. this comment alludes to the fact that williams still does not have a “real” job, effectively equating him selling his book with standing alongside the road asking for money. following the article that he is planning a run for president, cloyce shannon ( ) stated, “still out of money, huh ted. i guess america will vote for you over more qualified candidates because you have the “golden voice.’” by connecting no money and the golden voice, shannon suggests this man was nothing more than a one-hit wonder who could not seem to make it work out. no matter williams’ success or failure, he is continually reminded of his less-than status. the second-class citizen status is perpetually illustrated through the ongoing coverage and comments williams receives. ascription of exceptionalism the second theme within the category of microinsults is the ascription of exceptionalism. within this category, certain individuals in marginalized groups become the exception to who we would normally find within this group. this is similar to ascription of intelligence by sue et al. ( ) and sue ( ), where intelligence is assigned to a person based on his or her race or gender. typically, homeless and/or black men are not thought of as talented, articulate, or kind. however, williams is frequently described with terms such as talent and articulate, which make him an exception. for instance, in a interview with matt lauer and meredith vieira, we hear williams use the terms sir and ma’am referring to lauer and vieira. lauer also makes the comment “despite your hard times, there is this civility to you. there is this kindness. there is this grace about you” (thegrio.com, b). williams explained that this is how he was brought up by his family. this deference is significant when you consider that at the time of this interview williams was in his s and his mother was ; he and his parents would have experienced segregation. during this part of history and into today, in order to get by black individuals were and still are expected to show deference to white individuals. additionally, this deference may be used as a form of capital to navigate and/or play the hegemonic order. these comments suggest that somehow williams is better than or different from other black homeless males. this fails to take into consideration that those who have experienced poverty or racial discrimination are not bad individuals, but rather experiencing a bad situation. the idea of exceptionalism is at the core of this story. because of this, it is not just that microaggressions happen in the story, they constitute the story. additionally, this category borrows from the notion of the “exceptional negro.” as social science scholar paul butler ( ) explained, exceptionalism is a rhetorical and social term measuring difference as a social indicator. because whiteness and white experiences are normalized in the united states, those who are “raced” face many challenges in society. as such, when black individuals transcend certain racial stereotypes they become “exceptional,” distinguishing them from the “typical” underachieving black individuals. even the “exceptional negros” are not protected from racism. many white individuals can be resentful and look for ways to remind them of their status in the united states, as is illustrated by the category of second-class citizen. for instance, two comments related to the calfas ( ) article regarding williams entering the presidential race referred to president obama as “the current idiot” in office (mathew wegener, ; rudy katt, ). by the nature of this story going viral, there is a strong suggestion that williams is not your “typical” black, homeless man – he has god-given gifts of a voice that must be unleashed. however, through the articles and comments we are reminded his race and class make him somehow deficient. the sheer amount of coverage williams received is the first way the media reinforces the ascription of exceptionalism. this is also somewhat similar to research that suggests homelessness is covered if it is a high-profile event (campbell & reeves, ; shields, ). these types of news events focus on the event or the character, rather than the issue at hand. as noted in the beginning of the chapter, williams made his rounds on local and national media outlets, getting such opportunities as opening the today show and receiving job offers on the phone while he was a guest on the dave & jimmy show. according to memmott ( a), the dispatch had already received extensive calls, media inquiries, and job offers relating to williams. as thegrio.com ( c) wrote, “he’s america’s hottest – and most improbable – star” and a few paragraphs later they noted it is a “shocking turn of events” for a man who had been living in shelters and with family and friends. they also described several organizations trying to contact him for work and provide him with a second chance. there was overwhelming surprise at his level of talent, even though williams stated he had gone to school to develop the voice and had a successful job on the radio prior to his descent into a life of drugs and alcohol. it was not just the media that spread the story of “golden voiced” ted williams, but the number of views and shares the story received suggested this was something unique that must be shown to others. like the media, those who commented seemed taken back by williams’ talent. for instance, susanna hartigan ( ) explained that she “didn’t expect to hear that voice coming from the guy on the side of the road.” this notion suggests he is some sort of exception to what she expected a homeless black male to sound like. additionally, poker diva ( ) was surprised at his politeness when she made the comment, “he said ‘thank you very much’ when that young man videotaped [sic] him... and i am sure many people saw that and said ‘wow’ give this man a chance!” this underscores the assumption that he is somehow not like the other homeless men on the street because he is polite and articulate, the exception of those living on the street. finally, p. wells’ ( ) comment “good luck ted! america is rooting for you!!” this suggests that unlike other homeless and/or black men, we want the one with the talent to succeed. as entman and rojecki ( ) suggested, individuals often use prototypes to appraise others. the prototype of a black homeless man certainly does not include being talented and articulate. the insensitive representation of williams as a second-class citizen or an exceptional character is just one of several ways in which williams is belittled. the next section focuses on microinvalidations that subtly erase the experiential reality of williams. microinvalidations unlike microinsults that convey stereotypes and insensitivity that demeans a person’s identity, microinvalidations are the communications that negate thoughts, feelings, and experiential reality of marginalized individuals (sue, ). in this section, i will identify two forms of microinvalidations found in the content of the materials associated with ted williams: divine assistance and significant absences. divine assistance the first theme in the microinvalidation category relates to divine assistance. in the online portrayal of ted williams’ story, god moved williams from homelessness to housed. while williams himself often thanks god or credits faith for his will to move forward, the articles strip williams of his own talent by failing to consider the role of opportunists in his sudden change of fortune. while a handful of the articles quote williams making comments such as “i just hope everyone will pray for me” (thegrio.com, c), “the lord didn’t take my voice away” (npr.org, ), and “god has truly blessed me” (memmott, f), in most articles there is not huge credit to god for his second chance, this came in the comment sections. again, this type of language may be a function of stigma management communication. although williams talks about his redeveloped faith in god, he also credits going to school for his voice and a background in radio (thegrio.com, h). even with limited acknowledgements to a higher power in the news articles, there are many commenters that attribute his second chance to god. for instance, yvonne collins-myers ( ) suggested, “when god delivers you from drugs and alcohol you have been given a second chance... he gave god the glory and now ted williams will do and be what he says he will.” dominique dove ( ) wrote, “the god of second chances is smiling right now.” additionally, james a. entrocaso ( ) stated, “that is awesome praise god!” while none of these comments are intended to insult or demean williams, they take away other internal and external factors that led to williams’ second chance, such as genetics and training. i certainly do not discredit the power of faith, but i do suggest that focusing only on this undermines other significant aspects resulting in williams’ change in circumstances. it also does not explain why other faithful individuals in similar situations never seem to find their way out of homelessness or poverty. these comments also fail to consider where god was when williams was struggling and living on the street. this suggests that williams is responsible for his failures, but not his successes. the other question is would williams even have gotten a second chance if he did not have this voice? the only reason chenoweth iii stopped was to see if williams’ sign was truthful. had williams not had the voice he does, would the second chance have happened? what about others who have gifts of teaching, craftsmanship, or mechanics? these are not quickly demonstrable talents that can benefit others, like that of a voice or athleticism. it is also important to consider the opportunism that occurred at the expense of williams. individuals and organizations were clamoring to hire williams, even with his questionable background of drugs and alcohol. did anyone consider the effects this attention would have on him or did any of the offers come with recovery help? williams became an object of the consumer, as a moneymaker or form of entertainment. while not covered in my data set, in a interview with chenoweth iii, williams claimed that he was financially “under the weather” and had ongoing problems with management who took advantage of him causing him to “own nothing.” was this loss of fortune also an act of god? while having faith and accepting what you have are great character strengths, it is also important to consider the other factors at play in shaping williams life since his “discovery.” significant absences as noted by scholars entman and rojecki ( ), television news fails to explicitly address causes and consequences of poverty. rather, symptoms of poverty are illustrated through implicit discourse. the absence of information, coupled with implicit discourse and images, serves to construct the public’s understanding of the social problems of poverty and race (entman & rojeck, ). what is particularly problematic with the absence of information on homelessness in this situation is that williams has become a strong advocate for homeless issues. not only has williams written a book about his experiences on the street, a golden voice: how faith, hard work, and humility brought me from the streets to salvation ( ), he also narrated the documentary houseless ( ), and started a foundation with kraft, the ted williams project, that provides necessities to the poor in columbus, oh (stump, ). however, the four stories that came after these dates either failed to mention anything about williams’ work with homelessness (thegrio.com, ); stated that he wrote the book and narrated a film about the harsh realities of life on the street, but did not talk about either project (ready, ); talked about him publishing a book, including the title, but focused on his presidential bid (calfas, ); and mentioned he wrote a memoir (no mention of the title) and that he had nothing left from the $ , advance he received for it, but went into some depth on his new job as a radio cohost (domonoske, ). one of the videos linked to the article showed where he lived in a tent or pointed out his spot for panhandling (thegrio.com, ), but not a single article in the data set mentioned anything about issues relating to poverty or homelessness. this is similar to prior research illustrating how the voice of the homeless is marginalized when it comes to homeless issues (campbell & reeves, ; reynald, , torck, ; whang & min, ). rather than providing homeless people with a voice relating to homelessness, williams’ voice is used emphasize the story the reporter or news agency wants. the problem with this deficiency in coverage is that it is coupled with stories about his time in and out of rehab, domestic issues, his successes and failures, and ultimately his new job. failing to discuss the causes or even the consequences in this case results in the public seeing the social problem of homelessness as an individual issue with an individual cure (entman & rojeki, ; iyengar, ). additionally, the focus on alcohol and drugs as the cause of williams’ problems coupled with the failure to discuss other issues relating to race and homelessness reinforces the stereotypes connecting race and homelessness to drugs and alcohol. another issue prevalent in this absence is the misunderstanding of readers assuming that williams somehow lifted himself up and that living on the streets for years was not really a big deal. it also does not illustrate the connection between race and poverty. emily thynne ( ) wrote, “he’s an inspiration…not only did he manage to climb out of the gutter of drugs and alcohol abuse, he managed to stay afloat…” additionally, luann barr ( ) stated, “this is a powerful example of the power of positive thought and intention…listen up homeless people and drug addicts…determine to change your life for the best and then don’t give up…it will happen if you don’t give up…” both of these examples fail to consider that williams had help, he did not get these offers because he sought them out, he was fortunate that he had a talent and it was arguably exploited for a news story. barr’s comment is particularly concerning because s/he clearly sees homelessness as an individual issue caused by drug use and assumes that it is simply a matter of positive thought to get back on one’s feet. finally, zachary ford ( ) noted, “he’s [williams] so happy and so thankful for these opportunities, some should take a lesson from williams and stop having such a miserable outlook on everything.” of course williams has a positive outlook; he literally went from standing alongside the road asking for money, to today and being courted for numerous job opportunities. the vast majority of black homeless individuals, or almost anyone for that matter, will never have this type of opportunity. because the articles fail to talk about the issues relating to homelessness and race, the stereotypes associated with race and homelessness continue to be perpetuated. as research by iyengar ( ), gilens ( ), and entman and rojecki ( ) have illustrated, white individuals see race and poverty intertwined and suggest it is encouraged by media coverage. white people also hold black people more accountable for their own poverty than they do other white people (entman & rojecki, ). by failing to include information relating to the structural sources of black homelessness, the news both allows white people to deny any racial discrimination and suggests that poverty and homelessness is a black issue. as critical race and microaggression scholars would suggest, these absences allow the dominant groups to impose reality on marginalized groups and individuals (bell, ; lorde, ; matsuda et al., ; solórzano, ; sue, ; yosso, ). of course it is not just through words that microaggressions can be experienced; images also reflect microaggressions. visual microaggressions as noted by a report from the opportunity agenda, a social justice communication organization, all media collectively presents a distorted representation of the lives of black males ( , p. ). this is true in each of the case studies examined. the visual imagery of ted williams included the photographs in the articles and the linked videos. the initial : -minute video featured videographer chenoweth iii in a car narrating the video. in his narration, he talks about homeless people asking for change at the freeway and that he has recently seen a guy with an interesting sign saying that he has a “god given gift of a great voice” (joy, ). the video shows the car pulling up to williams, who has unkempt hair, several days of facial hair growth, dental issues, and a camouflage jacket over a light gray hoodie (figure . ). chenoweth iii tells williams he is going to make him work for his dollar and asks him to say something in his radio voice. williams complies with several examples and then he thanks chenoweth iii. the video cuts to chenoweth iii interviewing williams outside. williams provides his history of getting interested in radio and developing his voice, and then subsequently turns more serious, explaining how drugs caused a downward spiral. staying serious, he goes on to note that he has been clean for two years and that he is trying hard to get his life back together. he says he hopes that someone from media will stop and say they need some voice-over work (joy, ). within a day of the video being put up on the columbus dispatch website it garnered millions of views (joy, ). additionally, someone had copied it to youtube, where it was viewed more than . million times (memmott, a). when chenoweth iii did not just give money freely and asked williams to “perform” to earn his dollar, it was a form of exploitation. there is no evidence as to whether williams was asked if it was ok to put the video online or to share it worldwide. if he was not asked, this was a case of the exploitation of a homeless man for entertainment purposes. similar to huber and solórzano’s ( ) use of years of representations of mexican banditry to illustrate visual microaggressions, many of the images and videos illustrate stereotypes of race and homelessness. following the viral nature of this video, various media began running stories about ted williams. as the stories are web-based, they frequently include both photos and video. while there is nothing highly egregious with any of the images or videos, they do tend to reinforce stereotypes associated with black individuals and/or homeless individuals. the first image that is presented to us either through video or photo is that of williams standing alongside the road holding his sign. this image was taken during chenoweth iii’s original interview. although the image itself is a representation of what chenoweth iii saw, it reinforces both the racial connection with homelessness or poverty, as well as the idea that homeless people are lazy and just want handouts (nch, ). the constant use of this image or the video associated with it not only serves to reinforce stereotypes, but also is a constant reminder that williams is a second-class citizen. research has illustrated that black individuals are frequently overrepresented in stories relating to poverty (entman & rojecki, ; gilens, a, b; iyengar, ; the opportunity agenda, ) and stereotypes relating to crime (dixon & linz, a, b; entman, , ; entman & rojecki, ; escholz, ; gist, ; the opportunity agenda, ). because the text in many of these stories refers to williams’ past drug use and arrests (mccarthy, ; memmott, b; thegrio.com, b) it also reinforces the stereotype that most homeless individuals are on drugs or criminals, which is not factual (nch, ). this is also emphasized with a photo run by the grio.com ( f) that uses an unflattering image of williams smoking a cigarette with the headline “homeless man turned radio star briefly held by lapd.” based on what he is wearing in the image, it was taken on the day he was on various media shows and was reunited with his mother, which was highly captured by the media. as such, there were numerous other images that probably could have been accessed. a second way that visual microaggressions are invoked is through another set of images and videos that put williams behind the microphone or capture him on various morning news shows. the opportunity agenda ( ) explained that while positive associations with black in the media are limited, when they are shown it usually has to do with some form of entertainment. one image that was used in the stories featured williams behind a microphone doing voice-over promotions for msnbc’s “lean forward” campaign. this image showed up in at least one article from each online news source. in addition, he was recorded while doing the opening of today, which was shown in multiple nbc stories (figure . ). in both cases, williams was wearing the camouflage jacket from the original photo but had gotten a haircut and shave. the use of this image and the videos serves as a constant reminder of williams’ ability to entertain us, both with his talent and by appearing on these shows. these relate back to the idea of exceptionalism; if it were not for his talent he would not have attained this sort of fame. because he has this talent, he now has to entertain the dominant culture with his voice and stories. these images harken back to a time when black people were objectified for their entertainment value, often in blackface minstrel shows that did not portray black people in a positive light, but as frequently dumb and lazy or with an exploitable talent for music or dance. research has shown that black bodies have been used as a source of entertainment for centuries (bogle ; harman ; lhamon ; lott ). while this may not be as overt as in the past, there does seem to be an ideology suggesting black people are entertainment (hooks, ). this entertainment notion is reinforced through a video that is linked to stories on each site (mccarthy, ; memmott, d; the grio.com, a) featuring a reunion between williams and his mother. instead of a quiet moment for the two who had not seen each other in more than years (memmott, d), they were subject to cameramen and photographers capturing and recording their meeting for all to see (figure . ). the two were then guests on several morning talk shows revealing some more personal background. williams also was publicly reunited with his family on dr. phil regarding an altercation with his daughter. again, rather than a private discussion about this with family, it became entertainment for the masses. clips of this show were parts of news montages shown on several news sites (oldenburg, ; thegrio.com, f). in these particular cases, williams and his family not only become our entertainment, but deficit images are shown continually associating williams with homelessness, needing help from the likes of dr. phil, or even including pictures of his various mugshots. the reinforcement of these stereotypes is an example of visual microaggressions (huber & solórzano, ). as noted by numerous scholars, words and images are used to create particular messages or public understandings (busselle & bilandzic, ; entman & rojecki, , hariman & lucaites, ; mitchell, ; gee, ). by continuing to visually construct williams as a homeless or formerly homeless man, show him as an object of entertainment, or visually represent racial and class stereotypes, the media enacts institutional racism. this along with the other microaggressions shapes a discourse about race and class, without considering the dominant power behind the text and images. williams’ digital narrative: a modern minstrel i began this chapter with the poem “minstrel man” by langston hughes. the poem explores the stereotype of the minstrel slave – the happy-go-lucky character with a big smile and dancing feet, regardless of his circumstance. through the textual and visual microaggressions, williams seems to be portrayed as a modern-day minstrel. although we do not specifically see williams singing, dancing, and playing the fool as in traditional minstrel shows, because of his talent and ongoing revival in the media he becomes a form of entertainment or a minstrel. his smiling face and good natured personality, even in tough times, hide the pain of homelessness and addiction. whether this is true personality or a way to use his “golden-voice” talent and agency to challenge the hegemonic hierarchy, the results are the same. through the above microaggression typography, we begin to see his role as a minstrel emerge. audiences are accepting of black males in this role of entertainer (campbell, ; hacker, ). through the original minstrel shows, abject othering of black people allowed white people to racialize and color class (lott, ). the theme of second-class citizen parallels this idea, as no matter what williams does, he continues to be seen as a second- class citizen. he cannot escape his race and class. similarly, just as audiences wanted the black performers to reenact the white-created stereotypes in minstrel shows (toll, ), the authors of the articles create the narrative for williams around stereotypes of race and class, being drawn to articles about his entertainment value and his personal challenges. there is also a constant reminder that williams is or was homeless. additionally, there seem to be no boundaries between the media and williams. he is followed and recorded in the most private moments of his life, like being reuniting with his mother and family. his personal challenges are recorded, including his ongoing battle with addiction, family friction, and loss of money. however, his real contributions, like his work related to homelessness, are hardly noticed. this suggests williams is nothing more than a spectacle for the dominant culture’s entertainment. this is similar to the black minstrels who had to stay in character off stage, perpetually smiling (toll, ). the change from blackface minstrelsy to black minstrelsy brought with it a notable change in that religious themes were added to performances that were typically left out of white minstrel cast minstrel shows (toll, ). we see this aspect through the divine assistance theme. williams himself openly discusses his faith and credits god with his change in fortune. however, this aspect is hardly broached by the white media who are there to tell his story, similar to the interlocutor who directs the actions of the although i do not know the racial makeup of the grio authors, almost all of the npr and usa today reporters appeared visually white when i looked them up. additionally, all of the interviews linked to the stories were conducted by white individuals who work on the morning shows. minstrel characters. it becomes left to williams and his mother to discuss how he sees religion shaping his life. one of the stories appearing in the religion section of usatoday.com even discusses the rarity of religious testifying being put in the spotlight and that god is frequently minimized or removed from the public sphere (grossman, ). another way we see williams emerge through a minstrel narrative is in his personal and physical transformation we see presented in the visual microaggressions. we see him essentially transform from the slave to the dandy or zip coon, a black man focusing on “flirting, fun, and fashion” (toll, , para. ). when we are first introduced to williams he is what gosk described as a “dirty, bedraggled beggar” (thegrio.com, ). he is unkempt, dressed in old jeans and a camouflage jacket, and panhandling for money. using his talent, he puts on a smile while performing for chenoweth iii, but then also becomes subservient as he shares his story. as he becomes a media sensation, we next see him with a nice haircut, clean shaven, and nicer clothes, although he is still wearing the familiar camouflage jacket. while he is friendly, his demeanor is still reserved and respectful, seeming to take everything in. we eventually see him with new teeth and glasses. in the later videos and interviews we see him in nice suits and ties, a leather jacket, jewelry, and even a hat. his demeanor has also changed to that of a very fun, friendly, and boisterous man (memmott, f; ready, ; thegrio.com, ). this seems to mimic the range of characters presented in minstrel shows from the happy plantation slave to the pretentious city slicker (toll, ). between these extremes, when he struggled with rehab, family, and financial issues, as well as his short-lived run for president, we got the buffoon character whose behavior seemed to be a source of amusement for others. through this transformation, we see what toll ( ) described as stock characters of racial stereotypes, allowing white people to view themselves as socially and culturally superior. toll ( ) suggested that because minstrel shows provided an acceptable version of slavery, minstrels allowed audiences to satisfy their curiosity about slavery. the glorification of williams seems to function similarly, suggesting race and/or homelessness are not serious issues. as the categories of significant absences and the myth of meritocracy illustrate, none of the articles talk about the specifics of or issues related to homelessness and/or race; therefore, the audience is presented with a rags-to- riches story that discounts the realities of williams’s situation. comments like “talented guy stops being a loser when he stops acting like a loser” (re imlay, ) placed individual responsibility, without considering other factors at play. additionally, comments suggesting all people need is hope and prayer to improve their lives reifies the notion that homelessness is an easily fixable problem if individuals are more positive. while williams himself acknowledges it was drugs and alcohol that caused his downward spiral, we also need to consider how difficult it is to get out of the cycle of poverty and drug abuse without the help of family and friends, as well as without treatment. in williams’ case, it is not as simple as stopping acting like a loser. this reinforces the presentation of homelessness as an individual issue, which becomes acceptable because the dominant culture does not see it as a function of societal structures. the articles and the comments present an easy exit from homelessness (prayer and hope) and a society willing to give second chances (providing one has a marketable talent). these concepts are presented through the themes of divine assistance and exceptionalism. however, the reality seems to be more of an exploitation of williams’ talent. as toll explained, “american popular culture would exploit and manipulate afro- americans and their culture to please and benefit white americans” ( , p. ). because williams takes the blame for his situation in a convivial way, we see him with a smile and we discount his less than pleasant reality of homelessness. therefore, williams becomes a minstrel by providing an acceptable version of race and homelessness that satisfies the curiosity of the general public. it is also important to note that williams himself is not necessarily a pawn or victim in this story. in fact, his acts of deference, his collegiality, and his capitalization of his exceptionalism may be acts of agency. it is quite possible that he played and continues to play the system in order to find success. however, while this may work on an individual level, these actions still play into the hegemonic structure. he succeeds by playing a role that is acceptable to the white, dominant population. this role sets particular standards that other black, homeless males cannot meet or choose not to engage in. whether his character is a victim or agent within this narrative, the results are still the same – he is a minstrel. chapter summary in this chapter i have illustrated the textual and visual microaggressions within the stories, comments, and imagery. while there were no microassaults, i identified two microinsults relating to being a second-class citizen and the assumption of exceptionalism. there were also two microinvalidations identified, those of divine assistance and significant absences. in the final section, i used these microaggressive themes to demonstrate how our narratives draw from the historic minstrel shows and to illuminate how williams becomes a one-man minstrel for the dominant cultures’ entertainment. instead of following in williams’ footsteps of using his new-found fame to highlight the realities of homelessness, the articles focus on williams’ personal issues that reinforce several of the stereotypes of race and homelessness such as addiction, failure to manage money, and family struggles. the digital narrative created for him presents him as an entertainer. this actually tells us more about how we think about and treat marginalized individuals, than providing real information about williams. rather than consider the plight of poverty and homelessness, we see this as an individual issue that with some hard work or talent, one can easily overcome. a black homeless man with a “discoverable” talent becomes an object for exploitation, instead of a subject in need of help. just as black actors have historically been limited to minstrel-defined roles to appease white audiences, the same is true for williams, who has made homelessness more palatable to the domiciled and dominant culture. figure . : image of ted williams by doral chenoweth iii. photo courtesy of doral chenoweth iii and the columbus dispatch. figure . : screen capture of williams doing the opening for today on january , . figure . : screen capture of reunion of williams and his mother julia on january , . you can see two of the many camera men and photographers present at the reunion. chapter stepin fetchit of the streets: the digital narrative of jeffrey hillman it’s all right to tell a man to lift himself by his own bootstraps, but it is a cruel jest to say to a bootless man that he ought to lift himself by his own bootstraps. —martin luther king, jr., ''remaining awake through a great revolution,'' march , this second analysis chapter examines articles, four videos, three images, and comments related to jeffrey hillman, the black homeless man who was given a new pair of boots by a police officer who saw him sitting barefoot against a storefront window in new york city in november, . the image was captured by a tourist and, after being posted to facebook, quickly went viral. while the police officer was heralded as a hero, the actions of jeffrey hillman resulted in him being villainized by the media and others when they once again saw him walking barefoot. hillman’s choice to hide the boots rather than wear them caused individuals to assume the worst resulting in the emergence of the most negative stereotypes related to race and homelessness. in the following sections, i will (a) provide an overview of the data that i analyzed, (b) summarize the story the story and characters, (c) examine the stories, comments, and images for instances of microaggressions, and (d) examine the digital narrative that is constructed through the use of microaggressions to illustrate how traditional online media invokes historic stereotypes within the narrative. from where the stories came overview of the data the data used to analyze jeffrey williams was retrieved from the following sources: national public radio (npr.org), that featured four articles, one video, one image, and comments; the grio (thegrio.com) that ran three articles, two videos, one image, and comments; and usa today (usatoday.com) that ran seven articles, one video, three images, and comments. additional information regarding hillman’s background was gathered from other news sources to fill in the gaps left by my data set. none of the background data were included in my analysis. from invisible to infamous a shoeless man sat on the sidewalk leaning up against a building on a cold november night in new york city in . a young police officer, later identified as lawrence deprimo, momentarily stopped to talk with him and then disappeared into a nearby shoe store. he returned with a brand-new pair of $ skechers boots and a pair of socks (diblasio, ). the officer knelt by the man and helped him get his bare feet shoed. unbeknownst to the officer and shoeless man, jennifer foster, a tourist from arizona, captured the event on her cell phone camera. after returning home from her trip, foster contacted the new york police department to share the story of what she saw. the police department gained permission from foster to post the photo on their facebook page, neither identifying the officer nor shoeless man. the photo quickly went viral as it was shared hundreds of thousands of times in a matter of hours (peralta, ) which quickly led to the identification of the police officer. for several days in november, the story and image were not only shared, but became national and international stories. the officer was heralded as a hero for his act of kindness, but what of the shoeless man? several days following the initial post, the new york times identified the shoeless man as jeffrey hillman, who was once again wandering the streets barefoot (memmottt, a). the focus of the one-time feel-good story about officer deprimo’s action immediately changed to why hillman was again barefoot. articles began to emerge identifying hillman’s successful brothers, his veteran status, his apartment, and his government benefits. also, parts of a short interview with the new york times were interspersed into the stories with short quotes like "those shoes are hidden. they are worth a lot of money" (memmott, a) or that hillman wanted “a piece of the pie” because his photo was used “without permission” (diblasio, ). these stories painted a much different picture of the situation, reinforcing the worst stereotypes related to race and homelessness. it should be pointed out that hillman never identified himself as homeless; the assumption was made by reporters and/or media outlets. unfortunately, the vast majority of stories, including the ones in this study, failed to address issues of race or homelessness, letting this one incident define this one “homeless” man, as well as homeless people in general. the initial story about the kind act resulted in numerous positive comments in the articles examined. most focused on the officer and the importance of giving back and helping. very few of the commenters addressed the issue of homelessness, except to express peripheral comments, provide advice about giving, or share their own giving stories, and there was not a single negative comment directed at homeless people. however, as the stories began to focus on hillman, the officer’s act became less commented on as individuals suddenly began to focus on hillman and homeless people in general. additionally, the fewer the details in the article, the more comments. in fact, the last story written about hillman in the usatoday.com (makin, ) provided details of his experiences and life but received zero comments, although many could have used this story as a validation of their beliefs. while this could suggest the story is no longer relevant and worth commenting on, it may also suggest that when individuals can no longer affect the narrative they become disinterested in the story. although the articles that i examined ran between november , and january , , additional media coverage continued into march attempting to reveal details of hillman’s life. creating hillman’s digital narrative through microaggressive communication similarly to chapter on ted williams, i continue to extend the previous taxonomy and themes to consider the intersectionality of social status and race as a category in which to examine microaggressions. seven microaggressive themes were found throughout the stories, comments, videos, and images: waging stereotypical attacks, asserting harm or violence, second-class citizen, deviance in earnings or criminality, and intellectual inferiority, assumption of sameness, and significant absences. research by the engaging news project found that the top five reasons to comment were to express an emotion or opinion, to correct inaccuracies or misinformation, to take part in the debate, to add information, and to balance the discussion (stroud, van duyn, alizor, alibhai, & lang, ). microassaults as noted in chapter , microassaults are one category of microaggressions that include conscious and deliberate race- or class-based beliefs that are communicated to marginalized groups through environmental cues, behaviors, and language (solorzano, ceja, & yosso, ; sue, ). microassaults are meant to hurt the target. with today’s condemnation of overtly racist, sexist, and classist language, sue and capodilupo ( ) note that most perpetrators of these acts do so in protected or anonymous places, such as graffiti, anonymous postings, or within an organization or with people having similar views. as such, online discussions, with true identities that are often masked with avatars and pseudonyms, have become common ways for individuals to invoke microassaults. under the category of microassaults, two themes emerged within the articles and comments: waging stereotypical attacks and assertion of harm or violence. waging stereotypical attacks this theme directly reflects sue et al. ( ) and sue’s ( ) microassault category as we see the use of stereotypes that demean and humiliate based on identity, whether it be race and/or class. the initial stories focused on the act of the officer, his kindness, how the photographer knew this was a special moment, and that the officer did not consider how much the boots cost. even the quotes used had positive connotations toward the shoeless man from the officer and photographer. however, once articles emerged about hillman seen again without the boots, the tone and focus of the articles and comments changed, frequently drawing upon stereotypes of black and homeless individuals. one of the first issues that became prevalent under this theme was the assumption that hillman was using drugs and alcohol. two of the articles written alluded to issues of drugs and alcohol. in memmott’s article, he wrote “this story reminded us of the tale of ted williams, the homeless man in columbus, ohio, who in january got national attention for his golden voice... he also, though, went in and out of rehab” ( a). not only did memmott refer back to another black homeless man, but also linked them both to drugs and alcohol, even though there is no other information in this article stating hillman is or was an addict. also, his use of “us” is interesting as we do not know who “us” is. the use of “us” suggests an implied author or speaker who is not an actual person, but rather a set of constructs “understood as the values, beliefs, and norms conveyed” by the speaker or author (shenhav, , p. ). the use of an implied author or speaker suggests a strategic move by the writer to convey certain messages to reinforce specific narratives, in this case the link between black, homeless men and substance abuse. usatoday.com also attempted to make these stereotypical connections. in diblasio’s ( ) article, she used quotes from the nyc commissioner of homeless services, seth diamond, to draw connections between hillman and substance abuse. at one point diamond is noted as saying, “…he is not engaged in a healthy lifestyle…” and a few sentences later diamond addresses the initial problems of homelessness “…mental health, substance abuse, physical issues, employment” (diblasio, ). although diamond does not specifically state that hillman is mentally ill or using drugs and alcohol, by noting he does not engage in a healthy lifestyle and then referring to substance abuse as a primary cause of homelessness, that connection is easily drawn as it plays on the stereotypes to which most individuals have been exposed. note that at this point in the articles readers have no explanation as to why hillman is homeless. however, economics has been cited as the number one cause of homelessness among black people, not substance abuse (rosenheck, leda, frisman, & gallup, ). although for some substance abuse can lead to homelessness, the national coalition for the homeless (ncfth, ) pointed out the substance abuse is often the result rather than cause of homelessness. unlike the articles that make indirect connections between hillman and drug or alcohol abuse, those who comment are much more direct and vocal in making this connection. in a response to a commenter who said hillman may have sold or traded the boots for money or food, tim rodgers ( ) responded, “more like alcohol or drugs.” tony mathis echoed similar sentiments when in a response to another s/he noted, “judge,judge,judge [sic] is what would've kept me and many others from giving this guy anything he could sell for more drugs or alcohol” ( ). multiple individuals referenced the boots being “smoked.” for instance, chris montgomery ( ) suggested, “hhmmm.....those boots got smoked.” not everyone assumed drugs, but there were also many references to alcohol. for example, john foreskinsky ( ) feigned a laugh while stating “haha dollar boots. he traded them for a bottle of booze” and charlie eschler ( ) countered, “my guess would be cheap wine.” john terrones ( ) not only insulted hillman, but lumped all homeless people together as drunks by noting, “i have been approached by homeless people panhandling and they smelled of booze…” all these commenters assume that hillman is nothing more than an alcoholic or drug abuser, without knowing any facts about him. other commenters were much more aggressive, like chrissy crunch ( ) who stated, “yes, nothing helps psychotic drug users quite like national media attention” and vincent green ( ) who referred to hillman as a “dope feind [sic]!!!” again, as there was no information about why hillman was wandering the streets, these comments simply draw from one’s own habitus and doxa. of course, not just issues of substance abuse emerge in the articles and comments, but also issues of entitlement, which frequently invoke racial stereotyping. as smith and reddington point out, ronald reagan labeled a poor black mother as a “welfare queen” during his presidential campaign ( , p. ). the characteristics of laziness and greed have since become embedded in the stereotype of those receiving any type of entitlement, especially black individuals. rather than let the image and story be about the officer’s action, media coverage continued tracking and uncovering various details about hillman. the new york times article provided enough information about hillman that by the next day the news was rife with stories that discovered hillman was not truly homeless. hillman himself never claimed to be homeless; rather, the news articles labeled him as such, with headlines like “homeless man given boots by nyc police officer chooses to go barefoot again” (memmott, a) and “nyc homeless man shoeless again despite boots” (associated press, ). in fact, he had been receiving services from the department of homelessness since and had lived in an apartment through veteran affairs supportive housing since (diblasio, ). these stories implied that this one-time perceptibly needy individual was no longer deserving of the boots. rather than own to the fact that newspapers made an error in assuming hillman was homeless and dropping the story, the tables were turned to focus on hillman as someone undeserving of the boots, which ultimately could serve to harm other homeless or impoverished individuals. the comments in the stories were rampant with stereotypical assumptions associated with entitlements and the earnings of those living on the streets. one of the biggest misconceptions of those who panhandle is that they get or make huge amounts of tax free dollars while living on the streets. while some panhandlers can make more money, a study by bose and whang ( ) in toronto reported that the median daily income from panhandling was $ and monthly income was $ . when monthly income from other sources was added in, the median monthly income rose to $ . similar results were reported by a study from gls research in san francisco that found approximately % of panhandlers made $ or less per day and % earned up to $ per day (knight, ). marion josey baker ( ) feeds into the narrative that homeless people who panhandle earn substantial income when she wrote, “i have heard of people begging on the streets & living in $ , . apts [sic] in n.y. ? pulling in over $ ,k a year begging, tax free ?” calonie johnson ( ) echoed this belief that homeless people fare better than others when s/he wrote, "this man gets more funding than many who work! he gets all this government & vet help…, help from family and former classmates …, got $ boots from the cop…” calonie johnson does not consider that public funding is not a great amount, and just because his family and friends say they offer help in a newspaper article, does not mean it is true or is even enough to survive on. additional comments suggest the homeless populations in the united states “have it made.” andrew miller ( ) suggested “our poor live like royalty compared to the world, and more is asked for” and steven jackson ( ) responded to him noting “usa [sic] homeless get $ k a year…” again, this assumption that those who are homeless or living in poverty are surviving just fine goes against the national statistics. as explained by kylyssa shay, a former homeless individual turned activist, homeless individuals risk assault, parasites or disease, separation from family members and pets, lack of privacy, and danger of theft ( ). while the vast majority of commenters did not assume hillman was making huge profits, many did assume he was abusing and not deserving of public funds and donations. forrest steele ( ) and alex strewing ( ) both suggested that there are too many handouts causing some to forget what it is like to earn money while taking away from those who really need help. one of the most hateful comments related to entitlement issues came from evan rees ( ) who wrote “typical!!! another [sic] good deed that is done to an entitlement maggot!!! now he wants cash so that he can finish his pathetic life off, give him payment in heroin!!!” this sentiment does not consider the fact that some of the entitlement money that is provided is limited and does not always cover things like clothing, access to transportation, a healthy diet, or other items that those with money take for granted. additionally, his call to give hillman heroin so he can finish off his life not only ties into the assumption above that he abuses drugs, but also ties into the next theme of violence toward homeless people, discussed shortly. stereotypical attacks are waged not only about homelessness, but also about race. while there are not egregious racial remarks, there are many that link race, homelessness, and politics. this link was clearly established during the reagan administration in the s with reagan’s rhetoric on race and changes to the mental health and social services funding (de costa núñez, ; smith & reddington, ) as christy shaw steadman explained, i will not be dropping money into the red kettle this year. the people who are most often "helped" by it are now being serviced by their "savior" obama... i, for one, am tired of seeing moms, grandma's and auntees signing the same child up to multiple registries and cleaning up at christmas...they want the obama safety net, they can have it... ( ) this comment links homelessness and race by referencing obama as “their savior” and saying “he bought their vote” which references black voters as well as drawing on the stereotype of the welfare queen. this writer will not give to charity as it only helps poor people of color, who are clearly undeserving based on this one man. also referencing president obama is robert kelly who wrote, “he's [hillman] damn lucky that a white cop felt sorry for his cold, bare feet & bought him $ boots!...let obama buy him some $ k-art/target [sic] boots made in china!” noting that the cop is white and then immediately mentioning obama draws specific racial divides. it is fascinating as obama has nothing to do with this story, yet he is used to draw connections to this particular plight. by continuing to link president obama, commenters invoke cultural racism, suggesting that our black president and his policies are a direct cause of homelessness and entitlements. but it is not just references to obama that connect race, homelessness, and politics. robert kelly tried to connect hillman to joyce brown, a black homeless woman in new york who was involuntarily placed in a mental institution under ed koch. although there was no reference to hillman behaving in an improper manner or specifically needing mental health assistance, he was immediately connected to another black homeless person from a newsworthy event that happened almost years ago. brown made news when she fought involuntary commitment as a way to get many homeless people off the streets. through his comment, it appears that robert kelly is trying to link brown and hillman, making hillman another crazy, black person needing to be removed from the streets. several comments, including one from article author mark memmott ( a), make connections between hillman and ted williams. these types of linkages continue to perpetuate the link between race, homelessness, and laziness or entitlements, rather than considering other causes for the higher percentages of homeless black individuals. it also gives the sense that all black individuals are the same, a theme that will be touched on later. assertion of harm or violence a second theme under the category of microassaults is a theme of violence against hillman. while the theme of waging stereotypical attacks fits within sue’s ( ) initial concepts of microassaults and the findings of clark, et al ( ), the assertion of harm has not yet been identified as a theme within microaggression literature. this is a particularly important theme as this attitude that individuals are so devalued that they can be physically harmed or killed may directly lead to the macroaggressions such as the recent violence between police and black males and the hate crimes and violence experienced by homeless populations (ncfth, ). although there are no references of harm toward hillman or other homeless individuals found within the actual articles, hillman is quoted as saying “he could lose his life” because of the value of the boots (memmott, a); however, the comments have multiple examples of violence toward hillman. the comments under this theme are particularly egregious as they imply that this man, as well as other homeless individuals, are so devalued that their lives do not matter. this invokes fiske’s ( ) prejudicial responses study that found images of homeless people failed to cause a brain response, suggesting that homeless people are not even perceived as human beings. a first layer of these violent comments makes light of the realities of life of the street. mark benninger ( ) seemed to realize that living on the street can be dangerous if you have new items when he wrote, “out on the streets, he has a bull's eye on him with those sketchers [sic]. need to scuff them up and rub some feces on em [sic]. he'd probably still get capped for them.” while this comment is not a particular threat, it seems to matter-of-factly lack any concern at all for hillman or others. it also takes on a racial connotation with the particular use of the word “capped.” the term “capped” is an urban slang term meaning shot (urbandictionary.com, n.d.). the term is often used in movies and associated with gangs and men of color. none of the other online dictionaries define capped as a synonym for shot. building on the first layer of violent comments, a second layer of comments emerges that appear to be more of a direct threat toward hillman. these comments refer to the forcefulness of removing the boots from hillman’s feet. frank westminster ( ) wrote, “yeah. if he had chosen to wear the boots, they'd probably find him with his feet cut off and them [sic] and the boots gone.” as the ncfth ( ) explained, violence within homeless populations and violence directed at homeless individuals is a real problem. this type of comment mocks this serious issue and discredits a very realistic concern expressed by hillman. a second comment by john soriano ( ) directly suggests harming hillman when he penned, “‘i once complained that i had no shoes until i saw a man with no feet’. what i'm saying here is: let's take his feet!” other comments continue on this thread and one even suggested that the officer kill hillman and get a refund on the boots (darryl thixton, ). even if these comments may have been in jest, to suggest violence against hillman reifies racist and classist attitudes to the poor and working-class populations as being unworthy of help or support. a third layer of violent language is the most deplorable as it actually advocates violence against hillman and other “ungrateful” individuals. ron thiem ( ) stated “this guy deserves to get ran over by a truck!” and iam maicaw ( ) suggested “… thinning the ungrateful part of the herd…” both of these comments tie together issues associated with entitlement and violence, which suggests that those who seek out help and support should be grateful for whatever they are given or else be punished. in sum, these layers of violence suggest that those who are less fortunate are less significant and therefore disposable. most of these violent comments remained unchallenged by others. while there are multiple reasons for this – agreement, not wanting to engage in that type of discussion, or assuming it is meant to be humorous – it suggests this type of communication is not harmful. however, with the recent election of donald trump and the increase in hate speech and crime, we can see that this type of communication may be the first step leading to violent actions. throughout this category of microassaults, the themes of stereotypical attacks and violence highlight the ways in which those who comment demean, defile, and impair homeless individuals, especially those of color. these types of comments are deliberately meant to hurt the victims through name-calling and other forms of discriminatory action (sue et al., ; clark et al., ). this also represents bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence, the imposition of meaning and symbolism upon lower class groups, accepted as legitimate ( ). through these comments, homeless people are portrayed as the cause of their own problem. if we got rid of them, the problem of homelessness would go away. the lack of challenges to these comments validates the stereotypes and suggest that this man is deserving of violence or even death. microinsults the next three themes reflect the category of microinsults. microinsults are often unintentionally rude, insensitive or demeaning to a person’s identity (sue et. al., ). within this category, the themes of second-class citizen, deviance in earnings or criminality, and inferior intelligence are present. second-class citizens the first theme in this category is that of the second-class citizen. this theme revolves around the idea that hillman is less worthy or a lesser being, that he causes problems, and that homeless people are all the same. the stigma of homelessness serves to unfairly exploit hillman’s rights and privileges as a united states citizen. thus, allowing the media and citizens to track him, post information about his life and family, and make public judgements and assessments of his health and intelligence. one of the most problematic actions that the newspapers take in relation to making hillman a second-class citizen is simply continuing to research and publish information about his life. officer deprimo was made a hero after giving hillman boots with positive articles and images. these included deprimo formally receiving awards, participating on talk shows, or on duty. he is described as young and handsome, and he is visually white. several of the stories referred to comments like he “really didn’t think about the money” (kim, ), he keeps the receipt in his vest “to remind me that sometimes people have it worse” (peralta, ), and that he credits his grandfather for the good deed (diblasio, ). all of this information paints deprimo in a very positive light. there is nothing in the stories and the photos that seem to look into his background or second-guess his actions. additionally, he is given a voice in the stories about his actions. unlike diprimo’s background, hillman’s background was thoroughly investigated. first, there was no need to find out and report on who hillman was. the gesture captured on film was enough to create a positive holiday story; readers did not need to know who the recipient was. second, for the newspaper to track him down when he was not wearing the boots to find out why is an invasion of privacy. we do not know why hillman lives the life he does and for his image to be shared and identified could potentially put his well-being in danger. third, for the papers to investigate his background and report on it has little to do with the initial story. whereas thegrio.com ran one follow-up story once hillman was seen without the boots, npr.org ran three and usatoday.com ran five stories and a video ranging from december , to january , . each paper had a systematic process for covering details of this story, but made no effort to gather first-hand information from hillman. this illustrates embedded racism and/or classism within these media outlets. because none of these stories provided any content designed to help give readers and viewers an understanding of homelessness, the personal nature and lack of context reified stereotypes associated with race and homelessness. finally, with the exception of the january , video and story by usatoday.com, hillman is given very little voice. this is consistent with findings by campbell ( ), roberts ( ), and rubin ( ) that note both black individuals and homeless individuals are often silenced in articles regarding their own situations. each of the sources examined has a modified version of the same associated press story originally posted on nytimes.com on december , . at some point each source utilizes the same soundbites from hillman noting some version of “those shoes are hidden. they are worth a lot of money,” “i could lose my life,” and “i was put on youtube, i was put on everything without permission. what do i get? this went around the world, and i want a piece of the pie” (santora & vadukul, ). to further marginalize a homeless person by repeatedly running nonessential articles about him illustrates that he has been made a second-class citizen without the same respect that was given to the officer. additionally, the stories in usatoday.com enhance this notion that somehow hillman and others are second-class citizens by suggesting compassion towards homeless people may result in more harm than help. the article writer, michael medved, explained that the “boots did nothing to spark redemption or renewal” for hillman. he went on to say that this type of giving compassion for sidewalk beggars “only encourages their ongoing pattern of self-destructive behavior” ( ). medved suggested it is better to give to organizations rather than individuals, as unconditional giving “only makes it easier for them to survive on the streets” ( ). medved’s comments suggest that homeless individuals have chosen this life on the street, that there are more than enough resources, and that homeless individuals are undeserving of individual compassion. while there are a number of agencies designed to help homeless individuals, the ncfth stated that a lack of employment opportunities and a decline in public assistance are two factors that account for increased poverty and contribute to homelessness ( ). in a report, the ncfth addressed additional challenges as some local and state governments are trying to restrict and criminalize groups and individuals from food sharing. additionally, the ncfth found that cities are banning encampments for homeless populations and forcibly removing them, causing the loss and destruction of personal property including documents, valuables, and medications ( ). because of the shift in funding priorities to permanent supportive houses over emergency and transitional housing, there are currently more people experiencing homelessness each night than there are emergency and transitional beds (ncfth, a). saying that individuals living on the street do not deserve compassion and outreach clearly casts them as second-class citizens. the reader comments continue to perpetuate hillman’s second-class status as well. in many cases, the notion that he could be hurt or killed is mocked by commenters, while others suggest he should be given used or old clothes to prevent personal harm. for instance, sam lange wrote, “now that this story has gotten out, possibly someone will get mr [sic] hillman a pair of used tennis shoes or other shoes, that look "less attractive" to others who would kill for them.” the idea of giving itself was also challenged. rob cardosi implied personal giving is pointless, “… and the homeless man , [sic] has traded what should have been gratitude and warmth for cold and despair. helping these people is best servred [sic] in soup kitchens etc [sic] so you know their [sic] getting fed etc [sic].” this comment suggests that homeless individuals need nothing but a warm meal to get by. all of these comments imply homeless people have no desire to change, therefore they do not need the same type of things as working, domiciled individuals. there seems to be the assumption that wearing those boots would somehow change hillman’s life. so, by not wearing them he becomes an ingrate. wearing those boots would not put food in his belly, a roof over his head, or garner him a job. rather, hillman panhandles and collects and sells the shoes to supplement the entitlements he frequently refuses (makin, ). even though hillman has found a creative way to live without many of the entitlements, he is still considered “less than” as he lives an unconventional lifestyle. assumption of deviance and criminality paralleling the idea that hillman is a second-class citizen and abuses entitlements is the idea that his way of receiving income is a scam, deviant, or even criminal. a follow-up interview and article by bob makin in the home news tribune, which was run in usatoday.com, noted that he had a drug problem and police record in the past ( ). it also explained that hillman would rather panhandle than take his medicine and work, further noting that he would often place fresh food in a garbage can and pull it out so he appeared to be eating spoiled or tossed out food to garner more contributions. while the article said hillman is reversing his behavior by doing a better job at taking his medicine and taking advantage of his disability check and subsidized apartment, it still portrayed him as criminally deviant within the vast majority of the article. while showing that his life is riddled with difficulties, it does nothing to tackle why homeless individuals make the choices they do relating to earning cash or other necessities. the comments also illustrate this theme of earning money in a deviant or criminal way. according to charlotte farofalo ( ), “[hillman] is a known scammer in times square who never has on shoes. poor rookie got duped out of $ by a confirmed crack head.” david williams ( ) suggested “the lack of boots is his schick [sic], how he makes his money.” these comments propose that those who give have been duped, rather than actually helping. in a report by the u.s. department of housing and urban development (hud), it was found that on one particular night in january there were more than half-a-million people living on the streets, in cars, in shelters, or in transitional housing ( ). it is possible that this number is higher as many are beyond the reach of the survey. while it is easy to find any number of stories about homeless scams, consider also that hillman and other homeless individuals are forced to or choose to earn money in what most would consider unconventional ways. because an individual does not use a gift in a way that the majority would expect does not mean that it was a scam or that it was used “inappropriately.” as hillman explained, he often collects shoes and sells the surplus (makin, ). this idea of deviance is reflected by comments failing to consider the sacrifices and health risks many homeless individuals undertake in order to survive. several commenters suggested that the scam is that once individuals receive certain items they hide them in order to get more (yogurt head, ; observe reason, ). many commenters’ own perceptions, coupled with out-of-context quotations in the articles, serve to reinforce these negative perceptions of hillman, rather than challenge them. some commenters even state that is it easy to sit out in the cold. for many this is not a choice they make, but rather they are forced to just to earn enough in a day or week to get by. not to mention, the idea of subjecting one’s body to some of these temperatures is by no means pleasant or healthy. as explained by the national alliance to end homelessness (naeh), health care bills are a major cause of bankruptcy, which leads many into homelessness. these physical and mental health issues become exacerbated by life on the streets (naeh, ). finally, many individuals use hillman’s comment about “wanting a piece of the pie” against him. while some point out there really is no piece of the pie as it is social media and no one is profiting, they fail to realize that the newspapers are profiting by taking advantage of this man. additionally, officer deprimo and jennifer foster (the photographer) were honored, interviewed on television and in magazines, and garnered respect from those around them. while there may not have been direct profit, officer deprimo was later promoted in conjunction with this event. we also need to consider that hillman was essentially being stalked by individuals and reporters trying to find out where the boots were and why he was not wearing them. this type of behavior by journalists and citizens may have hindered hillman’s ability to garner contributions, causing a negative impact on his life. commenters like sharon bowers ( ) mentioned that “if he's smart enough to want a piece of the pie, he is smart enough to work.” while jack murtaugh assumed, [hillman] has some functioning mind more than many... to pursue royalities [sic] on his picture released nationally. that's the stuff of a well groomed business entrepreneur, not a down and out poor soul...then he seems to be working the system well, with gov't agencies falling over each other to accommodate [sic] his needs. ( ) these comments suggest that hillman is smart enough to work, but instead chooses to scam the system. while it is possible hillman is capable enough to hold a job, it might be difficult for him to get one because of his background. in addition, the likelihood of him getting a job that pays him well enough to afford his own housing and medical care is probably unrealistic. he is certainly not going to get a high paying business gig like jack murtaugh implied he has the skills for. as the ncfth ( ) addressed, low wages, less secure jobs, and fewer benefits continue to erode the opportunities to emerge from homelessness. unlike ted williams, in the previous chapter, he has not demonstrated a particular talent or persona that is drawing positive attention from others. as such, hillman, like other homeless and black individuals, is likely trapped in a cycle of homelessness. this concept of deviance in earnings or criminality assumes that a homeless person and/or a black person is somehow a criminal based solely on his social status. intellectual inferiority the final theme under the microinsults category focuses on the assumptions about why individuals end up homeless. the majority of those who commented on why hillman was homeless fall into two camps. one believes that hillman is mentally ill. the other asserts homelessness by choice or bad decision making. both of these concepts suggest that somehow hillman and other homeless individuals have some deficit of intelligence, either mental illness or the inability to make good decisions. as noted prior, mental illness is found in about % of homeless individuals (samsha, ; nami, nd) and economics (un- and underemployment and lack of affordable housing) are the top reasons for homelessness (ncfth, ). some of the articles touched on mental illness (diblasio, ; medved, ; simon, ) citing comments from the department of homeless services, but only one article (makin, ) took the time to talk to hillman about this issue. another article by makin ( ) quoted several of hillman’s childhood friends making comments about hillman being full of life and coming from a good family. while none of these directly suggested mental illness, there is an underlying assumption there must be something wrong with him to end up this way. none of these articles made any effort to address the issues associated with mental illness and homelessness; this lack of information ultimately supports the belief that mental illness is a primary factor relating to homelessness. in fact, as the national alliance on mental illness (nami, nd) reported, about % of homeless individuals suffer from mental illness and % live with mental illness and/or substance abuse. that suggests over % of homeless individuals have other reasons for being homeless. both the suggestion of mental illness and the failure to talk about it allows the misinformation of mental illness as a leading reason for homelessness to be perpetuated. this serves as a microinsult because it provides a mechanism to keep homeless black males in a helpless and inferior role. the comments further perpetuate the connection between homelessness and mental illness. for instance, t bacon ( ), challenged “lets [sic] also consider the possibility that the reason he is declining the boots for fear of being beaten is symptomatic of mental illness.” additionally, lincoln shepherd ( ) asked, “what person in there [sic] right mind would be sitting in the cold with no shoes??? yeah a mentally ill person.” finally, richard torres further reinforces the assumption that most homeless people have mental illness when he explained, “this goes to show that most of these homeless people are mentally ill and not lazy or down on their luck.” although richard torres attempted to challenge the notion that homeless people are simply lazy or going through a rough patch, he ultimately reinforces another stereotype. by attributing mental illness as a cause of homelessness it absolves those in white dominant society from having to face that racism and discrimination are actual factors that lead to homelessness. rather than recognize the various causes of homelessness and work toward real solutions, many commenters seem to be content with placing the blame and the responsibility of finding solutions on families and government. a second issue under this notion of intellectual inferiority has to do with poor life and lifestyle choices. for instance, j.g. ( ) asserted that “i am still going with my assertion that most impoverished are impoverished because of their own poor choices in life.” even more cynical is frank westminster ( ) who stated, “the reason is because the poor continue to do that which got them poor in the first place and the rich continue to do that which made them rich.” this comment is particularly offensive because it assumes that everyone has equal choices and chances with their education, jobs, and experiences and that some people just choose poorly. it does not take into account what bourdieu ( ) called cultural capital, which allows those in a higher status to have more opportunities within society. the repercussions of choices are often based on privileges and power that are not equally distributed across society. those who have power do not often recognize the lack of power or choices experienced by others. while some claim poor choices resulted in homelessness, others believe that some choose homelessness. as joni butler ( ) explained, “in my experience from knowing and meeting a handfull [sic] of homelss [sic] people over the years, chronic homelessness appears to be mostly the result of choice.” oscar myer ( ) was less compassionate when he wrote, “some people choose to be homeless just like others choose to take heroin or go into debt. just because we choose to do stuff that others deem bad for us is not necessarily an indication of mental illness.” while it may be a choice to take drugs, we do not always know what led an individual to that decision and to assume people chose to go into debt is a complete fallacy. although some individuals do have poor money management skills, the biggest causes of debt are job loss, medical bills, divorce, and underemployment (bucci, ; homeaid.org, nd; naed, ), not choice. while there may be some subcultures who choose homelessness as a lifestyle, most homeless individuals are not there as a first choice. physician amitha kalaichandran ( ) noted that individuals make the best choice presented to them based on the knowledge they have at that moment. for some the best option for them is to sleep on the street away from violence found in homes or shelters; for others the street is the only viable option. as former homeless individual and current writer and political activist tanene allison ( ) explained, the myth of choice is used to relieve the cognitive dissonance caused by the “disconnect between the success we believe is possible and the existence of homelessness” (p. ). these assumptions about homelessness allow those in privileged positions to ignore their own privilege and power and adhere to the idea that anything outside their “ideal” or “normal” living situation is caused by some type of intellectual deficiency impairing decision making. within the microinsult category, the themes of second-class citizen, deviance in earnings/criminality, and intellectual inferiority illustrate how those who write the articles and comments serve to keep homeless people, especially those of color, in less powerful positions. these types of comments may not be deliberate, but they hurt the victims by blaming them for their situations (sue et al., ; clark et al., ). while there are although there were a few online news articles stating that less than % of the homeless in the united states are homeless by choice, none of them cited the source. additionally, none of the national agencies reported statistics or facts about homelessness by choice. some challenges to these comments, the vast majority of them support the stereotypes and assumptions associated with race and homelessness. microinvalidations the final category of microaggressions are microinvalidations. these are the types of communications that subtly exclude, negate, or nullify the reality of the marginalized group. along with the microinsults, these are less obvious and the individuals perpetuating these acts do not realize they are being offensive. there are two themes within this category within the context of the articles and comments. the first is assumption of sameness that suggests all homeless people are the same. the second relates to the significant absences within the articles and comments. assumption of sameness the first theme associated with this category makes all homeless people seem to have similar experiences or connect homeless individuals in some way. this theme draws from sue’s ( ) myth of meritocracy, but extends it beyond simply asserting that race or class do not play a role in life successes by connecting race as a common denominator. one of the first ways that assumptions of sameness appear is through the articles. memmott ( a) drew connections between hillman and ted williams (from the prior chapter) because they both got national attention and both went in and out of rehab. drawing the connection between these two black homeless men as gaining national attention is not problematic, but the addition of the comment, “he also, though, went in and out of rehab” (memmott, a) implies hillman also has a substance problem, even though there is nothing in the article about it. a column by michael medved ( ) reinforces this idea of sameness by arguing that many homeless individuals suffer from addiction or mental illness so giving them money only “encourages their ongoing pattern of self-destructive behavior.” he further suggested that giving them money makes it easier for them to survive on the streets. these ideas harken back to the microinsult notion that for some reason individuals are choosing to live on the streets rather than getting jobs or staying in shelters, when that has been repeatedly cited as inaccurate. as previously cited from nami, ncfth, and other sources, homelessness is caused by a multitude of situations and there is not always safe and/or available housing for those on the street. for some, the change that you give them might be the difference in being able to get access to shelter or food. within the comment sections, the assumption of sameness takes on a similar notion with david oswald who wrote, “homeless people are all the same,homeless ![sic]” some even made the connection like mark memmott to “the homeless dude with the ‘voice’…who threw it [job and house] all away again…” (rick dunay, ), assuming that both hillman and williams, like other homeless people, simply throw their chances away. as noted earlier in the chapter, another commenter associated hillman with joyce brown from years ago. this connects race, homelessness, and mental illness without taking into consideration these were vastly different situations, as joyce brown was forced into a mental institution. these comments serve to connect race as a unifying factor of homelessness. they also illustrate how the media stories often focus on race for their most uplifting or most deviant stories (larson, ). as noted in the literature review, scholars have found that stories regarding homeless people emphasize the otherness that allows people to assume that those who are different than the white, dominant culture are deviant and that is why they are in the situation in which they find themselves (buck, toro, & ramos, ; lind & danowski, ; mcnulty, ). some commenters suggested that homeless individuals are simply playing the system. forrest steele ( ) wrote, “whatever [hillman’s] problems he is emblematic that throwing money at them is a waste. i have long realized that there is a stratum of our society that fares far better on government benefits.” other individuals connected homelessness in the united states to other countries. ronna goldstein ( ) reflected “my mom went to guetamala [sic] with. [sic] friend [sic] who was adopting a child from there [sic] they saw a freezing little boy gave him a coat the next day he didn't have it, his mom sold it for smokes…” the first question is, how does this person know what the boy’s mom did? secondly, how does that relate to hillman? these comments draw from the worst stereotypes to come to conclusions that all those who experience homelessness are the same type of people. these comments serve to devalue the varied experiences of homeless individuals and disregard the connection between race and homelessness by not recognizing the role that race and class status plays in life successes. significant absences the final theme relates to what is left out of the articles and comments. this theme dwells on what we do not hear about, as well as what information is heard and who provides that information. this is significant because microinvalidations function to nullify the reality of those in the marginalized group. by not hearing from them or about their situation, we silence their experience. one of the first items that we notice in the stories is the lack of information provided about homelessness. the focus is on the person, either officer deprimo or jeffrey hillman. not a single story addressed any of the causes of homelessness, with the exception of a few comments related to mental illness or abuse. with the exception of a commentary piece by scott simon ( ) that mentioned homelessness as a complicated issue and the opinion article by michael medved ( ) that advocated our compassionate giving may hurt homeless people, none of the articles take on the complicated nature and causes of homelessness as a societal issue, but rather blame homeless people. this is similar to whang and min’s ( ) research findings. another way the articles had silences was by muting the voice of jeffrey hillman. although many of the articles used soundbites from hillman, they pulled them from an ap news article and provided little contextualization for them. this is similar to reeves’ ( ) findings that the media covering homeless people use discourse that makes homeless individuals sound incoherent, and the finding by schneider, chamberlain, and hodgetts ( ) that a small percent of words quoted were from the homeless subjects. the only reporter who gave voice to hillman was makin ( ) who actually interviewed him. while the text has hillman’s voice, the accompanying video makes hillman sound incoherent and focused primarily on hillman’s white friend (see the next section on visual microaggressions). aside from the article authors, the only other voices we hear are from experts or supportive friends relating to hillman’s care and needs. as noted by cress and snow ( ) and greenberg, may, and elliot ( ) this creates an us-versus-them relationship between those with and without a home, resulting in the domiciled not really having to think about homelessness. this significant absence is also seen in the comments. just like the reporters who rely on “experts” and “friends” to tell us about hillman, many of the commenters suggest they are the experts. this allows them the ability to narrate hillman’s story, rather than allowing hillman to have a voice in what caused his homelessness. for instance, on multiple occasions danny deguira ( ) asserted his expertise with such comments as “you are talking to a person who lived on the streets. since i have been there and done it…i'll refrain from telling you that you have no idea what you are talking about. i have also had a mental problem…” several others who identified as formerly homeless asserted their convictions that homelessness was by choice. these people seem to suggest they know why hillman is homeless based on their own situations, rather than considering hillman’s experiences. other experts explain how they were homeless and handled it better. michael callaway shared “i have walk [sic] in mr. hillman's shoes the difference being i got nothing from the system. i had friends that carried by butt for years.” robert kelly explained that he “used to be homeless-for years..[sic]i was hooked on gambling...but, i never begged even once!!” because of their own homeless experiences, these individuals feel the need to express that somehow hillman is deviant in his life by begging on the street or being granted entitlements. the silences of the issues and hillman’s voice, coupled with the presence of other experts, allow a specific narrative to be told, rather than actually understanding hillman’s own story. similar to prior research findings, members of the domiciled population are sheltered from the real stories of homelessness preventing them from truly understanding the issues associated with it. the failure of the media to cover the realities of homelessness, or giving a glossed over version of homelessness, should challenge us to question what is the role of the media in the hegemonic order? additionally, readers should question the expectations and responsibilities of reporters and newspapers to the general public. the silencing of both the realities of homelessness and the marginalized individual, coupled with the stories from other experts, allow the dominant population to create or retell the dominant narratives. of course, it is not just the text that is important; the visual images go a long way to support the narrative. visual microaggressions the visual imagery of jeffrey hillman was presented through photographs and video. the initial image that went viral shows jeffrey hillman sitting on the ground, leaning against a store front window. his pants are torn, leaving his bare calves and feet exposed. hillman appears to be holding socks in his left hand. officer deprimo, in full uniform, is kneeling down next to him with the new boots placed between himself and hillman (figure . ). within hours of being posted to the new york police department’s official facebook page, the post had been viewed . million times and had garnered , likes and , comments (goodman, ). the image continued to spread through other social media sites, online newspapers, television coverage, and various blogs and online forums. following the viral nature of this photo and the identification of the men in the image, multiple news sources began running stories. while npr.org and thegrio.com stuck only to the viral image, usatoday.com ran several stories that contained two additional images and a video. these stories and images were not the original reporting by the newspaper, but rather reprinted stories by bob makin of the home new tribune from east brunswick, nj. makin’s stories focused specifically on those who knew hillman ( ) and hillman himself ( ). the story contained an image of hillman from his high school yearbook. this black-and-white image shows hillman and his senior classmates goofing off on a playground. hillman appears as a young vibrant man having fun with his peers. the second image appears in the story and video and shows a current image of hillman with one of his peers, reverend john graf, jr., from the playground photo. this image shows a shaven headed hillman, with a large smile and missing teeth, but a somewhat dazed look in his eyes. additionally, the video (figure . ) focuses on a conversation between hillman and graf, jr. in what looks like a cafe, with graf, jr. having the primary dialogue. the visual microaggressions present in two ways. first, there are power differentials within the images and how they are handled, as described below. second, similar to visual microaggressions described by huber and solórzano ( ) that illustrate the link between mexican banditry and public perception of latinas/os, in these images there is a linkage between imagery of the black male slave with current images chosen to represent homeless black men. additionally, i suggest that when images are selected, we utilize our historic understanding of race or class when picking them. for instance, images used in an article may unconsciously be selected that represent historical stereotypes. as such, present people are being made to fit into the stereotypes from the past. this cultural unconsciousness is part of how lyotard ( ) suggested we maintain master narratives. additionally, this aligns with bourdieu’s notion of our habitus. these images are so ingrained in us that we fail to challenge what we see. the publicizing and sharing of images of marginalized individuals can serve to reinforce deficit or negative views of the other, constituting a visual microaggression (huber & solórzano, ). there are definite power differentials between the subject of the image, the person who took the picture, those who publicly posted it, and those who made it go viral. while the initial viral image can be considered representative of what the holiday season is supposed to look like (helping others), once the subject of the image is identified and tracked, the meaning changes. hillman moves from subject to object who is followed, questioned, and vilified for no real reason. it also becomes acceptable for others to post further images of his past to show what he used to be like. at no point does anyone post images of a young officer deprimo or even images of him without his uniform. this suggests that hillman’s race and/or low class status gives those with more power and privilege the authority to post whatever images they deem appropriate. these images simultaneously perpetuate ideologies of white supremacy, specifically the white savior, as well as a history of white officers policing african americans. in both figures . and . — the image, video and the text associated with them — the visually white individuals have the power. in the initial image, officer deprimo is in his uniform and hillman is in tattered clothing. this in itself shows the power dynamic between the two individuals. visuals throughout history have repeatedly portrayed whites in uniform creating “order” out of unruly black individuals (consider the selma march). unfortunately, more recently we have also seen images of white officers overlooking black bodies that have been shot by other police officers (sean bell, tamir rice, eric garner, michael brown, etc.). although deprimo engaged in a perceivably kind act for hillman, the image still evokes historical images of a policing of black bodies. officer deprimo and reverend graf are portrayed as working to save hillman, providing him boots or other support and friendship. the -minute video on the usatoday.com website starts out as if to give hillman a voice in this story, but it features only seconds of hillman talking. the video is edited to make hillman sound stammering and incoherent, similar to findings by reeves ( ). the video then cuts to reverend graf talking and spends the next one and a half minutes focusing on him. graf tells hillman about finding out it was him and that he is there to support hillman and help him make connections. the video ends with hillman tearing up and graf wrapping his arm around his shoulder. while hillman is reduced to a somewhat childlike state, the white male becomes the hero of these visual narratives. these types of images portray hillman as needing white individuals to lift him out of his own despair. a second way visual microaggressions are present is seen in how the images that are publicized today are reminiscent of historical representations of black males in the media. in the initial image (figure . ), we see hillman’s legs and large feet sticking out of his tattered pants. this type of barefoot image is similar to a postcard of a slave mourning the loss of his master (figure . ) and cartoon portrayals of the lazy slave (figure . ). while hillman’s tattered clothing and lack of shoes are related to poverty, not race, because he is a black male it is hard not to see connections between him and the stereotypical imagery of the lazy, good-for-nothing slave. figure . further emphasizes this point when we now see hillman sitting in a slouched position in a chair, with a shaved head and a bewildered look on his face. his image in this picture seems to represent a modern-day version of stepin fetchit (figure . ), a film caricature of the quintessential coon stereotype. these cartoons and movie characters represented black males as lazy, stupid, and genetically deficient (pilgrim, ). while the photographers had no control over what hillman was wearing, how he was sitting, or how he wore his hair, the images that are presented are so visually similar to the historical caricatures focusing on black homeless males as lazy, unintelligent, shifty, and criminal that they easily (re)produce racist discourse rather than focus on the issues associated with homelessness. james gee ( ) utilized the phrase “multimodal texts” to describe words and images that are designed to communicate particular messages. by continuing to reprint this image along with negative stories and additional images related to hillman, these news sites enact institutional racism. the dominant discourse shapes the messages portrayed by these visual microaggressions. through our own privileges of race and/or status and the belief in “postracial” discourse, we fail to recognize the white supremacy behind the taking, posting, and sharing of these images. hillman’s digital narrative: the outcast coon using a critical race lens, we can begin to see that the digital narrative created for jeffrey hillman through the textual and visual microaggressions mirror those characteristics commonly found in the coon caricature. as sociology professor david pilgrim ( ) and cinema historian donald bogle ( ) explained, the coon is one of the most insulting and degrading anti-black caricatures. coons are considered subhuman, self-demeaning, lazy, and inarticulate. while we do not often see the most egregious stepin fetchit was the stage name of lincoln theodore monroe andrew perry. he started as a vaudeville actor and later became america’s first black movie star, appearing in films and television shows between - . stereotyping of the coon caricature today, it continues to subtly emerge in mainstream media. for instance, the character jar jar binks from the star wars episode i: the phantom menace was highly lambasted as a modern day stepin fetchit character (pilgrim, ). more recently, two transformers identified as mudflap and skids from the transformers: revenge of the fallen were highly criticized and referred to as “little black sambots” for the illiterate language they used, the way they moved, and their physical characteristics (authentic history.com, nd.). these subtle portrayals could be considered environmental microaggressions. while we may not see this type of character portrayed as overtly as in the past, it is clear that the coon stereotype is still within our culture’s consciousness and shapes the way individuals view black and/or homeless individuals. the microaggressions found within the context of the stories, comments, and visuals demonstrate how individuals draw upon stereotypes when dealing with race and homelessness. as previously noted, the coon character is dehumanized, devalued, lazy, unintelligent, and portrayed with exaggerated features (bogle, ; pilgrim, ). as we begin to review the microaggressions present we see these exact characteristics articulated though both the text and visual imagery shaping hillman’s digital narrative. one of the ways in which hillman is dehumanized is through the assertion of violence and threats. comments suggesting hillman should be harmed serve to dehumanize hillman. the phrase “thinning the herd,” cited earlier in the chapter, suggests hillman is not even human, just as the word “coon” suggests an animal. additionally, wishing violence upon another also dehumanizes him/her. as pilgrim ( ) explained, the coon character was frequently racially demeaned and abused physically and verbally by white characters during minstrel shows, television, and movies. the comments found in these stories not only verbally assault hillman, but additionally wish or project harm on him as if his existence has no real value. the ncfth (july ) has reported that violence, including hate crimes, is a real problem for homeless individuals. these crimes are overwhelmingly committed by housed, white males under the age of (nch, , p. ). similar to the coon character, we see hillman devalued in a number of ways. the texts and visuals make hillman into a second-class citizen, starting by identifying him after the photo went viral and continuing to track his whereabouts. hillman did nothing wrong, and for him to be questioned and harassed over why he was seen later not wearing the boots, or questioned as to where the boots are, is judgmental. many people have received gifts they did not wear, or that they returned, regifted, or shoved in the closet, yet they are not questioned as to why. once the gift of boots was given to him, it was up to him to do with them as he pleased, just like the rest of us. this is also reminiscent of bourdieu’s concept of symbolic violence related to capital. as bourdieu ( ) explained, reciprocity is used to build partnerships. he also noted that gift giving is also used to achieved dominance over another, by keeping that person indebted to you. along with this, why did the general audience need to know his story or background? the initial story was simply about the officer doing a good deed for a citizen. whether through media desire or audience demand, there was no reason to try and determine if hillman was worthy of the gift of boots, yet it seemed that was what was being done. as becky frazier cline ( ) wrote, “this guy is back on the streets barefooted. he isnt [sic] homeless and never was… jeffrey hillman is looking for a free ride, never cared about the kind act the officier [sic] done on his behalf. shame on you hillman !!!!!” because hillman was later seen without the boots, many newspapers chose to write about it and to paint hillman as ungrateful. even though hillman explained he hid the boots because wearing them could cause him physical harm, individuals continued to disbelieve him. for instance, keith richards ( ) thought “he hid 'em alright -- in a cloud of smoke. those boots were traded for a within minutes, guaranteed.” research shows that crime on streets and in shelters is a real and ongoing problem (nepean, ; snow, baker, & anderson, ; wenzel, koegel, & gelberg, ). additionally, the assumptions that all homeless people are the same, are intellectually inferior, and are silenced play a role in devaluing the homeless population. these assumptions both silence the homeless individuals and create a silencing effect on the topic of homelessness that ignores the experiential reality and the greater social issues. with the exception of one story, hillman was barely given a voice to talk about his experience. and, when he did speak, his quotes were taken out of context and to some extent used to make him sound crazy. stories repeatedly used the quote about him hiding the boots for fear of being killed over them. his remark could have easily been put into context by the newspapers by noting this is an issue that homeless individuals face. but rather than doing that, the papers present hillman’s reality as that of a crazy person, which many of the comments support. all of these things work together to devalue hillman, just as the coon caricature’s life and experiences are devalued. within the stereotype of the coon caricature is the notion that he is lazy and unintelligent. these themes also appear in the microaggressions found in the stories and images surrounding hillman. as noted previously, the video on usatoday.com makes hillman sound incoherent: he seems to stumble with his thoughts, he is looking around, and reverend graf helps guide the discussion. with the limited voice he is given in the articles, the reader/viewer is left with the impression that hillman is not very educated. additionally, one of the quotes that was repeatedly run in the newspapers noted hillman as saying that his image went around the world and he “wants a piece of the pie.” through the comments there is the general assumption that either hillman wants something for doing nothing or is too dumb to realize that others did not benefit from this image. what those who commented fail to grasp is that what resulted from this image going viral is a constant barrage of reporters and strangers monitoring and interfering with hillman’s life. while no one got rich from this image, it may have cost him greatly both in receiving funds from panhandling or having to deal with people trying to interfere with his life. as pilgrim ( ) noted, the “master desired to obtain from the slave the greatest labor, by any means; the slave desired to do the least labor while avoiding punishment” (np). this same impression is left by comments like that of sharon bowers ( ) who suggested, “if he's smart enough to want a piece of the pie, he is smart enough to work.” comments like these suggest hillman should be out working, although there is no suggestion as to how he could get a job or if he could survive on minimum wage. as gilens ( ) found, white individuals assume that their tax money is being used to support lazy black people. the last attribute of the coon stereotype is his appearance. donald bogle ( ) noted that part of the coon caricature was his physical appearance as shown by stepin fetchit. he explained that the coon was tall, skinny, and often bald. his clothes were too big and looked as if they had been passed down to him. in addition, he had a large grin, widened eyes, and large feet ( , p. ). the similarities between the images, especially figures . and . , represent each of these characteristics. from the ragged and torn clothes with large feet sticking out to the bald head, missing teeth, bulging eyes, and wide grin, we see all the physical characteristics that make up the coon stereotype. while it could be argued that the original photo enhanced our emotional vulnerabilities toward the homeless man, the photo and video run in makin’s article serves only to highlight the similarities between hillman and the coon character, rather than challenge them. the selection of the still photo of hillman with a large, toothless smile on his face and eyes bulging only enhances the coon imagery. the photographer could have taken any number of photos that could have more poignantly shown the relationship between hillman and graf. the digital narrative created for hillman has certainly presented him with all the characteristics of the coon character. chapter summary throughout this chapter i illustrated the textual and visual microaggressions within the stories, comments, and imagery. two themes of microassaults emerged. the first is similar to what sue and capodilupo ( ) identified as waging stereotypical attack. this theme clearly showed verbal assaults in the forms of name calling and making stereotypical assumptions relating to laziness, mental illness, and addiction. i identified a second theme that emerged as assertion of harm. within this theme, individual commenters directly suggested violence and death directed at hillman. i also identified three microinsults: second-class citizen, assumption of criminality/deviance, and intellectual inferiority. similar to williams, textual and visual microaggressions presented hillman as somehow less than others. along with this, assumption of criminality or deviance assumed that hillman engaged in some type of deviant lifestyle by living on the streets. he was also portrayed as being less intelligent than others through the belief that he made bad choices or had a mental illness. there were also two microinvalidations that emerged: the assumption of sameness and significant absences. several of the articles and many commenters drew connections between hillman and other homeless individuals or other black individuals, creating an understanding that race and homelessness is the same for everyone. similar to williams, there were many absences left out of the story. in the final section, i used those microaggressions to demonstrate how our narratives draw from the historical coon stereotype and how they recreate hillman as a modern-day stepin fetchit based on misinformation, the perspective associated with our habitus, and covert or overt discrimination. instead of using the articles to illuminate the bleak realities of homeless individuals, the worst stereotypes and assumptions are made about hillman and black homeless individuals in general. while hillman may indeed have a mental health issue as alluded to in some of the stories, the digital narrative created for him tells us much more about how we think about and treat marginalized individuals than it does about hillman. the overall message is not about how society treats and could help those in poverty, with mental or physical issues, or battling other challenges, but rather it paints homelessness as a personal problem best solved by harming, ignoring, or institutionalizing those who find themselves in the worst possible economic situation. figure . : original image taken by jennifer foster in november and posted to the nypd facebook page that subsequently went viral. figure . : postcard of a slave singing stephen foster’s minstrel song. figure . : cartoon still from “scrub me mama with a boogie beat” universal . figure . : screen capture of jeffrey hillman and childhood friend, rev. john graf jr., from video and interview by bob makin. figure . : movie still of stepin fetchit in judge priest fox film corporation . chapter from homeless to house negro: the digital narrative of billy ray harris every little black child grew up seeing that getting along with white people meant grinning and acting clowns. it helped white people to feel easy about what they had done, and were doing, to negroes. —miles davis, “interview with alex haley,” in this final analysis chapter i examine six articles, four videos, one image, and comments related to billy ray harris, the black homeless man who returned a valuable engagement ring accidently dropped in his collection cup. while harris simply engaged in an honest act, a friend of the woman who dropped the ring was so inspired she shared the story with the local newspaper. additionally, the owners of the ring set up a giveforward.com account to help raise funds for the homeless man. the story caught the attention of national media and it was featured on local and national television and newspapers, resulting in more and more donations pouring in. harris’ honest action gained a nation-wide hero-like response resulting in more than $ , in donations as well as reconnection with his family. the articles about harris ran between february , and september , , detailing his action, his family’s efforts to contact him, and malcolm x equated the term house negro and uncle tom, noting that the house negro worked hard to be like the master, often at the cost of relations with other slaves. how he spent the money. the following sections provide (a) an overview of the data analyzed, (b) a summary of the story that includes the characters, (c) an examination of the stories, comments, and images for instances of microaggressions, and (d) the digital narrative that is constructed through the use of microaggressions to illustrate how traditional online media invokes historic stereotypes within the narrative. from where the stories came overview of the data the data that i used to analyze billy ray harris was retrieved from the following sources: national public radio (npr.org), that featured one article, one image, and comments; the grio (thegrio.com) that ran three articles (two were written by today writers), three videos, and comments; and usa today (usatoday.com) that ran two articles, five videos, two images (one was a stock photo of a ring), and comments. each of these stories had links to various social media sites, such as facebook, twitter, and linkedin and some had options to email the story, which allowed viewers to share. from homeless to housed on a chilly day in february, billy ray harris sat on the corner in kansas city’s country club plaza holding his cup out, hoping passersby would contribute funds (associated press, ). sarah darling walked by, casually grabbed change from her coin purse and dropped it into harris’ cup. unbeknownst to harris or darling, along with her change she also dropped her engagement ring that she had removed earlier in the day and put in her coin purse. by the next day, darling realized what she had done and harris had discovered the ring and had it appraised by a jeweler as being worth $ , . although the ring was worth a lot of money, harris decided to hold onto the ring to see if its owner would return, noting that “my grandfather was a reverend. he raised me from the time i was months old and thank the good lord, it’s a blessing, but i do still have some character” (associated press, ). darling returned to the site where harris was and squatted down beside him to tell him that “she might have given him something valuable” (memmott, ). “was it a ring?” he questioned. “yeah,” replied darling. harris said, “well i have it.” darling believed this to be a miracle as she never thought she would get the ring back (memmott, ). in darlings’ gratitude, she gave harris all the cash in her wallet. later, she and her husband bill krejci launched a giveforward page to collect money for harris to raise at least $ , to get him back on his feet, but hoped for $ , to cover what he was offered for the ring. as this story of a homeless black male doing the “right thing” made headlines, donations poured in, eventually reaching over $ , (marcus, ). but it was not just financial gain as a result of doing the right thing, it also led to a family reunion and new friendships. after seeing the story in the paper, harris’ sister robin, who lives in the family’s home town of wichita falls, texas, reached out to a reporter to track harris down and help her make contact as he had been missing from their lives for the last years. after connecting with his sister, plans were made to have a reunion in the summer. hearing of this story, today contacted harris, darling, and krejci to invite them to the program and give harris “his very own surprise” (workneh, ). today invited harris’ sister robin and three other siblings to reunite the family with their long- lost brother. the family reunion was on national television. six months later, harris’ life had changed. he no longer lived on the street, but had purchased a car and put a down payment on a house. he was working towards a relationship with his family, many that he never knew existed (marcus, ). additionally, he regularly visited darling and krejci in their new-found friendship. he thanked god that his past was over and he “feels human now” (marcus, ). since that fateful day when darling dropped her ring in his cup and helped raise money for him, his life completely changed. harris noted “this is what they call the american dream” (marcus, ). the story told above is a compilation of the six stories examined in npr.org, thegrio.com, and usatoday.com. each of the articles paints a human-interest story of how an act of honesty resulted in overwhelming gratitude leading to fortune, friends, and family for this one-time homeless man. the surprise hero in this story is billy ray harris, a homeless black male living on the streets of kansas city, missouri, yet when faced with the opportunity for financial gain, he chose instead to do the “right thing” that resulted in even greater financial gain. not to undermine harris’ action or the feel-good story that could potentially shed light on issues of race and homelessness, it is important that we read this story with an eye towards how it reproduces other narratives. creating harris’ digital narrative through microaggressive communication i continue to extend the previous taxonomy and themes to consider the intersectionality of race and homelessness as a category in which to examine microaggressions. this section will highlight six microaggressive themes, followed by the visual microaggressions identified within the content of the online articles. microassaults microassaults are the more explicit racial or class-based derogations characterized by their overtly demeaning tone. in the particular case of harris, messages in this category are explicity designed to communicate to the recipient that they are subhuman (sue, , p. ). compared to the lack of microassaults found in the williams data and the overwhelming microassaults found in hillman’s data, just a few issues of microassaults emerged in harris’ data. waging stereotypical attacks as explained in chapters and , this theme directly reflects the sue et al. ( ) and sue ( ) microassualt category as we see the use of stereotypes that demean and humiliate based on identity. the first instances of stereotypical assaults are directed at harris based on race and class; however, of particular interest are the microassaults directed at his family. since the family is not homeless - in one video we see harris’ sister in her home - race is the target of these assaults (dastagir, ). i will return to the family shortly. this theme can be found in the story, the comments, and the imagery used. some of the common stereotypes that emerge directed at harris are those of dishonesty, laziness, and drug/alcohol abuse. these stereotypes are common to both homeless and black individuals (buck, toro, ramos, ; clawson & trice, ; gilens, ; mcnulty, ). there are no specific racial slurs; however, this is something that can be addressed through concepts of color-blindness and racial coding as we no longer need to identify by race, but rather other terminology, to make racial connections (bonilla-silva, , ; feagin, ; myers, ). for instance, articles noted that he was asked why he did not keep the ring (memmott, ). there is an implication here that a homeless black male would instead keep the ring, rather than attempt to return it to the owner. the assumption that he would keep the ring is a negative stereotype associated with black people in poverty as criminal or dishonest (entman & rojecki, ; clawson & trice, ; larson, ). usatoday.com (ap, ) stated that darling was “horrorstruck” when she realized her ring was gone. additionally, that story and the npr.com story (memmott, ) both used a statement from darling exclaiming, "it seemed like a miracle. i thought for sure there was no way i would get it back." while these are not egregious statements focused at harris, they are enough to reinforce stereotypes associated with both race and homelessness. the idea darling was at first horrorstruck and then claimed it to be a miracle that she got her ring back suggest that notions of race and homelessness are synonymous with dishonesty, thievery, and criminality (national coalition for the homeless, ). this illustrates that most individuals do not have a clear understanding of the homeless population. additionally, the hyping of harris’ return of the ring after having it appraised could be considered a microassault. while it illustrates harris’ honesty, it focused the attention on the stereotype that individuals in this situation would not typically act in this way. the true act of a homeless person returning the ring sounded so extraordinary that people responded with an outpouring of help and donations. what we fail to consider is how infrequent this type of situation is and how unlikely it is that someone who made a similar mistake would go back to the person and find out if he had the ring it and then report it to the news. it was not harris’ act of honesty that was rare, but rather the impossibility of the situation itself that was rare. there are also textual microaggressions that focus on laziness. throughout the articles there are references to panhandling, spending days on the streets asking for change, and dropping money in the cup. while these references may be an accurate representation of what harris is doing, at no time do any of the stories discuss homelessness as an issue in kansas city or what happened to cause harris to become homeless or a panhandler. this is important as panhandling and homelessness are related, but they are not the same thing. the use of this word presents a highly selective picture of homelessness as a personal responsibility, rather than caused by societal factors. the language used help create an overall narrative that reinforced the stereotypes of laziness, mental illness, or possibly even drug and alcohol addiction. the most explicit microassaults directed at harris came from the comments sections and focused on drugs and alcohol. for example, val burgett wrote, “why give this crack head anything. he will end up the same. he will not change” ( ). linda poncier ( ) added, “the sad part if all this is that pior [sic] man don’t [sic] even see why everyone is making a big deal out of this he just knows he did the right thing how many crack heads would of keep it until the next day ????” additionally, comments simplify statistics related to homelessness, such as joshua palmer ( ) when he emphatically stated “ % of the homeless are on the streets for less than two weeks. the rest that are on the streets for an indefinite length of time are typically victims of substance abuse or psychological disorders that keep them in poverty.” while substance abuse and mental illness are prevalent among homeless populations, often substance abuse is a result rather than cause of homelessness (ncfth, ). additionally, economics is cited as the number one cause of homelessness among black people (rosenheck, leda, frisman, & gallup, ). lack of well-paying jobs, underemployment, divorce, and lack of health insurance are major factors resulting in homelessness (ncfth, ). these comments present outdated and exaggerated notions of homeless people and fail to consider how social structures can lead to homelessness, especially for racially marginalized individuals (nch, ; rosenheck et al., ). in all of these stories and comments common stereotypes are used to further demean or misrepresent the actual realities of homeless black men, creating and reinforcing the notion that black people and homeless people are second-class citizens. some of the most egregious microassaults found in the comments are not directed at harris but rather at his family. several of the articles noted that his sister robin was able to identify and find harris after a -year absence from his family. the articles mentioned how she saw his picture in the paper and contacted the reporter to see if he could put her in touch. there were multiple comments suggesting that the family only appeared after harris came into money. what many individuals failed to consider is the difficulty of finding a homeless individual living in a different city. it is quite possible that this story was the only real information the family had received to help find harris. while the articles themselves tell a nice story, the comments paint a picture of a greedy family out solely for harris’ money. for instance, debra hamilton exclaimed, “ . [his family] will all be gonewhen [sic] the cash is gone. hell [sic] be homeless in a year and there will be a story on it. mark my words” ( ). this suggests that harris’ family does not really care about him and harris himself is not intelligent enough to realize this or manage his money. mike smith insults harris’ family when he wrote, “amazing...he gets over $ k & all of a sudden his family is back in touch w/him. maggots! i tell u [sic] just like the bible says: ‘the love of money [sic] is the root of all evil’” (duerson, ). these comments suggest rather than a loving family trying to reunite with a long-lost family member, this black family is greedy and uncaring. because of the intersections of race and class that make up harris’ identity, the microassaults serve double duty by demeaning both black people and homeless people. microinsults whereas microassaults are the more overt words and actions used to demean an individual based on identity, microinsults are the covert or unintentional snubs that can convey equally insulting messages to their target. in this section on microinsults three themes emerged: decentering the subject, ascription of exceptionalism, and intellectual inferiority. decentering the subject the first microinsult theme focuses on the role of dominant populations helping or improving the life of the “other.” there are two subthemes within this category (the savior and one’s own acts of kindness), both of which refocus attention from the subject to the person or group who “saved” the subject or back on oneself. the first subtheme is that of the savior. although not previously identified by sue et al. ( ) or sue ( ), this theme is somewhat similar to their theme of second-class citizen, which suggests certain groups are less worthy and deserve discriminatory treatment. instead, this subtheme illustrates how certain members of marginalized groups are worthy of being saved or elevated by those in the majority. the focus of the story becomes that of the savior, not the saved or societal factors associated with their marginalized position. because harris did something kind, he became someone worth saving. the articles and comments repeatedly highlight the good work of the saviors while overlooking the particular circumstances of their actions. this is a microinsult because harris was virtually unnoticed until he did something “unexpected.” at that point he became worthy of saving and darling and krejci, along with thousands of others, became his saviors. the actions of these saviors decenter harris’ own story as the reporting constantly reminds the readers of what led to the event, why darling and krejci decided to raise money, how much money was raised, or how he was reconnected with his family. although it was harris’ act of returning the ring that garnered media attention, it is always linked back to darling’s accidental dropping of her ring and krejci setting up the fundraising campaign that ultimately led to harris being saved from his life on the street. according to melissa firmes-ray, “i'm inspired by this couple. what a beautiful gift they gave. when she dropped change in that man's cup, she changed his life. we can all do this for each other” ( ). additionally, dastagir ( ) wrote that harris reflected on “how much he’s gained since darling’s ring clinked in his cup.” these comments perpetuate this decentering by giving credit to darling and krejci for improving harris life and failing to acknowledging harris’ invisibility prior to this. the comments and stories do not consider how societal structures or personal circumstances may have lead harris to become homeless in the first place. darling’s happiness and relief with having her engagement ring returned are understandable; however, her continued actions for thanking him are uncommon, changing the focus of his kind act into her kind act. each article mentioned that not only did she give harris all the cash in her wallet, but also set up an online giving account so others could give. setting up this account suggests that somehow harris is the lone exception to all those other questionable black homeless males. although the act of appreciating harris is important, why only give back to him when many others could have benefitted from the money raised? he becomes the chosen one for the white dominant society to save by showing that white individuals and/or the middle class really do want to reach out and help, as long as the other proves him/herself. within the savior category are the actions taken by today to create a surprise reunion for harris and his family. the stories and video report that harris had spoken to his sister and they planned a reunion in the summer; however, today decided to move that up and feature a televised reunion (workneh, ). while the video from today suggests harris’ family knew about the reunion, it was a complete surprise to harris. while it is possible that he suspected it, it is insensitive to harris at the very least to assume he was ready to be reunited with his family after years away. this surprise meeting suggests there was doubt that harris would truly meet with his family. this doubt is insulting to harris. since we do not know why he left home and stayed away so long, it is possible that he needed time to process and prepare for the reunion. it is also demeaning to him, taking away his private moments with his estranged family and putting them on national television. this reinforces the savior theme by making today appear to be continually saving harris from himself by ensuring the reconnection with his family. this also illustrates the power differential between the television show and harris while the show hosts perform their saving act. a second subtheme focuses on the savior notion emerging within the comments. not to be overshadowed by the act of a homeless black man, there are multiple comments making referring to one’s own acts of kindness. for instance, a hk ( ) wrote, “while there are those who take advantage of others misfortune, there are plenty of us who will go out of our way to return lost treasures.” others draw comparisons between their acts and harris’ such as joe leichtnam who stated, “i was able to do the same thing last year. i found a wedding ring in a parking lot and was able to have it returned to the young lady who had lost it…” ( ). vickey elam waldo ( ) penned multiple paragraphs on what a big heart she has because she once helped a -year-old homeless girl. while some commenters talked about how they have helped others, several mentioned how they had helped harris. this particular action serves as a microinsult as it tries to decenter the focus of attention from a marginalized individual to oneself, suggesting that ones’ own action is just as noteworthy as harris’. by focusing the story onto the saviors or other supporting characters, the authors and commenters turn harris from the subject of the story to the object saved by the dominant population. rather than truly helping to resolve the issue of homelessness, these decentering tactics seem to be more about making those who are more privileged feel better (lind & danowski, ; snow, ). intellectual inferiority another microinsult assumes that homeless and/or black individuals have no understanding of financial responsibilities. it is often overlooked as to how easy it is to become homeless and how difficult it is to get out of the cycle. many individuals are one illness or one lost income away from becoming homeless, regardless of their ability to manage money (naeh, nd). several of the articles made sure to note that harris is getting financial help (marcus, ; memmott, ). thegrio.com explained that harris is working with a lawyer to set up a trust (marcus, ) and npr.org reported that krejci spoke with harris about his plans for the money. comments related to finances suggest that homeless and/or black individuals are not only financially illiterate, but that they also need the help of someone in the white dominant class or savior individual to make decisions. marcus’ ( ) article noted that since harris worked with a lawyer he was able to buy a car and put a down payment on a house that he can fix up. as further evidence, today provides images of the house and car, seeming to prove that he was able to accomplish his goals with this help. while this is factual reporting there is the underlying implication that he may not have chosen to spend the money this way without help. while the microinsults within the story are subtler, those within the comments sections relating to finances are more overt and condescending. many commenters suggested there is a need for harris to have financial guidance and protection with that much cash. for instance, steve o ( ) wrote “this man now has an opportunity to change his life, but there is a probably a list of reasons why he is homeless and unable to provide himself a shelter or to lead a normal life. at this point, he needs guidance most of all.” jeanne siracuse ( ) noted “i trust that the donations are protected for his use.” comments like these suggest that harris is not only incapable of managing that kind of money, but he is also too unintelligent to realize family and friends might take advantage of him. these types of comments imply that homeless and/or black men are not financially aware. finally, within this theme are those individuals suggesting appropriate ways for harris to spend or invest his money. there is an extensive dialogue in the memmott ( ) article and some additional comments in the dastagir ( ) article debating if he will be taxed and how he should spend the money. this includes comments with specific details outlining the hierarchy of needs, buying a house, going to school, and giving back. some argue that the amount of money, $ , at that time, will barely cover the basics for very long and others believe the government will take a huge chunk of the money. referring to a comment about the irs, anita brewer ( ) wrote, “yeah, they'll add up all he ‘owes’ and take most, if not all of it” ( ). in a related vein, s ray ( ) stated, “well, even if he doesn't have to pay tax, that's still only another or so years of poverty- line living…” additionally, barbara wolfe jr. ( ), responding to a comment that harris could go back to school asked, “why should an older man go back to school and get a job? …how can an older man go back to school and then get a job when millions of people … with college educations can't find one?” on a more positive note, mike change ( ) encouraged him to “… invest in himself, whatever it is he loves to do. some [sic] school maybe, books, music. buy [sic] a small house, small job a community center seems fitting for such a cool old timer.” while mike change tries to take a positive spin on the comments, he unfortunately reinforces stereotypes when he said “…homeless people are not just ‘lazy criminals’, rather people with problems that need help too. mental [sic] illness is a big factor in our homeless community.” this illustrates the subtlety of microinsults. in this case, while trying to challenge some of what others are saying, he both adds to the dominant discourse as to what harris should do and reinforces the stereotypes of homeless as lazy, criminality, and mentally ill. what this microinsult does is to say that there are other more capable individuals that need to help him make decisions. this does not necessarily just include those educated in finance issues, but domiciled individuals. even when these commenters have no understanding of tax laws or experience living at poverty levels, they present themselves as still knowing more than harris. ascription of exceptionalism a final theme within the category of microinsults is the ascription of exceptionalism. within this category, certain individuals in marginalized groups are somehow the exception to who we would normally find within this group. this is similar to sue et al. ( ) and sue’s ( ) ascription of intelligence, where intelligence is assigned to people based on their race or gender. in this particular case, harris is frequently assigned honesty or morality that is not normally considered within black and homeless populations. stereotypes of black males and homeless individuals have long portrayed them as dishonest, lazy, and even criminal (dixon, ; entman, , , ; lee, link, & toro, ; lind & danowski, ). by the nature of this story going viral, there is a strong suggestion that harris is not your “typical” homeless man – he has feelings, values, and good character. as each article reports, harris had the opportunity to pawn the ring for $ , but rather chose to hold onto it and return it to its owner. it is reported that he is asked why he did not keep it (memmott, ). would this question be asked to someone who is not black or homeless? it is also interesting that none of the reporters or commenters asked why he did not turn it into the police, but rather held onto it in hopes the owner would return. questioning why he kept and returned the ring, rather than questioning why he did not turn it into the police, allows the papers to promote harris as exceptional in his actions. this line of questioning by authorities is one of the ways master narratives are maintained. rather than consider that he was hoping the woman would return, the assumption is made he was planning to keep the ring for his own personal gain. again, with the history of policing of both black and homeless bodies, it is possible that harris held on to the ring not for profit, but because he was wary of how it would be perceived by the police. the comments are rife with the opinion that harris is somehow the exception. gladys davis ( ) explained “this goes to show that every homeless person is not just looking for a handout,” despite the fact that harris was doing that by holding out his cup for change. a handout is also what he received by having people give donations because of his honest act. however, it seems that harris becomes the exception because unlike other black homeless males, he did not keep the ring, that is, the quick money. again, this reflects the idea behind the master narrative that black people are seeking rewards from the master. roselyn tufi ( ) realized “he was not only homeless but smart [sic].” this suggests that homelessness and intelligence are mutually exclusive and harris is a rare individual who is both. while these comments seem positive, they still infer the connections between homelessness and laziness and/or unintelligence, thus suggesting it is unusual for black and/or homeless males to have these attributes. within this theme, there seem to be individuals who understand that certain characteristics are not based on race or social economic status, but fail to make the connection between how culture and society oppresses marginalized groups. brandi carey noted “there is a lot of good in this world. we as ‘human beings’ look in the wrong places to find it. it [sic] is where we least expect it. we need more mr. harris' in this world...” ( ). most individuals will never find themselves being recognized in this way for returning something that is not theirs. in many cases, we are told not to give to homeless individuals, but rather donate to shelters and services that help them (brown ; ryan, ). this further creates a division between the haves and have nots by discouraging interaction that could potentially raise awareness about the plight of homelessness. li anne taft ( ) posited “there still are good people in this world and funny thing…some of them don’t have much worldly possession but thye [sic] have something that we all need…characater [sic] and honesty.” this comment recognizes that character is not inherent to specific races or classes of people, but fails to move beyond this recognition. this exemplifies harris by making him appear as a token homeless person, whom others should aspire to become. these comments recognize marginalized individuals as having all the same characteristics as those in the dominant classes, but fail to consider how they became homeless or that they may need help. so rather than make them seem exceptional individuals through their actions, they seem to see them as exceptional for accepting their position in the social economic hierarchy. the microaggressions in the above themes work by subtly conveying insulting messages that serve to unconsciously demean those in marginalized groups. microinvalidations the next two themes directly address the category of microinvalidations, or communication or environmental cues that fail to consider experiential reality (sue, ). these include the theme of divine assistance, which takes harris’ actions and credits them to a higher power and the theme of significant absences which addresses what is not talked about in the article. divine assistance similar to that of ted williams, divine assistance is credited for the change in harris’ life. divine assistance relates to ascription of exceptionalism, yet strips harris of his own character by attributing his actions to that of divine guidance. comments, illustrated below, suggest that harris’ action happened because god is working through him. as a homeless black male, stereotypes suggest that harris is clearly not moral on his own because his actions reflect those of god. while harris noted that he had a religious upbringing (memmott, ; workneh, ), there are no other references to religion within the stories. however, the vast number of comments in several stories specifically made reference to some type of divine guidance leading to his actions (dastagir, ; marcus, ). for instance, toccara duplessis ( ) wrote, “he was really blessed and a good head on his shoulders cause he could've sold it but god has took over him and he did the right thing tho [sic]...” elder taalib el amin ( ) stated, “its [sic] the god in the people who are doing what is right. and the people are not always good, even though god resides within them.” these comments suggest that god is moving harris, even though he might not be a good person. these types of comments take away harris’ agency and upbringing. in one particular instance, jenna m. price west ( ) stated, “amen there are definitely angels on earth disguised in the most conspicuous ways!!! never know when you come across one.” this goes beyond divine intervention and suggests harris is not human but instead an angel. this is a truly insidious comment as it completely erases harris’ reality. if the person that found the ring had not been homeless, would they have also been said to have divine powers behind their actions? this type of microinvalidation clearly suggests that homeless people need special guidance to do the right thing. while god is credited for either guiding harris’ action or blessing harris for his good deed, the circumstances that caused harris to become homeless are ignored. the problem with the logic of divine intervention is when something comes out positive it is attributed to a higher power, but the negative situations are not considered, suggesting those are caused by one’s own negative actions. these types of comments are problematic as they blame victims for their problems or situations, but credit something or someone else for their successes, ultimately allowing those in dominant positions to define marginalized individuals’ reality by suggesting they are to blame for their problems. significant absences according to cultural studies scholar john hartley ( ), it is important to look for what is suppressed or absent when analyzing a news story. in describing “significant absences,” media scholars david morely and charlotte brundson noted that “what is rendered invisible by this style of presentation is the relation of…human problems to the structure of society…” ( , p. ). when authors and articles fail to include certain details, what is actually a social problem appears more of a personal situation that is more easily understood by most individuals. in this theme, authors and most commenters ignored the larger issues of race and homelessness, thereby covertly or complacently implying that harris’ situation is personal rather than a societal issue. this significant absence is demonstrated when articles fail to discuss or inform readers of the factors, including race, associated with homelessness. failing to include this type of information denies the experiential reality of the homeless population. additionally, these absences are problematic as the stories focus on extensive help to one individual for simply being honest while completely ignoring all other homeless individuals. to some extent this parallels the notion of the myth of meritocracy by suggesting that every homeless person has an opportunity to be helped if they simply do “the right thing.” this again ignores the experiential reality of race and homelessness. thus, both harris’ failure to thrive and his successes are attributed to individual attributes because postracial, color-blind notions assume all people have similar opportunities. even within the comments, few individuals commented on the issue of homelessness and none on race. along with no information on homelessness in general, we also get very little information on harris himself. although the articles and videos allow harris a voice in the story, it is edited so we learn nothing of his homeless experience. we know he panhandles, but we are not told where he actually lives. the articles use quotations that state he was raised by grandparents (dastagir, ; memmott, ), but we are never told why. both the articles and the today videos also suggest that he had family in his hometown, but in years he never reached out to them or let them know he was okay. while it is possible that harris did not want to talk about these issues, it is also possible that prior stories focusing on black homeless males, such as ted williams and jeffrey hillman, took such negative turns these authors chose not to delve into more personal issues for fear of ruining this feel-good story. however, not providing more details about what harris would say if he had the chance to speak or if he chose to speak hides the experiential truth of homelessness. while the williams and hillman stories probe extensively into personal details including family members, job histories, and arrests, these significant absences in harris’ story deny the experiential reality of what it is like to be a black member of a homeless population. this type of microinsult is highly problematic as sue ( ) explained, because it allows those in dominant groups to impose reality on marginalized individuals. as such, these actions make homelessness seem to be an individual issue rather than a societal problem. additionally, the microaggressions and their respective themes serve to shape master narratives. visual microaggressions unlike williams and hillman who had multiple images and/or videos, harris had only one image (figure . ) and the videos were all from the same source, today, resulting in similar content. however, several instances of visual microaggressions were present. one of the first ways that visual microaggressions present is that every video continually reminds viewers that harris was homeless and panhandling on the street. there are multiple images within the videos referring to panhandling, asking for change, and dropping money in a cup. the use of these images present a highly selective picture of homelessness as a personal responsibility, rather than as a problem caused by societal factors. when harris found the ring, he was reported as being a -year-old man. unlike other -year-old men who are still working, several of the images and videos simply show him just sitting on the ground with his cup out. you even see an image of him leaning against his bicycle that he referenced riding (workneh, ). what this does is show a sympathetic older black homeless man in a powerless role, making him look like a helpless victim needing assistance (kahle, yu, & whiteside, ). these visual portrayals reify the connection between race and poverty. similar to the prior images of williams and hillman, this image reinforces the connection between race and poverty or certain races wanting handouts rather than working and earning (nch, ). this also illustrates harris as a second-class citizen. another way we can see the visual microaggressions reflects on the white savior category. the video creates a reenactment of darling coming back to harris to get her ring, ending with her giving him a hug. the videos show harris’ appearance on today with savannah guthrie, darling, and krejci. we also see video with harris and krejci hanging out, including hugging, and there is even a photo with the two of them together at a sports event. in one of the videos there is an interview with darling and krejci talking about how he is a solid guy and is probably going to make it. we also see clips of white individuals giving him change (figure . ). while there is no problem highlighting these interactions, the only time we see him with other people of color is the clip where he is meeting his family and one where he is shaking hands with an unidentified black man. this suggests his life was both saved by and now revolves around white individuals. the extensive focus on darling and krejci in several of the videos also decenters harris as the subject of the story. a final way visual microaggressions are presented relates to his exceptionalism. harris is shown as being a nonthreatening homeless person. this is presented by being surrounded by white people and young people. this is reminiscent of the how uncle tom was presented with little eva in the movies about uncle tom’s cabin (figure . ). through the videos of him being interviewed, he appears nervous, but confident. he displays the expected emotions when being reunited with his family after years. we also see images of the house he bought, with the comment that he is looking forward to fixing it up. in the video, harris talked about wanting to get a truck and painting supplies and starting his own business. we also see him and krejci going for a ride in harris’ car. this imagery taken as a whole – he has a house, car, and ambition to work – reinforces the fact that he is unlike the other lazy homeless people and has ambition to change his life, not just gather governmental assistance. as stated in the previous chapters, images are used to create an understanding of the world around us (busselle & bilandzic, ; entman & rojecki, , gee, ; hariman & lucaites, ; mitchell, ). the construction of the image of harris as accepting help and subsequently befriending his white saviors, resulting in an improved life, subtly suggests that if black people were more like white people, their lives would improve. there is also an underlying assumption that it is easy to go from homeless to domiciled. although the videos did mention the fundraising efforts, they did not mention how rare the act of raising over $ , for a homeless person is. by visually showing his life improving, without talking about the unusualness of this situation, the images paint an unrealistic picture of what it takes to get off the streets. harris’ digital narrative: reviving uncle tom the digital narrative that has been created for billy ray harris through the stories, comments, and microaggressive themes reflects many of the characteristics of the uncle tom caricature as presented in the literature review. while slavery has long been abolished in the united states, the prejudice and stereotypes stemming from beliefs during this period still negatively affect black people today. similarly to uncle tom being portrayed as a humble, gentle christian slave, harris is portrayed as a humble, gentle, christian homeless man. as the theme of significant absences points out, there is no discussion about homelessness in any of the articles. thus, it appears homelessness receives little more concern today than slavery during antebellum america. there are also no comments as to why harris was homeless, and it appears that he is content in his situation. additionally, without voice about his own experience as a homeless person, he appears similar to what author patricia turner discusses when she writes about the change from stowe’s uncle tom, who was a proactive christian warrior, to the reconstructed uncle tom as a passive, docile, and unthinking christian ( , p. ). within the comments sections of the articles, there were few comments relating to homelessness as a societal problem. in fact, one comment suggested it was more of a personal issue: “sometimes it is by choice. i worked in homeless shelters and some ppl [sic] have given up on america and don't want to be traced tracked or identified so they live in camps "tent cities"” (olivia taylor, ). to some extent this belief suggests homeless individuals passively accept their fate, rather than actively challenging an oppressive system. similar to other tom characters, there is a strong connection between harris and christianity. harris is repeatedly referenced as having a strong religious upbringing in almost every article as well as multiple comments referring to divine guidance relating to his behavior. according to harris "my grandfather was a reverend. he raised me from the time i was months old and thank the good lord, it's a blessing, but i do still have some character." this quote was either present or referenced by each online news source, including the accompanying videos. additionally, harris was quoted as saying “i am not trying to say that i am no saint, but i am no devil either” (marcus, ). even in the worst of situations, the articles and comments focus on the religious nature of harris or how god has blessed him, rather than how he ended up homeless. just as stowe’s book often has passages in the form of sermons, you see similar sermon language in the comments. jidna nadif wrote “god is good [sic] all the time... if you reap good things you will get good things.......” ( ). however, with the exception of a few comments, the writers and commenters were not seeing how it took a witnessed act of kindness before anyone was blessing or suggesting divine guidance of harris. those “good christians” who are talking about how harris’ life is now changed because he conducted a noticeably kind act should be asking how we accept homelessness in a society whose religion espouses taking care of the poor and weak. this disconnect is similar to christian slave owners who were not seeing the conflict between slavery and christianity, which is what stowe was writing about in uncle tom’s cabin (pilgrim, ). another characteristic of the tom character is that he is nonthreatening to white people. this has to do with his age, docility, and child-like qualities (pilgrim, ). we see this presented in the stories and comments in several ways. one of these is the way darling is described as returning to ask about her ring. in multiple stories the following description is given: “she went back to harris, squatted beside him and told him that she might have given him something valuable” (dastagir; ; memmott, ). this visually evokes a motherly tactic used to get the truth. it also illustrates he was not someone she was afraid to approach and talk to. in the video we also see him sitting quietly leaning against a post with his cup out accepting change from passersby. there is even a comment by robert mccormick iii that noted, “i remember giving this man money every night when i worked at old spaghetti factory,he [sic]never begged for money,and [sic] i had no problem giving it to him....” ( ). this comment along with several videos portrays him nonthreateningly, including one showing several young women dropping change in his cup, one showing darling hugging him, and one showing krejci getting in harris’ newly purchased vehicle. thus, both visually and textually harris is shown as kind, docile, and nonthreatening. one of the last attributes given to the tom character is that of being loyal to or pleasing his master, that is, a white individual. here we see the savior theme coming into play. it is stressed that harris has become good friends with darling and krejci, coming over to their house and attending ball games and other events with them. marcus stated “he has lifelong friends in the couple whose ring he returned” ( , para. ). no other friends, homeless or otherwise, were shown or talked about in any of the stories or videos. these stories stress a connection specifically with saviors, darling and krejci, while ignoring all other friendship relations. additionally, the connection with his family is portrayed as still developing. as noted by marcus ( ), harris is working on a relationship with his family. this is illustrated by his decision to stay in kansas city, rather than moving closer to his family. while we do not know what harris’ past was like in relation to his family, the stories portray a man loyal to his white saviors, while possibly forgoing his kin. finally, we cannot forget that in representations of loyal toms of the past, the older, retired slave was presented with a cabin all his own (theauthentichistorycenter.com, nd), just as the contributions organized by darling and krejci helped harris to purchase a home of his own. chapter summary throughout this chapter i have illustrated the textual and visual microaggressions within the stories, comments, and imagery. sue and capodilupo’s ( ) theme of waging stereotypical attack emerged as harris’ family became the target of verbal language suggesting they are only present because he came into money. i also identified three microinsults: decentering the subject, intellectual inferiority, and ascription of exceptionalism. decentering the subject focused on how the stories often focused on the white “saviors” helping harris, often rendering him the object of a good deed. like hillman, harris was also portrayed as being less intelligent than others through the belief that he could manage his new-found wealth. similar to williams, harris was also described as somehow being exceptional because he was honest. there were also two microinvalidations that emerged: divine assistance and significant absences. as williams was often credited as being guided by a divine power, so was harris. denying both men agency in their actions. similar to williams and hillman, there were many absences left out of the story. in the final section, i used those microaggressions to demonstrate how our narratives draw from historic stereotypes and how they recreate harris as a modern-day uncle tom based on his kindness and devotion to his white “saviors.” instead of using the articles to show the realities of life on the street or share harris’ story, harris is painted as someone who was content with his situation. once he was helped, he became loyal to the white family that helped him, potentially at the expense of getting to know his family better. thus, rather than stories challenging the dominant narrative of homelessness as an individual problem, these stories present white people as kind and giving to those marginalized individuals. with an overall message that homelessness is not really the problem we make it, and with some faith and loyalty you to have the possibility of moving up in the world. figure . : screen capture close up of harris. similar image used in all articles. figure . : screen capture from today on september , showing harris panhandling on the streets of kansas city, mo. figure . : photo card of uncle tom and little eva from stetson's uncle tom's cabin, ca. s. chapter conclusion i've always felt that it is impossible to engage properly with a place or a person without engaging with all of the stories of that place and that person. the consequence of the single story is this: it robs people of dignity. it makes our recognition of our equal humanity difficult. it emphasizes how we are different rather than how we are similar. —chimamanda ngozi adichie, “the danger of a single story,” this purpose of this multicase narrative study was to explore the phenomenon of online microaggressive expressions in order to interrogate how they impact master narratives. the subjects in this study were three black males identified by the media as homeless. the conclusions from this study address the research questions and findings. as such, they focus on three areas: (a) how and what types of microaggressions are employed in online news articles; (b) how microaggression alter the stories and narratives being produced; and (c) how these microaggression reinforce master narratives. the following section discusses the major findings and conclusions drawn from this project, the limitations and recommendations for future research, implications for the findings and the researcher’s final reflection on this study. how and in what ways are microaggressions invoked online? support of prior research the first research question for this study examined how and in what ways writers and commenters are employing microaggressions within online news stories. through this project, microaggressive themes emerged, as well as visual microaggressions. three important similarities between these findings and prior microaggression research can be found. first, the three broad categories of microaggressions (microassaults, microinsults, and microinvalidations) are relevant when looking at the intersection of race and class. second, visual microaggressions are found within the content of the online microaggressions in the form of images and videos. third, within these three categories, three themes emerge that are consistent with previous research: waging stereotypical attack, second-class citizen, and assumption of criminality. within the articles and comments for each individual, there was at least one stereotype of mental illness, laziness, substance use and abuse, and/or entitlement. the worst microassaults were directed at jeffrey hillman, who was routinely talked about in terms of each of these stereotypes. ted williams and billy ray harris also had similar comments directed at them, but they were limited and focused primarily on substance abuse. of interest is that while williams claimed to be a recovering addict, it was hillman, whose background had not been disclosed, who was assumed to abuse alcohol and drugs. articles and comments conveyed rudeness or insensitivity through microinsults and microinvalidations. each of these men was portrayed as a second-class citizen through the repetitive use of the word “homeless” and/or the use of images that continually referenced each man’s current or past homeless situation. additional microinsults focused on hillman, as articles and comments frequently alluded to him as criminal or deviant because he was not wearing the boots or was living on undeserved entitlements. a conclusion that can be drawn from this is that race does indeed play a role in how homeless people are perceived and talked about in the articles, comments, and images. as each of these homeless men is black, the perpetuation of racial microaggressions similar to those from prior research was not surprising. emergent microaggressive themes not only did this research support earlier findings on microaggressions (table . ), but emergent themes extend these findings. table . overviews the themes found in this research. similar to clark et al. ( ), this research was able to illustrate concrete statements written by both authors and commenters. the findings provided documentation of a variety of direct and indirect microaggressions. this is significant as historically, targets of microaggressions have been expected to substantiate their claims of racism or discrimination. while some microaggressions found in this study were conscious microassaults, there were many that illustrated ignorance of the issues surrounding race and/or homelessness. additionally, i was able to illustrate how attempts at positive comments can actually perpetuate stereotypes or invalidate the experiential reality of the target population. given the interconnected history of black people and homelessness, it was expected that microaggressions directed at black homeless men would differ from the topology of racial microaggressions. since evidence of work on microaggressions relating to class or homelessness is scarce, there is no baseline topology from which to draw, requiring the creation of new types of microaggressions. microassaults in the case of hillman, a new category of microassaults was identified, the assertion of harm or violence. this category moved beyond the intentional oppression and discrimination of another as found in the category of waging stereotypical attacks, outlined by sue et al. ( ) to an overt suggestion of violence toward an individual. advocating violence against or wishing death upon another human who did nothing but fail to wear a pair of boots given to him is beyond egregious. instead of taking time to understand why hillman lived on the streets and why he was not wearing the boots, his humanity was stripped from him resulting in the notion it is okay to harm him and throw him away. the recent ordinances banning encampments and everyday activities of homeless individuals (panhandling, food sharing) has resulted in the criminalization of homelessness (ncfth, b). homeless individuals have been the target of violence solely because they are homeless (ncfth, b). as such, this microassault may be the direct result of the criminalization of homelessness. rather than being seen as individuals needing help, homeless people are portrayed as nuisances needing to be eradicated like any other pest. this type of symbolic violence is a form of power relation used by dominant classes to keep others in their place. microinsults in the category of microinsults, three new themes emerged: intellectual inferiority, ascription of exceptionalism, and decentering the subject. for both hillman and harris, the articles and comments alluded to some type of intellectual deficiency, either mental illness or lack of intelligence. hillman was routinely assumed to be mentally ill, with the assumption that this illness was the only reason he would live on the streets. while hillman may have had a mental illness, the perpetrators of this microaggression discounted the fact that those with a mental illness need treatment that takes money or insurance, two things hillman may not have had. the articles also discussed his family, friends, and treatment providers, but there was no discussion of these as stable forms of support which would ensure that he was taking medicine or seeing counselors. these assumptions conveniently disregarded what it takes for someone to get help with a mental illness. in the case of harris, there was extensive discussion around how he would manage all the money raised for him. many of those who commented suggested harris would burn through the money and be broke again, or provided suggestions on what he should do with the money, or noted that he needed someone to manage the money for him. these comments implied harris was homeless because he was not capable of managing money. they also discounted other structural reasons for homelessness, thus suggesting homelessness is an individual problem. ascription of exceptionalism was a microinsult theme that was found for both williams and harris. according to the articles and comments, these two men were clearly exceptions to those who would “typically” be homeless. in the case of williams, his voice talent, sincerity, and communication skills set him apart from other black homeless men. for harris, his honesty and morality seemed to contradict many individuals’ impression of homeless people. this notion is not just based on class status, but emerges through the study of race. when black individuals transcend certain stereotypes, they become exceptional. these exceptional men should not be homeless. because both men seemed to have talents or traits beyond what was expected, an outpouring of help came to them. while it is certainly positive to give money or offer a job to someone in need, when individuals do this only after someone has “proven their worth” it suggests there is a level of worthiness required in order to receive help. this is not to suggest that neither williams nor harris is deserving, but rather to question why these two men were flooded with offers and money, while others, like hillman, were seen as nondeserving. the final microinsult that emerged was specific to harris. the idea of decentering the subject was prominent in his articles and comments. while harris was always mentioned in the articles, the focus shifted from harris to his “saviors.” the reporting on these articles served more to remind the readers that darling dropping her ring was what led to this situation, that darling and her husband raised the money, that they raised a certain amount of money, or that the various news articles reconnected harris and his family. these are all aspects of the story, but they serve to overshadow harris. additionally, those who commented often focused on the gift that darling and krejci gave harris. there was no mention within the articles of how harris became homeless or why he had not tried to reach out to his family. this could have been caused by the williams and hillman stories that took negative turns. by focusing on the “saviors,” a positive story of kindness by those who were dominant toward a marginalized individual emerged. many comments were also made that focused on the kindness of the “saviors” or acts of the commenter, rather than on issues related to homelessness. what results is an impression that those in the dominant culture constantly reach out to help those in need, when in reality there are many homeless people in need who do not get this kind of help. each of these microinsults conveys a rudeness or insensitivity to black homeless individuals, as well as others, by demeaning their identity in a variety of ways. microinvalidations microaggressions also emerged in the category of microinvalidations. three themes emerged: significant absences, divine assistance, and assumption of sameness. the theme of significant absences was present for williams, hillman, and harris. this theme highlights how important or relevant information is left out of the articles and comments. the causes of homelessness, statistics related to homelessness, and resources for homelessness were all rendered invisible. this lack of information is similar to how jay rosen ( ) described the journalistic master narrative, as part of the press that eludes attention. as mendelberg ( ) suggested that framing works best when the audience does not realize it. as such, this lack of information is more of a covert frame that results in microinvalidations as the voices and experiences of these and other homeless, black men have silenced. because these issues were not addressed, the cause of homelessness appeared to be specifically an individual issue. in some cases this was true. for example, williams readily admitted drugs and alcohol were what caused him to become homeless. however, as noted throughout this dissertation, economic issues are the primary cause of homelessness. there were several other important issues that the articles and comments failed to discuss. williams has been very active in homeless communities, but his book, film, and other contributions were barely mentioned and never discussed. there was also little to no information about how hillman or harris became homeless. in fact, hillman himself was virtually silenced, only having a voice in the very last story that was published in my sample. when issues of homelessness were talked about, they were primarily discussed by the “experts,” not the men who were experiencing the realities of homelessness. this deficit coverage, coupled with comments providing stereotypical and incorrect information about homeless people, masked the realities of homeless people by reinforcing stereotypical assumptions. another microinvalidation that is present in the williams and harris narratives is that of divine assistance. this notion takes the positive aspects of these men’s experiences, as well as their agency, and credits them to a higher power. although both williams and harris expressed their own faith, the comments stripped away williams’ talent and work at sobriety and harris’ integrity and attributed these talents and traits to a higher power. for instance, commenters overlooked williams’ explanation that he went to school to develop his voice and attributed his golden voice to god. they also suggested god delivered him from drugs, rather than williams’ own actions in his quest for sobriety. harris’ honesty was attributed to god or angels working through him, not to his honest upbringing. this microinvalidation suggests that it was an individual act that caused the men’s homelessness, but it was a higher power that delivered them from their homeless situation. this ultimately suggests that these men were somehow innately bad, and that only through god’s grace were they able to succeed. this microinvalidation is an excellent example of people trying to be positive, but still actually diminishing another’s personal characteristics. the final microinvalidation was the assumption of sameness. this was found in the articles and comments relating specifically to hillman. both the articles and many of the comments linked hillman with various other homeless people of color. hillman was linked to williams, joyce brown, and a homeless guatemalan mother, among others. in some cases they were linked by race and in other cases through the stereotypes of scamming the system, mental illness, and addiction. these types of linkages reinforce both racial and class stereotypes. the assertion that all homeless people are all the same fails to consider each individual’s experience and to consider the structural barriers facing many individuals. what can be concluded from these findings related to microaggressions is (a) race does indeed play a factor in how these homeless individuals are perceived, (b) those in homeless situations face microaggressions that are unique to them, (c) through various microaggressions, homelessness is believed to be the result of individual actions, but escaping homelessness takes a “savior” or higher power, and (d) individuals use microaggressions as a means to differentiate themselves from those in marginalized groups, in order to maintain their position in the hegemonic order. visual microaggressions when the images and videos are analyzed across the cases, interesting findings emerge. the first is that there is a constant reminder that these men are second-class citizens. this is illustrated by the always-present visual reference to them panhandling and/or sitting on the sidewalk. the image of williams holding his sign asking for help, the photo of hillman sitting against the wall as the officer hands him boots, and the image of harris sitting against a sign post where his bike was locked up are present in almost every article and video regarding each individual. even after williams and harris were able to get off the streets, these images of them served as constant reminders that they were still somehow “less than” those in the dominant culture and of whom they were prior to the help of the dominant culture. also, there is a connection between historic imagery of black men and the images that journalist use and audiences are drawn to. once williams took on “celebrity status” he was often pictured as the happy minstrel performing for the audience. he typically had a big smile and was routinely pictured behind a microphone surrounded by cameras or on an interview stage. hillman’s images were very reminiscent of the lazy coon character. he was photographed sitting on the ground and leaning up against a wall, wearing ill-fitting clothing. or he was shown with a crazy bug-eyed expression as a white male talked to and about him. harris’ images portrayed a kindly looking older black man with graying hair and a beard wearing warm, but tattered clothes. his pictures evoked the uncle tom images used in the books and movies. a second visual microaggression that emerged was the visual connection between each man and a white “savior” figure. williams was shown with savannah guthrie, meredith vieira, matt lauer, and dr. phil. even when williams reconnected with his mother, he was surrounded by white journalists, reporters, and camera men. jeffrey hillman’s photos were with a visually white officer who gave him boots or with his white childhood friend reverend john graf, jr. while they were not photographed together, there was also the connection between hillman and jennifer foster, the white woman who took the initial photograph. finally, harris was constantly shown with darling and krejci. they, along with savannah guthrie, were even there when he was reconnected with his family. what these images do is two-fold. first, they disseminate and (re)produce a visual discourse connecting black men with both homelessness and historical stereotypical caricatures, reinforcing black individuals as second-class citizens. second, they create an illusion of white individuals as heroes stepping in and helping black people out of their self-induced situations. an overall conclusion that can be drawn from the above discussion on the microaggressions that emerged from the story is that microaggressions are present well beyond our interpersonal interactions and are becoming ubiquitous in our online interactions. although there were almost no specific instances of overt racism, it is clear race is a lens that is used when discussing homelessness. these findings suggest that online microaggressions are used to maintain and legitimize ideologies of white supremacy. how microaggressions alter the stories and narrative the second question i sought to explore was how the use of microaggressions within the article and/or comments alter the narrative being produced by the stories. as noted at the very beginning of this dissertation, a story is a unit of an event that relates the who, when, where, and how. each online article with its images and comments tells a story. narratives are a system of stories (herman & vervaeck, ). for example, a narrative is created when we combine the stories about jeffrey hillman within the content of usa today. this online content of the stories becomes hillman’s digital narrative. a social narrative is created when a similar story recurs in multiple different texts. this includes the varying texts in which hillman is presented, as well as the varying texts we see discussing other homeless individuals. microaggressions may consciously or unconsciously be used by the author that subtly alter the overall meaning of an article. through the addition of the comment sections, microaggressions invoked by the commenters can also alter the point of the article. the articles that emerged for these three men all began as “feel-good” stories featuring a kind act done to them or by them. not coincidently, all the articles emerged during winter holidays, potentially aiming to garner seasonal awareness of homelessness (hodgetts, cullen, & radley, ; lind & danowski, ; snow, ; whang, ). within the articles themselves, subtle negative references, the ongoing coverage (especially of williams and hillman), and the use of certain images change the “feel- good” nature of the initial stories to less-than-flattering narratives about homeless black men. the subtle and not-so-subtle references to mental illness, drugs and alcohol, and lack of contact with their families adds even more negativity to the narrative. what is not being told in the story exacerbates the negativity of the story. by eliminating the voices of homeless individuals and not addressing issues relating to homelessness, narratives are created that suggest homelessness is an individual problem, rather than a structural issue. finally, the constant textual and visual references to white savior figures reinforce the narrative that black individuals are unable to succeed without the help of white individuals. of course it is not just the authors of the articles who employee microaggressions that alter the stories and narratives. by using microaggressive language, those who comment have the opportunity to reshape the story, and each story that is reshaped affects the narrative. it is also important to note that often readers skim the articles and then skip to the comments, thus some readers’ comments are based solely on other comments. there are several ways commenter microaggressions inform the stories and narratives. one of the challenges faced by online news sources utilizing comment sections is handling vitriolic comments. for hillman, when the stories took a negative turn after he was seen without boots, the microassaults ramped up from accusations of ungratefulness to accusations of addiction, and then comments advocating harm to him. this changed the story from one about a guy whose actions were not what “society” hoped for, to a guy who was so despicable that he should be harmed or killed. in a country that has a violent past and present in regards to the treatment black individuals, this illustrates that individuals still carry with them deep- seated racial hatred. this is especially important in our current political climate. our presidential administration has made this type of language appropriate and acceptable. understanding the how individuals are using microaggressions and their effects are more important than ever. related to this, some microaggressions change the story through the comments related to entitlements, intelligence, mental illness, or addiction, especially when the articles do not reference any of these as contributing to the individual’s homeless situation. these types of microaggressions point out individual deficits as major causes of homelessness, rather than societal structures. for many, references to welfare, laziness, and drug use are often coded language for discussing black individuals. this suggests that some commenters are more focused on the race of the individual than his status as homeless, thus reinforcing stereotypes surrounding black individuals. many of the commenters focus on the actions of the white saviors or credit a higher power to helping these men. this suggests that homeless individuals find themselves homeless through their own poor choices; however, when something good happens it is credited to someone else. these microaggressions decenter the homeless individual as the subject and refocus the narrative from an internal action by a homeless man to the help provided by an external source. a significant conclusion relates to that implicit bias of pro-white and anti-black sentiment. it appears that there can be no solely positive story related to a black individual. there either needs to be something revealed that is negative, or white individuals need to play a positive role in the black individual’s success. this creates a narrative that black people are somehow less than white people. ultimately, no matter one’s intentions, social conditioning instills within each of us ideas, beliefs, and stereotypes outside our awareness. so while many individuals consciously endorse equality, on an unconscious level they act in ways that impede equality. this research shines a light on this in hopes that by recognizing what we are doing, we can make positive changes. microaggressions and master narratives the final question i explored was how the use and proliferation of online microaggressions reinforces master narratives. master narratives are those narratives that have endured the test of time and become embedded in culture. they are the big stories that all other stories stem from. as noted above, microaggression are often conveyed by well-intentioned individuals, unaware they are harming or devaluing a marginalized group. while these microaggressions do not appear to be harmful on the surface, they have an impact on the psychological and physical health of the marginalized group or individual at whom they are aimed (smith, hung, & franklin, ; smith, yosso, & solórzano; sue, ). microaggressions also reflect and express individuals’ oppressive worldviews, thus exposing an individual’s habitus or dispositions that have been shaped by past experiences and shape current practices and structures (bourdieu, ). it is through these microaggressions that oppressive or deficit worldviews are created, fostered, and reinforced. most of this is beyond our conscious awareness. when we look holistically at the microaggressions relating to each individual they recreate historic stereotypes: the entertainer, the lazy coon, and the devoted uncle tom. these caricatures emerge through the articles, comments, and images. what this suggests is that black people are seen solely has entertainers and servers by the dominant culture. there was no reason to continue the articles focusing on williams and harris beyond the “feel-good” stories as they provided no newsworthy value. they were no longer uplifting stories that could inspire others, they failed to address real issues facing these and other homeless individuals, and they began to portray these men negatively. these stories were purely voyeuristic. through a distorted lens, the dominant culture watches these men, who are subtly victimized by the racist and classist caricatures created through microaggressions found in the articles and the comments. harris is portrayed as a man content with his life on the streets. with the help of the white saviors he becomes civilized and devoted to them. this parallels the portrayal of slaves in minstrel shows who were happy with their lot and life and needed the influence of slavery to keep them in check. invoking these stereotypes and presenting homeless black males in these ways, white people are able to view themselves as socially and culturally superior. the final and possibly most significant finding in this project was how the microaggressions reinforce the master narrative of white people’s superiority over black people. this master narrative of the united states is based in colonialism and emphasizes european perspectives. within this master narrative, white american history is presented in the most favorable light, often distorting or ignoring counter stories and narratives that challenge this perspective. the current beliefs and stereotypes about black people reflect caricatures of black people that predate the abolition of slavery and were often used to entertain the masses through minstrel shows. this not only illustrates racial and class bias, it also suggests that our view of black individuals is still being influenced by our preabolition beliefs about black people. limitations and recommendations for future research although this study provides a unique contribution to microaggression research, there are several limitations to consider. first, because i had no contact with the subjects of this research (or other homeless individuals), it is possible that they do not or would not consider the images or what was written about them as microaggressions. additionally, i have no idea how aware williams, hillman, and harris are regarding the scope of the coverage they each received. this is not to imply they lack awareness, but simply to suggest they may not have had or taken the opportunity to research how many stories and comments were written about them. future research could include working with homeless populations to examine their perspective on how homeless populations are covered and commented about in online news stories. this would also allow for more discussion related to agency. second, because this investigation only looked at viral stories of black homeless males, future research must explore if these same themes would hold for a different demographic population of homeless individuals. or, one could consider a comparative project focusing on similarities and differences between homeless men and women or homeless white and non-white people. it might also be relevant to focus on locally bound stories. as this research looked at online news that has national and international reach, looking at local or regional online news and the comments may produce different findings. for instance, individuals who live in cities with larger homeless populations likely have different experiences and perspectives than those who live in communities with few homeless individuals, leading to different types of responses. also, it might be easier to comment anonymously on a highly circulated online newspaper, as opposed to a local or regional online source. a third limitation is using online comments. although this type of research potentially allows a fuller range of microaggressive expressions than other types of qualitative research, it also prevents gathering of demographic information. while some individuals may have used their real names or pictures in their postings, there is no way of knowing for sure. even though there is a demographic of readership provided by each online news source, there is no way of breaking down gender, race, age, or other important aspects to see who is saying what in the comments. future research could develop simulated sites to obtain this demographic information, but provide for anonymity in posting. finally, this qualitative approach was used to explore and uncover trends in thought to provide a deeper understanding of the use and effects of microaggressions. to provide more transferable data, a multimethod project could be useful to quantify online attitudes and behaviors relating to microaggressions. this would allow us to quantify the total number of perpetrator microaggressions and the number of microaggression per theme, and to examine emergent themes in the data. despite these limitations, this study answers the research questions and adds to the existing literature on microaggressions and online racism, by illustrating that microaggressions need to be considered beyond interpersonal acts. the findings suggest a continued need to explore how individuals are publicly communicating messages that subtly perpetuate dominant, white supremacist ideologies. implications and reflection results from this study suggest several implications for both education and news media. with the election of the current president and his administration, we have seen a great influx in both overtly hateful and covertly oppressive language and the study of microaggressions will become even more important. if we begin to understand the underlying meaning of some of the covert language being used, we can challenge it. one of the best ways to tackle issues of microaggressions is through education. educators at all levels need to bring examples of how we use covert or unintentional language to the forefront and create dialogue that allows students to explore their own understanding of issues of race, class, gender, and so forth. as this research has shown, microaggressions can be found online and therefore easy to show and discuss with others. educators, who learn from this research and the lived experiences of those they are advocating for, can illustrate how racism and other forms of discrimination are embedded in our society and shape our individual thoughts and actions. through education, professionals can counter misinformation that is inaccurate or poses a threat to marginalized groups. additionally, learners can be made aware that these subtle slights against another are not harmless, but rather deeply impact individuals and groups on both a personal and societal level. most significantly, we can use the findings of this research to examine the ways in which our current presidential administration and its supporters are using microaggressive language and actions to continue to support the white, male, dominant, hegemonic master narratives. through this administration, it will be important to see how social narratives are being created and disseminated. the concepts of alternative facts and fake news are part of a social narrative used to counter challenges presented to the president and his policies. stories about violence and intolerance directed at minorities are considered fake news while overtly inaccurate information about crimes committed by non-white individuals are considered truth. these have created a social narrative for those who support this administration, giving them permission to treat the “other” as second-class citizens or worse. these social narratives are also functioning to create digital narratives for those individuals considered to be threatening the health and safety of the nation, such as muslims and both legal and illegal immigrants. as prior research has shown, race and class are presented in a deficit model within news media (best, ; buck, toro, & ramos, ; clawson & trice, ; entman & rojecki, ; gilens, ; kellstedt, ;). along with this, commenters often intentionally or unintentionally propagate racial or classist ideologies (daniels, ; gerstenfeld, grant, & chiang, ; glaser, dixit, & green, ; leduff & cecala, ; steinfeldt et al., ). in the cases of ted williams and billy ray harris, to some extent it seemed that the media and many commenters were trying to counter the narratives associated with both black men and homeless individuals. as lori adelman posited in her opinion piece in the grio, “when depictions of black men go viral, are small or temporary gains in their personal fortunes or fame enough to justify the potential exploitation and cultural fallout that takes place along the way” ( , para. )? if we as a society are ready to move on, we must stop objectifying those we argue we are helping. this objectification of marginalized individuals is bound to become worse with the current administration. but, by understanding how and why microaggressions are emerging beyond the individual to the societal level, individuals and media establishments can create change. with the current administrations’ view on marginalized groups and with their proclaiming fake news or alternative facts directed at our most established media outlets, it is more important than ever to get fair and accurate portrayals in the media. because there is more room to provide additional information within online formats, journalist could supplement stories like these with links to facts about race, homelessness, or other topics relevant to our society. links to reputable sites could be provided for more information about homelessness or about how people can help. because online comments do provide a venue for open discussions on these types of topics, i believe they should be kept. rather than having just a place where readers can place comments, these sources could provide temporary moderated sites for posting comments. the site would only be open for comments for a few days, but during that time article authors or experts in the field could address commenters and work to facilitate discussion. as found in the research by stroud, van duyn, alizor, alibahi, and lang ( ), those who comment would like to have journalists clarify factual questions, have experts participate in the comment sections, and have journalists contribute to the comments. while this study has focused on race and homelessness online, it is important to see how microaggressions affect the narrative of all marginalized individuals. as this study comes to a close, i want to take a moment and reflect on this project. as i began this research, i was one of those well-meaning, fair-minded individuals endorsing egalitarian values. at times, i was incredibly angry and stressed by some of the more vitriolic comments and frustrated with some of what i thought were class- or race- motivated articles and comments. at other times i was moved or inspired by some of the articles and comments that showed sensitivity and reflection regarding these men and the issue of homelessness. what challenged me most was that some of what i was reading echoed my thoughts. prior to the research, i was well aware of many of the structural causes of homelessness; even so i found myself drawing from the same stereotypical notions as many of the commenters. i questioned williams’ tactics for getting a job (holding a sign up), without considering how difficult it would be for a homeless person to proceed through the “traditional” application and interview process or even considering his agency in engaging in this act. i made assumptions of mental illness or addiction as i read about hillman, without considering how financial support affects this. i was grateful for darling and krejci and what they had done for harris, without considering the implications their kind act had on other homeless people. it was through this project that i began to recognize that even those of us who support and advocate equality frequently perpetuate what we are fighting against. it is important that those of us who are part of the dominant culture remember that no matter how passionate or involved we are in fighting for equality, we are also part of the structure that prevents it. during the time of this writing, this is more important than ever. with the united states on the verge of turning into a white nationalist country, seeing an increase in hate crimes, and having a president and administration who clearly devalue and are trying to dismantle programs such as education, health care, public assistance, and social justice, understanding the ways in which individuals in our society communicate overtly, covertly, intentionally, and unintentionally is more important than ever. t ab le . : t ax on om y of m ic ro ag gr es si on s re la te d to ra ce a nd h om el es sn es s. appendix a sample of coding table for articles th eg ri o. co m , m ar ch , h om el es s m an w ho re tu rn ed ri ng ge ts o ve r $ k in d on at io ns m ee na h ar t d ue rs on r ob in , h ar ri s, s is te r - h as q uo te s r ob in h ar ri s – re fe re nc e g od a nd fa m ily af te r m on ey in cl ud es t od ay v id eo h ow m uc h ra is ed , b ri ef r ec ap o f ev en ts . h ar ri s go ne ye ar s. r ob in re co gn iz in g hi m a nd tr ac ke d hi m do w n. e m ot io na l c on ne ct io n fo r r ob in – h ea dl in e re fe re nc e $, ar tic le re fe re nc es fa m .n o co nt ex t to h ar ri s’ h om el es sn es s or c au se s of h om el es sn es s u sa to da y. co m , fe br ua ry , h om el es s he ro re tu rn s w om an 's en ga ge m en t r in g a p st or y sa ra h d ar lin g – qu ot e, h ar ri s qu ot e h ar ri s, d ar lin g – k in dn es s. n o ju dg in g ap pe ar an ce s st oc k ph ot o of ri ng , a m ou nt d on at ed h ar ri s pa nh an dl es h ar ri s th ou gh t r in g w as $ $$ d ar lin g – go od p eo pl e ou t t he re , it w as a m ir ac le h ar ri s ha s re lig io us u pb ri ng in g n o co nt ex t t o ho m el es sn es s n p r .o rg , fe br ua ry , d on at io ns p ou r i n fo r h om el es s m an w ho r et ur ne d r in g h e g ot b y m is ta ke m ar k m em m ot t b ill y r ay h ar ri s, s ar ah d ar lin g, b ill k re jc i - a ll ha ve q uo te s b ill y r ay h ar ri s, s ar ah d ar lin g, b ill k re jc i - ta xe s an d po lit ic s, he ar tw ar m in g, d o no t j ud ge r ai se d ov er k , r ei te ra te s to ry , d ar lin gs m ir ac le – ri ng n ot lo st , fe ar ed n ot b e re tu rn ed – h ar ri s a th ie f? , k re jc i t al ks w ith h ar ri s ab ou t $ , w hy n ot p aw ne d? n o ho m el es s co nt ex t, no in fo a bo ut h ar ri s – w he re fr om , w hy ho m el es s. f ee l g oo d st or y. a rt ic le ha s lin ks to w ill ia m s nd h ill m an ar tic le s so ur ce t itl e a ut ho r a dd iti on al n ar ra to rs c ha ra ct er s c om m en ts m ai n po in ts t ab le a . : s am pl e co di ng ta bl e fo r a rt ic le s appendix b sample of coding table for comments t ab le b . : s am pl e co di ng ta bl e fo r c om m en ts references a hk. 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( ). the state of homeless in america : a research report on homelessness. washington, dc: national alliance to end homelessness and the homelessness research institute. retrieved from http://www.endhomelessness.org/page/-/files/ _file_final_the_state_of_ homelessness_in_america_ .pdf wolfe jr., b. ( , february ). re: donations pour in for homeless man who returned ring he got by mistake [online forum comment]. national public radio: the two way. retrieved from http://www.npr.org/sections/thetwo- way/ / / / /donations-pour-in-for-homeless-man-who-returned- ring-he-got-by-mistake workneh, l. ( , march ). homeless man finds job, reunites with family after years. the grio. retrieved from www.thegrio.com xiao, l., & polumbaum, j. ( ). news and ideological exegesis in chinese online media: a case study of crime coverage and reader discussion of two commercial portals. asian journal of communication, ( ), - . doi: . / yogurt head. 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( ). health care for the homeless: what we have learned in the past years and what’s next. american journal of public health, , - . doi: . /ajph. . 	modern-day minstrelsy: online microaggressions and 	the digital narratives of homeless black males 	julie l. snyder-yuly 	a dissertation submitted to the faculty of 	department of communication 	the university of utah microsoft word - pennington final.docx !"# j o h n w i t t e , j r . & j u s t i n j . l a t t e r e l l between martin luther and mar- tin luther king: james pennington’s struggle for “sa- cred human rights” against slavery a b s t r a c t . this article outlines the human rights theories of nineteenth-century abolitionist and civil rights leader james pennington. born into slavery in maryland, pennington escaped north and became the first african american to attend yale. as an ordained presbyterian clergyman, educator, orator, author, and activist, he adapted traditional protestant rights theories explicitly to include the rights of all, re- gardless of race. he emphasized the authority and freedom of the individual con- science as foundational to human rights. he advocated a central role for covenantal institutions including church, state, family, and school as essential for fostering a law and culture of human rights. and he defended the right of all to disobey unjust laws and resist tyrannical regimes. pennington bridged these theories in novel ways with pacifist teachings, anticipating by more than a century the american civil rights movement led by martin luther king, jr., and others. though largely forgotten by historians, pennington was well known and influential among his contemporaries. his life and work represent an important step in the development of law, religion, and human rights. a u t h o r s . john witte, jr. is the robert w. woodruff professor of law, mcdonald distinguished professor of religion, and director of the center for the study of law and religion at emory university. this text is an expanded version of lectures given at the university of heidelberg, june , on receipt of the james pennington award, and at yale divinity school, october , at the dedication of the james pennington room. i am deeply grateful to professors jan stievermann and michael welker at hei- delberg and deans greg sterling and jennifer herdt at yale for their hospitality and generous counsel for the development of this text. thanks as well to professors nathan chapman, francis smith foster, robert franklin, and timothy jackson for helpful com- ments. justin j. latterell is the interim managing director, and research director for law, his- tory and christianity at the center for the study of law and religion at emory univer- sity. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !" a r t i c l e c o n t e n t s introduction i. early biographical origins of pennington’s theory of human rights a. the cruelty of slavery b. liberation of body, mind, and soul. ii. protestant foundations of rights, resistance, and revolution against tyranny iii. human rights and nonviolent resistance in pennington’s thought a. liberty of conscience and human rights b. tyranny, slavery, and revolution. iv. pennington’s critique of chattel slavery a. chattel slavery b. the curse of ham c. the heathendom of africans d. slavery in the bible v. the covenantal judgment of god on slavery and racism vi. nonviolent resistance to slavery and racism a. the principles of nonviolence b. disobeying unjust laws c. modeling covenant community. d. advocacy for abolition vii. slavery, just war, and violence viii. conclusion between martin luther and martin luther king !"" introduction the reverend dr. james w.c. pennington (ca. to ) was a remarkable figure in the american anti-slavery movement, though he is largely unknown today except by specialists. he was born into slavery in maryland. as a young child, he was whipped severely by the master’s overseer and taunted by the master’s children. so he spent long, lonely, and hungry days hiding in the woods while his parents worked the fields. as a youth, he was trained as a blacksmith, and peri- odically leased out to other masters and forced to live away from his fam- ily. in , after witnessing the brutal whipping of his father, he fled north toward freedom. twice along the way he was seized by fugitive slave hunters; twice he escaped. he made his way to pennsylvania where quakers took him in and provided food, shelter, kindness, a paid job, his first bible, and his first glimpse of formal education. pennington then moved to new york city and settled in a presbyterian community, working during the day and attending one of the black charity schools at night. in , pennington converted to christianity and learned to read the bible. he taught himself latin and greek and became a voracious reader of theology, history, philosophy, and rhetoric. in , he became the first african american to study at yale, taking courses in theology despite being forced to sit in the hallway outside the classrooms to hear the lectures. he became an ordained minister in the presbyterian church in , serving as pastor to churches on long island, hartford, and new york city—and later as moderator of the new york presbytery before taking final pastoral calls in maine, mississippi, and florida. for biographical studies, see the pennington lectures, - (jan stievermann ed., ); christopher l. webber, american to the backbone: the life of james w.c. pennington, the fugitive slave who became one of the first black abolitionists ( ); r.j.m. blackett, beating against the barriers: biographical essays in nine- teenth-century afro-american history - ( ); herman e. thomas, james w.c. pennington: african american churchman and abolitionist ( ); with literature re- view in id. at - , - . pennington’s given name was james pembroke. he changed his surname name to pennington after his escape in order to elude the attention of fugitive slave hunters. see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !"a also in , pennington attended his first abolitionist convention in new york city. his own suffering as a slave had already convinced him that slavery and racism were morally evil, and that he was no less entitled to natural liberty than his white counterparts. but as he learned more about the vast scope, cruelty, and injustices of the chattel-slavery system in america and beyond, he resolved to become an educator and crusader against slavery and racism, adopting and adapting the presby- terian theories of rights, resistance, and revolution that he was learning as a pastor and scholar. pennington treated slavery as a form of domestic tyranny that needed to be resisted and reformed in the name of human rights. much like the sixteenth-century protestant reformers who revolted against the spiritual tyranny of the medieval pope and the american revolutionaries who revolted against the political tyranny of the english king, pennington called for abolitionists to revolt against the domestic tyranny of the chat- tel-slave system. he called it “blatant hypocrisy” for the avowedly protestant american nation to declare proudly that “all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights,” and then systematically to deny rights to women, children, immi- grants, indentured servants, native americans, and african americans, enslaved and free. he called it a “monstrous crime” for slaves to be treated as items of personal property of their masters rather than as im- age-bearers of their creator god. he called it “divine treason” to refuse sanctuary and comfort to an escaped slave, or to return slaves to their masters for “thirty pieces of silver,” in the vein of judas iscariot. and he called the american law of slavery a “covenant with death and hell” that would bring the entire nation under god’s judgment and wrath. but pennington was no sword-swinging revolutionary like some of his protestant forebearers. anticipating by a century the civil rights movement led by martin luther king, jr., and others, pennington advo- cated primarily nonviolent resistance against racism and slavery. to see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes , , and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - , - and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. between martin luther and martin luther king !"b combat racism, he led sit-ins, lawsuits, political protests, and scholarly refutations of popular prejudices. he worked assiduously for the aboli- tion of the institution of slavery and for the emancipation and escape of individual slaves. he sold much of his property and collected donations from others in an effort to ransom his family. he led initiatives to pro- mote temperance, education, family stability, missionary work, and char- ity among free and enslaved blacks in the united states, africa, and the west indies. and as an elected leader of the world antislavery society, he mounted pulpits, lecterns, and soapboxes on both sides of the atlan- tic, pleading for the rights and liberties of all—especially for african amer- icans, slave and free. pennington’s abolitionist speeches, first in london in and later in paris in , caught the appreciative ear of heidelberg jurist, philosopher, and literary figure friedrich wilhelm carové, himself some- thing of a liberal freedom fighter. carové thus took the bold step of rec- ommending pennington for an honorary doctorate in theology. “the university of heidelberg,” he wrote to his colleagues, “was the first to confer this honor upon a jew (spinoza),” as a standing rebuke to many centuries of pogroms, expulsion, persecution, and slaughter of jewish people. “the university was the first to establish a chair for natural and human rights,” he continued, to counter the many centuries of church and state absolutism that so abused the people. and now, carové argued to his colleagues, this great german university should again be the “first to confer the doctoral degree . . . on this mistreated and despised north american” james pennington and, by lifting him up, help europe begin to “atone for the terribly heavy guilt for [abusing] the wretched sons of africa, who for centuries have been robbed of their most sacred human rights.” see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - and accompanying text. see infra notes - , , - , - and accompanying text. webber, supra note , at . id. id. at . see a facsimile of the original diploma with translation of the dedication in thomas, supra note , at - . id. at . id. id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !"c this principle of “sacred human rights” animated pennington’s mature efforts to abolish chattel slavery and to purge the racism that marked american society. pennington’s understanding of “sacred human rights” came directly from the protestant tradition of rights, resistance, and revolution that he absorbed in his presbyterian training and ministry. he portrayed the sixteenth-century reformation movement in germany and the abolitionist cause in america as part of the same providential movement from slavery and tyranny toward liberty and justice, from a national “covenant with death” to a natural covenant with life. like the protestant revolutionaries before him, pennington viewed conscience as the “mother of all rights.” like the black church civil rights leaders after him, pennington viewed christian faith as the “soul fire” of the human rights movement. as such, pennington stands as a fulcrum between mar- tin luther and martin luther king. i. early biographical origins of pennington’s theory of hu- man rights a. the cruelty of slavery james pennington’s theory of human rights was born, in part, out of his bitter personal experience with slavery. in his autobiography, the fugitive blacksmith, he recounts the abuses and indignities that led him to “steal himself” from his master and flee north. it began with the commercial “business of breeding slaves” which was built on “the primary law of slavery . . . that the child shall follow the condition of the mother,” however that child was conceived. each slave was viewed as a singular item of property that could be bought, sold, leased, gifted, or moved at the master’s discretion, without regard to a slave’s family ties. penning- ton’s master, frisby tilghman, in fact, gifted the four-year-old penning- ton, his mother, and his older brother to his newly wedded son, and the newlyweds promptly moved to another county with their new slaves in tow. so “began the first of our family troubles that i knew anything about,” james w.c. pennington, the fugitive blacksmith, or, events in the history of james w.c. pennington, pastor of a presbyterian church, new york, formerly a slave in the state of maryland, united states (london: charles gilpin d ed. ). id. at - . between martin luther and martin luther king !"d pennington recounts, “as it occasioned a separation between my mother and the only two children she then had, and my father, to a distance of about two hundred mile[s].” pennington’s new owner later purchased his father and consequently reunited the family. yet slavery continued to wreak havoc on pennington and his family, for it prevented his parents from fulfilling their natural duties to care for their children. my parents were not able to give any attention to their chil- dren during the day. i often suffered much from hunger and other similar causes. to estimate the sad state of a slave child, you must look at it as a helpless human being thrown up on the world without the benefit of its natural guardians. it is thrown into the world without a social circle to flee to for hope, shelter, comfort, or instruction. the social circle, with all its heaven-ordained blessings, is of the utmost im- portance to the tender child; but of this, the slave child, how- ever tender and delicate, is robbed. slavery not only robbed young pennington of parental care, but also left him and other slave children vulnerable to the cruelty of the mas- ter’s children and overseers. though similar in age to his master’s sons, pennington and his fellow slave children “were not only required to rec- ognize these young sirs as our young masters, but they felt themselves to be such; and, in consequence of this feeling, they sought to treat us with the same air of authority that their father did the older slaves.” worse were the plantation overseers. charged with managing and disci- plining all the slaves, tilghman’s overseers took “pleasure in torturing the children of slaves, long before they are large enough to be put at the hoe, and consequently under the whip.” one “extremely cruel” overseer named blackstone severely flogged young pennington. “from that [day], i lived in constant dread of that man; and he would show how much he id. at . id. id. at - . id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !ae delighted in cruelty by chasing me from my play with threats and impre- cations.” it was even harder for pennington to see his family members mis- treated. he was especially outraged when, as a teenager, he witnessed the severe beating of his father. “i was near enough to hear the insolent words that were spoken to my father, and to hear, see, and even count the savage stripes inflicted upon him,” he remembered. that humiliat- ing and infuriating scene steeled his opposition to slavery. “let me ask any one of anglo-saxon blood and spirit, how would you expect a son to feel at such a sight?” it was a crucial turning point in pennington’s life and that of his entire family: this act created an open rupture with our family – each member felt the deep insult that had been inflicted upon our head; the spirit of the whole family was roused; we talked of it in our nightly gatherings and showed it in our daily melan- choly aspect. the oppressor saw this, and with the heart- lessness that was in perfect keeping with the first insult, commenced a series of tauntings, threatenings, and insinu- ations, with a view to crush the spirit of the whole family. although it was sometime after this event before i took the decisive step [to escape], yet in my mind and spirit, i never was a slave after it. the natural integrity of the family—and the inherent dignity of each family member—would remain a lasting theme in pennington’s thought. his father’s beating convinced pennington that he could not id. see james w.c. pennington, [untitled report of speech], montreal witness, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. : "no man was contented who saw his mother flogged, his sister violated, and his brothers sold on the auction block,” pennington re- flected. pennington, supra note , at . id. id. see infra note . see, e.g., [record of lecture given by pennington in england], anti- slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . (slavery “origi- nates in the dismemberment of those portions of the human family who have been long and cruelly disfranchised. the human family, taken as a whole, are like the body. each between martin luther and martin luther king !af continue to live in bondage. yet even as this conviction grew stronger, relations between his family members and their master continued to de- teriorate. “our social state was now perfectly intolerable,” pennington said of the weeks after his father’s beating. “we were on the eve of a general fracas,” as family members struggled to know how to respond and protect themselves from such manifest cruelty and injustice. finally, one saturday evening, pennington recounted, “without counsel or advice from any one, i determined to fly.” it was the first of his many conscien- tious acts of resistance against tyranny. b. liberation of body, mind, and soul. pennington’s flight from slavery foreshadowed his later efforts to abolish slavery so much as possible by nonviolent means. though fully convinced that he had the right to break his bonds and claim his freedom, pennington remained troubled, both during and after his escape, by the deception and violence that his escape required. his master set a hefty two-hundred-dollar bounty on his head and pennington was actively pur- sued as a fugitive as he made his way, largely by night and by backroads and trails, from the maryland coast to the closest free state of pennsyl- vania. when periodically confronted by white slave catchers, penning- ton spun lies to elude capture or fled by foot. twice he was captured and held, but each time he broke free and escaped again. “i had resolved upon a plan of operation,” pennington later said of his decision to fight one of his pursuers, “to stop short, face about, and commence action; and neither ask or give quarters, until i was free or dead!” but penning- ton also regretted such thoughts and actions. when another slave catcher pursued him over a hill, he reflected: “once more i thought of class is a limb; every limb sustains its appropriate relation. strike off a limb, and you injure the whole body. to treat any one class of the human family without a respect to the relationship they sustain, is to do injury to the entire body, and to diffuse pain throughout. here is the exact position of that limb of the human family which i represent to-day. for hundreds of years it has been dismembered from the trunk, and hence mutual pain, mu- tual disease, mutual agony, mutual trouble throughout the whole body. again, i ask, what is the remedy? it is direct, it is close, it is reasonable. restore the dismembered limb.”) pennington, supra note , at . id. id. at - . id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !a! self-defense. i am trying to escape peaceably, but this man is determined that i shall not.” pennington ultimately justified such lies and violence as sins of necessity born of the natural right to self-defense. but sins they re- mained in his mind at the time. faced with the prospect of “ lashes” for his escape and a lifetime of even harder bondage thereafter, he in- stinctively defended himself—ready to fight to the death, if necessary. but pennington was also aware that his conduct was judged by a trans- cendent moral law, which he resented having to break. if you ask me whether i had expected before i left home, to gain my liberty by shedding men’s blood, or breaking their limbs? i answer, no! . . . if you ask me if i expected when i left home to gain my liberty by fabrications and untruths? i answer, no! my parents, slaves as they were, had always taught me, when they could, that “truth may be blamed but cannot be shamed” . . . . if you ask me whether i now really believe that i gained my liberty by those lies? i answer, no! i now believe that i should be free, had i told the truth; but, at that moment, i could not see any other way to baffle my enemies, and escape their clutches. the history of that day has never ceased to inspire me with a deeper hatred of slav- ery; i never recur to it but with the most intense horror at a system which can put a man not only in peril of liberty, limb, and life itself, but which may even send him in haste to the bar of god with a lie upon his lips. these moral dilemmas and injustices became clearer to penning- ton as he pursued his education. after crossing from maryland into penn- sylvania, he was taken in by quakers who gave him food, shelter, and paid work. they introduced him to literature, the bible, astronomy, and mathematics. they taught him basic skills in reading and writing. he id. at . for pennington’s later theory of self-defense, see infra note . pennington, supra note , at . id. at - . id. at - ; see also webber, supra note , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king !a# would later describe this six-month stay with the quakers as a bittersweet period of enlightenment. all this new reading opened his mind and imag- ination for the first time. but he also discovered the extent to which slav- ery had shackled not only his body but also his mind, stunting his educa- tional preparation and intellectual development. i now began to see, for the first time, the extent of the mis- chief slavery had done to me. twenty-one years of my life were gone, never again to return, and i was as profoundly ignorant, comparatively, as a child five years old. this was painful, annoying, and humiliating in the extreme. up to this time, i recollected to have seen one copy of the new testa- ment, but the entire bible i had never seen, and had never heard of the patriarchs, or of the lord jesus christ. i recol- lected to have heard two sermons, but had heard no men- tion in them of christ, or the way of life by him. it is quite easy to imagine, then, what was the state of my mind, hav- ing been reared in total moral midnight; it was a sad picture of mental and spiritual darkness. as my friend poured light into my mind, i saw the darkness; it amazed and grieved me beyond description. sometimes i sank down under the load, and became discouraged, and dared not hope that i could ever succeed in acquiring knowledge enough to make me happy, or useful to my fellow-beings. pennington would go on to become a renowned scholar, preacher, and teacher, but he always resented this lack of early educa- tion and the handicaps it imposed on him. there is one sin that slavery committed against me, which i never can forgive. it robbed me of my education; the injury is irreparable; i feel the embarrassment more seriously now than i ever did before. it cost me two years’ hard labour, after i fled, to unshackle my mind; it was three years before i had purged my language of slavery’s idioms; it was four pennington, supra note , at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !a years before i had thrown off the crouching aspect of slav- ery; and now the evil that besets me is a great lack of that general information, the foundation of which is most effectu- ally laid in that part of life which i served as a slave. when i consider how much now, more than ever, depends upon sound and thorough education among coloured men, i am grievously overwhelmed with a sense of my deficiency, and more especially as i can never hope now to make it up. if i know my own heart, i have no ambition but to serve the cause of suffering humanity; all that i have desired or sought, has been to make me more efficient for good. so far i have some consciousness that i have done my utmost; and should my future days be few or many, i am reconciled to meet the last account, hoping to be acquitted of any wilful neglect of duty; but i shall have to go to my last account with this charge against the system of slavery, “vile monster! thou hast hindered my usefulness, by robbing me of my early education!” proper education for all people—black and white, slave and free, male and female alike—would become another abiding theme in pen- nington’s theory of human rights. as he later put it, “the proud and self- ish anglo-saxon seized upon the negro to be used merely as a beast; but he was soon alarmed to find that he must undertake the difficult task of forging chains for a mind like his own . . . . [f]rom that moment to the present, slavery has been literally a war of minds.” id. at - . see, e.g., james w.c. pennington, common school review – no. xi, colored am., june , , available at bap, doc. no. (“education is so desirable that every effort and sacrifice ought to be made by every one to diffuse it into the mass of our needy people every where.”); james w.c. pennington, common school review – no. [illegible], colored am., july , , available at bap, doc. no. ; james w.c. pennington, from the old ‘long island scribe’, wkly. anglo-afr., sept. , , available at bap, doc. no. . see, e.g., david e. swift, black prophets of justice: activist clergy before the civil war - ( ). james w.c. pennington, the coloured population of the united states have no destiny separate from that of the nation of which they form an integral part: a lecture delivered before the glasgow young men’s christian association and also before the st. george’s biblical, literary, and scientific institute, london , con- gregational library – anti-slavery pamphlets ( ), available at bap, doc. no. . between martin luther and martin luther king !a" but “an increase in knowledge” brought with it “an increase in sor- row” for pennington. it first drove him to despair, but ultimately brought him to the christian faith. after six months of residing with the quaker family in pennsylvania who first took him in, pennington made his way to new york city in late or early . there he joined a presbyter- ian community and continued his studies in sunday schools and evening charity schools while working as a coachman. the more he learned about the magnitude of the suffering of slaves, however, the more he lamented their plight and the guiltier he felt about his own newly claimed liberty. his indignation and despair led to a tortuous period of introspec- tion and ultimately to a full-scale religious conversion. the theme was more powerful than any my mind had ever encountered before. it entered into the deep chambers of my soul, and stirred the most agitating emotions i had ever felt. the question was, what can i do for that vast body of suffering brotherhood i have left behind. to add to the weight and magnitude of the theme, i learnt for the first time, how many slaves there were. the question completely stag- gered my mind; and finding myself more and more borne down with it, until i was in an agony; i thought i would make it a subject of prayer to god, although prayer had not been my habit, having never attempted it but once. i not only prayed, but also fasted. it was while engaged thus, that my attention was seriously drawn to the fact that i was a lost sinner, and a slave to satan; and soon i saw that i must make another escape from another tyrant. i did not by any means forget my fellow-bondmen, of whom i had been sor- rowing so deeply, and travailing in spirit so earnestly; but i now saw that while man had been injuring me, i had been offending god; and that unless i ceased to offend him, i could not expect to have his sympathy in my wrongs; and moreover, that i could not be instrumental in eliciting his ecclesiastes : . webber, supra note , at - ; thomas, supra note , at . swift, supra note , at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !aa powerful aid in behalf of those for whom i mourned so deeply. true liberation, pennington now believed, required not only re- lease of the body from the shackles of slavery and of the mind from the perils of ignorance, but also redemption of the soul from its enslavement to sin. day after day, for about two weeks, i found myself more deeply convicted of personal guilt before god. my heart, soul and body were in the greatest distress; i thought of nei- ther food, drink or rest, for days and nights together. burning with a recollection of the wrongs man had done me – mourn- ing for the injuries my brethren were still enduring, and deeply convicted of the guilt of my own sins against god. one evening, in the third week of the struggle, while alone in my chamber, and after solemn reflection for several hours, i concluded that i could never be happy or useful in that state of mind, and resolved that i would try to become reconciled to god. under the guidance of presbyterian minister samuel cox, pennington accepted the christian faith. “i was brought to a saving acquaintance with him, of whom moses in the law and prophets” and the new testament wrote at length. this was the god who brought his people out of literal slavery in egypt into the promised land of israel, pennington noted. and this was the god who brings each person out of spiritual slavery to sin into the gracious presence of the church, the spiritual body of christ on earth. pennington became a devoted christian thereafter and wor- shipped in the presbyterian church pastored by rev. cox. pennington, supra note , at - . id. at . id. at . pennington, supra note , at . [record of lecture given by pennington in england], anti-slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . id. at ; see also webber, supra note , at - , , - . between martin luther and martin luther king !ab also in , pennington joined the abolitionist cause, “the great movement . . . of anti-slavery friends,” as he called them, including such notables as william lloyd garrison, simeon jocelyn, and lewis tap- pan. he attended “those conventions, where they came to make our acquaintance, and to secure our confidence in some of their preliminary labours.” as he continued to establish and educate himself in the north, pennington came to view american slavery as “more hideous than ever.” i saw it now as an evil under the moral government of god – as a sin not only against man, but also against god. the great and engrossing thought with me was, how shall i now employ my time and my talents so as to tell most effectually upon this system of wrong! . . . many, many lonely hours of deep meditation have i passed during the years and , before the great anti-slavery movement. on the ques- tions, what shall i do for the slave? how shall i act so that he will reap the benefit of my time and talents? . . . at length, finding that misery, ignorance, and wretchedness of the free coloured people was by the whites tortured into an argument for slavery; finding myself now among the free people of col- our in new york, where slavery was so recently abolished; and finding much to do for their elevation, i resolved to give my strength in that direction . . . [so that each slave] may be speedily released from the pain of drinking a cup whose bit- terness i have sufficiently tasted, to know that it is insuffera- ble. anti-slavery rep., supra note , at - . on the wide variety of abolitionists, see the recent massive study and copious sources cited in manisha sinha, the slave’s cause: a history of abolition ( ). pennington, supra note , at - . id. id. pennington continued: “and well do i remember the great movement which com- menced among us about this time, for the holding of general conventions, to devise ways and means for their elevation, which continued with happy influence up to , when we gave way to anti-slavery friends, who had then taken up the labouring oar. and well do i remember that the first time i ever saw those tried friends, [william lloyd] gar- rison, [simeon] jocelyn, and [lewis] tappan, was in one of those conventions, where they came to make our acquaintance, and to secure our confidence in some of their pre- liminary labours.” id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !ac convinced that liberation of body, mind, and soul were interde- pendent, pennington resolved to prepare himself for the vocation of min- ister and educator, and from that platform to join churches, schools, fam- ilies, and abolitionist societies alike to fight for the emancipation, elevation, and equality of his fellow african americans. pennington thus immersed himself in his studies and, in , won a teaching position at a local school for black children. that same year, he enrolled in a two- year program of theological training at yale to prepare for ordination in presbyterian ministry. ii. protestant foundations of rights, resistance, and revo- lution against tyranny pennington would later call it “providential” that he had con- verted to presbyterianism. this was a democratic form of protestant christianity born in sixteenth-century scotland and prominent in nine- teenth-century america. american presbyterians, like most churches in pennington’s day, were divided between proslavery and antislavery fac- tions. several strong black presbyterian churches in the north were pennington, supra note , at ; swift, supra note , at . see, e.g., colored ministers, n. star, apr. , , available at bap, doc. no. , at : “he [pennington] has ever secured the confidence and respect of the whole community, and has had one of the most orderly, respectable, and intelligent audiences that i ever knew. he is a sound theologian, a good self-made scholar, and a gentleman; aside from pastoral duties actively engaged, heart and hand, in temperance, education, anti-slavery, and all the reforms that tend to improve, refine, and elevate society.”). see other accounts in swift, supra note , at - . james w.c. pennington. the position and duties of the colored people: or the great lessons to be learned from the late riotous attack upon them in new york, national principia, aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . see russell e. hall, an outline history of the presbyterian church in america, j. presbyterian hist. soc’y (dec. ); j. earl thompson, jr., slavery and presby- terianism in the revolutionary era, j. presbyterian hist. (presbyterians and the american revolution: an interpretive account) (spring ); mark a. noll, pres- byterian history, and the civil war, j. presbyterian hist. (spring/summer ); jewel l. spangler, proslavery presbyterians: virginia’s conservative dissenters in the age of revolution, j. presbyterian hist. (summer ); irving stoddard kull, presbyterian attitudes toward slavery, church hist. (june ); walter b. posey, the slavery question in the presbyterian church in the old southwest, j.s. between martin luther and martin luther king !ad firmly abolitionist, led by renowned ministers like henry highland gar- net. the presbyterian and related protestant traditions offered pen- nington a firm theological framework in which to ground his emerging arguments against slavery and his early beliefs that church, family, and school were essential institutions for the liberation of body, mind, and soul. even more, this protestant tradition provided pennington with a powerful theory of rights, resistance, and revolution against spiritual and political tyranny, which he adopted and then adapted into a theory of nonviolent resistance against the domestic tyranny of slavery. the idea of rights, resistance, and revolution against any form of tyranny, of course, was no presbyterian or protestant invention. this idea had ancient greek and roman roots and grew into whole forests of cath- olic, protestant, and republican thought by early modern times. draw- ing on this tradition in , martin luther ( - ), the first protestant reformer, led a revolution against the spiritual tyranny of the pope and the “babylonian captivity of the church” by rome. through false doctrines and abusive canon laws, luther charged, the pope and hist. (aug. ); jennifer oast, “the worst kind of slavery”: slave owning pres- byterian churches in prince edward county, virginia, j.s. hist. (nov. ); dan- iel ritchie, radical orthodoxy: irish covenanters and american slavery, circa - , church hist. (dec. ); jack p. maddex, jr., proslavery millenialism: social eschatology in antebellum southern calvinism, am. q. (spring ); mat- thew anderson, presbyterianism: its relation to the negro ( ). see pennington, supra note , at - . for studies of african-american presbyterian churches and figures see also gayraud s. wilmore, black & presbyterian: the herit- age and the hope ( ); david e. swift, black presbyterian attacks on racism: samuel cornish, theodore wright and their contemporaries, j. presbyterian hist. (win- ter ); moses n. moore, jr., righteousness exalts a nation: black clergymen, re- form, and new school presbyterianism, am. presbyterians (winter ); moses n. moore, jr., revisiting the legacy of black presbyterians, j. presbyterian hist. (spring/summer ); timothy l. smith, slavery and theology: the emergence of black christian consciousness in nineteenth century america, church hist. (dec. ). see, e.g., p.j. rhodes, the greek city states: a sourcebook (mnno); harold j. ber- man, law and revolution: the formation of the western legal tradition (pqrs); brian tierney, the idea of natural rights: studies on natural rights, natural law, and church law, pptn–pumt (pqqo); robert m. kingdon, geneva and the consolidation of the french protestant movement: a contribution to the history of congregational- ism, presybterianism, and calvinist resistance theory (pquo). martin luther, the babylonian captivity of the church ( ), in luther’s works (helmut t. lehmann ed., a.t.w. steinhäuser trans., fortress press, ); see sources in john witte, jr., law and protestantism: the legal teachings of the lu- theran reformation - ( ). the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !be his clerical retinue had destroyed the liberty of the gospel, tyrannized the christian conscience, and deceived the german people on the pretext of controlling their salvation. relying on the authority of scripture and indi- vidual conscience, luther called on various magistrates to stand up and throw off this spiritual tyrant for the sake of “the freedom of the chris- tian.” after , some protestants further revolted against political ty- rants as they faced inquisitions and genocides that killed their coreligion- ists by the tens of thousands from the later sixteenth century onward. in particular, lutherans in magdeburg and calvinists in france, the nether- lands, scotland, england, and north america went from turning cheeks to swinging swords against their oppressors. and they used their writing desks and pulpits to work out a logic of rights, resistance, and revolution that had become a presbyterian and broader protestant commonplace by the time pennington opened his theological tracts. this protestant logic built in part on the familiar legal doctrine of legitimate self-defense. defense of oneself and of third parties against attack, using proportionate, even deadly force and violence when neces- sary was an ancient legal teaching. the law of resistance to tyranny is the law of self-defense writ large. when a magistrate exceeds his author- ity, he forfeits his office and becomes like any other private person. his victims and third parties alike may resist him, passively or actively, just as if he were any other criminal thug. presbyterians and other protestants also drew in the biblical idea of covenants, which they cast into a christian social and government contract theory. the political government of each community, they ar- gued, is formed by a three-way covenant between god, the rulers, and the people, modeled in part on ancient biblical covenants. by this cove- nant, god agreed to protect and bless the rulers and the people in return for their proper obedience to the laws of god and nature. the rulers martin luther, the freedom of a christian ( ), in luther’s works , - (w.a. lambert, trans.). see detailed sources and discussion in john witte, jr., the reformation of rights: law, religion, and human rights in early modern calvinism ( ). see, e.g., johannes althusius’s theory of self-defense as informed by historical legal and theological precedents in witte, supra note , at - . id. at . id. at - , - , - , - . between martin luther and martin luther king !bf agreed to honor these higher laws and protect the people’s essential rights, particularly those rights rooted in the bible. the people agreed to exercise god’s political will for the community by electing and petitioning their rulers and by honoring and obeying them so long as the rulers hon- ored god’s law and protected the people’s rights. if any of the people violated the terms of this political covenant and became criminals, the ruler could properly prosecute and punish them—and sentence them to death in extreme cases. in turn, if any of the rulers violated the terms of the political covenant and became tyrants, they could be properly re- sisted and removed from office—and sentenced to death in extreme cases if convicted. the remarkable trial and execution of king charles i of england in was a textbook example of this stern calvinist re- sistance logic in action. but if the tyrant refused to leave or could not be tried and persisted in tyranny, the lower magistrates were to organize and direct the people in revolt, including all-out revolution if needed to unseat this tyrant. early-modern protestants largely accepted the enumerated lists of rights and liberties (iura et libertates) set out in classical roman law and expanded in medieval and early-modern laws. but they rear- ranged, prioritized, and expanded this roll of rights, in part, on the basis of the bible. the most important rights, they reasoned, were the religious rights of “liberty of conscience” and “free exercise of religion.” after all, persons are created first and foremost as subjects and ambassadors of god and called to honor god above all else. the ten commandments enjoined them to worship god, to observe the sabbath, and to avoid blasphemy and idolatry. the new testament ordered them to “obey god rather than men.” the trial of charles i: a documentary history (david lagomarshino and charles t. wood ed., ); noel h. mayfield: puritans and regicide: presbyterian-independent differences over the trial and execution of charles i stuart ( ). theodore beza, concerning the rights of rulers over their subjects and the du- ties of subjects toward their rulers , - , - (henri-louis gonin, trans. ). see sources and discussion in christianity and human rights: an introduction - , - (john witte, jr. & frank s. alexander eds., ); christianity and freedom (allen hertzke & timothy shah eds., ). witte, supra note , at - , - , - , - , - , - . exodus : - . acts : . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !b! in practice, it became clear that protecting religious rights and du- ties required the protection of several other correlative rights, especially in contexts where protestants were persecuted minorities. an individual’s right to religious freedom, for example, required attendant rights to as- semble, speak, worship, evangelize, educate, marry, parent, travel, and more. the rights of the religious group to worship and govern itself as an ecclesiastical polity required attendant rights to legal personality, corpo- rate property, collective worship, organized charity, parochial education, freedom of the press, freedom of contract, freedom of association, and more. and both individuals and groups had to live by many other biblical commandments that set out the rights and duties of life, liberty, property, marriage, family, household, sanctuary, relief for the poor, charity, edu- cation, and more. by the s, calvinist writers began calling all these rights “essential,” “unalienable,” and “fundamental.” the chronic and pervasive breach of these rights by a magistrate, they reasoned, trig- gered the basic right and duty of the people, through appropriate means and channels, to resist or even to revolt. this protestant logic had driven french, dutch, scottish, and english revolutionaries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to throw off their tyrannical oppressors in protection of their fundamental rights. it was in part to that same tradition that early american revolu- tionaries appealed when they called their countrymen to arms against british tyranny. while seventeenth-century american colonists had witte, supra note , at - , - , - , - , - , - . see, e.g., christopher goodman, how superior powers ought to be obeyed ( ) - , - , - , , - (fasc. ed. charles h. mcilwain, ); witte, supra note , at - (describing the detailed rights theory of johannes althusius). see michael walzer, the revolution of the saints: a study in the origins of radi- cal politics ( ); and r.r. palmer, the age of the democratic revolution ( - ); john w. sap, paving the way for revolution: calvinism and the struggle for a democratic constitutional state ( ); david t. ball, the historical origins of judicial review, – : the duty to resist tyranny ( ). harry s. stout, the new england soul: preaching and religious culture in colo- nial new england (oxford , ); nathan o. hatch, the sacred cause of liberty: republican thought and the millennium in revolutionary new england ( ); james h. smylie, presbyterians and the american revolution, j. presbyt. hist. - ( ). between martin luther and martin luther king !b# viewed themselves as the new israel set on an “errand into the wilder- ness” after escaping bondage in old england, eighteenth-century amer- icans saw themselves as the old israelites shackled in another house of bondage. like the ancient pharaohs, they preached, modern british kings were systematically breaking the laws of nature and nature’s god and breaching the fundamental rights and liberties of god’s people in amer- ica. like the ancient israelites led by moses, the new american colonies had to break these bonds of political tyranny so that they could exercise their rights and duties in service of god, neighbor, and self. “rebellion to tyrants is obedience to god,” the american revolutionaries argued. iii. human rights and nonviolent resistance in pennington’s thought a. liberty of conscience and human rights james pennington discovered a deep “elective affinity” with this protestant tradition as he immersed himself in presbyterian theology and abolitionist advocacy. as he put it in a later sermon: the reformation was a contest for the rights of the people in matters of religion and conscience . . . . from his monkish apartments luther looked out upon the moral state of his countrymen. he beheld them without the word of god. he assumed it to be the right of every man to have and to read god’s holy word . . . . luther was especially prompted by his conscience to oppose slavery, whether physical, mental, title of samuel danforth, a brief recognition of new-englands errand into the wilderness ( ), discussed in perry miller, errand into the wilderness ( ). see representative texts in political sermons and the american founding era, - , at - (ellis sandoz ed., ); puritan political ideas, - , at - (edmund s. morgan ed., hackett pub’g co. reprt. ed. ) ( ); john wingate thornton, the pulpit of the american revolution ( d ed. ). the term “elective affinity” (or wahlverwandtschaft) is drawn from the work of max weber and is used here to describe the fit between pennington‘s worldview, experiences, and interests and the protestant legal and theological traditions that he adopted after his escape from slavery. see max weber, the social psychology of the world religions, in from max weber: essays in sociology - (h.h. geerth & c. wright mills eds. & trans., ); richard herbert howe, max weber’s elective affinities: sociology within the bounds of pure reason, am. j. soc. ( ). the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !b or religious. it mattered not to him whether the rights of man were attacked by the pope, emperor or civilian; he resisted that attack upon the authority of his conscience in the fear of god alone. liberty of conscience he claimed as the birth- right of man. pennington, too, laid claim to this birthright for himself and all oth- ers. pennington’s earliest discussions of conscience centered on the hu- man “intellect.” all human beings, regardless of skin color or social sta- tus, are set apart from all animals by being created not only with instincts but also with an intellect, or the capacity to reason. the intellect can be cultivated or neglected, refined or rudimentary, he recognized. but its basic presence in each person is “fixed by the god of his nature” and is “identical in all human beings.” the intellect gives humans their unique ability to reason and reflect. it further vests them with the moral capacity to understand and adhere to god’s moral laws. god is the “moral gover- nor of the world,” pennington insisted, who has “given a law for the gov- ernment of moral agents.” “his fixed and irrepealable law is the su- preme law of earthly rule and empire. call it the law of nature—the law of nations, or by what name we may, yet still it is there fixed” and bind- ing on all people. james w.c. pennington, the government of god over nations; its evidences; and the manner in which it affects individuals, in minutes of the seventh annual meeting of new york central college association . . . together with the general agent’s report, july , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . see james w.c. pennington, a text book of the origin and history . . . of the col- ored people - (hartford, conn.: l. skinner ); see also id. at (“a mere animal is not a man because it has no intellect, and it never can be identical with man because it cannot be, by any possible process, supplied with intellect. if i am required to say what i intend by intellect, i reply, i mean those powers of the human soul, as distinct from mere instinct, which alone enable man to reason and reflect. now if the absence of intellectual intelligence in the brute constitutes the difference between man and brute, then the intel- lectual intelligence cannot be predicable of a brute or mere animal in any possible degree. and if the possession of intellectual intelligence be that thing which raises man above the brute or mere animal, this must be the dividing line; nor can we conceive of more than one such line.”). id. at . id. at . pennington, supra note , at - . see pennington, supra note , at (“does it matter in the sight of god and in his dispensation of rewards and punishments, whether [a person is from] africa, asia, europe between martin luther and martin luther king !b" in his later work, pennington also emphasized god’s role in in- forming and animating the human “conscience.” adducing common pres- byterian teachings that “god alone is the lord of man’s conscience,” pennington treated conscience as a conduit through which god provi- dentially guides and governs individuals’ perceptions and actions, as well as history itself. this exercise of divine authority through the conscience, he insisted, precedes and preempts the authority of parents, pastors, or political magistrates in each person’s life. the conscience is god’s viceregent in the soul of man. he, as the all-wise author of our being, has furnished us with this faculty of judging. as an original faculty it must be under the immediate control of god. god appealed to this faculty and predicated man’s duty upon it before the fall; and again even immediately after the fall, and before man had become ame- nable to any other authority. . . . thus, it is evident that the higher and more sacred duties of man grow out of the fact that god controls his conscience by direct influences brought to bear upon it. we have no philosophy which will just exactly describe the modus operandi of the influence of god upon the inward man. but the fact is clear that such an influence there is. every conscience responds to the judg- ments of god in matters of man’s duty. even men have this experience. saul had it. ahab had it. david had it. man in every state is subject to these impressions. through this faculty god constantly enforced the duty of obedience to himself. that which may be known of god is manifest in them, for god hath shown it unto them. or america? does god slacken his hand upon the idolatrous colored man? does the sword of justice fall more lightly upon him for his sin of idolatry than upon the european, or upon the american? nay his law ‘is truth,’ psalm csix. , and ‘the judge of all the earth does right.’ gen. xviii. .”). the westminster confession of faith, sect. . , p. ( ); see also james w.c. pennington, letter to frederick douglass, frederick douglass’ paper, may , , available at bap, doc. no. , at - (“i recognize no lord of my of conscience but god only. slave born, thou i be, i am fully awake to the right of private judgment.”). pennington, supra note , at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !ba pennington followed protestant convention in viewing liberty of conscience as the natural corollary to the sovereignty of god. it is the liberty not merely to do as one wishes but to do as god commands. in practice it requires the right to discharge one’s spiritual duties: to worship god, to honor god’s name, to observe the sabbath, to avoid idolatry and blasphemy, and to enjoy the “free exercise of religion” as one’s heart, mind, and scripture commanded. it also includes the right to discharge one’s moral duties towards neighbors: to respect a neighbor’s life, prop- erty, reputation, family, household, and business; to hearken to that “voice from the inner man directing, ordering and commanding, and en- forcing justice to man.” the moral laws of god, revealed to and through the human conscience, are prior in time and superior in authority to the laws of the family, church, state, or society. the individual conscience thus communicates one’s god-given rights, status, and duties as a hu- man being, thereby relativizing the authority of institutions and persons who might infringe on one’s rights, deny one’s dignity, or impede one’s fulfillment of moral and religious duties. pennington further followed protestant convention in seeing lib- erty of conscience as the wellspring of “individual rights under the gov- ernment of god.” like the duties that flowed from conscience, these rights, too, pennington argued, are prior in time and superior in authority to the laws of any government. “liberty of conscience is natural to every human being,” pennington explained. conscience claims and exercises free speech. it tells man that he has a right to be, and to be free. it tells him that he has a right to have a lawful wife and children. it tells him that he has a right to enjoy, and have these in a state of freedom. that such are the convictions of the slave’s conscience is obvious by the achievements made by the fugitive slave . . id. at - . id. at . the text continues: “this voice condemns all injustice, fraud and wrong, no matter whether sanctioned by legislation or not.” id. pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, covenants involving moral wrong are not obligatory upon man: a sermon delivered for the fifth congregational church, hartford, on thanksgiving day, nov. th, (hartford, conn.: john c. wells ), available at bap, doc. no. . between martin luther and martin luther king !bb . . every human being has a right to be, and to act as such. to possess life, liberty, and to pursue happiness. this right is given by the author of man’s being – god; and it cannot be taken away by any power in the world . . . . man made in the image of god is an object of god’s love and regard. the happiness of man is an object of god’s government; the greatest amount of happiness to the greatest number of his creatures. elsewhere, pennington included the “freedom of thought,” “the right of private judgment,” and “personal liberty among the inalienable rights of all men.” “any man, or body of men, who attempts to invade that sacred right, i must regard as the most dangerous of all men.” pen- nington also defended the universal right of every human being to learn and to educate their children in school and prepare them for their proper vocation. he insisted on the natural right of all human beings to pursue pennington, supra note , at - . a year before, pennington defended strongly his right as a preacher and abolitionist to speech: “you will, therefore, appreciate me when i say, that i feel indignant at the thought of asking any man or party of men to endorse my abolitionism. i ask no man what opinions i shall hold and advocate in my pulpit, and on the public platform, on the question of immediate and gradual emancipation. – the right of the slave to take boats, horses, money, and even lives in order to secure his freedom – the right of others to help him in defiance of the fugitive slave law – the obligation of government to compensate slaveholders as an effective inducement to give up their slaves – the propriety of redeeming the poor fugitive who has been captured, or who is in danger of being arrested – the inconsistency of professed abolitionists trading in slave grown cotton, rice, sugar, &c., for gain and luxury – that sort of communion with man- stealers in the counting room which makes millionaires by scores annually; my views upon these and kindred subjects, connected with american slavery, sir, are neither bought nor borrowed from any class of men – i inherit them from the bosom of my dear enslaved mother, and as i love her memory, i will stand by them till i die . . . . if the time has come, when colored men are to be persecuted for freedom of opinion in regard to their own cause, let us know it, and let us prepare for an open and manly fight." james w.c. pennington, letter from rev. dr. pennington, frederick douglass’ paper, feb. , , available at bap, doc. no. . pennington, supra note . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note . james w.c. pennington, the self-redeeming power of the colored races of the world, anglo-afr. mag., oct. , available at bap, doc. no. ; pennington, su- pra note , at - ; pennington, supra note , at - ; [lecture summary], wkly. anglo-afr., oct. , , available at baa, doc. no. ; see also james w.c. pen- nington, who will go and do likewise?, christian freeman, nov. , , available at bap, doc. no. (“our colored churches have settled one great question, namely, the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !bc meaningful voluntary work and to enjoy the fruits of their own labor. “the right to labor, earn wages, and dispose of our earnings for the support of our families, the education of our children, and to support religious insti- tutions of our free choice, is inherent.” he defended every person’s right “to write, speak, and publish his own thoughts, views, reviews, as- sents, dissents, beliefs and disbeliefs, subject only to constitutional liabil- ities under due process of law.” he spoke briefly of the rights of men, women, and children alike. and pennington repeatedly called for the right to universal suffrage for all adults and the right to hold public of- fice. "if a man born in a country was bound to protect and provide for his family circle, he should have his voice heard in the assembly. they that colored men may be eminently pious and useful as christians. the question is now, what is the next step in the onward course of colored men? i answer, sound scholarship. what next? sound scholarship. and what next? sound scholarship. i do not care how they obtain it. it will be all the same if they have to obtain it by studying in caves as some of the primitive scholars did. – but i say, by all means, we must have scholarship.”). see pennington, supra note at - (“the right to labor, earn wages, and dispose of our earnings for the support of our families, the education of our children, and to support religious institutions of our free choice, is inherent. no party, or power, in politics, or reli- gion, can alienate this right…let us place our daughters, and younger sons in industrial positions, however humble; and secure openings where they may be usefully employed. every father, and every mother may be of service, not only to their own children, but also to those of others. you will have many applications for “colored help.” be useful to appli- cants. prepare your sons and daughters for usefulness, in all the branches of domestic labor and service. th. let our able bodied men go into the united states service. there is no better place for them. if i had a dozen sons, i would rather have them in the united states army and navy, than to have them among our loose population.”); and pennington, supra note , common school review no. xi, (“education is so desirable that every effort and sacrifice ought to be made by everyone to diffuse it into the mass of our needy people every where.”). pennington, supra note , at - (“we must enter into a solemn free colored protestant industrial or labor league. let the greedy foreigner know that a part of this country belongs to us . . . that we are to have all our rights as men and as citizens, and, that there are to be no side issues, no reservations, either political, civil, or reli- gious. in this struggle we know nothing but god, manhood, and american nationality, full and unimpaired. the right to labor, earn wages, and dispose of our earnings for the sup- port of our families, the education of our children, and to support religious institutions of our free choice, is inherent. no party, or power, in politics, or religion, can alienate this right.”). james w.c. pennington, circular letter, anglo-african, dec. , , available at bap, doc. no. , at . id. [summary of speech], leeds mercury, august , , available at bap, doc. no ; james w.c. pennington et al., to the good people of connecticut: soul or skin, pa. freeman, oct. , , available at bap, doc. no. , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king !bd should all be heard at the ballot-box.” “the monopoly of suffrage was an insult to common sense – that it was an offence in the sight of god, and an oppression to man – and it ought to be abolished, and swept from the face of the earth.” “which is the basis of human rights?” pennington asked himself rhetorically in . he never fully answered that question beyond gesturing to the bible, human nature, the family, common sense, and constitutional declarations and traditions of rights. nor did he lay out a comprehensive account of all the rights advocated for or protected in his day. the basic rights and liberties that were foreclosed to american slaves and to african americans more generally drew most of his atten- tion. what he insisted on, however, was that god has given all humans various “high and holy rights, which every instinct of human nature and every sentiment of manly virtue bid us to preserve and to protect to the full extent of our ability.” these “god-bestowed rights are common to all men. they may be invaded, but man never surrenders them. they may be impaired by oppressive legislation, but they are never aban- doned. if misfortune ever snatches them from his embrace, the prompt- ing of his conscience moves him to recover them.” b. tyranny, slavery, and revolution. since “the days of immortal luther,” pennington continued, many protestant revolutionaries have fought for human rights rooted in liberty of conscience. seventeenth-century presbyterians led “the twenty- eight years’ struggle between england and scotland” for fundamental rights that king james and king charles had so blatantly violated. new england puritan revolutionaries helped drive “the seven years’ struggle between britain and the thirteen colonies” in america. indeed the complete suffrage soiree in finsbury, nonconformist, june , , available at bap, doc. no . also see baa, doc. no. . id. pennington, supra note . james w.c. pennington, call for a colored national convention, frederick douglass’ paper, may , , available at bap, doc. no. , at . pennington, supra note , at - . id. at - . id. id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !ce “whole world” was now “astir upon the great question of the liberty of conscience.” much as god himself had “moved upon the face of the waters” at the outset to create a new world, god was now moving over “the dark waters of oppression” to create a new society. “god acting upon individual human consciences imposes the most powerful checks upon the movements of tyrants, despots and bigots,” pennington urged. “a true patriot” in a just cause “must always feel that he owns and contends for property which god gave him, whether it be life, or liberty, or the pursuit of happiness. his greatest strength will be in the firm con- viction that god is transacting his business. . . . when the hand of god is with us, we are strong, and when he shows us his will, in regard to our duties, we should be in earnest to do it.” the american revolutionaries had built their constitutional revolt and reconstruction on this tradition of rights, resistance, and revolution, pennington continued. indeed, the “brotherhood of the human family” is the “cardinal principle of true democracy and of true christianity.” the declaration of independence repeated the principle that “all men are born free and equal,” making it the “fundamental maxim of the ameri- can republic.” it recited anew “certain truths concerning the rights of mankind universally, which in its own sense are as old as creation.” “the principles of the american declaration are not merely upon the parchment of ’ ,” pennington argued, “they are more sublimely en- graven on the more durable parchment of the human mind; this is what id. genesis : - . pennington, supra note , at . id. at . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at . “the states took the ground that a sovereign has no right to exercise power in subversion of his legitimate authority, and consequently that all such acts were null and void—of no binding force. and for the justness of the senti- ment, they appealed [in the declaration of independence] to the judgment of the civilized world; and to the judge of all, that doeth right.” arthur tappan et al., to the friends of liberty. nat‘l era, july , , available at bap, doc. no. . pennington, supra note , at : the declaration says that “every man is born free and endowed with liberty.” this “truth has its foundation in the nature of god, of man, and also of things.” pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, [untitled pamphlet], presscopy – yale university – anti- slavery pamphlets, august , , available at baa, doc. no. . between martin luther and martin luther king !cf makes these principles the living glory of every freeman on earth, and also the terror of tyrants.” for all their revolutionary efforts against the political tyranny of england, however, many americans remained largely blind to the do- mestic tyranny of their own governments. blacks and whites, slaves and free, had fought shoulder to shoulder in the american revolution, pen- nington explained. they were literally brothers-in-arms, carrying and caring for each other in the fight. yet “notwithstanding the star bespan- gled banner that they saw in their waters, notwithstanding all they heard of the declaration of independence and . . . the th of july orations,” pen- nington argued, america soon betrayed its founding ideals. while the declaration of independence proudly proclaimed that “all men are cre- ated equal, and endowed with certain unalienable rights,” the reality was that many americans were treated as being fundamentally unequal and were systematically denied many of their god-given rights, including women and children, the unpropertied and indentured, native ameri- cans, and african americans. more brutally, slaves were denied rights id. pennington continued: “the enemy of human liberty may take such a paper parch- ment and put it in his nethermost pocket and claim that he has disposed of the case. the despot, i say, may take a paper parchment, deposit it in a shrine of iron, place the whole beneath the broad base of his throne, and challenge his subjects that they have no rights, but at his option; yet after this is done, those declarations engraven upon the living parch- ment of the human mind, will speak to the no small discomfiture of the tyrant’s mind. it was so with nero of rome. after he thought he had reduced the liberties of the romans to a nut-shell, he still found such an opposition to his pretensions, that he could wish that the “romans had but one neck,” so that he might despatch them at a blow. the principles of our declaration, then, are as firm as the throne of the ancient of days, and this republic may be called to “pass into the memory of things beyond the flood,” and leave them behind, unless she adhere to them in spirit.” id. [summary of speech], frederick douglass’ paper, oct. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . [summary of speech on colonization], nat‘l anti-slavery standard, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . [summary of speech], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at baa, doc. no , at . the full text reads: “notwithstanding the star bespangled banner that they saw in their waters, notwithstanding all they heard of the declaration of independence, the celebrated document of ’ , notwithstanding the th of july orations, . . . notwith- standing all the pride of liberty that reigned in the american bosom, american was still a land of slavery.” for comparable sentiments a decade later in frederick douglass, see “what to the slave is the fourth of july” (july , ), available at https://www.thena- tion.com/article/what-slave-fourth-july-frederick-douglass (last visited feb. , ). see, e.g., pennington, supra note , at (“the fundamental maxim of the american republic [is] ‘that all men are born free and equal.’ if we [blacks], born in america, cannot the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !c! altogether, even the right to legal recognition as human beings as image- bearers of their creator. “we profess to be the freest nation in the world. we have the largest number of slaves of any nation in the world.” both southern states’ cruel slave codes and the united states constitution itself preserved and perpetuated the domestic tyranny of the chattel-slave system. the constitution allowed the odious trans-atlan- tic slave trade to continue for at least a generation, with cargoes of hu- man beings carrying over twelve million africans to the americas, with three million more dying in passage. the constitution’s infamous three-fifths compromise strengthened southern states’ political power by counting their slaves in calculating proportional representation in the united states congress, even though slaves were discounted as mere chattel at home and under state law. and the constitution established the fugitive slave laws that required escaped slaves found in free states to be returned to their masters, reduced again to property that could be bought, sold, and leased; beaten, raped, and starved; worked, bred, and boarded like beasts; and foreclosed by state law from such basics of life as marriage, education, literacy, art, leisure, paid work, worship, church life, and more. live upon the soil upon terms of equality with the descendants of scotchmen, englishmen, irishmen, frenchmen, germans, hungarians, greeks, and poles, then the fundamental theory of the american republic fails, and falls to the ground; and the door once opened to kick out the people of colour, let others be prepared for their turn.”). see supra note , and infra note (discussing denying the image of god in the slave). james w.c. pennington, minutes of the seventh annual meeting of new york cen- tral college association . . . together with the general agents report: and a ser- mon . . . by j.w.c. pennington (july , ), available at baa, doc. no. , at - (“[e]xcept the brazilians”). william goodell, the american slave code in theory and practice: its distinctive features shown by its statutes, judicial decisions and illustrative facts ( ); and john c. hurd, the law of freedom and bondage in the united states ( - ). pennington, supra note , at - . david eltis and david richardson, atlas of the transatlantic slave trade ( ), at xvii (stating that . million africans were deported from africa to the “new world” through the slave trade between the years of and ). u.s. const. art. , § , cl. , repealed by u.s. const. amend. xiv. [summary of speech], kelso chron., jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - ; see also pennington, supra note , at - (arguing further from the declaration between martin luther and martin luther king !c# “slavery is the antipode of liberty” and the archetype of tyranny, pennington thundered. spiritual tyranny threatens a person’s worship and church life. political tyranny threatens a person’s body and belong- ings. but the domestic tyranny of chattel slavery threatens a person’s very “right to be, and to be free.” if it is a self-evident truth that all women and “men are born free . . . by the hand of god . . . that act, which uproots the hallowed constitution of nature, opposes the hand of god, and prostitute[s] his divine ordinance . . . is an act of mortal sinfulness.” iv. pennington’s critique of chattel slavery a. chattel slavery so far, pennington’s argument extended the familiar protestant logic of rights, resistance, and revolution to expose the problems of slav- ery and racism in america. because god creates all persons as equals with moral intelligence and liberty of conscience, he argued, african americans deserve equal treatment and protection. because god vests all persons with natural rights to discharge their natural duties to god, neighbor, and self, taught to them by conscience, african americans should enjoy the same. because the persistent and pervasive violation of a whole community’s natural rights by church and state authorities constitutes spiritual and political tyranny, similar violations of the natural rights of a whole race by domestic authorities constitute domestic tyr- anny. and because all tyranny triggers the most fundamental right to re- sist and revolt, the domestic tyranny of chattel slavery triggers that same right for enslaved people. yet most of pennington’s american slaveholding audience re- mained unconvinced, for “the peculiar institution” of chattel slavery in nineteenth-century america rested on deeper and darker premises that of independence, “the authority of right reason,” the constitution itself, the “direct com- mand of god” in isaiah (to “make a shadow to hide the outcasts”), and from isaiah : [properly ] (“and your covenant with death shall be disannulled, and your agree- ment with hell shall not stand.”)). id. at . pennington, supra note , at - ; see also hannah arendt, the origins of totali- tarianism ( ) (arguing that the most basic right is “the right to have rights”). pennington, supra note , at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !c would take more effort to parry. the ugliest logic of the day taught that slaves were not human persons at all, but items of property. chattel slaves, the argument went, were marked by color and were thus easy to identify. they lacked intelligence and thus could not be educated. they lacked souls and thus could not worship. they lacked affections and thus could not marry or have families. they lacked agency and thus depended on their masters to discipline and contain them, lest they become a men- ace to themselves and their neighbors. a whole industry of literature de- veloped these ugly arguments in opposition to the abolitionists. pennington responded directly to such arguments. in his first book, a text book of the origin and history of the colored people, he aimed to “unembarass the origin, and to show the relative position of the colored people in the different periods among the different nations.” he further aimed to give his readers “a right state of feeling on the total sub- ject of human rights,” a topic which occupied him in a long series of sermons and speeches thereafter. some of pennington’s arguments echoed those of other abolitionists in pointing out the self-serving falla- cies and “is/ought” confusions of this crude logic of chattel slavery. that slaves were treated like animals does not mean that slaves are not persons, he argued. that slaves were denied education does not mean they lack intelligence or learning. that slaves were denied bibles does not mean that they lack souls. that slaves were denied marriages does mean they lack marital love or familial affection. that slaves were the kenneth m. stampp, the peculiar institution: slavery in the ante-bellum south ( ). for more recent literature, see ariela gross, slavery, anti-slavery, and the com- ing of the civil war, in the cambridge history of law in america , - (michael grossberg & christopher tomlins eds., ). among numerous studies, see, for example, slavery defended: the views of the old south (eric l. mckitrick ed, ); the law of american slavery: major historical interpretations (kermit l. hall ed., ); mark v. tushnet, the slave law in the amer- ican south: state v. mann in history and literature ( ). pennington, supra note , at . id. at . manisha singha, the slave’s cause: a history of abolition ( ); robert m. cover, justice accused: antislavery and the judicial process ( ). for sample doc- uments, see william m. wiecek, the sources of anti-slavery constitutionalism in america, - ( ); louis ruchames, racial thought in america: a documen- tary history ( ). between martin luther and martin luther king !c" legal responsibility of their master does not mean they lack moral agency. it was hypocrisy to insist otherwise, pennington contended. slaveholders often accused slaves of theft, even though owners them- selves were “robbers of human liberty.” they accused slaves of being rebellious. “but what a contradiction is this to common sense! have the wretched africans formally resigned their freedom? have the slave-hold- ers, the receivers of stolen goods, any other claim than that of force?” they accused slaves of being “vicious” and “ill-disposed.” “but can they be well-disposed to their oppressors?” “have they been brought up, as their tyrannical masters have, under the influence of that precept which teaches us to love our enemies? it is well known that in their own country [africa], they were just, generous, hospitable. . . . if then they are vicious, they must have contracted many of their vices from their masters.” slaves are accused of being inferior in “their capacities” and “void of un- derstanding.” “is it wonderful when by incessant labor, the continual ap- plication of the lash, and the most inhuman treatment that imagination can devise, their genius is overwhelmed and hindered from breaking forth? no, their abilities are confounded by the severity of their servi- tude.” the “best way to fit a man for slavery is to place him in a state of slavery,” pennington wrote. but “the best way to fit a man for freedom is to lay upon him the responsibility of acting the part of a free man.” pennington’s own experiences, first as slave and then as free, made all this abundantly clear to him. his own life was proof that once african americans were treated as persons with inherent rights and dignity; james w.c. pennington, the self-redeeming power of the colored races of the world, anglo-afr. mag., oct. . available at bap, doc. no. ; see also pen- nington, supra note , at - . james w.c. pennington, a review of the slave trade, the anglo-afr. mag., may , at , , available at hathi trust digital library, https://babel.ha- thitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=uc . ;view= up;seq= (last visited aug. , ). id. at . id. id. james w.c. pennington, the reasonableness of the abolition of slavery at the south, a legitimate inference from the success of british emancipation: an address delivered at hartford, conn., on the first of august, , at (hartford, conn.: tiffany & co. ), available at baa, doc. no. . id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !ca gained rights to education, worship, marriage, and proper work; and were accorded responsibility, accountability, and legal standing, these self- serving fallacies and hypocritical caricatures of the chattel slave would disappear. b. the curse of ham pennington also exposed and refuted popular religious justifica- tions for slavery. for example, he debunked the popular teaching of the day that god had condemned african people to slavery. that popular teaching started with the biblical story of noah, who is reported to have gotten drunk and fallen asleep “naked,” a likely biblical euphemism for having sex. noah’s son ham had watched his father, while his two other sons, shem and japheth, discreetly covered him up. when noah woke up and learned what ham had done, he was livid. he cursed ham’s son, canaan, and condemned him to slavery. “cursed be canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren,” noah declared omi- nously. he blessed his two other sons and said of each of them, “let canaan be his slave.” apologists for american chattel slavery had long used this biblical story to support the enslavement of africans. modern europeans and americans, they argued, were the heirs of shem and japheth who had inherited the divine right to hold slaves. modern africans, in turn, were in , a mature pennington described the vaunted, if troubled, history of african peoples and their descendants as a source of profound hope: “a race so numerous in almost every populous part of the globe – a race so ancient, so well connected, and so intimately associated with all the leading events in universal history, cannot fail to elicit the attention of those unselfish minds of the various enlightened nations who are engaged in the great work of universal civilization,” pennington wrote. “the past history of the de- scendants of africa is now appealing to her sons and daughters in the four quarters of the globe, to be up and doing for god, for christ, for the race, for pure religion, for hu- manity, for civilization, and for righteousness and truth. the response is certainly very creditable to the hoping and hopeful man: for such is the colored man the world over; for if [there] is a human being on the face of the earth who can hope alone, and even hope against hope, it is the colored man. and this is the secret of his amazing powers of en- durance.” james w.c. pennington, the self-redeeming power of the colored races of the world, anglo-afr. mag., oct. , available at bap, doc. no. , at . genesis : - . genesis : . genesis : . genesis : . for discussion, see pennington, supra note , at . see, e.g., the mark of cain and curse of ham, s. presbyterian rev. - ( ). between martin luther and martin luther king !cb the descendants of canaan who remained under his hereditary curse to be slaves. furthermore, the dark skin of africans was the product of god’s earlier curse of cain, who notoriously murdered his brother abel. as punishment, “god put a mark on cain,” the bible reads. that “mark of cain” was black skin, the argument went. canaan was cursed by noah, and married a descendant of cain, who had been cursed by god with black skin. the descendants of canaan, thereafter, were distinguishable by their dark skin and thus marked by god and his servant noah to be slaves. this purported biblical exegesis was the fanciful work of “a class of men . . . attempting gravely to theorise themselves into the right to oppress, and to hate and abuse their fellow men,” pennington coun- tered. are bible readers really supposed to believe that “noah cursed his grandson canaan, and this dooms the black man to slavery, and con- stitutes the white man the slaveholder! astounding!” searching through biblical and other genealogies, pennington concluded that the more likely descendants of canaan were the light-skinned “canaanites” of the middle east described later in the bible, rather than the dark- skinned africans of west africa who were likely descended from noah’s two favored sons, shem and japheth. american slaveholders have misidentified their quarry, pennington wrote in jest. “they must discharge the africans, compensate them for false enslavement, and go and get canaanites” if they want slaves. other variants of this argument posited that noah’s curse itself had the effect of dark- ening the skin of canaan and his descendants. see david m. goldenberg, black and slave: the origins and history of the curse of ham ( ); stephen r. haynes, original dishonor: noah’s curse and the southern defense of slavery, j.s. religion ( ), available at http://jsreligion.org/volume /front .html (last accessed aug. , ); david m. whitford, the curse of ham in the early modern era: the bible and the justifications for slavery ( ). genesis : ; see also goldenberg, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at - ; see benjamin braude, the sons of noah and the construction of ethnic and geographical identities in the medieval and early modern periods, wm. & mary q. - ( ); ruth mellinkoff, the mark of cain ( ); see also pennington, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at . id. id. at , - , - . id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !cc but rather than enslave modern-day canaanites or “any class of human beings,” pennington continued seriously, christians should con- sider noah’s curse for what it really was. even if noah had cursed an ancestor of modern-day africans, this was not a “divine malediction” “in- tended to extend to posterity.” it was one man’s drunken threat, blurted out in embarrassed anger at a family member. it was certainly not a bind- ing divine edict to “control the administrations of the great god.” the “spirit of wine” is hardly “the spirit of god.” moreover, even if noah or god had chosen to punish ham for his misdeed, they could not harm ham’s son canaan. for elsewhere god’s law commanded clearly that the “son shall not bear the iniquity of the father, neither shall the father bear the iniquity of the son.” c. the heathendom of africans the “curse of ham” argument for slavery often went hand-in-hand with the argument that africans were “heathens” who deserved slavery rather than liberty. after all, the argument went, the old testament rec- ords many stories of god helping his chosen people of israel conquer the heathen nations around them. sometimes, god killed these enemies directly, as with the inhabitants of sodom and gomorrah that threatened abraham and his family, or the egyptians who rejected moses’ re- peated demand on god’s behalf to “let my people go!” more often, god empowered the israelites to wage and win wars against their enemies, even those much stronger in arms and numbers. sometimes israel annihilated these so-called heathens, tearing down their cities and killing all their residents. other times, israel spared some victims and took or id. at - . id. at - . id. at - . id. (quoting ezekiel : ); see also deuteronomy : . but see other biblical texts on the heritability of parental sins discussed in john witte, jr., the sins of the fathers: the law and theology of illegitimacy reconsidered - , - , - ( ). genesis : - . exodus : ; : ; : , , , ; : , , . see, e.g., exodus : - ; deuteronomy : - ; joshua - ; judges - ; samuel - ; samuel ; kings . see, e.g., numbers : - , : - , : - ; deuteronomy : - : ; joshua: : - . between martin luther and martin luther king !cd sold them into slavery. these biblical narratives had long inspired western christian laws that regarded so-called heathens, pagans, idola- ters, and infidels as fair game for such conquest, colonization, and en- slavement. not only the american slave system, but also the trans- atlantic slave trade, under this view, rested on solid biblical foundations. pennington denounced this popular argument for slavery, too. he admitted that many africans, though by no means all, were pagan or heathen “polytheists.” he further conceded that such infidelity had in some cases led to “blindness of mind,” “looseness of morals,” “divisions,” and intertribal “animosities” that “induced the tribes to make war upon and to sell each other” in the slave trade. but such conditions called for peaceful christian missionaries, not enslavement—and for charity and education, not brutality and exploitation. the god of the old tes- tament may have allowed his people to engage in sieges, warfare, and enslavement as they struggled to find their place in the violent ancient world. but the god of the new testament was a god of peace and not of war, a god of the word and not of the sword. the new testament commanded christians to “love their enemies,” not to curse them or wage war on them. jesus’s final commandment to his followers was: “go therefore, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the father, and of the son, and of holy spirit, teaching them to observe see, e.g., numbers : - ; deuteronomy : - ; joshua : - . james muldoon, popes, lawyers, and infidels: the church and the non-christian world, - ( ); james muldoon, the americas in the spanish world order: the justification for conquest in the seventeenth century ( ); anthony pagden, law, colonization, legitimation, and the european background, in the cambridge his- tory of law in america , - (michael grossberg & christopher tomlins eds., ). pennington, supra note , at - . id. at - . james w.c. pennington, letter: to the editor of the american missionary, august, , in ms american missionary association archives, - (amistad re- search center at tulane university), - , esp. - ; james w.c. pennington, colored preachers for africa, md. colonization j. [originally published in new eng. religious herald], october , available at bap, doc. no. . (“the church is not called to educate politicians and merchants for any heathen land, nor is she for africa. but well informed colored preachers of the gospel are what africa now and ever has needed . . . . i will venture to say, that that branch of the christian church in this country which will take hold of this work in good faith, and do the most at educating talented and pious colored men for african missions, will do the most effective work against slavery in this country, and the slave trade in africa.”) matthew : - ; romans : . see infra notes - and accompanying text (discussing pennington’s christian pacifism). the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !de all that i have commanded you, and lo, i am with you always, to the close of the age.” “making disciples of all nations” in africa was the proper christian way to confront african heathenism, pennington concluded. ac- cordingly, he spent a good deal of time encouraging and building chris- tian missions to africa and to african diaspora communities in the carib- bean. moreover, pennington argued, the polytheist heathenism of afri- cans paled in comparison to the barbaric heathenism of the white slave traders who came to africa. these slave traders were aflame with the “same plundering, bloody and murderous spirit which characterized” the earlier conquests of the americas. already in the fifteenth century, columbus sounded the news [of] “a new world,” and [a] mul- titude of adventurers soon flew to make conquests. but to get gain for nought in lands was not sufficient for their pur- pose. they must have property in human flesh. they must have the aborigines’ lands for nought, and in addition to this they must have the aborigines work it for nought. and when this appeared to be not so convenient, they must have a supply of africans. this spirit broke forth from the old world like a lion from his cage, pinched with hunger; and see here how desperately it figures about the world to complete its measure of iniquity. first it pounces upon the aborigines, head and heels, and then away to africa, and there is blood, blood and blood only in its train. it was doubly shameful for protestants to share and profit in this trade of flesh and blood, pennington continued, now playing to the anti- catholic animus of his day. not only was chattel slavery invented by the purportedly advanced christian civilizations of europe rather than by the purportedly backward heathen africans. but, even worse, chattel slavery and the trans-atlantic slave trade system were part and product of the matthew : - ; see also acts : . james w.c. pennington, [record of speech on colonization], nat‘l anti-slavery standard, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . pennington, supra note , at . id. at - ; see also id. at (“drenched with blood by the man stealer”). between martin luther and martin luther king !df same tyrannical rule of the medieval catholic church that the protestant reformers had thrown off in the name of their own rights and liberties. whether the slavery and tyranny are spiritual, political, or bodily, pen- nington thundered to his protestant audience, “slavery is an institution of the dark age!” it pulses with the same evil spirit that gave the west the rack, the wheel, and the stake—as well as the crusades, the pogroms, and the inquisition. yes, slavery was bred, born and nurtured in the will of charles the fifth of spain, second only to nero of rome; this rebel ghost who was capable of fulminating, and figuring in the darkest of the darkness of the dark age; this great patron of the mother of abomination; this stoutest of the co- workers with the pope of rome, in his persecution of [mar- tin] luther and the reformers; he was also the first patron and patriarch of the institution [of chattel slavery] which is so peculiar at the south. and who knows, perhaps these chiv- alrous patriarchs of the south have descended from charles, and have from him inherited their patents? have the apologists for slavery ever thought of this? they are apologizing for the dark age. have the ministers of the sa- cred office at the south, who interpret the bible in support of slavery, ever thought that they are preaching a doctrine first invented by a bishop of the romish church? . . . can any wonder then, that the spirit of slavery hides god and truth from the understanding, when it comes under the damning and accumulated darkness of the dark age. id. at - . id. at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !d! later in his career, pennington softened his critique of roman catholicism and praised american catholics for resisting slavery and rac- ism, as many did, sometimes at the cost of severe protestant re- prisal. but pennington persisted in his argument that american protestants should see better than others that chattel slavery was a form of heathenism in god’s eyes. for americans to side with slaveholders, in his view, was to betray their protestant ancestors’ sacrifices, to choose a new form of tyranny over true christian liberty, and even to commit blasphemy against god himself. “who is a blasphemer if not he who says that god is the author of american slavery?” pennington demanded. “who is a blasphemer but he who wrests the holy word of the holy god from its proper meaning, and makes it to sanction iniquity?” see, e.g., “[untitled report],” christian freeman, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. ; james w.c. pennington, address to the people of the state of new york, nat‘l anti-slavery standard, feb. , , available at bap, doc. no. . (“the catholic church, true to her ancient and not inglorious traditions, holds its members equal, regardless of complexion – coloured clergymen have ministered its sacred rites in the city of new york; her edifices have no caste pews, and there is no coloured catholic church in the united states, nor in the world.”); james w.c. pennington, god is no re- specter of persons, liberator, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no. . (“true, i am informed that in catholic countries, whatever diversities of condition may obtain in society, none are known within the precincts of the church: there black and white, high and low, all bow themselves before the common father of their souls, for ‘god is no respecter of persons.’ but protestantism, in shaking off the corruptions of papacy, and returning to the pristine purity and simplicity of christianity, has set up a negro pew, and stamped unclean on the brow of those for whom jesus christ was not ashamed to die. would he who associated with lazarus and mary magdalene, have shunned the society of the kind-hearted negro?”) but see pennington, supra note , at (noting that only “colored protestants” were targeted by irish catholic immigrants, during violent riots of .). on these riots, see infra note . see generally john t. mcgreevey, catholicism and american freedom: a history - ( ); kenneth j. zanka, american catholics and slavery, - : an an- thology of primary documents ( ); justin latterell, the constitution of religious liberty: religion, power and the birth of the secular purpose test, - ( ) (manuscript at - ) (unpublished ph.d. dissertation, emory university), umi no. . pennington, supra note , at ; see also pennington, reasonableness of aboli- tion - (criticizing european attempts to exploit slaves in the west indian islands on similar grounds: “but as it has pleased god to honor her before all the nations, as the instrument to accomplish this great event [of british emancipation], we may congratulate her upon the success of her abolition measure, while the powerful and even dangerous combination of the west india interest, or rather prejudice was against it, and while the political prayers of france, denmark, sweden, spain, portugal, holland, and our own united states, were mingling in unhallowed unison to the god of slavery (if it has any) for its failure.”). between martin luther and martin luther king !d# d. slavery in the bible one major hurdle for abolitionists like pennington, however, was that the bible seemed to condone slavery, albeit not necessarily chattel slavery. the old testament or hebrew bible was teeming with laws and examples of god’s chosen people of israel enslaving debtors and criminals, taking slaves as war booty, and purchasing slaves from neighboring nations. mosaic law made clear that the enslavement of fellow jews was to be temporary, humane, and closely regulated, with automatic manumission after six or seven years. gentile and foreign slaves, however, were protected property who could not be harmed or stolen by others. these slaves were subject to sale, lease, barter, mortgage, gift, and devise. but even gentile slaves were regarded as persons, not chattel, in ancient jewish law and culture—and they, too, could and should be man- umitted after a time. masters were required to circumcise their male slaves so that they could participate in jewish religious life, and mas- ters and their sons could marry their female slaves. slaves could be forced to work, though not on the sabbath, and were required to be obedient and subservient to their masters. masters could and should see examples in anchor bible dictionary (david noel freedman et al. eds., ), “slavery.” exodus : . numbers : - ; deuteronomy : - . see exodus : (discussing temporary purchase of jewish slaves); leviticus : - (“as for your male and female slaves whom you may have: you may buy male and female slaves from among the nations that are round about you. you may also buy from among the strangers who sojourn with you and their families that are with you, who have been born in your land; and they may be your property. you may bequeath them to your sons after you, to inherit as a possession for ever; you may make slaves of them, but over your brethren the people of israel you shall not rule, one over another, with harsh- ness.”). exodus : - , ; deuteronomy : - , - , : ; leviticus : - . exodus : , : . genesis : , : , : , : , : . exodus : - ; deuteronomy : - genesis : - ; exodus : : deuteronomy : ; leviticus : . deuteronomy : - . job : . exodus : , : ; deuteronomy : . malachi : . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !d discipline their slaves. but if their punishments physically disfigured their slaves, masters had to release them; if punishments were fatal, masters themselves were to be punished. moreover, if slaves escaped a cruel master and sought sanctuary, they did not have to be returned as fugitives. in the new testament narratives, jesus took the existence of slavery for granted in his parables and teachings. he did call for mercy by masters who held (self-)enslaved debtors. some interpreters sug- gested that this might have been the import of the famous line in the lord’s prayer, “forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors.” but jesus never condemned jewish or roman slavery directly, even though he attacked many other legal practices and institutions of his day. simi- larly, the new testament epistles of paul repeatedly call on slaves, in- cluding new christian converts, to accept their status and to remain faith- ful to their masters, now as a matter of christian duty. in his letters to the ephesians and colossians, for example, paul commands: slaves, be obedient to those who are your earthly masters, with fear and trembling, in singleness of heart, as to christ; not in the way of eye-service, as men-pleasers, but as servants of christ, doing the will of god from the heart, rendering service with a good will as to the lord and not to men, knowing that whatever good any one does, he will receive the same again from the lord, whether he is a slave or free. masters, do the same to them, and forbear threatening, knowing that he who is both their master and yours is in heaven, and that there is no partiality with him. proverbs : , . exodus : - , - . deuteronomy : - . matthew : - , : - ; luke : , : . see matthew : - . matthew : . the greek term opheilolo/opheilema for “debts” is a legal and economic term that is used elsewhere in matthew : - ; luke : , : - . see s. scott bartchy, slavery (graeco-roman), in the anchor bible dictionary - , (citing r.a. horsley, jesus and the spiral of violence: popular jewish resistance in roman palestine - ( )). ephesians : - ; see also colossians : - . between martin luther and martin luther king !d" paul’s letter to timothy strikes a similar tone: let all who are under the yoke of slavery regard their mas- ters as worthy of all honor, so that the name of god and the teaching may not be defamed. those who have believing masters must not be disrespectful on the ground that they are brethren; rather they must serve all the better since those who benefit by their service are believers and be- loved. in his letter to the corinthians, paul again defended the status quo of slavery, though he seemed to warn against using self-enslave- ment to repay debts: only, let every one lead the life which the lord has assigned to him, and in which god has called him. this is my rule in all the churches . . . . were you a slave when called? never mind. but if you can gain your freedom, avail yourself of the opportunity. for he who was called in the lord as a slave is a freedman of the lord. likewise he who was free when called is a slave of christ. you were bought with a price; do not become slaves of men. so, brethren, in whatever state each was called, there let him remain with god. it was comfort enough, paul argued, that unity in christ transcended the gender, cultural, and economic distinctions of this life, particularly since the second coming of christ would likely occur in the very near future: “in christ jesus you are all sons of god, through faith. for as many of you as were baptized into christ have put on christ. there is neither jew nor greek, there is neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all one in christ jesus.” timothy : - . corinthians : , - ; see also colossians : (describing paul introducing “onesimus, the faithful and beloved brother” in christ but then still sending him back to his master); philemon - . galatians : - (emphasis added); see also colossians : - ; ephesians : - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !da such biblical passages led many americans to advocate for a more benign version of slavery featuring benevolent christian masters and obedient christian slaves living in domestic harmony. the rev. henry j. van dyke, sr., pennington’s fellow presbyterian minister in brooklyn, new york, is representative. van dyke thought it unbiblical to treat slaves as mere property instead of persons and to bar slaves entirely from worship, education, and family life. he also thought that slavery might gradually disappear over time as subsequent generations of enslaved africans became more civilized. but he did not think that the bible called for the total abolition of slavery. after all, many biblical pa- triarchs owned slaves. jesus accepted slavery. paul called slaves to ac- cept their life with grace and humility. and the apostolic churches admit- ted both slaves and masters as full members. “if the new testament is to be received as a faithful history,” van dyke pointed out, “no man was ever rejected by the apostolic church upon the ground that he owned slaves.” but the early church did call its members to rise above what the secular law around them allowed, van dyke continued, and it disciplined those who fell short of the law of christian love and charity in their homes. if he [a member of the early church] abused his power as a master, if he availed himself of the authority conferred by the roman law to commit adultery, or murder, or cruelty, he was rejected [by the apostolic church] for these crimes, just as he would be rejected now for similar crimes from any henry j. van dyke, the character and influence of abolitionism: a sermon preached in the first presbyterian church of brooklyn, n.y. on sunday evening, de- cember , (henry polkinhorn, printer, ). see also richard fuller & francis wayland, domestic slavery considered as a scriptural institution in a correspond- ence between the rev. richard fuller of beaufort, s.c. and the rev. francis way- land of providence, r.i. (new york: lewis colby & co. th ed. rev. ) ( ); see also james renwick wilson sloane, review of rev. henry j. van dyke‘s discourse on ‘the character and influence of abolitionism,‘ a sermon preached in the third re- formed presbyterian church, twenty-third street, new york, on sabbath evening, december , (william erving ). describing the meaning of a master’s property right in his or her slave(s), van dyke argued: “the property consists not in the right to treat the slave like a brute, but simply in a legal claim for such services as a man in that position may properly be required to render.” van dyke, supra note , at . id. at . id. between martin luther and martin luther king !db christian church in our southern states. if parents abused or neglected their children, they were censured, not for hav- ing children, but for not treating them properly. and so with the slaveholder. it was not the owning of slaves, but the manner in which he fulfilled the duties of his station that made him subject for church discipline. . . . it is upon the recognized lawfulness of the relation, that all the precepts regulating the reciprocal duties of that relation are based. in light of these “reciprocal duties,” slavery was no more sinful than marital family life, van dyke claimed. in fact, “multitudes of the no- blest and holiest men of this land have been, and are, slaveholders,” in- cluding the american founders who crafted the constitutional bills of rights. and “there are now in our southern states thousands of chris- tian masters who give every scriptural evidence of piety.” of course, some masters and slaves shirk their duties and abuse their positions. but that does not make slavery inherently immoral. it is no fairer to abolish slavery because of a few abusive masters or restless slaves than to abol- ish the marital family because of a few adulterous spouses or delinquent children. slavery is a good domestic institution, just like the marital family, van dyke insisted. indeed, slavery is the means by which god was bringing about the conversion and gradual civilization of african “heathens,” he added, playing another well-worn populist card. i cordially embrace the current opinion of our church that slavery is permitted and regulated by the divine law under both jewish and christian dispensations, not as the final destiny of the enslaved, but as an important and necessary process in their transition from heathenism to christianity – a wheel in the great machinery of providence, by which the final redemption is to be accomplished. however this may be, one thing i know, and every abolitionist might know if he id. at . id. at . id. id. at - . id. at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk !dc would, that there are christian families at the south in which a patriarchal fidelity and affection subsist between the bond and the free, and where slaves are better fed and clothed and instructed, and have a better opportunity for salvation, than the majority of laboring people in the city of new york. if the tongue of abolitionism had only kept silent these twenty years past, the number of such families would be tenfold as great. fanaticism at the north is one chief stum- bling-block in the way of the gospel at the south. christians should promote moral virtue within the institution of slavery, van dyke concluded, not demand equal rights and liberties from slavery. “i stand here, at one of the main fountain-heads of the abuse we have complained of,” van dyke declared from his new york pulpit to the abolitionists in his community. “i stand here to rebuke this sin [of aboli- tionism], and exhort the guilty parties to repent and forsake it. it is mag- nanimous and christ-like for those from whom the first provocation came to make the first concessions.” pennington made no such concessions. he knew well the biblical passages on slavery. but he insisted that these passages simply re- flected the matter-of-fact history of slavery in ancient times. they did not project the proper law or ethic of domestic relations for modern christian churches, states, or societies. indeed, the whole narrative and normative arc of the bible was for liberation from slavery, pennington insisted. this biblical narrative, which pennington now connected to the struggle against american slavery, was one of liberation of god’s people from actual bondage in egypt to the liberty of the promised land. it recalled the liberation of jewish and gentile slaves by manumission, redemption, and sanctuary as prescribed by god’s law. it declared the liberation of each person from the bondage of sin to the freedom offered by divine grace. id. at . id. at . [summary of lecture in edinburgh], christian news, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . james w.c. pennington, a two years absence, or a farewell sermon preached in the fifth congregational church, available at baa, doc. no. , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king !dd against those who cited the bible to support slavery, pennington thus levied a barrage of biblical passages enjoining freedom for god’s people: “for freedom, christ has set us free,” the new testament said. “you were called to freedom.” “where the spirit of the lord is, there is freedom.” “you will know the truth, and the truth will make you free.” “you will be free indeed.” “you have all been given “the glorious liberty of the children of god.” the “general tenor and scope of the new testament” is thus unequivocally “against the system” of slavery,” pennington con- cluded. “the gospel rightly understood, taught, received, felt and prac- tised, is [as] anti-slavery as it is anti-sin.” “god has handed down this blessed book [the bible] from heaven; we receive it with joy for the light it contains; we read it, we study it, and we do not believe there is a particle of slavery in it.” whereas apologists like van dyke treated cruelty toward slaves as an aberration in an otherwise benevolent system of domestic life, pen- nington insisted that slavery always tends “to barbarism; a barbarism which is the perfect opposite of christian civilization.” “slavery is an utter stranger [to] the attributes of justice, mercy, and love, those great elements of refinement to the human soul,” taught by the bible. not all slave owners were equally cruel, pennington admitted. yet cruelty was inherent to and inevitable in the institution of slavery. “the melancholy truth is, that cruelty is the legitimate offspring, the natural concomitant of galatians : , ; corinthians : ; john : , ; romans : . see pennington, supra note , at - , - (relating to his parents how the gospel “proclaims liberty to the captives”). see other uses of these biblical texts in evelyn brooks higginbotham, “didn’t my lord deliver daniel”: biblical witness and african-american freedom strug- gle, in the pennington lectures, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at - (“my sentence is that slavery is condemned by the general tenor and scope of the new testament. its doctrines, its precepts, and all its warnings are against the system. i am not bound to show that the new testament au- thorizes me in such a chapter and verse to reject a slaveholder. it is sufficient for me to show, what is fully acknowledged by my opponents, that it is murdering the poor, corrupt- ing society, alienating brethren, and sowing the seed of discord in the bosom of the whole church, and covering all missionary ground with the blasting fires of controversy.”). pennington, supra note , at (noting that while god had “permitted” slavery in order to “bring good out of the evil,” there “is not a solitary decree of the immaculate god that has been concerned in the ordination of slavery, nor does any possible development of his holy will sanction it”). pennington, supra note , at . id. at . id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #ee slavery; it may develop itself under different phases, according to the pe- culiar constitution of the patient, but the virus is in the system, and the pustules will appear on the surface.” “the sin of slavery lies in the chattel principle,” pennington ex- plained—the idea that one person can own another and do with him or her as he wishes with little legal restraint or consequence. “the being of slavery, its soul and body, lives and moves in the chattel principle, the property principle, the bill of sale principle; the cart-whip, starvation, and nakedness, are its inevitable consequences.” how can this ever be considered biblical, he demanded? “does the bible justify men in hatred and injustice?” does it [the bible] sanction “cruelty”? jas. ii. . does it sanction “mangling?” luke x. . does it sanction “imprison- ment”? heb. xi. . does it sanction “starvation”? matt. xxv. . does it sanction “torture”? heb. xi. . in short, does it sanction “malignant spite,” “insane anger,” and whimsical sporting with the happiness of our fellow men? the bible sanctions none of these, nor the institution of chattel slavery that allows them. “my feelings are always outraged,” pennington proclaimed defi- antly, when he heard christian clergy defend “kind” and “gentle” christian masters against their detractors and demand that slaves practice chris- tian obedience, patience, and even gratitude for the relatively affluent conditions of plantations as compared to the purported barbarism, sav- agery, and heathenism of their african homelands. such duplicitous pennington, supra note . pennington, supra note , at iv-v. id. at iv-v. pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at iv-v; see also [summary of speech], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no . for an early version of this argument about kind christian masters, see pennington’s analysis of the “negro plot” court records in pennington, supra note , at - (“gentlemen, – the monstrous ingratitude of this black tribe is what exceedingly aggravates their guilt. their slavery among us is generally softened with great indulgence; they live without care, and are commonly better fed and clothed, and put to less labour than the poor of most christian countries.”). between martin luther and martin luther king #ef talk “is calculated to mislead the public mind” and to distract the public eye from the “horrors of the slave system,” pennington charged. the opinion seems to prevail, that the negro, after having toiled as a slave for centuries to enrich his white brother, to lay the foundation of his proud institutions, after having been sunk as low as slavery can sink him, needs only a second- rate civilization, a lower standard of civil and religious privi- leges than the whites claim for themselves. during the last year or two, we have heard of nothing but revolutions, and the enlargements of freedoms, on both sides of the atlantic. our white brethren everywhere are reaching out their hands to grasp more freedom. in the place of absolute monarchies . . . they have republics; so tena- cious are they of their own liberties. but when we speak of slavery and complain of the wrong it is doing us, and ask to have that yoke removed, we are told, “o, you must not be impatient, you must not create undue excitement. you are not so badly off, for many of your mas- ters are kind christian masters.” yes, sirs, many of our mas- ters are professed christians; and what advantage is that to us? in all the bright achievements we have obtained in the great work of emancipation, if we have not settled that the chattel principle is wrong, and cannot be maintained upon christian ground, then we have wrought and triumphed to little pur- pose, and we shall have to do our first work over again. pennington thus chastised white christians who demanded a full array of rights and privileges for themselves but subjugated blacks to servi- tude, cruelty, and “second-rate civilization.” pennington, supra note , at x. id. at x-xii. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #e! v. the covenantal judgment of god on slavery and racism the “chattel principle is wrong” not only because it is cruel and abusive to fellow humans, pennington continued. it is also “blasphe- mous” to god and divine law. for a chattel slaveholder to deny the personhood of the slave and to treat him instead as an animal defies god’s order of creation, which first separated and named each animal “according to its kind” and then created human beings as god’s unique image-bearers on earth with a body, mind, and soul. to “admit the right of property in man” amounts to stealing from god himself, who retains lordship over humans as his ambassadors on earth, even while giving humans “dominion over the fish of the sea and over the birds of the air and over every living creature that moves upon the earth.” to defend the permanent subjugation of a group to slavery is to defy christ’s new order of redemption that levels all false hierarchies: as st. paul noted, “there is neither jew nor greek, male nor female, slave nor free, for we are all one in christ jesus.” the chattel principle also betrays elementary principles of god’s law as set out in the decalogue. chattel slavery is a form of “theft” of a man’s god-given freedom and a “kidnapping” of a person from his family and community. it is a “system of murder” because its brutal forms of work and discipline and the “barbarous treatment of slaves” shorten a slave’s life considerably. it is a form of forced adultery and “bigamy,” be- cause the enslaved man is often forced to share his wife as the coerced pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at - ; [untitled report], christian news, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at (“he regarded slaveholding as a heresy in every professor of religion, and whoever held a man as property must virtually deny the immor- tality of that man’s soul”); see genesis : - . pennington, supra note , at - , - ; james w.c. pennington, [summary of speech], kelso chron., jan. , , available at baa, doc no. , at ; penning- ton, supra note , at (referencing in part genesis : - (on separation of animals and humans as image bearers of god)); see also psalms : - (noting human lordship over the rest of creation). [record of lecture given by pennington in england], anti-slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at , quoting galatians : - ; see also pen- nington, supra note , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king #e# concubine of his master and other accomplices, while she is forced to participate in “the grossest immorality and debauchery.” this truly is a “covenant with death and an agreement with hell,” pennington warned. and it would bring the entire nation of america and each of its slaveholding members under divine judgment and con- demnation. for pennington, this was not loose rhetoric. following tra- ditional calvinist conventions, he believed that god had called the people of america into a special covenant relationship, much as god had once brought his chosen people of ancient israel into special divine favor. by this new covenant, the american nation as a whole was to be “a beacon of righteousness,” “a city on a hill,” and “a light to all nations.” and each member of the american covenant community was called to love god, neighbor, and self, and to live by the law of god taught in conscience and the bible. if they obeyed the law of god, the nation and all its members would be richly blessed by god. but if they disobeyed, they would be called into divine judgment and severely cursed. here is one of several biblical texts that set out these reciprocal covenantal promises and threats: and if you obey the voice of the lord your god, being care- ful to do all his commandments which i command you this day, the lord your god will set you high above all the na- tions of the earth. and all these blessings shall come upon [untitled report], christian news, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at ; [summary of speech], kelso chron., jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . pennington, supra note , at - . other abolitionists in pennington’s generation similarly invoked this biblical phrase (from isaiah ) to denounce slavery and the laws by which it was enforced. william lloyd garrison, for example, famously described both the fugitive slave act and the u.s. constitution itself as covenants with death and agree- ments with hell. see william lloyd garrison, selections from the writings and speeches of william lloyd garrison (r.f. wallcut, ed., ), at ; albert b. saye, a covenant with death: an essay-review, the georgia historical quarterly - , , at . for another poignant example, see beriah green, things for north- ern men to do ( ) (denouncing slavery and the silence of the church in the face of it as a “covenant with death … and our agreement with hell….”). the authors are grate- ful to professor nathan chapman for bringing other uses of this passage to our attention. see pennington, infra notes - . michael p. winship, godly republicanism: puritans, pilgrims, and a city on a hill ( ); john witte, jr., how to govern a city on a hill: the early puritan contribution to american constitutionalism, emory l j ( ). the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #e you and overtake you, if you obey the voice of the lord your god. blessed shall you be in the city, and blessed shall you be in the field. blessed shall be the fruit of your body, and the fruit of your ground, and the fruit of your beasts, the increase of your cattle, and the young of your flock. blessed shall be your basket and your kneading- trough. blessed shall you be when you come in, and blessed shall you be when you go out. the lord will cause your enemies who rise against you to be defeated before you. . . . but if you will not obey the voice of the lord your god or be careful to do all his commandments and his statutes which i command you this day, then all these curses shall come upon you and overtake you. cursed shall you be in the city, and cursed shall you be in the field. cursed shall be your basket and your kneading-trough. cursed shall be the fruit of your body, and the fruit of your ground, the increase of your cattle, and the young of your flock. cursed shall you be when you come in, and cursed shall you be when you go out. . . . the lord will cause you to be defeated before your enemies . . . and you shall be a horror to all the kingdoms of the earth. it was thus particularly blasphemous that the slave laws under- mined the religious freedom of african americans, including their ability to receive god’s word, to worship god freely in communion with others, and to learn and to abide by the law of god in all areas of life. in his autobiography, pennington recounted how southern slave masters, for all their own outward piety, “sternly resisted” the efforts of christian mis- sionaries and pastors to evangelize and to educate slaves. one meth- deuteronomy : - . on the heavy use of this covenant imagery in american protestant thought, see david a. weir, early new england: a covenant society ( ); daniel j. elazar, covenant and constitutionalism: the great frontier and the matrix of federal democracy ( ); e. brooks holifield, theology in america: christian thought from the age of the puritans to the civil war - ( ). pennington, supra note , at . between martin luther and martin luther king #e" odist preacher, he observed, was “arrested and tried for his life” for “ad- dressing words of comfort” to slaves at the door of the church. another slave owner “instigated the authorities of the town where he attended service, to break up a sabbath-school some humane members of the methodist and lutheran denominations had set up to teach the free ne- groes, lest the slaves should get some benefit of it.” in later lectures, pennington recounted how christian missionaries and teachers in south- ern slave states were assaulted and driven away just because they shared the good news of the bible to slaves. he also noted that pastors and deacons who dared provide food and shelter to slaves were run out of their churches, homes, and towns at gunpoint. black and white churches, in both the north and south, that tried to provide sanctuary to fleeing slaves faced criminal prosecution and state fines and confiscation of their properties, as well as private acts of vandalism and arson that went unpunished. “the effects of slavery upon the christian church are horrible to contemplate,” pennington wrote. “all the great denominations in the country have their hands . . . stained with human blood.” “[t]hink not only of the bleeding hearts and manacled limbs; the nakedness, the starvation, the darkness of mind, the premature death,” the murder, theft, and rape of slaves which the church has countenanced by its silence, its support for slavery, and its harboring of abusive masters. think even more of “the loss of the immortal souls, to which it is an accessory.” this truly is a “covenant with death and an agreement with hell!” even freed or free-born blacks had little religious freedom or equality in christian churches, pennington lamented, now broadening his attack to include the racism that lay at the heart of american chattel slav- ery. blacks were “treated with indignity in the white churches,” forced to sit in their own pews or to stand, if allowed in the door at all. they were id. at . he was eventually acquitted. id. at . id.; [summary of speech], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no. id. id. id. pennington, supra note , at . id. at (citing isaiah ). [transcript of speech], national anti-slavery standard, may , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #ea rarely allowed to stand in the white pulpit or in leadership positions. they were never allowed to approach the eucharist table and eat the bread and drink the cup of redemption from sin, unless and until all whites had been served—even unrepentant white slaveholders who were al- lowed to worship freely in states that have abolished slavery. except for the catholics and socinians, pennington charged, all christian de- nominations in america were beset by a “spirit of caste.” “i could not go either to the episcopalian, presbyterian, methodist, congregational, or baptist churches, without being reminded that i am a coloured man, and therefore not permitted to enjoy the privilege of worshipping god with them.” this “sacrareligious,” “man-hating” principle is especially blas- phemous in the church. “[t]he coloured people of america, are testing the genuineness of the spirit of christianity and the great advantages of christian civilization.” “coloured people” were also testing the genuineness of the spirit of america, pennington continued, and its commitment to the founding principles of liberty, equality, and justice for all. even in free states, free- born or emancipated african americans were not restricted only as to their pews and churches. they also had to stay in their own houses, neighborhoods, schools, boarding houses, orphanages, asylums, chari- ties, businesses, and more. they could not marry or employ whites. they had to sit in their own seats in railcars, ships, ferries, and carriages. they could not vote in many free states or participate on equal terms with [untitled report], christian freeman, nov. , , available at baa, doc. no. . [untitled report]. christian freeman, september , , available at baa, doc. . [untitled report] christian freeman, nov. , , available at baa, doc. no. . “[untitled report].” christian freeman, september , , available at baa, doc. . pennington, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at - ; see also [record of lecture given by penning- ton in england], anti-slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at ; pennington, supra note , at - ; [untitled report], liberator, jan. , , avail- able at baa, doc. no. . but they “could have no property in those churches, nor in anything else, according to american law.” [untitled report], christian news, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at ; [untitled report], christian freeman, nov. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . james w.c. pennington, call for a colored national convention, frederick douglass’ paper, may , , available at bap, doc. no. , at . between martin luther and martin luther king #eb whites in other government offices and activities. moreover, african americans were excluded, segregated, or otherwise discouraged from applying even to avowedly liberal northern schools to protect the feelings of their white counterparts, many of whom travelled north for their school- ing. this was because of the purported “fickleness, inconstancy and un- sound morality” of the “coloured” race. hence it appears that southern young men, arrogating themselves the title of gentlemen, who, in infancy, had drawn nutriment from the breasts of black mothers, the cost of whose bringing up – nay, the very clothes upon whose backs are paid for out of the unrequited toil of black men and women, have come into the free [north] . . . and succeeded [summary of speech], nonconformist, june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at (arguing that blacks and others were denied the franchise, and could not vote to improve their plight. “the monopoly of suffrage was not only an evil, but a fatalism, offensive to god, and offensive to man. if a man born in a country was bound to protect and provide for his family circle, he should have his voice heard in the assembly. they should all be heard at the ballot-box.”). but see [summary of speech], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no , at (“in the free states of rhode island, massachusetts, vermont, maine, and new hampshire, he was glad to say, the coloured man was now permitted to vote in the elections, but in his own state of connecticut, which was held to the one of the most highly favored and enlightened in the union, there was a provision in the constitution, by which coloured men were excluded from that privilege. by coloured men they meant not simply black men, but even men who could scarcely be distinguished from the whites by their complexion. if a man had, he almost might say, one thousandth part of black blood in his veins, if but one hair of his head were wrinkly, he was on the black side of the line, and was prohibited by the constitution of connecticut from saying who should make laws he was to obey, and which were to protect or take away his life. in the states of new york, pennsylvania, new jersey, delaware, the same was true, and yet all these were what were called free states. when the state of things existed in the free states, what must they expect in the slaves states?”). see james pennington, j.w.c. pennington to h., christian freeman, december , , available at bap, doc. no. . pennington here responds to a published letter from the president of dartmouth, nathan lord, explaining that, of the three african amer- ican students who had enrolled there, two had “failed, from fickleness, inconstancy and unsound morality. we are afraid for the future. we doubt the fitness of africans, in their present state of civilization, for the grave and considerate pursuit of students. we doubt the expediency of attempting to educate many of them far beyond the level of their race. now and then there may be a successful instance. but they will need cultivation as a people, for centuries, before many of them will hold their way with long civilized and christian saxons, if indeed, that is ever to be expected, which i doubt. still we resolve to proceed upon the christian idea, and help a struggling people. it shall not be our fault if any seek and find not. we should not choose to have a flood of blacks at this college. but we should refuse none of the proper character. we are disposed to leave this matter to the divine providence.” the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #ec in closing these seats of learning to coloured men, in order to make capital for perpetual slavery out of the necessary ignorance of free persons of colour. all such manifest racism and “injustice is the subversion of rights,” pennington argued. “it is prejudice itself to the rights of those on whom it is brought to bear. this prejudice, however, is not a single act of injustice, but a series of acts. hence, we have only to see that a minister, a judge, a teacher, or a church is prejudiced against our interests, and we are hopeless for justice from such.” pennington further challenged those who presented the “separa- tion of the races” as a “perfectly natural” way of allowing each group to be with its own kind. after all, the argument went, animals naturally sep- arate into groups of their own species, colors, sizes, and shapes. hu- mans, too, are naturally attracted to their own kind and averse to others. how then can the segregation of races into separate schools, churches, and neighborhoods be sinful? pennington countered that such “sepa- ration of the races” principles were not merely natural aversions, but spiteful expressions of vice that led to the oppression of african ameri- cans. racism fosters the vices of “dishonesty,” “hypocrisy,” “supreme selfishness,” and “[b]rutish and uncivil manners” toward those in other groups. mere aversion does not abuse and insult a man in the public street, in the stage, in the rail car, in the steam boat, and in the church. it is ill will that does this. mere aversion would james w.c. pennington, address to the people of the state of new york, nat‘l anti- slavery standard, feb. , , available at bap, doc. no. ; see also [untitled report], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no (“it was gener- ally thought that the most highly educated men would be the most liberal, but in america it seemed just the reverse; and it was a common thing for the men who presided in their institutions of learning, to turn away the coloured youth who sought to obtain there the advantages and blessings of instruction. the story was that the coloured people were ignorant, worthless, degraded, unfit to associate with, incapable of being taught, and yet this was the way in which the experiment of improvement was made, by driving them away from their institutions of education.”). pennington, supra note , at . see, e.g., webber, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at - ; [untitled report], christian freeman, nov. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king #ed be satisfied to let the victim pass unmolested, but ill will is always known by its perseverance in seeking the injury of its victim. segregation, like slavery, is part and product of the same mortal sin of racism and destroys the covenant community. racism, pennington continued, is like a “great tree, having four enormous roots . . . piercing down through the entire moral soil of the country” and gradually tearing apart the foundations of american churches, states, schools, and social relations alike. this “prejudice against color” was partly “founded in a will to tread down the weak and poor” whom god and his word always favored. “as much as you do it to the least of these, you do it me,” jesus said. color prejudice was a form of “hating the image of god,” which is represented in all god’s chil- dren, “male and female,” black and white, young and old, rich and poor, whole and maimed alike. color prejudice “seeks no glory for god, nor good for man, but is pointedly opposed to both.” color prejudice is a form of “sacrareligion” that is leading america “down to a state of refined heathenism.” god is not before the eyes of this nation in all these things. now who is a heathen but him who acts as if the god of heaven did not hear, see, and govern him? but this is sadly true of those who are actuated by this prejudice. there is not only a heathenlike disregard to the [covenant] relation which god has established between man and man, but this disregard is acted out just as bravely, and as silly as if god pennington, supra note , at ; see also pennington, supra note (describing recent “bloody riots” and other violent acts perpetrated against african americans and abolitionists in the north). [untitled report], leeds mercury, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no . matthew : . pennington, supra note , at , ; james w.c. pennington, god is no respecter of persons, liberator, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no. , at . pennington, supra note , at . id. at , . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #fe could not discern it, or rather as if there was no god to dis- cern it. a nation covered in egypt’s darkness could do noth- ing more. “he that hateth his brother is in darkness.” the sins of slavery and racism put the entire nation and each of its members “in danger of the judgments of god,” pennington re- peated, sounding his familiar covenant argument. for such sins violate the cardinal commands of “faith, hope, and love” set out in the bible, and of “justice, liberty, and equality” set out in the natural and constitutional law. that great principle of law which god proposes to apply to national conduct imposes obligations which are immutable as his throne. it is a law like god’s nature which tolerates nothing but that which is right, and condemns all that is wrong. “justice and judgment are the habitation of god’s throne.” earthly governments derive all the authority they have from his. they are but tributary. independence of god can in no sense be predicated of nations. his fixed and irre- pealable law is the supreme law of earthly rule and empire. call it the law of nature—the law of nations, or by what name we may, yet still it is there fixed. it is the habitation of his high and glorious throne. “mercy and truth shall go before him.” this is the practice of divine government—a practice which is solemnly and imperatively binding upon all earthly governments. as a lawgiver his authority extends and ap- plies to nations in their organized and governmental capac- ity. his superintending hand is in all national matters. he has to do with the throne, and with the chair of state, the bench, the bar, and the jury box.— the hearts of all men are in his hands and he turns them as the rivers of water are turned. id. at - ; see also id. at (“who can be blinder than he who abuses all relation and obligation, and argues that he is doing no wrong?”). id. at . id. at - , . pennington, supra note , at - , - . pennington, supra note , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king #ff pennington put this same argument about pending divine judg- ment in intensely personal terms to his former master, frisby tilghman. after settling into his ministry, pennington sold much of his precious li- brary and other goods and had gathered enough donated funds to try to ransom his enslaved family and to redeem himself from his continued fugitive status. he then wrote a poignant letter to tilghman in . he recounted his two decades of service while enduring the persistent abuse that ultimately drove him to escape. he then appealed directly to tilghman’s conscience, entreating him at his advanced age to repent of slavery and to release his slaves before facing the final judgment of god. i . . . remind you of your coming destiny. you are now over seventy years of age, pressing on to eternity with the weight of these seventy years upon you. is not this enough without the blood of some half-score of souls? you are aware that your right to property in man is now disputed by the civilized world. you are fully aware, also, that the question, whether the bible sanctions slavery, has distinctly divided this nation in sentiment. on the side of biblical anti-slavery, we have many of the most learned, wise and holy men in the land. if the bible affords no sanction to slavery, (and i claim that it cannot,) then it must be a sin of the deepest dye; and can you, sir, think to go to god in hope with a sin of such mag- nitude upon your soul? . . . what will become of those long groans and unsatisfied com- plaints of your slaves, for vexing them with insulting words, placing them in the power of dogish and abusive overseers, or under your stripling, misguided, hot-headed son, to drive and whip at pleasure, and for selling parts or whole families to georgia? they will meet you at that bar [of god]. . . . as thomas, supra note , at . pennington struggled with finances all of his life, and in was convicted and sentenced to a month of labor for stealing a copy of “pope’s homer’s odyssey” from a book shop. see “troubles of a colored divine,” detroit free press (july , ). pennington, supra note , at - . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #f! for myself, i am quite ready to meet you face to face at the bar of god. i have done you no wrong; i have nothing to fear when we both fall into the hands of the just god. i beseech you, dear sir, to look well and consider this matter soundly. in yonder world you can have no slaves – you can be no man’s master – you can neither sell, buy, or whip, or drive. are you then, by sustaining the relation of a slaveholder, forming a character to dwell with god in peace? here, pennington appealed to god’s law not as an abstract sys- tem of moral norms, but as a literal body of law binding on conscience and enforced in a heavenly courtroom. he wrote not just of the general judgment of god on the nation for its acceptance of chattel slavery, but of the specific judgment of god on each master who refuses to let god’s enslaved people go. he wrote not just of an abstract covenant with death and hell, but of a personal indictment of the slaveholder that threatens real, eternal punishment. slaveholders like tilghman would ultimately confront their enslaved victims as witnesses and equals at the “bar of god,” pennington believed, and be compelled by god to answer for their sins and crimes. pennington hoped that the prospect of eternal punish- ment, presented plainly and in the “most kind and respectful terms,” would lead tilghman to repent and to release his slaves. his persistent efforts helped secure the freedom of his father and two brothers, but his mother died in slavery. vi. nonviolent resistance to slavery and racism if preaching and personal appeals against slavery and racism availed little—and if exposing the fallacies and dangers of this national and personal “covenant with death” moved few hearts and minds—then what was a conscientious christian to do? here, too, pennington id. james w.c. pennington, freedom’s son and daughter. colored am., june , , available at bap, doc. no. . pennington, supra note , at ; webber, supra note , at - , ; story of stephen pembroke, pa. freeman, aug. , , available at bap, doc. no. ; james w.c. pennington, letter of from rev. dr. pennington – appeal for help, pa. freeman, june , , available at bap, doc. no. , at . between martin luther and martin luther king #f# adopted but reformulated traditional protestant teachings on rights, re- sistance, and revolution. “the happiness of man is an object of god’s government,” he explained. “to effect this happiness he has bestowed upon man certain rights and privileges under his own government which do not depend upon any other government.” insofar as earthly rulers (in states, churches, homes, schools, businesses, or other organized communities) exercise their authority in accordance with god’s laws and in protection of the people’s rights, these rulers must be honored and obeyed. but if these rulers persistently and pervasively abuse their au- thority and violate the god-given rights of their subjects—if they practice manifest “injustice . . . in subversion of rights” —the people have a god- given right and duty to resist, rebel, and revolt against these authorities and to reform, restore, and reconstruct a better covenantal order. god “shall ere long dispense the rich blessings of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness to every slave in our land,” pennington wrote already in . “for this we should pray − for this we should labor. if this be rebel- lion against the powers of earth, we have only to say that it is loyalty to god.” a. the principles of nonviolence but “rebellion” against the powers of earth should be as nonvio- lent as possible, pennington insisted, contrary to the more revolutionary strains of historical protestantism. in the s and s, pennington was a principled pacifist, committed to nonviolent protest and change. “colored people must bear and forbear,” he wrote in . some abo- litionists, including fellow black presbyterian minister henry highland pennington, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at - . id. at . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at - . he continues: “we have borne and forborne much, and whether we have done this with good will, god will show. the writer can only say for his own heart, i have come in contact with prejudice at every step, and god is my record, that i regard the haters of my people only with pity. i am sorry that they are so silly before god and the enlightened world, and that they can act as if there was no umpire of strife, no judge of right and wrong but themselves. i owe them nothing but good will. if i could deliver them from their blindness and folly and turn their hatred into love, i would do so.” id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #f garnet, called for a slave uprising, urging his listeners: “fellow-men! pa- tient sufferers! behold your dearest rights crushed to the earth! see your sons murdered, and your wives, mothers and sisters doomed to prostitu- tion. in the name of the merciful god, and by all that life is worth, let it no longer be a debatable question, whether it is better to choose liberty or death. . . . brethren, arise, arise! strike for your lives and liberties.” yet pennington, in an sermon, contrasted sharply “the doc- trines of christianity and the doctrines of war.” christ “proclaimed a new doctrine,” he said: “‘love your enemies, do good to them that hate you, and pray for them that spitefully use and persecute you,’ ‘resist not evil, but overcome evil with good.’” for “right was generally on the side of the weak, and wrong on the side of power.” moreover, “conquests gained by the sword, never stay settled. . . . but the operations of the principles of the gospel of peace were different. they struck at the root of the evil; for when they converted an enemy into a friend, he stayed a friend.” at the general peace congress held in paris, pennington declared, we [african-americans] are wronged, but we do not wrong others. in our character you will find an element of peace, which naturally accords with the spirit of the resolution – nay with that of the gospel, we endure our wrongs. . . . no class of the human family of man has suffered more unqual- ified and unprovoked wrongs than we. we have pressing upon our minds the recollection of centuries of oppression, including the loss of time, wealth, education, character, and every thing that man holds dear. . . . surely then, if being robbed of all of one’s rights is a justification for disturbing the peace of society, we have that justification. . . . we take henry highland garnet, “an address to the slaves of the united states of america, buffalo, n.y., ” ( ), available at electronic texts in american studies, http://dig- italcommons.unl.edu/etas/ (last visited august , ). [report of speech on nonviolence], emancipator, oct. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - ; see also [summary of speech?], liberator, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . [report of speech on nonviolence], emancipator, oct. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . id. at - . id.. between martin luther and martin luther king #f" a higher and broader view of the subject. that element of peace in our character gives us a more substantial ground of hope. we rely upon the immutable justice of god. we, all things considered, prefer to keep the peace, and choose god as our arbiter. the sword settles nothing. physical force, however powerful, substantiates nothing. but the arm of god does. the noise of revolutions that has greeted our ears from all parts of the world has not moved us from our fidelity to the principles of peace. but pacifism does not connote passivity, pennington insisted, and turning the other cheek does not require martyrdom. “[t]he best way to fit a man for freedom is to lay upon him the responsibility of acting the part of a free man,” he said. that requires him to disobey all unjust laws and to join others to challenge such laws in public squares, courts, and legislatures. it requires each person to “preach, practice, and pray” for justice. each person must help create churches, families, neighbor- hoods, schools, and businesses that model equality and proper covenant living. people are also required to: organize in school districts, in town and villages; hold fre- quent meetings; go to other political meetings, to proselyt- ize, and not to be proselytised; abandon not an inch of ground already acquired, but make aggressive movements. invoke the aid of the pulpit, the press, the lyceum; above all, invoke the god of the oppressed—the god of our fa- thers—that he will make this indeed a model republic; that here all men may rejoice in equal rights. james w.c. pennington, speech by j.w.c. pennington, in black abolitionist pa- pers , - (august , ) (c. peter ripley, et al, eds., ). also see an alternative account of the speech in j.w.c. pennington, “les congress des amis de la paix universelle, compte rendee,” (paris, ), available at baa, doc. no. , at - . pennington, supra note , at . language in an abolitionist petition co-signed by pennington and others: arthur tappan, s.s. jocelyn, george whipple, lewis tappan, j. warner, luther lee, james w.c. pennington et al., to the friends of liberty, nat‘l era, july , , available at bap, doc. no. . id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #fa here in a nutshell was pennington’s new variation on protestant teach- ings about “rights, resistance, and revolution.” human laws were to be made—or unmade—in the image of divine duties and sacred human rights. b. disobeying unjust laws the first “way to fit a man for freedom” is to disobey those unjust human laws that violate the laws of god and the rights of god’s children. the most notorious examples for pennington were the laws of slavery and of fugitive slave return. these laws were blatantly unjust when judged by scripture, reason, and nature. christians could, and should, in good conscience break them. using familiar protestant language, pen- nington wrote: as god neither wills [n]or commands any thing that is wrong, he cannot consistently with this rule of rectitude, make or sanction a covenant that binds men to do wrong. the same is true whether the action is contemplated to be between himself and man, or between man and man. hence, all those promises, oaths, agreements, and covenants which originate among men, and are intended to operate, between man and man, to have binding force, must have regard to right. no law, covenant, or agreement, can legalize wrong in such a sense, as to give it the character of moral rectitude. . . . any agreement, covenant, or compact, which assumes to legalize and bind men to do moral wrong, is positively, by virtue of its conflict with the will of god null and void. in practice, this meant that slaves had the right to escape their masters if they were able to do so without undue violence, although pen- nington defended “the right of the slave to take boats, horses, money, and even lives in order to secure his freedom.” perhaps remembering pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, letter from rev. dr. pennington, frederick douglass’ pa- per, feb. , , available at baa, doc. no. . between martin luther and martin luther king #fb his own escape, he wrote: “in this great work of self-emancipation, the slave evinces all the great elements of mind, out-scheming mind, iron will, penetrating judgment, quick invention, profound insight of human na- ture, power of endurance, physical and moral courage, and practical knowledge of heavenly bodies” to guide him at night. a slave need not wait passively in hopes that his master might release him or that the slave laws might be abolished, pennington wrote in . “although the cause [of abolition] was advancing, slavery was still the same” for the individual slave; he still “breathed in pain, and blood, and sorrow; and the only way to change his condition was to break his fetters.” he had a right to escape. here, again, pennington appealed to the authority of individ- ual conscience and sacred human rights: the loud voice of natural conscience is the tribunal which charges every man with what he has a right to be, as well as what it is his duty to do. it tells the suffering slave what are his rights, and what are his wrongs. it prompts him to escape from his oppressors. chains cannot bind him. bolts and bars cannot confine him. the horse whip cannot deter him. every fugitive who comes to our free district is a mon- ument of the power and daring of silent prompting by the sacred whisperings of the voice of god, and of nature. pennington described the escape of individual slaves as: the divinely ordered method for the effective destruction of american slavery. . . . the masters may legislate, rave like madmen, pursue with bloodhounds, and offer rewards which call to their aid the vile and the murderous. but we fear them not. . . . we have the right of the question upon christian principles. we deny utterly and positively their pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, [report of speech given by pennington in birmingham, england], anti-slavery rep., aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . [untitled report], kelso chron., jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at (“[t]he slave had decidedly a casus belli against this oppressor, for he believed he had as much right to escape out of the hands of his captor as a bird from the fowler.”). pennington, supra note , at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #fc claim to property in us, and if as men they are determined to be so heartless, cruel, and barbarous, that we cannot dwell with them in peace – god, the spirit of peace, the love of order, and the spirit of liberty, says to us, come out from among them. as the “underground railroad” and other avenues of escape brought more slaves north, pennington lauded such efforts. escaping from slavery is the “most striking illustration” of the slave’s godly re- sistance to tyranny and unjust laws the world has seen since biblical days, when “two millions five hundred thousand souls were led out of a tyrant’s land under the leadership of one man [moses].” that natural right and drive to be free, illustrated by the exodus from egypt, is now dictated by the conscience of each and every slave today, pennington insisted. pennington further claimed that christians could not, in good con- science, assist with the capture and return of fugitive slaves, regardless of american law to the contrary. the united states constitution clearly required the return of fugitive slaves: “no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in con- sequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such ser- vice or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.” the united states congress used this article to pass statutes penalizing individuals and states for assisting or harboring fugitives, failing to return them to their masters, or refusing to deliver them to the master’s slave-catching agents. in the s and s, the united states supreme court upheld these laws against con- stitutional challenges that they violated the basic rights and liberties of individual citizens, and the power of free states to deal with their own citizens as they saw fit. all this remained firm law until the civil war. james w.c. pennington, james w.c. pennington to charles gilpin, in the fugitive blacksmith (london, july , ), available at bap, doc. no. , at . pennington, supra note , at . u.s. const. art. , § , cl. . act of february , , stat. ( ); act of september , , stat. ( ). see, e.g., prigg v. pennsylvania, u.s. ( ). between martin luther and martin luther king #fd perhaps it was firm law, but it was not just law, pennington in- sisted. “american fugitive slave law was based upon the assumed right that man had a property in man, and it perpetuated that right to the slave- holder after his victim had been free and escaped out of his hand.” but rather than protecting the rights of the escaped man in his newly acquired freedom—even one living in a free state that has abolished slavery—the fugitive slave law protects the false rights of his master to have and to hold him. even worse, this law also protects the right of a perfect stranger to assault, batter, capture, and kidnap a newly free man—and to drag him from his home in a free state to his hovel in a slave state to face the brutal retribution of his master. but rather than imprison the fugitive slave catcher for his seeming crimes, the law rewards him with a lucrative finder’s fee that courts will enforce against a recalcitrant master. all this piles injustice upon injustice, pennington lamented. the laws that condone it are not morally binding, no matter how august their authorship or authority. “to deliver up a fugitive from bondage, is to com- mit a moral wrong, in taking away a man’s liberty and [again] reducing him to slavery. but, nothing is binding that is morally wrong. therefore, [the law requiring a person] to deliver a fugitive is not binding.” when criticized for condoning insurrection against god-given federal authori- ties, pennington defended his “defiance of the fugitive slave law.” we do not want to break the constitution, but we want to mend it; for we contend that just at this clause, there is no constitution, as applied to slavery. there is a breach here which is only filled with dead letters. what is the constitu- tion? is it a sovereign over the will and the power of the peo- ple? no, it is the creature of that will and power. now the will and power of the people is supreme in all matters, where they have the right to exercise will and power. but, we state here as a position, that in this clause there is an assumption [untitled report], kelso chron., jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . id. at - . pennington, supra note , at . black abolitionist papers james w.c. pennington, letter from rev. dr. pennington, frederick douglass’ paper, february , , available at baa, doc. no. . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #!e of power which the framers of the constitution never had lodged in hands. while earlier protestants had accused monarchs and magistrates of trespassing on natural rights, pennington here emphasized the limits on the democratic will of the people themselves. neither monarchs nor duly elected representatives nor agents of the state could rightfully in- fringe upon the fundamental rights of any person, regardless of skin color or slave status. to hold a man in slavery is sin, pennington again ex- plained. “if you [re-]enslave a man, you do not only rob him of his own dear liberty and happiness, but you rob god of his right as creator and redeemer of that man.” it was even worse to collect a bounty for slave catching. a slave catcher is a modern-day judas iscariot, pennington charged, who “betrays” another son of god “for thirty pieces of silver.” c. modeling covenant community. nonviolent resistance to slavery and racism also included model- ling what a racially integrated and just covenant community should look like, locally if not nationally. that effort starts with the christian church, pennington insisted, where racism, slavery, and segregation should find their least refuge and strongest rebuke. enrolling at the yale divinity school, in this sense, was an act of civil disobedience that informed pen- nington’s subsequent efforts to integrate american pews and pulpits. pennington insisted on preparing for the ministry at yale even though no african american student had enrolled there before. he persistently sat in white pews, knelt at white communion rails, and stood in white pulpits, even though many white churches had turned him away. he resolutely served as the duly elected moderator of the presbytery of new york, even though that required him to judge the ordination and discipline of white ministers, likely including those who, like henry van dyke, were apologists for slavery. pennington urged other african american ministers to volunteer to preach in white pulpits and urged african american parishioners to try pennington, supra note , at . id. at , . id. at . between martin luther and martin luther king #!f to attend white churches and religious schools, regardless of the slim odds of successful admission. he proposed banning slaveholders and fugitive slave catchers from communion tables in order to convict them of their sins and pressure them to repent. he urged all christians to pray publicly and privately for the slaves—and for the slaveholders, too— thereby “mak[ing] slaveholding disreputable.” he asked churches to lead in boycotting slave-produced goods and thereby make the labor of slaves so “unprofitable” that their masters “would be willing to let them go.” and he appealed to leaders of church, state, and business to raise ransom funds for the purchase and release of slaves wherever possible, as he did in seeking to rescue his own enslaved family. [untitled report], christian freeman, nov. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . but see pennington, supra note , at (crediting those who leave racist con- gregations for conscientious reasons: “the coloured people do not think they are bound to worship where their consciences are wounded. they will leave any church where they find the feeling is not cordial and christianlike. there is no instance on record in america where the coloured people have maintained any church quarrel or battle with their white brethren.”). [untitled report], liberator, jan. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . id. at ; [untitled report], gateshead observer, september , , available at baa, doc. no. (b); james w.c. pennington, [report of pennington describing the injustices of slavery to a foreign audience], anti-slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at (“men and brethren, help. do you ask how you are to help us? you can help us through the channel of emigration. the world is pouring in its popu- lation upon the shores of america. your emigrants, in many instances, become slave- holders and man-haters. when your friends come to settle among us, use your influence to have them bring right principles with them. americans visit your countries. when they come, question them on the subject of slavery. ask them how they feel towards the col- oured people. tell them how they stand before the world, and ask them what they are doing to abolish slavery? you visit america. when you go, do not forget that there is a certain man there who has fallen among thieves and robbers! go as good samaritans. make inquiries regarding the condition of the coloured population, and drop a kind word for them; it will have its effect and due weight on the american mind. that was due to them. the world owed the coloured race a debt of justice. (loud cheers.) where was the nation that had not wronged the african race? he and his brethren felt warranted in de- claring that the world owed them a debt of justice; and he asked for justice−only simple justice. (loud cheers.) if you extend to us your sympathy, and aid us in endeavouring to procure justice, we live; deprive us of your sympathy, we pine and die.”) liberator, supra note , at ; see also [untitled pamphlet], presscopy – yale uni- versity – anti-slavery pamphlets, aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - (“but the day is also hastening, when we shall see a combination of all the great and generous powers of the earth against the bloody slave system of this land, by a proscrip- tion of slave produce . . .when the eyes of the civilized nations shall be turned with unan- imous indignity upon the crying sin of this land, the south will feel and think differently about her system.”) see supra note and accompanying text. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #!! pennington pushed this same message of liberation and equality outside the church as well. after being repeatedly denied seats on public carriages and trains, he helped found the legal rights association in new york city, which brought successful lawsuits to end segregated seating on public transportation in several northern cities. to break down economic segregation, he urged african american families to “place our daughters, and young sons in industrial positions, however humble; and secure openings where they may be usefully employed.” he further urged african american workers to collaborate, unionize, and petition for fair labor and economic standards. he called for universal suffrage in federal, state, and local elections—for blacks and whites, men and women alike. and he urged african american families to stay to- gether or reunite after emancipation or escape—even if chattel-slave laws had prevented couples from marrying; even if slave owners had separated parents, children, and siblings; and even if masters had raped, scandalized, and impregnated enslaved women and girls. the intact marital family for him was a bastion and bulwark of liberty, for men, women, and children alike. pennington noted several signs of hope in african american com- munities in the s and s. “[h]ere and there, individual minds have been struggling up from among the masses and have slowly pro- gressed against great odds.” despite legal and cultural barriers, free james w.c. pennington, a hard case [originally published as a letter to the editor in the new york evangelist], afr. repository, march , available at bap, doc. no. (noting, after recounting “rudely refused” service on busses and trains in new york city while trying to tend to get to his ministry: “i shall be told that the majority of the public will object to my riding in the 'busses. is that true? will the members of a christian public object to me, a minister of christ, using the facilities of a public conveyance, while about my master's business?”). see black abolitionist papers , n. (c. peter ripley, et al., eds., ); see also thomas, supra note , at - . pennington, supra note , at - , . id. at - . see sources supra notes to . see sources supra note . see pennington, supra note , at - . for comparable views among pre- and post-emancipation african americans, see frances smith foster, ‘til death or dis- tance do us part: love and marriage in african america ( ); love & marriage in early african america (frances smith foster ed., ). james w.c. pennington, the self-redeeming power of the colored races of the world, anglo-afr. mag., oct. , available at bap, doc. no. , at . between martin luther and martin luther king #!# african americans have proven themselves in the fields of education, agriculture, “mechanical arts and manufactures,” commerce, and chris- tianity. african american churches of all denominations have exempli- fied orthodox preaching and practice, despite discriminatory ecclesial and state laws: in these churches all the institutions of the gospel are held sacred. a regular ministry is highly esteemed; the sabbath is sanctified; the bible is held to be the only rule of faith and practice. our people also prize all those other means which christian communities regard as essential – sabbath schools, bible classes, temperance, and moral reformation societies. the coloured pulpit of the country is the most effi- cient and disinterested.” despite persistent discrimination and exclusion from public schools, schools for “colored” students were also making progress in “the work of civilization. d. advocacy for abolition these individual acts of civil disobedience and community building, pennington believed, were critical steps toward the ultimate abolition of pennington, supra note , at - , - ; james w.c. pennington, from the old ‘long island scribe’, wkly. anglo-afr., sept. , , available at bap, doc. no. (“on the subject of farming, our colored men of this town are among the most intelligent on the island. as cultivators of their own small portions of soil they are not excelled in skill by any other class. all they need is more broad acres to make them a no. in the busi- ness. as it is they are most valuable in their connexion with the new york garden and market agriculture.”). pennington, supra note , at . id. at ; james w.c. pennington, the self-redeeming power of the colored races of the world, anglo-afr. mag., oct. , available at bap, doc. no. , at . but pennington also conceded that african americans lagged behind their european and euro-american counterparts in other ways. “in answer to the voice of our history calling upon us to reproduce the works of our past, it will be seen that our literature, and produc- tions of science and art, attest that our’s are a recovering people,” he poignantly reflected in . if many african cultures and communities were less advanced or refined than their euro-american counterparts, however, it was not for lack of intellect or virtue. the abilities of african races “expand in proportion to their state,” pennington observed, and “if they were equally improved, they would be equally ingenious.” pennington, supra note . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #! slave laws. the “laws and compacts, designed to legalize a system of human bondage” are patently unjust, he wrote. and despite the grow- ing success of freeborn african americans and emancipated or escaped slaves, many african americans were still suffering gravely in many quar- ters: the race has served the republic in all the domestic rela- tions, giving patriots leisure for study, and preparation for affairs. it has served the republic in the revolutionary field; and produced for the nation the enriching luxury of the plan- tation. the cotton plant which has done more than any thing else to enrich and refine the saxon, has also done most to brutify and bind fast the slave. in the use of this, and other heavy staples of slave growth, the whole nation north, south, east and west, has invaded the rights of the slave. . . . the american horsewhip; the american senate; the american pulpit; and the american press, have all in part lent their efforts. even though pulpit, press, and politics might have “consecrated” these slave laws “with great veneration, and baptised [them] with much solem- nity,” they need to “be swept away,” pennington insisted. the nation needs new laws to secure “the personal liberty and rights of the slave. . . . with the bible and declaration of independence for our weapons, we will make a bold push.” pennington pointed repeatedly to the peaceful and successful british abolitionists as promising models for american legal reformers. british abolitionists, pennington wrote, had displayed their talents and energy in collecting and arranging their antislavery facts so as to carry the question home to the moral feelings of the nation. . . . they pushed their arguments to the throne, and . . . to the parliament, declaring, that the see pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at - . id. at ; see pennington, supra note . between martin luther and martin luther king #!" enslavement of men is a monstrous crime, which endangers the very existence of a nation, by exposing it to the wrath of heaven; that freedom is the slave’s birth right; that the only way to do him justice is to set him free immediately and un- conditionally; that the slave’s ignorance which has been en- tailed upon him by slavery, is no argument for delaying his emancipation; that whatever preparation he may need for freedom, can not be made while in a state of slavery. these british abolitionists exercised “moral power” in demanding to parliament that “the oppressed should go free,” pennington wrote with admiration. like moses commanding pharaoh, these abolitionists “did not suppose they were asking a mere favor” for slaves. they were in- stead demanding “what was the bondman’s right,” to receive, and what was “the duty of the parliament to give.” they “appealed nobly to the dreadful code of god; they appealed to the law of nature, sanctioned by the universal consent of mankind. and they appealed, too, with just pride to the great charter of british liberty,” the magna carta. these persis- tent abolitionist appeals ultimately transformed english law, pennington noted. england abolished slavery in . this law was a sublime historical moment that liberated the body, mind, and soul of former slaves and restored to them their bodies, natural rights, and family relationships, pennington waxed poignantly: it restored the bondman his body; his body that was marked, bruised and lacerated; but it was his body, dear to him still, as was the body of his oppressor to him, whose skin had never been broken by a scratch of a pin. the law came and the bondman received back his soul; his soul long benighted pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, [untitled pamphlet], presscopy – yale university – anti- slavery pamphlets, aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . id. at - . id. id. at - . parliament abolished slavery with the slavery abolition act of ( & will. iv c. ), but enacted a controversial “apprenticeship“ program that delayed full abolition, in practice, until august , . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #!a and vexed, but it was still his soul, possessed of its own im- mortality, an immortality of which the cart-whip and other in- struments of torture, plied with deadly effect to the body that enshrined it, could not divest it. and here is an eternal truth that is destined to beat away every refuge of lies that can be brought by the ingenuity of critics, tyrants, and cavilers, to support slavery. when you have made of man a slave by a seven-fold process of sell- ing, bartering and chaining, and garnished him with that rough and bloody brush, the cart-whip, and set him to the full by blowing into the eyes of his mind cloud after cloud of moral darkness, his own immortality still remains. subtract from him what you can, immortality still remains; and this is a weapon in the bosom of the slave which is more terrible and terrifying to the slaveholder than the thunder of trium- phal artillery in the ears of a retreating army. at every stripe of the cart-whip there is a plaintive shriek which betokens the inwardly dwelling immortality of the soul. the law of came, and the bondman received back his wife, his children, his bible, his sabbath, his sanctuary. oh, what moral sublimity is here, when the law spoke with such stern eloquence to the tyrant, in regard to the personal liberty and rights of the slave, and the mandate was, “give them, give them back!” and when the man of chains and stripes came forth, and reached out his hand to receive the precious trust! pennington, reasonableness of abolition - ; james w.c. pennington, [untitled pamphlet], presscopy – yale university – anti-slavery pamphlets, aug. , , avail- able at baa, doc. no. , at . on the anniversary of the abolition of slavery under british law, pennington poetically declared that universal emancipation was all but inevi- table: “we may congratulate ourselves that the day-star of universal emancipation which, under god, is destined to illumine the world with its resistless light, has risen. it is far up in yonder heaven, and like a ‘strong man rejoicing to run a race,’ it moves on majestically. possibly we shall meet the charge of enthusiasm. enthusiasm may run riot. it may tell a piteous tale on which truth may be compelled to ‘frown and turn aside her face, it may between martin luther and martin luther king #!b pennington saw in these actions both the hand of god and a model for american abolitionists. britain’s emancipated slaves “are now talked of by politicians and people of all ranks in all lands, the slaves of america not excepted,” he wrote. they are “beginning to shake every empire of blood” and move them to reform. indeed, britain’s abolition of slavery in the west indies freed “ , men” “without the shedding of a drop of blood.” pennington was optimistic that legal reforms and peaceable abo- lition would reach america, too. “just so far and so fast as the true spirit of the gospel obtains in the land,” pennington declared, “will the spirit of slavery sicken and become powerless.” for “the gospel is the great law of progressive civilization. it is an express order of heaven’s govern- ment that it shall be carried into all the world to every creature.” he was delighted to see evidence of “the operation of conscience on the religious people of america” and that “heaven had worked” in favor of the abolitionists. he noted that “multitudes, who had not yet decided to act, nevertheless felt conscious that the principles which the abolitionists ad- vanced were right.” he further noted that abolitionists could now speak more fully and frankly about abolitionism in the pulpit, press, and political chamber. in a speech in , he listed examples of progress. the anti-slavery spirit is advancing in all the free states. . . . we have swept the jim crow carriage from almost every railway south of mason and dixon’s line. we have abolished bend the pillow of truth, and for a time, unhinge from its proper centre, the common sense of the moral world. but the tale of joy which we rehearse to-day, is no fiction.” james w.c. pennington, [untitled pamphlet], presscopy – yale university – anti- slavery pamphlets, aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . james w.c. pennington, [report of speech given by pennington in birmingham, england], anti-slavery rep., aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. ; see also pennington, supra note , at (“what slave in ours or any other country need despair of liberty since the british slave has gone free! his case was a desperate one, literally imprisoned in the sea, dark waters were the boundary of his habitation of sorrow. no free states or canadas bounded him on either side, to which he could fly. but god, who or- dained that the isles should wait for his law, enforced that law in due season.”). pennington, supra note , at . pennington, supra note , at . james w.c. pennington, [speech], anti-slavery rep., aug. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk #!c the black laws of ohio and connecticut. we have enacted laws in most of the free states protecting fugitive slaves from the interference of their citizens, from being seized by war- rants from the magistrates, being confined in their prisons. several colleges have been thrown open for the reception of coloured youth, upon equal terms with whites. large por- tions of several of the largest ecclesiastical bodies have taken decided anti-slavery ground. numerous individual churches have excluded slave-holders from their commun- ion [and promoted blacks to leadership positions]. . . . fredrick douglass, editor of the north star, has been wel- comed to the association of printers and editors at roches- ter. in another speech that same year of , he declared that: [t]he mind of the slaves, as well as the free people of colour in america, was rapidly expanding, and coming more and more into contact with the great principles of truth and civil and religious liberty which had fired the hearts and minds of the anglo-saxons in other times. . . . the tide of negro emi- gration from the south to the north would still roll on. no power would be able to arrest it. it was propelled by the phi- losophy of human nature, of common sense, civilization, and of christianity. vii. slavery, just war, and violence but despite all these efforts and advances, slavery remained firmly in place in the united states. the number of slave states was in fact expanding, not contracting, as slaves bore children and new states pennington, supra note , at - . james w.c. pennington, [summary of speech], christian news, june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - ; see also james w.c. pennington, [report of pennington describing the injustices of slavery to a foreign audience], anti-slavery rep., june , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - . between martin luther and martin luther king #!d were added to the union. in , congress passed yet another fugi- tive slave law and, in the infamous dred scott case, the supreme court upheld that law, with chief justice taney opining that slaves were not persons with constitutional rights even when they set foot in free states. this betrayal of the abolitionist cause at the highest levels of national government hardened pennington’s opposition to slavery and opened him to more strident means of opposition. already in an speech before the paris peace conference, he acknowledged that american slavery, perhaps more than any other form of oppression in human history, merited an uprising of the op- pressed: surely then, if being robbed of all of one’s rights is a justifi- cation for disturbing the peace of society, we have that jus- tification. our wrongs are far greater than those of many who have set us the example in disturbing the peace. nor can anyone who takes a candid view of the whole subject, doubt that we have it in our power to disturb the peace of society. even so, pennington still insisted that violent insurrection would be inconsistent with the gospel, at odds with the motives and moral char- acter of african americans, and detrimental to the final success of the emancipation movement. echoing the peaceful british abolitionists and anticipating the teachings of nonviolence of the later american civil rights movement, he wrote that the “element of peace in our character gives us a more substantial ground of hope” than violence. the goodwill we bear to all mankind, even to our oppres- sors, can do more to aid us to our high destiny of civilization, pennington, supra note , at - . documentation and analysis of this constitutional history can be found in derrick a. bell, race, racism, and american law - ( th ed. ). act of september , , stat. ( ). dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) ( ), superseded by constitutional amendment, u.s. const. amend. xiv. james w.c. pennington, speech by j.w.c. pennington, in the black abolitionist papers , (c. peter ripley et al. eds., ). id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk ##e than all the physical force in the world can do to hinder us . . . . if the gospel be true, our [nonviolent] course is right, and must prevail. if the gospel is to make further progress, its next step must be to destroy the sword . . . . wherever the sword holds sway, it holds the gospel in check: every battle throws society back into the labyrinths of barbarism. but escalating political tensions on the eve of the civil war led pennington to reevaluate the theological meaning of violence. when bloody riots against african american communities erupted in new york in the later s and early s, pennington asserted the right of blacks to “use arms for self-defense. there is no principle of civil, or reli- gious obligation, that requires [us] to live on, in hazard, and leave our person, property, and our wives and children at the mercy of barbarians. self defense is the first law of nature.” when the abolitionist john brown was put on trial for leading an armed insurrection at harper’s ferry in —just one week after he had been a guest in pennington’s home in new york —pennington published a public letter not to denounce this violence, but to encourage readers “to pray for old john brown . . . that his blood may be sanctified to the cause of freedom.” pennington never publicly advocated violent insurrection before the civil war began, however, and he was “thankful” that the first shots of the war had been fired by slaveholders instead of slaves. had the slaves risen and attacked fort sumpter [sic], the world would have cried out against them, and proclaimed tauntingly, that this was the result of the abolition doctrines preached by [british abolitionist, william] wilberforce and others. but now, no one could oppose emancipation on ac- count of the turbulence and bloodthirstiness of the slaves. id. pennington, supra note , at - . webber, supra note , at , . james w.c. pennington, pray for old john brown, wkly. anglo-afr. (nov. , ), http://texashistory.unt.edu/ark:/ /metapth . [untitled report of speech], montreal witness, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. . between martin luther and martin luther king ##f the civil war, once begun, was a just war against the domestic tyranny of slavery, pennington believed, just as the american revolution had been a just war against the political tyranny of england. otherwise- peaceable advocates for freedom could fight in the civil war, just as their forefathers had fought in the revolutionary war. indeed, pennington strongly encouraged african american men to enlist in the civil war effort as soldiers and even offered to serve himself. “the army of the united states must, hereafter, be the great bulwark of our life, as a nation,” he argued in : the rebellion has rendered it necessary that we should have a powerful standing army. colored men should enter the army in force, for the sake of the strength it will give them, the education they will obtain, the pay they will get; and the good service they will do for god, this country, and the race. pennington acknowledged that the union remained a bastion of racial inequality. and he admitted the “terrible contingency” that black union soldiers might meet their enslaved brethren as enemies on the battlefield. enslaved blacks, he argued, “cannot be expected to exercise any more liberty of choice” in fighting for the confederacy “than the poor white union men” conscripted into the union army.” but the higher cause of abolition called for the assistance of able-bodied african amer- ican union soldiers: webber, supra note , at . african americans initially were not permitted to serve in the union army. in a speech delivered in october of , pennington reportedly urged his audience to “ever stand firm and loyal to the country, and although their loyalty was spurned, their aid coldly rejected, and the fiery ardor of their patriotism partially quenched by the cold waters of prejudice against them – yet he knew that the vital spark was still alive in the smouldering embers of adversity, which would yet be kindled into a flame, that would assist in warming into cheerfulness the sad hearthstones made vacant by the fall of their brave white brethren – who have led the van in the strife of battle.” see james w.c. pennington, a discourse by dr. pennington, wkly. anglo-afr., oct. , , avail- able at baa, doc. no. ; see also h.h. garnet, great meeting at shiloh church, douglass’ monthly, june , available at bap, doc. no. . (reporting that pen- nington “showed how vitally necessary it is that black men should now enlist”). pennington, supra note , at . id. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk ##! there are some among us, who still doub[t] whether we are in duty bound to take up arms in support of the government; and whether the government has a right to draft colored men. the answer is obvious. nature and civil law has in- stituted a relation between colored men and the united states government, which is mutually binding. we are bound to support the government, and the government is bound to protect us. neither party has a right to ignore this duty. the plain and safe course for colored men, is to do service and claim their rights. pennington believed that the civil war was, in part, god’s judg- ment and just retribution for america’s “covenant with death”—its ac- ceptance of chattel slavery and the odious racism that inspired and sus- tained it. he believed that god would set all of his people free, but now only at grave cost to the enslaved and free alike. “an intelligent view of the history of god’s providential dealings with slavery,” he explained, “leaves no room to doubt that its doom is sealed in this country.” but the same providential god who had emancipated british slaves without the sword now was purging slavery from american soil with the sword. neither the north nor the south would escape god’s wrath, for neither were free from guilt: on our side, the only wise and safe course is to press rapidly into the heart of the slave country, and work out the problem of the proclamation of freedom [i.e. the emancipation proc- lamation of ]. we must prove to the slaves that we have both the will and the power to give effect to the proclamation, and that it is not a mere sound, reaching their ears, upon the id. at ; [untitled report of speech], montreal witness, sept. , , available at baa, doc. no. , at - ; great meeting at shiloh church, douglass’ monthly, june , available at bap doc. no. , at . id. at (“[e]nslaved brethren see clearly the hand of god in this war. they believe he has arisen to make inquisition for blood, and to purge the land by blood of the guilt which rests upon it because of slavery; and they are willing to leave their cause with him, in the assured faith and hope that he would send deliverance.”). pennington, supra note , at . between martin luther and martin luther king ### wings of the wind. here is where our danger lies. the pres- ident [lincoln] is right. the proclamation is the word of god’s holy providence, so to speak; but the great north is slow to repent of slavery. there is yet a great deal of wicked, angry, and unrighteous feeling in the heart of the north people. it may be that god intends to use the sword as a lance to bleed the whole nation, until she begins to faint, for very loss of blood, and then to swathe up the opened vein, and apply restoratives. let us, then, not flatter ourselves that we shall escape. let us not be deceived by those who would per- suade us that there is any destiny for us, as an integral part of this american nation, separate from the nation, as a whole. african americans, too, would therefore suffer with their nation for the sins of slavery, pennington believed. pennington’s sentiments on these points anticipated the words of abraham lincoln’s second inaugu- ral address, two years later. there, the president declared that god “gives to both north and south, this terrible war, as the woe due to those by whom the offence [of slavery] came.” pennington believed that the civil war was an act of providence, even while resisting simplistic notions that the union represented god’s conquering army. he understood that war was the ultimate means by which god was excising and exorcising the sin of slavery from american law and culture. violence, at least in this case, was a tragic but necessary duty—a form of acquiescence to god’s just wrath and obedience to god’s providential will. id. at . abraham lincoln, second inaugural address (march , ), in abraham lincoln: his speeches and writings - (roy p. basler ed., da capo press d ed. ) ( ); see justin j. latterell, in god we trust: abraham lincoln and america’s death- bed repentance, pol. theology - ( ). elsewhere pennington was more bullish about securing financial recompense and economic opportunities for african american communities by serving in the union army. see james w.c. pennington, a word to colored politicians, wkly. anglo-afr., aug. , , available at bap, doc. no. . “mark my words, gentlemen, we cannot get out of this terrible scrape, without in some way helping to decide the contest; and i believe that we are on the eve of the grand heroic age of the race, when the last vestige of african slavery shall be wiped out; and i repeat what i said yesterday, that an army of , black troops marching from the north west, upon the rear of jeff. davis, can recapture the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk ## pennington’s pen evidently went largely silent in the aftermath of the civil war. the archives hold no sustained comments from him about the passage of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amend- ments, which together struck proslavery provisions from the united states constitution. nor do we have record of him opining on the pas- sage of the first civil rights act of or of various other measures that the reconstruction congress enacted in an effort to upend the law and king cotton – or take that great gun which has been worth from $ , , to $ , , , to the south per annum. and then the race will hold the position of the world. because if cotton is king in the money market of the world, our race in america has by its blood, tears, and sweat crowned it a king, and are therefore entitled to the benefit of his reign.” an interesting editorial, “the new evangel,” published in the anglo-african on october , , may have been written by pennington. see webber, supra note , at (as- cribing it to pennington), (suggesting it may have been by the journal editor). the text reads, in part, as follows, including a strong call to exchange “the gospel of endur- ance” for “the gospel of resistance”: “we have fulfilled the gospel of endurance; thor- oughly, completely, exhaustively, in such way as the gospel never was fulfilled before, never can be fulfilled again: if that gospel meant an expiation of the curse of ham, then we have expiated it; if it meant the earning of a better lot for our descendants, then we have earned it. we have fulfilled it as individuals; each and every one of us, we have fulfilled it as a race, through six generations; we have fulfilled it in all the relations of life, family, social, political, through all the recesses of the soul, mind and body, drenched, drained, filled to the overflowing, saturated, crushed, from birth to death with this doom of endurance under slavery and caste. like the patriarch of old, we have served this american people more than a century, and, instead of the promised goddess of liberty they put us off with the blear-eyed leah of negroism, and, now that we have served them another century, and saved them from the ‘jaws of death’ they would place us anew under the doom of endurance! endurance indeed! that game is ‘played out.’ there is nothing left of it: no amount of ingenuity can wrench anything now out of it. it is too soon for history to repeat itself: the trick is too transparent. there must be a new deal . . . we must ex- change the gospel of endurance for the gospel of resistance. our advancement to equal- ity before the law will not be a sudden process. it is now little more than an idea between which and the practical enforcement or application thereof, there is a long and weary stride. this must be accomplished to a great extent by force. . . let this new evangel of resistance, or self-assertion, be clearly understood. we do not offer it as a substitute for the laws of the land, nor for the exercise of the state laws in the free states, nor for united states laws in the rebel states. . . . the great benefit of this new evangel is imme- diate to ourselves. for that odious, imbecile, plaintive dependence upon others, we in- stantly substitute dependence on ourselves. instead of calling upon andy johnson, gen- eral grant, general dix, or the provost marshal to bring their authority, and their troops to quell a man who has called us ‘nigger’ with a blow, we simply return the compliment and settle the question for ourselves in the best way for all concerned. it is by this or an equivalent method only that we can attain and maintain equality. equal suffrage, equality before the law, may be written in state constitutions, and yet if we fail to make ourselves felt as equals, will avail but little. it is by our constant assertion of our own manhood only that we can positively obtain and perpetually uphold our equality.” compare his state- ments on self defense, supra notes - and - . between martin luther and martin luther king ##" culture of slavery and racism. pennington surely welcomed these legal measures, which did much to advance the principles of liberty, equality, and human rights for which he had risked his life, and to which he had devoted so much of his work. he certainly lamented, too, the persistence of racism in american law and culture even after constitutional amend- ments formally ended chattel slavery and granted civil and religious rights to all americans regardless of skin color. from the end of the civil war in until his death in , pennington shifted his energies to serving newly emancipated and en- franchised african american communities. before the war ended, he had called on northern churches to prepare and fund more missionaries to serve african american communities in the south. shortly after the war ended in , pennington led the way south to louisiana and then to natchez, mississippi. there, he briefly served as pastor of an african methodist episcopal church, a denominational shift perhaps born of his effort to avoid the bitter fights over slavery and abolition that divided northern and southern presbyterians in the s. these new pasto- ral callings came with a substantial pay cut for pennington, and his family was forced to remain in new york where his wife had a decent job. fol- lowing his wife’s death in , pennington spent three years pastoring a church in portland, maine. finally, in february of , he accepted what would become his final call to the first presbyterian church of jack- sonville, florida. “duty calls me to go to the state of florida and assist my brethren and others in that interesting field in the great cause of edu- cation and christian reconstruction,” he wrote to his friend and benefac- tor, gerrit smith. “there is a fine prospect in that state and a pressing call for education.” teaching and preaching to newly emancipated communities in the south was a fitting, if anticlimactic capstone to pennington’s life. he had escaped from slavery as a young man; educated himself and faced webber, supra note , at - . see the schism of , http://www.americanpresbyterianchurch.org/apc-his- tory/presbyterian-history/the-schism-of- , and further documents in albert barnes, the church and slavery ( ). this internal presbyterian division gave rise to the first major united states supreme court on church property disputes, watson v. jones, u.s. ( wall.) ( ). see webber, supra note at . id. at . the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk ##a down countless barriers of racial prejudice; educated and evangelized african american communities in the north while fighting for legal equal- ity and rights; and contributed substantially to the abolition of slavery in the south. in florida, pennington discovered that slavery was “a malig- nant cancer [that] leaves its roots after being apparently cured.” yet he remained hopeful. “[u]nder god,” he wrote, “i have confidence in our cause and a cheerful hope of our ultimate success.” born into the shackles of slavery sixty-three years earlier, he died as the reverend doctor james w.c. pennington on october , — a free man and “doctor of divinity” with his shoulder still to the wheel of his life’s calling: emancipating, elevating, and educating those whose “sacred human rights” had for so long been denied. viii. conclusion james pennington opened a new chapter in protestant political theology and civil disobedience. he repeated the cardinal protestant themes of rights, resistance, and revolution by a covenant community called to obey god before men. he echoed the central premise of protestant rights talk that freedom of conscience is the font and focus of civil and religious liberties for individuals and communities alike. he un- derscored the protestant teaching that the reform and renewal of law, politics, and society must include and involve religion and the church. and he repeated the protestant mantra that a christian church and com- munity must always be restless to reform (semper reformanda), particu- larly in times of tyranny. pennington thus adopted and adapted the cen- turies-old tradition of protestant political theology and activism that had been sparked by martin luther’s earliest declarations of christian liberty in europe. but pennington also added appreciably to this tradition. first and foremost, he argued that human rights belonged to all humans, regard- less of race or skin color. he treated slavery as a domestic form of tyr- anny that needed to be resisted and reformed in the name of those same human rights. he called it blatant hypocrisy for a protestant nation to de- clare proudly that all persons are created equal with unalienable rights, id. at . between martin luther and martin luther king ##b and then systematically deny rights to women, children, immigrants, in- dentured servants, native americans, and african americans, enslaved and free. he decried the monstrous blasphemy of treating human beings as items of property and not as image bearers of god. he judged it divine treason to refuse sanctuary and comfort to an escaped slave, or to return that slave to his master. and he condemned the american laws of slavery as a “covenant with death and agreement with hell,” that would bring the whole nation under the same divine retribution that the biblical god vis- ited on the israelites when they forsook his laws. emancipation from slavery, pennington believed, must begin with proclamation of the gospel and the free exercise of faith. just as god miraculously led his chosen people out of the house of bondage in egypt—and just as god’s grace irresistibly leads his elect from their bondage to sin—so god will ultimately break the bonds of human slav- ery. god equips the conscience of each slave to know that he or she is endowed with liberty and has the right to break free from slavery and escape when the right time comes. god pricks the conscience of each slaveholder to know that slavery is wrong and emancipation is right, whatever the wrong laws and false prophets (and profits) of his day might tell him. god calls on everyone to exercise the three-fold office of prophet, priest, and king on behalf of slaves: as prophets, to speak pow- erfully in opposition to slavery and racism; as priests, to evangelize slaves and masters and provide pastoral care and comfort, healing and sanctuary; and, as kings, to work hard to break those unjust laws of slav- ery that betray god’s word and to work for justice, mercy, and rights and liberties for all. but pennington was no sword-swinging revolutionary like some of his protestant predecessors. anticipating by a century the american civil rights movement led by martin luther king, thurgood marshall, an- drew young, jesse jackson, ralph abernathy, vernon johns, and oth- ers, pennington advocated primarily nonviolent resistance against slav- ery and racism. he led sit-ins, lawsuits, political protests, and constitutional challenges. he advocated the integration of churches, schools, charities, workplaces, and public accommodations. he encour- aged blacks to prepare and to place themselves in positions of leadership in all sectors of society, starting with the church, whose segregation of blacks and whites and exclusion of slaves he called outrageous heresy. the yale journal of law & the humanities i!:#$# jkjk ##c pennington, in prescient and prophetic ways, anticipated the twentieth-century civil rights movement led by the protestant black churches. he anticipated that the more fully the state protects religious freedom, the more readily the church helps in the great task of bringing liberty and justice for all. he anticipated martin luther king, jr.’s famous saying that: if the church will free itself from the shackles of a deadening status quo, and, recovering its great historic mission, will speak and act fearlessly and insistently in terms of justice and peace, it will enkindle the imagination of mankind and fire the souls of men, imbuing them with a glowing and ar- dent love for truth, justice, and peace. men far and near will know the church as a great fellowship of love that provides light and bread for lonely travelers at midnight. pennington also anticipated our late-modern recognition that reli- gion is a cornerstone of human rights and that religious freedom is indis- pensable to constitutional order. even in today’s liberal and pluralistic societies, religions help to define the local meanings and measures of restraint and respect, responsibility and restitution that a human rights regime presupposes. much as churches in pennington’s day played an important role, for better or worse, in shaping their communities’ moral commitments, diverse religious communities today help define ideals of human dignity and human community, and the essentials of human na- ture, need, and capacity upon which human rights are built. much as churches and schools in pennington’s day could serve as important in- stitutions of social uplift and support, religious organizations today often stand alongside the state and other institutions in helping to implement and to protect the rights of a person and community—especially at times when the state is weak, distracted, divided, cash-strapped, transitioning, or corrupt. religious communities can create the conditions (sometimes martin luther king, jr., a testament of hope: the essential writings and speeches of martin luther king jr. (james m. washington ed., ). see generally the future of religious freedom: global challenges (allen d. hertzke ed. ); religion and human rights: an introduction (john witte, jr. & m. christian green, eds., ). between martin luther and martin luther king ##d the prototypes) for the realization of civil and political rights of speech, press, assembly, and more. they can provide a critical (and sometimes the principal) means of education, healthcare, childcare, labor organiza- tions, employment, and artistic opportunities, among other things. and they offer some of the deepest insights into duties of stewardship and servanthood that lie at the heart of environmental care, humane devel- opment, and the rights of nature. finally, pennington challenges us to see that tyranny comes in many forms beyond that of the totalitarian state or the authoritarian church. other legitimate authorities, too, across families, schools, corpo- rations, hospitals, charities, farms, factories, unions, and other institu- tions wield enormous, but often invisible and unchecked, power. and these authorities can become corrupt and can crush the sacred human rights of their local subjects with as much cruelty, devastation, and out- rage as the early-modern state inflicted on its local subjects. particularly, in contrast to the loud and brash nativist and xenophobic voices that we now hear today on both sides of the atlantic, we can take comfort and courage from pennington’s abiding message of hope and resilience; of peace and reform; of righteous protest and rights-based living; of just war and juster reconstruction – built on the foundations of family, church, and school; of democracy, constitutional order, and rule of law; and of the firm resolve to ensure that every member of society may enjoy their “sacred human rights.” microsoft word - is global poverty a crime against humanity (aam).docx                city, university of london institutional repository citation: blunt, g. d. ( ). is global poverty a crime against humanity?. international theory, ( ), pp. - . doi: . /s this is the accepted version of the paper. this version of the publication may differ from the final published version. permanent repository link: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ / link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/ . /s copyright and reuse: city research online aims to make research outputs of city, university of london available to a wider audience. copyright and moral rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. urls from city research online may be freely distributed and linked to. city research online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ publications@city.ac.uk city research online http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ mailto:publications@city.ac.uk 	 	 is	global	poverty	a	crime	against	humanity?		 in	his	work	on	global	poverty,	thomas	pogge	( ,	 - )	compares	the	discovery	 that	all	the	adults	he	knew	growing	up	in	post-war	germany	were	in	some	way	 connected	to	the	crimes	of	nazis,	with	the	children	of	today	discovering	that	all	 the	 adults	 in	 affluent	 countries	 are	 similarly	 connected	 to	 an	 international	 system	 that	 “kills	 more	 efficiently	 than	 the	 nazi	 extermination	 camps”.	 he	 is	 referring	to	his	argument	that	the	international	economic	system	is	responsible	 for	the	immiseration	and	deaths	of	millions	of	people.	he	compares	the	decision- making	 processes	 of	 major	 international	 institutions	 with	 the	 wannsee	 conference,	 which	 laid	 out	 the	 details	 of	 the	 holocaust	 (pogge	 ,	 ).	 he	 deems	ordinary	citizens	of	a	developed	state	as	culpable	for	global	poverty	as	 ordinary	germans	were	 for	 the	holocaust,	 insofar	as	 they	 tacitly	support	and	 benefit	from	a	system	that	facilitates	the	deaths	of	millions	(pogge	 ,	 - ,	 - ,	 ;	 pogge	 ,	 ,	 - ).	 his	 comparisons	 are	 not	 limited	 to	 nazi	 germany,	but	also	include	stalin’s	ussr,	china	during	the	great	leap	forward,	 and	apartheid-era	south	africa	(pogge	 ,	 ,	 ;	pogge	 ,	 - ).	the	 comparison	of	global	poverty	with	genocide	and	crimes	against	humanity	 is	a	 recurring	theme	in	pogge’s	work,	but	it	has	not	been	seriously	explored.	 this	 oversight	 is	 understandable.	 it	 seems	 to	 be	 little	 more	 than	 a	 rhetorical	flourish	to	underscore	his	criticism	of	the	international	system.	there	 are	good	reasons	to	be	sceptical	of	hyperbolic	statements.	they	could	debase	the	 moral	 currency	 of	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 by	 making	 it	 encompass	 any	 lamentable	 circumstance.	 the	 aim	 of	 this	 article	 is	 to	 evaluate	 this	 claim	 by	 testing	pogge’s	thesis	on	the	causes	of	global	poverty	against	the	definition	of	a	 	 	 crime	against	humanity	that	has	developed	in	international	law	since	the	end	of	 the	 second	 world	 war.	 it	 will	 be	 argued	 that	 there	 are	 sufficient	 parallels	 between	pogge’s	 thesis	on	global	poverty	and	 the	crimes	of	enslavement	and	 apartheid	to	take	the	claim	seriously,	but	with	some	reservations	about	the	mens	 rea	behind	the	“crime	of	poverty”.	 this	 is	not	a	 trivial	 conclusion.	 if	 global	poverty	 is	 comparable	with	a	 crime	against	humanity,	it	raises	several	issues	that	may	be	uncomfortable	for	 cosmopolitans	and	 their	 fellow	 travellers.	the	 first	 is	urgency.	the	 long-term	 reform	that	characterises	most	cosmopolitan	literature,	including	pogge’s	work,	 is	not	fit	for	purpose.	crimes	against	humanity	require	immediate	action	due	to	 their	severity.	the	debate	on	global	poverty	must	provide	guidance	about	what	 can	 be	 done	 immediately.	 consequently,	 a	 non-ideal	 theory	 needs	 to	 be	 prioritised	by	cosmopolitans.	this	sort	of	guidance	cannot	be	the	anodyne	non- ideal	 fallback	of	donating	a	sum	of	money	to	charity,	knowing	that	 it	will	not	 affect	the	causes	of	global	poverty,	but	needs	to	match	the	urgency	of	the	wrong	 being	committed.	secondly,	it	brings	into	focus	the	global	poor	as	active	moral	 agents	 and	 not	 just	 docile	 supplicants.	 if	 the	 global	 poor	 are	 victims	 to	 an	 ongoing	 and	 intransigent	 crime	 against	 humanity,	 what	 are	 they	 morally	 permitted	to	do	in	their	own	defence?	we	do	not	blame	the	jews	of	the	warsaw	 ghetto	for	resisting	the	nazis	by	force	of	arms,	so	could	we	blame	the	global	poor	 if	they	took	up	arms	against	those	responsible	for	the	international	system?	this	 exposes	the	revolutionary	core	of	cosmopolitanism	that	has	been	obscured	by	 the	polite	discourse	of	contemporary	liberalism.	 	 	 that	 being	 said,	 this	 is	 only	 intended	 to	 open	 a	 conversation.	 the	 conception	of	a	crime	against	humanity	employed	is	drawn	from	international	 law	 rather	 than	 an	 independent	 conception	 of	 what	 makes	 a	 crime	 against	 humanity	a	unique	form	of	moral	wrong.	this	conception	acts	as	a	placeholder	 due	to	the	lack	of	consensus	on	what	makes	crimes	against	humanity	especially	 repugnant.	this	 is	 tolerable,	 since	 the	aim	 is	 to	 see	whether	pogge’s	 claim	 is	 more	than	rhetoric	and	the	current	understanding	in	international	law	provides	 a	baseline	for	assessment.	if	global	poverty	meets	this	baseline,	then	it	may	be	 necessary	to	further	examine	the	nature	of	crimes	against	humanity	to	ensure	 that	the	concept	is	not	over-expansive.		 the	paper	will	begin	by	examining	pogge’s	analysis	of	the	international	 system.	 this	 will	 then	 be	 compared	 with	 the	 elements	 of	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 found	 in	 international	 law,	 especially	 in	 the	 rome	 statute	 of	 the	 international	 criminal	 court	 (rome	 statute).	 it	 will	 be	 argued	 that	 the	 claim	 cannot	be	dismissed	based	on	the	elements,	but	that	it	is	insufficient	to	confirm	 it.	this	 requires	 the	comparison	with	existing	crimes	against	humanity,	 since	 article	 ( )(k)	 of	 the	 rome	 statute	 allows	 that	 acts	 that	 are	 comparable	 to	 existing	crimes	against	humanity	be	included	in	the	category.	the	final	part	of	 the	 paper	 will	 compare	 global	 poverty	 with	 the	 crimes	 of	 enslavement	 and	 apartheid.	it	will	argue	that	there	is	a	sufficient	similarity	to	take	pogge’s	claims	 seriously.	this	will	be	done	by	exposing	the	presence	of	extreme	domination	in	 all	 three,	 which	 decimates	 the	 capacity	 of	 human	 beings	 to	 live	 minimally	 autonomous	and	worthwhile	lives.	the	paper	will	conclude	with	a	comment	on	 the	implications	for	cosmopolitan	theory.	 	 	 :	the	pogge	thesis	 pogge’s	 comparison	 between	 global	 poverty	 and	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 is	 derived	 from	his	 thesis	 that	global	poverty	 is	 a	violation	of	human	rights.	 in	 order	to	test	the	validity	of	the	comparison,	it	is	necessary	to	accept	this	thesis	as	 valid,	or	at	least	plausible.	it	is	impossible	to	assess	the	comparison	with	crimes	 against	 humanity	 without	 understanding	 what	 exactly	 is	 the	 subject	 of	 the	 examination.	 this	 will	 hopefully	 convince	 sceptics	 that	 this	 thesis	 cannot	 be	 dismissed	 out	 of	 hand.	 this	 is	 admittedly	 a	 controversial	 starting	 point.	 however,	this	article	is	not	a	recapitulation	or	defence	of	the	pogge	thesis,	but	is	 an	enquiry	into	its	implications	if	true.	 . :	the	structural	conception	of	human	rights	 the	 conception	 of	 human	 rights	 that	 serves	 as	 the	 foundation	 of	 pogge’s	 argument	 appears	 to	 be	 unconventional.	 this	 is	 because	 it	 is,	 to	 use	 his	 terminology,	 institutional	 rather	 than	 interactional.	however,	 it	will	be	shown	 that	this	is	unproblematic,	especially	because	it	is	compatible	with	interactional	 conceptions.	 the	 difference	 between	 the	 interactional	 and	 structural	 understanding	 is	 the	 agent	 against	 which	 rights	 claims	 are	 directed.	 in	 the	 former	case,	human	rights	are	held	by	all	individual	human	beings	and	directed	 against	all	other	human	beings	regardless	of	shared	institutions.	the	latter	case	 makes	 human	 rights	 claims	 that	 individuals	 have	 against	 coercively	 imposed	 social	institutions	(pogge	 ,	 ).	these	are	second	order	principles	and	only	 impose	indirect	duties	on	individual	human	beings.	this	includes	the	negative	 duty	not	to	support	coercively	imposed	social	institutions	that	“foreseeably	and	 	 	 avoidably”	 leave	 people	 without	 secure	 access	 to	 the	 content	 of	 their	 human	 rights	(pogge	 ,	 ).	 this	 does	 not	 mean	 that	 in	 the	 absence	 of	 shared	 institutions	 human	 rights	do	not	exist,	but	only	that	they	are	latent.	pogge	compares	this	with	the	 duty	to	keep	one’s	promises;	it	is	a	general	obligation	that	is	only	triggered	when	 entering	into	a	specific	social	relationship	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	it	also	does	not	 deny	the	validity	of	interactional	human	rights.	the	structural	conception	has	a	 distinct	 function;	 it	 provides	 a	 framework	 to	 judge	 coercively	 imposed	 social	 institutions	(pogge	 b,	 ).		 this	conception	of	human	rights	has	three	important	features.	the	first	is	 that	 it	 is	 broader	 than	 a	 legalistic	 understanding	 of	 rights.	 it	 requires	 secure	 access	to	the	content	of	human	rights	and	this	does	not	entail	that	people	hold	a	 statutory	right.	if	a	person	has	reasonably	secure	access	through	the	customary	 practices	of	 their	society,	 then	 there	cannot	be	a	human	rights	deficit	 (pogge	 ,	 ).	 the	 structural	 conception	 looks	 towards	 achieving	 reasonable	 thresholds	 of	 security	 to	 the	 contents	 of	 human	 rights	 rather	 than	 legal	 codification.	 the	 second	 feature	 is	 the	 importance	 of	 official	 disrespect.	 the	 violation	 of	 human	 rights	 is	 a	 public	 moral	 wrong,	 which	 is	 partly	 why	 such	 violations	are	so	egregious.	they	can	occur	under	the	colour	of	law.	this	not	only	 deprives	people	of	the	content	of	their	rights,	but	also	undermines	the	validity	of	 such	rights	(pogge	 ,	 ).	official	disrespect	is	not	limited	to	the	conduct	of	 states,	 but	 to	 persons	 informally	 employed	 by	 the	 state,	 such	 as	 militias,	 or	 indeed	by	giving	tacit	consent	for	private	organisations	to	act	with	impunity	by	 doing	nothing	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	the	third	feature	is	that	the	obligations	that	 	 	 attach	 to	 individuals	 are	 negative.	 this	 avoids	 the	 libertarian	 scepticism	 of	 positive	rights.	individuals	are	not	required	to	provide	a	particular	good,	such	as	 basic	 medicines	 or	 food,	 but	 are	 required	 to	 withhold	 support	 for	 social	 institutions	that	deny	secure	access	to	such	goods	(pogge	 ,	 ).		 as	to	whether	freedom	from	poverty	is	a	human	right,	pogge	offers	two	 lines	of	argument.	the	first	stresses	the	importance	of	human	flourishing	as	a	 component	of	any	form	of	moral	cosmopolitanism.	if	we	value	individual	human	 beings	as	the	basic	unit	of	moral	currency,	then	we	must	respect	their	right	to	 live	 their	 conception	 of	 a	 good	 human	 life.	 it	 is	 impossible	 for	 a	 reasonable	 conception	of	a	good	human	life	to	coexist	with	extreme	poverty	(pogge	 ,	 ,	 ).	 the	 second	 argument	 is	 that	 freedom	 from	 poverty	 is	 already	 recognised	 in	 international	 human	 rights	 instruments.	 article	 ( )	 of	 the	 universal	declaration	of	human	rights	(udhr)	states:	 everyone	has	the	right	to	a	standard	of	living	adequate	for	the	health	and	 well-being	of	himself	and	of	his	family,	including	food,	clothing,	housing	 and	medical	care	and	necessary	social	services,	and	the	right	to	security	 in	the	event	of	unemployment,	sickness,	disability,	widowhood,	old	age	or	 other	lack	of	livelihood	in	circumstances	beyond	his	control.	 further,	article	 	of	the	udhr	also	states:	 everyone	is	entitled	to	a	social	and	international	order	in	which	the	rights	 and	freedoms	set	forth	in	this	declaration	can	be	fully	realized.	 consequently,	pogge	claims	that	freedom	from	poverty	is	a	recognised	human	 right	and,	although	 it	may	be	debateable	whether	 it	entails	positive	action,	 it	 	 	 requires	that	we	withhold	support	for	coercively	imposed	social	institutions	that	 deny	people	secure	access	to	their	basic	human	rights	(pogge	 a,	 - ).		 . :	global	poverty	as	a	human	rights	violation	 the	way	in	which	pogge	sets	up	his	structural	conception	of	human	rights	often	 focuses	on	the	state	rather	than	the	international	system.	this	is	not	surprising	 given	that	states	are	coercively	imposed	and	are	the	most	well-known	violators	 of	human	rights.	the	international	system	is	more	complicated	both	in	terms	of	 whether	 it	 is	 coercively	enforced	and	whether	 it	actually	does	violate	human	 rights.	 pogge	 refers	 to	 it	 as	 being	 “imposed”	 on	 the	 world’s	 poorest	 people,	 although	 it	 is	 unclear	 what	 he	 means.	 however,	 there	 is	 an	 argument	 in	 his	 response	 in	 that	 those	 who	 say	 the	 international	 system	 is	 legitimate	 do	 so	 because	 the	 poor	 voluntarily	 sign	 up	 to	 it	 and	 “volenti	 non	 fit	 iniura”	 (pogge	 a,	 - ).	 however,	 consent	 only	 matters	 when	 there	 is	 a	 reasonable	 alternative.	the	global	poor	have	no	reasonable	choice	but	to	join	what	pogge	 calls	“wto	globalisation”.	they	require	access	to	the	markets	of	the	developed	 world	and	lack	a	reasonable	alternative	(pogge	 a,	 - ).	consequently,	the	 international	system	is	considered	coercive,	not	because	there	is	no	alternative	 for	poor	states	seeking	access	to	wealthy	markets	but,	more	simply,	because	the	 global	poor	have	no	alternative	to	the	state-based	system.	 as	a	coercively	imposed	social	 institution,	the	international	system	is	a	 proper	subject	for	human	rights	claims	and	makes	it	the	target	of	pogge’s	claim	 that	 it	 “foreseeably	and	avoidably”	causes	global	poverty,	which	constitutes	a	 human	rights	violation.	there	are	two	ways	in	which	the	international	system	 	 	 does	this:	through	the	privileges	granted	to	states	under	international	law	and	 the	way	in	which	powerful	states	set	the	rules	of	the	global	economy.		 any	group	that	manages	to	secure	the	means	of	coercion	within	a	state’s	 territory	tends	to	be	recognised	as	the	legitimate	government	regardless	of	how	 it	came	to	power,	how	it	treats	its	people,	or	even	whether	it	has	support	from	 the	people	(pogge	 ,	 ).	it	also	importantly	gains	the	right	to	act	 in	the	 name	of	 its	people,	which	brings	with	 it	 four	privileges	that	help	to	create	or	 exacerbate	global	poverty.	the	resource	privilege	grants	control	over	the	natural	 resources	 in	 a	 territory	 and,	 with	 it,	 the	 legal	 power	 to	 transfer	 ownership.	 consequently,	a	military	dictatorship	that	came	to	power	in	a	coup	d’état	can	sell	 legal	ownership	of	rights	 to	a	multinational	corporation.	pogge	compares	this	 with	a	group	of	armed	thugs	seizing	control	of	a	warehouse	from	its	guards	and,	 instead	of	having	to	move	the	goods	through	a	fence,	they	gain	the	legal	right	to	 dispose	 of	 these	 goods	 as	 they	 see	 fit	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	 the	 borrowing	 privilege	grants	the	right	to	borrow	from	international	bodies	in	the	name	of	the	 people.	the	arms	privilege	grants	the	right	to	 import	weapons	and	the	treaty	 privilege	 enables	 the	 government	 to	 create	 international	 obligations	 (pogge	 ,	 - ,	 - ,	 a,	 - ).			 these	privileges	facilitate	oppression	and	instability	in	weak	states.	the	 funds	that	are	made	available	by	resource	and	borrowing	privilege	can	be	used	 to	secure	oppressive	regimes.	they	can	be	used	to	create	patronage	networks,	 such	as	among	junior	officers	in	the	military,	which	in	conjunction	with	the	arms	 privilege	to	buy	military	ordinance	that	can	be	used	maintain	an	authoritarian	 regime.	 oppressive	 regimes,	 supported	 by	 domestic	 clients	 and	 international	 	 	 institutions,	have	no	incentive	to	provide	secure	access	to	the	content	of	human	 rights	(pogge	 a,	 - ,	 ,	 ).		 these	privileges	also	destabilise	weak	states,	especially	 those	richly-endowed	 with	natural	resources.	the	resource	privilege	provides	a	strong	 incentive	for	 powerful	 agents,	 such	 as	 the	 military,	 to	 seize	 power.	 the	 reward	 of	 seizing	 power	outweighs	the	risks.	the	example	given	is	of	nigeria,	which	produces	 mn	 barrels	 of	 oil	 per	 day.	 the	 military	 has	 ruled	 for	 approximately	 half	 of	 the	 country’s	 post-independence	 history	 and	 corruption	 has	 been	 difficult	 to	 address,	as	removing	the	military’s	“prerequisites”	could	provoke	a	coup	(pogge	 ,	 ).	 the	 borrowing	 privilege	 also	 has	 a	 destabilising	 effect.	 an	 authoritarian	 regime	 may	 borrow	 excessively	 with	 little	 public	 benefit	 and,	 should	it	be	deposed	by	a	popular	revolution,	the	debts	do	not	disappear.	this	 constrains	 the	 new	 government’s	 ability	 to	 create	 social	 conditions	 in	 which	 citizens	have	secure	access	to	the	content	of	their	human	rights,	as	much	of	the	 government’s	 funds	 will	 be	 used	 to	 service	 debt	 (pogge	 a,	 ).	 the	 privileges	conferred	to	states,	irrespective	of	their	character	or	origins	of	their	 governments,	 help	 to	 create	 an	 international	 order	 in	 which	 it	 is	 difficult	 to	 secure	human	rights.		 the	 second	 aspect	 of	 the	 international	 system	 that	 pogge	 identifies	 as	 causing	global	poverty	 is	how	the	asymmetric	distribution	of	power	between	 states	influences	the	rules	of	the	global	economy.	powerful	states	can	shape	the	 agenda	 to	 suit	 their	 interests.	 this	 is	 evident	 in	 how	 such	 states	 maintain	 protectionist	subsidies	and	tariffs,	while	insisting	that	weak	states	remove	such	 obstacles.	the	usa,	 for	example,	provides	$ 	billion	 in	subsidies	 to	 its	cotton	 	 	 industry,	 which	 only	 produces	 a	 crop	 worth	 $ 	 billion	 (bales,	 trodd,	 and	 williamson	 ,	 ).	this	effectively	protects	us	cotton	manufacturers	 from	 being	outcompeted	by	rivals	in	the	developing	world.	pogge	also	identifies	the	 agreement	of	trade-related	aspects	of	intellectual	property	rights	(trips)	as	 an	example	of	how	the	rules	of	 the	global	economy	run	counter	 to	 the	basic	 rights	 of	 the	 global	 poor.	 trips	 includes	 provisions	 that	 extend	 the	 -year	 patent	protection,	effectively	allowing	“evergreen”	patents	(pogge	 ,	 ).	 the	consequence	of	this	is	that	patent-holders	gain	a	price	monopoly	on	their	 intellectual	property	(ip).	ip	rights	to	products	such	as	films	may	not	produce	 human	rights	problems,	but	when	it	comes	to	medicines	it	is	a	different	story.	 the	 patent	 regime	 in	 trips	 greatly	 reduced	 access	 to	 basic	 medicines	 by	 removing	 generic	 alternatives	 and	 granting	 monopolistic	 price	 control	 to	 the	 patent	holder.	this	can	increase	the	price	of	pharmaceuticals	by	a	factor	of	 	to	 	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	 this,	 for	 pogge,	 is	 a	 case	 of	 the	 rules	 of	 the	 global	 economy	favouring	property	rights	of	the	affluent	over	the	right	to	life	of	people	 living	in	poverty.	 pogge	identifies	three	factors	that	explain	why	poor	countries	would	sign	 up	to	a	regime	that	works	against	the	interests	of	their	citizens.	the	first	is	a	lack	 of	knowledge.	representatives	of	poor	countries	were	excluded	from	the	“green	 room”	negotiations	that	set	the	terms	of	the	agreement;	instead,	they	were	faced	 with	 a	 , -page	 document	 that	 they	 could	 not	 have	 had	 time	 to	 fully	 understand	 and	 had	 to	 sign	 to	 gain	 access	 to	 markets.	 second,	 most	 poor	 countries	lacked	the	power	to	be	able	to	negotiate.	the	asymmetric	distribution	 of	power	compels	poor	states	to	sign	up	to	rigorous	patent	regimes	in	order	to	 	 	 gain	limited	access	to	markets	in	the	developed	world.	the	third	factor	is	that	 political	power	is	asymmetrically	distributed	within	many	developing	countries.	 the	 terms	 that	 leaders	 sign	 up	 to,	 thanks	 to	 the	 treaty	 privilege,	 may	 be	 unbeneficial	 or	 harmful	 to	 the	 majority	 of	 citizens,	 but	 the	 ruling	 class	 may	 accrue	significant	benefits	by	signing	up.	this	gains	credence	when	one	sees	that	 the	 signatories	 to	 the	 wto	 agreement	 include	 sani	 abacha,	 suharto,	 robert	 mugabe,	and	mobutu	sese	seko	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	 the	 privileges	 granted	 to	 states,	 together	 with	 the	 asymmetric	 distribution	of	power	in	setting	the	terms	of	the	global	economic	cooperation,	 constitute	 a	 violation	 of	 basic	 human	 rights	 because	 they	 foreseeably	 and	 avoidably	create	or	exacerbate	poverty.	this	undermines	the	basic	autonomy	of	 individual	human	beings	and	runs	counter	to	the	rights	found	in	human	rights	 documents	such	as	the	udhr.		 . :	objections	 the	 pogge	 thesis	 has	 received	 criticism	 from	 those	 who	 think	 that	 the	 international	system,	while	sub-optimal,	does	not	harm	the	global	poor	and,	in	 fact,	 has	 lifted	 many	 people	 out	 of	 extreme	 poverty.	 the	 world	 bank,	 for	 example,	places	the	level	of	people	living	in	extreme	poverty	at	a	 little	over	a	 billion	in	 ,	whereas	in	 	it	was	in	striking	distance	of	two	billion	(world	 bank	 ).	 of	 these,	 some	 	 million	 people	 were	 lifted	 out	 of	 extreme	 poverty	 in	 china	 between	 	 and	 	 (pogge	 a,	 ).	 this	 broad	 reduction	in	extreme	poverty,	coupled	with	china	as	the	paradigm	case	of	having	 benefited	 from	wto	globalisation,	seems	to	undermine	the	notion	that	global	 poverty	is	a	human	rights	violation,	let	alone	a	crime	against	humanity.		 	 	 however,	the	case	against	is	not	as	straightforward	as	it	seems.	in	the	first	 place,	the	indices	by	which	the	world	bank	counts	those	living	in	poverty	are	 somewhat	problematic.	the	international	poverty	line	(ipl)	is	set	at	$ . 	for	 extreme	poverty	and	$ . 	for	severe	poverty.	pogge	reasonably	suggests	that	 this	is	an	arbitrarily	determined	line	that	does	not	capture	poverty.	for	example,	 if	one	were	to	set	the	ipl	exclusively	at	$ . ,	then	there	would	be	no	reduction	 in	 poverty	 between	 	 and	 	 (pogge	 a,	 - ).	 moreover,	 when	 comparing	the	current	ipl	with	previous	ones,	we	see	that	the	purchasing	power	 of	 those	 counted	 has	 significantly	 declined.	 the	 	 ipl	 of	 $ . 	 had	 the	 purchasing	 power	 of	 $ . 	 in	 	 (pogge	 a,	 - ).	 this	 indicates	 that	 those	 just	above	today’s	ipl	have	lost	a	third	of	 their	purchasing	power	from	 their	equivalents	of	thirty	years	ago.	adjusting	the	ipl	in	this	way	allows	a	rosier	 picture	of	global	poverty	alleviation	to	be	painted.	yet,	it	is	hard	to	imagine	that	a	 person	living	just	above	the	ipl	has	secure	access	to	the	content	of	their	human	 rights.						 china’s	economic	success	is	also	ambiguous;	it	is	undeniable	that	its	remarkable	 growth	 has	 led	 to	 a	 large	 increase	 in	 gni	 per	 capita.	 however,	 the	 actual	 distribution	of	wealth	in	china	must	be	taken	into	consideration.	the	benefits	of	 economic	 growth	 have	 been	 divided	 in	 a	 way	 that	 has	 fostered	 greater	 inequality.	the	bottom	deciles	of	the	chinese	population	have	seen	their	relative	 share	of	their	country’s	wealth	drop	from	 . %	in	 	to	 %	in	 .	this	 has	 contributed	 to	 the	 further	 marginalisation	 of	 china’s	 poor	 in	 domestic	 politics,	especially	considering	that	the	richest	decile’s	wealth	has	increased	from	 %	to	 %	in	the	same	period	(pogge	 a,	 - ).	the	growth	in	inequality	 	 	 means	that	the	poorest	people	in	china	have	been	marginalised	and	have	less	 secure	access	to	the	content	of	their	human	rights.			 additionally,	it	is	impossible	to	decouple	china’s	success	from	the	overall	 global	economy.	chinese	economic	growth	is	export-oriented.	it	is	premised	on	 gaining	 access	 to	 markets	 in	 the	 developed	 world.	 this	 places	 china	 in	 competition	 with	 other	 developing	 states.	 this	 has	 resulted	 in	 lower	 export	 prices,	 wages,	 and	 labour	 standards	 in	 all	 export-oriented	 developing	 states	 (pogge	 a,	 ).	additionally,	the	dramatic	increase	in	china’s	imports	has	 helped	to	increase	the	price	of	basic	resources	such	as	petroleum	and	food.	the	 interdependence	 of	 the	 global	 market	 cannot	 be	 set	 aside,	 and	 china’s	 gains	 might	explain	why	poverty	is	stagnant	or	increasing	in	other	parts	of	the	world	 (pogge	 a,	 - ).	 the	 china	 example	 is	 characterised	 by	 the	 “some-all”	 fallacy	 in	 that,	 since	 it	 has	 experienced	 rapid	 development,	 all	 developing	 countries	 should	 be	 able	 to	 as	 well.	 if	 they	 do	 not,	 then	 it	 is	 because	 of	 endogenous	factors	(pogge	 a,	 ).	however,	china’s	growth	occurs	in	the	 context	 of	 the	 international	 system,	 where	 its	 success	 has	 international	 consequences	that	might	contribute	to	the	impoverishment	of	its	competitors.		 this	attacks	the	heart	of	nationalist	explanations	for	the	causes	of	global	 poverty	–	or,	as	pogge	calls,	it	the	“purely	domestic	poverty	thesis”.	this	claims	 that	local	factors	are	chiefly	responsible	for	the	wealth	or	poverty	of	a	state.	it	is	 factors	such	as	corruption,	democratic	citizenship,	work	ethic	and	the	like	that	 ultimately	 determine	 a	 state’s	 prosperity	 (pogge	 a,	 - ,	 b,	 ).	 however,	what	the	argument	shows	is	that	local	culture	cannot	be	isolated	from	 the	 international	system.	the	privileges	help	 to	support	corrupt	governments	 	 	 and	make	it	incredibly	difficult	for	newly	democratised	states	to	root	it	out.	the	 asymmetry	in	bargaining	power	leads	to	global	trade	agreements	that	favour	the	 interests	of	developed	states	 in	a	way	that	undermines	secure	access	to	basic	 goods,	such	as	medicine.	however,	that	being	said,	there	is	nothing	in	pogge’s	 thesis	that	suggests	a	“purely	global	poverty	thesis”.	local	factors	such	as	culture	 or	 resource	 scarcity	 may	 indeed	 produce	 poverty.	 indeed,	 even	 if	 the	 international	system	was	reformed	so	that	citizens	of	the	developed	world	do	 not	 violate	 their	 negative	 duty	 to	 refrain	 from	 supporting	 unjust	 social	 institutions,	 significant	 pockets	 of	 poverty	 may	 continue	 to	 exist	 in	 the	 developing	world	just	as	they	do	in	the	developed	world	today.	however,	this	is	 not	a	problem	for	the	pogge	thesis,	which	asserts	that	certain	characteristics	of	 the	 international	system	foreseeably	and	avoidably	produce	poverty	 in	a	way	 that	is	a	human	rights	violation.	it	does	not	put	forward	a	“purely	international	 poverty	thesis”	(pogge	 b,	 - ,	 	fn. ).	 . :	guidance	 the	term	“foreseeably	and	avoidably”	recurs	frequently	in	pogge’s	works.	it	is	 important	 because	 it	 means	 that	 poverty	 is	 not	 just	 an	 unintended	 or	 unavoidable	 consequence	 of	 the	 international	 system,	 but	 something	 that	 is	 predictable	and	unnecessary.	this	is	meant	to	diffuse	what	might	be	called	the	 “churchillian	 objection”	 to	 the	 pogge	 thesis:	 the	 international	 system	 may	 be	 sub-optimal,	 it	may	even	produce	global	poverty,	but	 it	 is	the	best	system	we	 have.	to	paraphrase	churchill’s	pithy	defence	of	democracy,	wto	globalisation	 is	the	worst	form	of	international	economic	organisation,	except	for	all	the	other	 ones	we	have	tried.	the	churchillian	critic	may	agree	that	poverty	is	foreseeable	 	 	 but	disputes	whether	it	 is	avoidable.	so,	 it	 is	necessary	to	indicate	why	pogge	 thinks	this	is	not	the	case	by	looking	at	his	alternatives.		 the	 guidance	 provided	 by	 pogge	 is	 ambitious.	 it	 ranges	 from	 fairer	 terms	 of	 economic	 cooperation	 within	 the	 existing	 framework	 to	 fundamental	 adjustments	 to	 the	 international	 system.	 the	 loosening	 or	 elimination	 of	 protectionist	barriers	to	the	developed	market	could	generate	upwards	of	$ 	 billion	in	earnings	for	developing	states	from	low	technology	and	resource-based	 industries,	 according	 to	 the	 united	 nations	 conference	 on	 trade	 and	 development	(unctad).	this	estimation,	 it	should	be	noted,	does	not	 include	 agricultural	 products	 (pogge	 b,	 ).	 lower	 projections,	 such	 as	 cline’s	 $ . 	billion,	could	provide	poverty	relief	to	an	estimated	 	million	people	 (pogge	 b,	 ).	additionally,	pogge	also	endorses	reforms	to	prevent	profit	 shifting,	 such	 as	 moving	 profits	 to	 low	 tax	 jurisdictions	 and	 expenses	 to	 jurisdictions	 with	 high	 tax	 relief,	 cracking	 down	 on	 tax	 havens,	 and	 the	 mitigation	of	debt	in	the	developing	world	(brock	and	pogge	 ,	 - ,	pogge	 and	 sengupta	 ,	 - ).	 these	 reforms	 would	 provide	 significant	 funds	 for	 poverty	relief.		 given	the	prominence	of	the	privileges	in	pogge’s	analysis,	it	should	not	 come	as	a	surprise	that	he	seeks	their	elimination	or	mitigation.	one	suggestion	 is	that	new	democracies	might	“preauthorise”	intervention	by	the	united	nations	 or	regional	organisation	in	the	event	of	a	coup.	this	would	act	as	a	deterrent	by	 increasing	the	risks	associated	with	seizing	power	to	gain	access	to	a	country’s	 natural	 and	 financial	 resources	 (pogge	 ,	 ).	 however,	 there	 are	 less	 hazardous	ways	to	reduce	the	damage	done	by	the	privileges,	such	as	limiting	 	 	 the	borrowing	privilege	of	authoritarian	governments	in	a	way	that	would	not	 leave	a	newly	democratic	state	liable	for	debts	incurred.	the	example	given	is	a	 constitutional	 amendment	 that	 prohibits	 international	 agents	 from	 lending	 to	 unconstitutional	 governments	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	 pogge	 also	 suggests	 a	 “democracy	 panel”	 to	 monitor	 the	 democratic	 credentials	 of	 would-be	 borrowers	and	a	“democracy	fund”	to	help	service	the	debts	of	new	democratic	 states	 as	 they	 stabilise	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	 the	 resource	 privilege	 could	 be	 undermined	by	similar	means	to	limit	how	governments	that	come	to	power	via	 coup	attempts,	or	other	unconstitutional	means,	can	sell	resources;	such	means	 could	 include	 a	 constitutional	 amendment	 banning	 unconstitutional	 governments	from	selling	resources	and	such	governments	being	monitored	by	 the	democracy	panel	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	these	recommendations	may	seem	 far-fetched,	but	they	are	not	impossible.	they	rest	on	constitutional	amendments	 in	 developing	 states	 and	 a	 relatively	 small	 international	 body	 performing	 a	 monitoring	role.		 the	 final	 two	 projects,	 the	 global	 resource	 dividend	 (grd)	 and	 the	 health	impact	fund	(hif),	are	more	radical.	the	grd	is	a	plan	to	redistribute	 wealth	through	a	tax	on	the	exploitation	of	natural	resources.	the	grd	would	 constitute	a	 . %	tax	on	the	global	product.	 in	 ,	this	would	have	raised	 $ 	billion	for	poverty	relief,	which	would	enable	some	 . 	billion	people	to	be	 lifted	out	of	poverty	(pogge	 ,	 ).	how	these	funds	would	be	distributed	is	 a	matter	of	debate,	but	 could	range	 from	an	 international	body	 to	giving	 the	 funds	 directly	 to	 the	 global	 poor	 (pogge	 ,	 ).	 the	 grd	 is	 not	 an	 impossible	goal.	 its	 costs	are	comparable	 to	half	of	 the	usa’s	annual	defence	 	 	 budget	(pogge	 ,	 ).	however,	some	may	question	whether	it	is	a	realistic	 goal.	this	misses	the	point.	even	if	the	grd	is	not	realistic	due	to	the	world’s	 affluent	 being	 unwilling,	 as	 opposed	 to	 being	 unable,	 it	 acts	 as	 a	 means	 to	 criticise	 the	 current	 international	 system.	 however,	 pogge	 holds	 out	 hope	 because	moral	convictions	have	proved	to	be	politically	potent,	as	was	the	case	 with	the	abolition	movement	in	the	 th	century.	moreover,	there	are	prudential	 reasons	for	affluent	states	to	sign	on,	such	as	reducing	global	instability,	refugee	 claims,	and	economic	migration	(pogge	 ,	 - ).		 the	 hif	 is	 an	 alternative	 scheme	 to	 the	 current	 trips	 regime	 for	 pharmaceutical	 research	and	dissemination.	the	hif	would	amount	 to	 %	of	 funds	raised	from	the	grd,	approximately	$ 	billion	per	annum	(pogge	 b,	 ).	pharmaceutical	innovators	would	have	the	option	of	signing	up	to	the	hif	 when	they	produce	a	new	drug	or	vaccine.	this	would	require	them	to	sell	their	 product	 at	 cost	 for	 ten	 years.	 profit	 is	 generated	 based	 on	 how	 the	 product	 improves	the	quality	of	global	health	instead	of	monopoly	prices.	pogge	claims	 that	this	would	offer	significant	advantages	over	the	current	regime.	 it	would	 improve	access	by	lowering	the	cost	of	medicines	(pogge	 ,	 ).	it	would	 encourage	research	into	vital,	but	low-use,	drugs,	such	as	last	line	antibiotics	to	 treat	drug-resistant	tuberculosis,	since	the	profit	would	be	determined	by	impact	 rather	than	units	sold	before	patent	expiry.	 it	would	also	shift	research	away	 from	 maintenance	 treatments,	 which	 the	 current	 system	 favours	 due	 to	 the	 profitability	of	their	long-term	use,	to	prophylactic	treatments	such	as	vaccines,	 which	would	have	profound	impacts	on	global	health	(pogge	 ,	 - ).			 	 	 interventions	like	the	hif	are	not	unheard	of	in	global	health,	as	the	hif	 bears	 similarities	 to	 the	 creation	 of	 the	 global	 alliance	 for	 vaccines	 and	 immunization	 to	encourage	 research	 into	poverty-related	diseases.	the	gates	 foundation	donated	$ 	million	and	helped	raise	$ 	billion	to	establish	a	pool	 of	capital	for	the	research	of	diseases	that	afflict	the	world’s	poor.	these	diseases	 have	not	received	much	attention	from	the	pharmaceutical	industry	because	the	 global	poor	are	not	reliable	consumers;	they	may	generate	intense	demand	for	 treatments,	 but	 they	 cannot	 pay	 for	 them.	 the	 fund	 created	 by	 the	 gates	 foundation	altered	the	logic	of	the	market	by	creating	a	reliable	consumer	for	 such	 goods.	 the	 result	 of	 this,	 it	 is	 hoped,	 will	 drive	 down	 drug	 prices	 and	 encourage	innovation	in	treatment	(cohen	and	küpçü	 ,	 ).	however,	the	 hif	would	be	a	more	comprehensive	alternative	to	the	current	global	health	and	 patent	regime.		 . :	conclusion	 the	pogge	thesis	claims	that	the	current	international	system	foreseeably	and	 avoidably	violates	the	human	rights	of	hundreds	of	millions	of	people	by	creating	 or	exacerbating	global	poverty.	these	violations	can	be	traced	to	the	privileges	 granted	to	states	in	international	law	and	the	use	of	asymmetric	power	to	set	 unfair	 terms	 of	 economic	 cooperation.	 these	 are	 violations	 of	 human	 rights	 because	they	constitute	“official	disrespect”	within	a	coercively	imposed	social	 institution.	they	are	not	the	inevitable	product	of	the	best	possible	international	 system,	but	the	product	of	the	unwillingness	to	initiate	reform.		this	constitutes	 a	second-order	human	rights	problem	for	the	affluent	since	they	are	complicit	 	 	 with	 this	 system,	 but	 what	 remains	 to	 be	 determined	 is	 whether	 this	 is	 complicity	with	a	crime	against	humanity.	 .	elements	of	crimes	against	humanity	 crimes	against	humanity	remain,	as	hannah	arendt	wrote,	in	a	“tantalising	state	 of	ambiguity”	(arendt	 ,	 ).	this	section	will	examine	the	elements	found	 in	international	law.	it	will	focus	on	article	 	of	the	rome	statute,	but	will	draw	 on	the	judgments	from	the	ad	hoc	tribunals	and	scholarship	on	crimes	against	 humanity	where	necessary.	in	order	for	an	act	to	be	considered	a	crime	against	 humanity,	article	 ( )	of	the	rome	statute	states	that	it	must	be	“committed	as	 part	of	a	widespread	or	systemic	attack	directed	against	any	civilian	population,	 with	 knowledge	 of	 the	 attack.”	 this	 can	 be	 broken	 down	 into	 five	 necessary	 conditions:	 i. there	is	an	attack.	 ii. the	relevant	acts	are	part	of	the	attack.	 iii. the	attack	must	be	widespread	or	systemic.	 iv. the	attack	must	be	directed	against	a	civilian	population.	 v. there	must	be	knowledge	of	the	attack.	 the	 elements	 provide	 a	 general	 framework	 for	 crimes	 against	 humanity.	 if	 pogge’s	argument	is	incompatible	with	any	of	these	elements,	then	we	can	say	 that	his	comparison	is	invalid.		 . :	attacks,	acts,	and	agents	 the	first	two	elements	of	a	crime	against	humanity	define	the	same	as	an	act	that	 occurs	 in	 the	context	of	an	attack.	the	 idea	 that	a	crime	against	humanity	 is	 	 	 necessarily	part	of	an	attack	seems	to	preclude	global	poverty	from	the	start.	the	 term	 “attack”	 evokes	 the	 idea	 of	 violence	 and	 armed	 conflict.	 although	 the	 history	of	crimes	against	humanity	does	gesture	towards	this,	the	evolution	of	 the	jurisprudence	since	the	nuremberg	trials	has	moved	away	from	a	necessary	 link	between	attacks	and	war	or	even	violence.	 the	initial	formulation	of	crimes	against	humanity	came	about	from	the	 agreement	between	 the	allies	 to	 try	members	of	 the	axis	powers	during	 the	 second	world	war.	this	created	the	so-called	“war	nexus”	in	article	 (c)	of	the	 charter	 of	 the	 international	 military	 tribunal,	 which	 linked	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 to	 the	 laws	of	war.	however,	 this	did	not	 last	very	 long.	the	allies	 sought	 to	 bring	 charges	 for	 acts	 committed	 prior	 to	 the	 war,	 such	 as	 the	 persecution	of	the	jews	in	nazi	germany.	control	council	law	no.	 	(ccl	 )	 recognised	that	“the	grim	fact	of	worldwide	interdependence”	meant	that	war	 crimes	were	not	the	only	offences	recognised	by	international	law;	there	were	 also	certain	offences	committed	by	the	german	state	against	its	own	citizens	that	 violated	“common	international	law”	(taylor	 ,	 ).		ccl	 	extended	the	 scope	 of	 the	 nuremberg	 trials,	 since	 “common	 international	 law”	 cannot	 be	 limited	to	a	specific	context	such	as	the	second	world	war	(arendt	 ,	 - ,	 bassiouni	 a,	 ).	 this	 means	 that,	 even	 in	 peacetime,	 crimes	 can	 be	 committed	by	the	state	or	another	agent	that	necessitate	international	action.	 the	decoupling	of	crimes	against	humanity	from	war	continued	with	the	 drafting	of	the	convention	on	the	prevention	and	punishment	of	the	crime	of	 genocide,	where	article	 	explicitly	states	that	genocide	can	occur	in	times	of	 peace	and	war.	it	is	true	that	genocide	and	crimes	against	humanity	are	distinct	 	 	 in	international	law,	but,	as	norman	geras	( ,	p. )	points	out,	it	is	difficult	 to	identify	any	argument	that	would	decouple	genocide	from	war,	but	not	crimes	 against	 humanity	 like	 mass	 murder	 or	 enslavement.	 this	 was	 the	 prevailing	 opinion	when	the	rome	statute	was	being	drafted.	if	crimes	against	humanity	 where	 linked	 to	 war,	 the	 statute	 would	 have	 ignored	 these	 post-nuremberg	 developments	and,	additionally,	made	it	difficult	to	distinguish	them	from	war	 crimes	(robinson	 ,	 - ).	 war	is	not	a	necessary	characteristic	of	an	attack,	but	there	may	be	an	 “armed	 conflict	 nexus”.	 article	 	 of	 the	 statute	 of	 the	 international	 criminal	 tribunal	for	the	former	yugoslavia	(icty)	identifies	a	direct	link	between	crimes	 against	humanity	and	armed	conflict.	however,	no	comparable	link	is	made	in	 article	 	of	the	statute	of	the	international	criminal	tribunal	for	rwanda	(ictr)	 or	 article	 	 of	 the	 rome	 statute.	 indeed,	 the	 decision	 in	 akayesu	 specifically	 stated	that	“an	attack	may	be	non-violent	in	nature,	like	imposing	a	system	of	 apartheid…	or	exerting	pressure	on	a	population	to	act	in	a	particular	manner,	 may	come	under	the	purview	of	an	attack,	if	orchestrated	on	a	massive	scale	or	 in	 a	 systemic	 manner.” 	 this	 leaves	 the	 definition	 of	 an	 attack	 in	 a	 state	 of	 ambiguity.	indeed,	when	the	rome	statute	was	being	drafted,	some	delegations	 wanted	 to	replace	 “attack”	with	 “widespread	or	systemic	commission	of	 such	 acts”	(robinson	 ,	 	fn. ).	yet,	the	term	“attack”	was	included	in	article	 ( )(a)	 of	 the	 rome	 statute	 and	 is	 understood	 to	 be	 “a	 course	 of	 conduct	 involving	the	multiple	commission	of	acts	referred	to	in	paragraph	 .”	 																																																								 	judgement,	akayesu	(ictr- - -t),	chamber	i,	 	september	 ,	¶ 	(hereinafter	akayesu)	 	 	 whether	 the	 acts	 that	 comprise	 an	 attack	 are	 necessarily	 violent	 is	 a	 matter	of	debate.	david	luban	has	specifically	argued	that	admitting	non-violent	 acts	would	undermine	crimes	against	humanity	by	making	the	definition	overly	 capacious.	the	idea	of	an	attack	requires	something	more	than	a	stable	system	of	 oppression	or	domination.	luban	compares	it	with	a	military	campaign	that	has	 the	 aim	 of	 annihilating	 or	 driving	 away	 the	 persecuted	 group	 instead	 of	 exploiting	or	oppressing	it	(luban	 ,	 - ).	if	akayesu	is	followed,	it	would	 allow	frivolous	cases	to	be	introduced,	such	as	forcing	immigrants	to	assimilate	 by	only	having	 traffic	 signs,	 and	government	documents	being	produced	 in	a	 single	language.	regardless	of	how	one	feels	about	this,	it	does	not	seem	to	be	a	 crime	against	humanity	(luban	 ,	 	fn.	 ).	this	is	an	argument	that	one	 should	 feel	 sympathetic	 towards.	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 are	 supposed	 to	 denote	 a	 particularly	 egregious	 form	 of	 wrong.	 however,	 this	 conservative	 interpretation	of	an	attack	has	serious	problems.	enslavement,	 for	example,	 is	 considered	a	crime	against	humanity	and	certainly	slavery	has	been	marked	by	 violence	within	the	relationship.	however,	violence	and	coercion	are	only	latent	 in	the	master-slave	relationship.	it	 is	possible	to	conceptualise	a	slave-owning	 society	where,	due	to	a	strong	social	norm	against	mistreating	those	whom	one	 owns,	slaves	enjoy	a	 life	 that	 is	 indistinguishable	 from	that	of	a	 free	 labourer	 save	for	their	legal	bondage	(lovett	and	pettit	 ,	 ).	yet,	this	society	would	 be	violating	article	 ( )(c)	of	 the	rome	statute’s	definition	of	slavery	as	 “the	 exercise	of	any	or	all	of	the	powers	attaching	to	the	right	of	ownership	over	a	 person”.	the	wrongness	of	slavery	does	not	only	come	from	acts	of	violence	that	 occur	within	it.	if	that	were	the	case,	then	it	would	be	redundant;	the	criminality	 of	slavery	would	be	covered	 in	acts	such	as	murder,	 imprisonment,	and	rape.	 	 	 enslavement	 is	 listed	 because	 it	 creates	 the	 conditions	 of	 oppression	 and	 exploitation	that	luban	dismisses.	this	is	true	even	in	hypothetical	instances	of	 benevolent	slavery,	as	the	slave-owner	will	always	have	the	reserved	power	to	 treat	their	property	as	a	thing	rather	than	a	person.	fredrick	douglass’	account	 of	being	a	slave	shows	why	we	should	avoid	the	inclusion	of	direct	violence	as	a	 necessary	component	of	an	attack:	 but	ask	a	slave	what	is	his	condition	–	what	his	state	of	mind	–	what	he	 thinks	of	enslavement?	and	you	had	well	address	your	inquiries	to	the	 silent	dead.	there	comes	no	voice	from	the	enslaved.	we	are	left	to	gather	 his	feelings	by	imagining	what	ours	would	be,	were	our	souls	in	his	soul’s	 stead.	 if	there	were	no	other	fact	descriptive	of	slavery,	than	that	the	slave	is	 dumb,	this	alone	would	be	sufficient	to	mark	the	slave	system	as	a	grand	 aggregation	of	human	horrors	(douglass	 ,	 ).		 	 enslavement	shreds	autonomy,	because	even	the	most	well-kept	slave	lives	at	 his	or	her	owner’s	mercy.	to	use	luban’s	military	metaphor,	some	attacks	are	 like	 military	 occupations	 rather	 than	 campaigns.	 they	 are	 organised	 and	 purposeful,	but	not	necessarily	violent.	what	distinguishes	them	from	the	traffic	 sign	example	is	that	they	create	profound	human	rights	deficits.	the	well-kept	 slave	may	enjoy	a	decent	standard	of	living,	but	they	does	so	at	their	owner’s	 discretion.	they	do	not	have	secure	access	to	the	contents	of	their	human	rights.	 as	 global	 poverty	 produces	 a	 human	 rights	 deficit	 that	 costs	 the	 lives	 of	 	 million	people	a	year,	there	does	not	seem	to	be	a	clear	reason	to	exclude	it	on	 the	grounds	that	it	is	non-violent	(pogge	 a,	 ).		 it	should	also	be	noted	that	the	definition	of	an	attack	identifies	the	type	 of	agents	that	are	capable	of	committing	crimes	against	humanity.	article	 ( )(a)	 of	the	rome	statute	identifies	an	attack	as	being	“pursuant	to	or	in	furtherance	of	 	 	 a	state	or	organizational	policy	to	commit	such	attack.”	the	reason	for	this	 is	 quite	clear;	the	experience	of	the	former	yugoslavia	and	rwanda	showed	that	 sub-state	 actors,	 such	 as	 paramilitary	 militias,	 can	 perpetrate	 mass	 atrocities	 while	 being	 at	 arm’s	 length	 from	 the	 state	 (bassiouni	 ,	 - ).	 what	 is	 important	is	not	whether	an	organisation	has	formal	sovereignty,	but	whether	it	 has	 the	 capacity	 to	 plan	 and	 execute	 an	 attack	 on	 a	 civilian	 population	 (robertson	 ,	 - ).	 this	 has	 been	 used	 to	 prosecute	 non-state	 actors.	 indeed,	the	first	indictees	of	the	international	criminal	court	were	the	leaders	of	 the	 lord’s	 resistance	 army,	 a	 terroristic	 guerrilla	 movement	 operating	 in	 uganda	and	south	sudan.	it	would	be	absurd	to	assert	that	a	large	international	 organisation,	such	as	the	wto,	 lacks	the	organisational	capacity	of	a	terrorist	 group.	the	former	has	complex	bureaucracies	that	shape	global	economic	policy	 in	a	way	that	affects	the	lives	of	billions	of	human	beings.	if	sub-state	actors	are	 capable	 of	 committing	 crimes	 against	 humanity,	 then	 ceteris	 paribus	 international	actors	must	be	as	well.		 consequently,	 the	 first	 two	 necessary	 conditions	 of	 the	 definition	 of	 a	 crime	against	humanity	do	not	exclude	the	causes	of	global	poverty,	as	they	are	 the	 product	 of	 an	 organisational	 plan	 that	 requires	 the	 commissioning	 of	 multiple	 acts.	 however,	 what	 remains	 undetermined	 is	 whether	 the	 acts	 are	 comparable	to	those	identified	as	crimes	against	humanity.	 . :	widespread	or	systemic	 the	third	condition	is	that	a	crime	against	humanity	be	widespread	or	systemic.	 a	crime	against	humanity	is	not	an	isolated	instance	of	murder	or	rape.	these	 acts	are	horrendous,	but	they	must	occur	within	the	context	of	a	larger	plan	in	 	 	 order	 for	 them	 to	 be	 a	 crime	 against	 humanity.	 this	 removes,	 or	 at	 least	 minimises,	 random	 and	 uncontrolled	 conflict	 from	 the	 definition	 (may	 ,	 - ,	 robertson	 ,	 - ).	 the	 definition	 of	 the	 terms	 widespread	 or	 systemic	 is	 found	 in	 akayesu.	 a	 widespread	 attack	 is	 one	 that	 is	 “massive,	 frequent,	 large	 scale	 action,	 carried	 out	 collectively	 with	 considerable	 seriousness	 and	 directed	 against	 a	 multiplicity	 of	 victims.” 	 systemic	 is	 “thoroughly	 organised	 and	 following	 a	 regular	 pattern	 of	 on	 the	 basis	 of	 a	 common	policy	involving	substantial	public	or	private	resources.” 	this	element,	 therefore,	serves	to	link	what	would	otherwise	be	disparate	acts.		this,	like	the	 inclusion	of	state	or	organisational	policy,	implies	that	there	must	be	some	form	 of	“organisational	responsibility”	for	the	acts	in	question	(bassiouni	 ,	 - ).	 given	 that	 pogge’s	 thesis	 on	 global	 poverty	 is	 that	 the	 state	 system	 and	 international	trade	agreements	are	responsible	for	global	poverty,	it	is	likely	to	 be	 considered	 widespread	 in	 the	 sense	 that	 the	 state	 system	 is	 global	 and	 systemic	insofar	as	the	global	trade	mechanisms	are	the	product	of	the	policy	of	 certain	actors.		 . :	mens	rea	 the	final	element	goes	to	the	mental	state	(mens	rea)	of	the	person	who	commits	 a	 crime	 against	 humanity.	 the	 rome	 statute	 requires	 that	 the	 agents	 have	 knowledge	that	they	are	part	of	an	attack.	this	is	the	biggest	challenge	to	the	 comparison	 with	 global	 poverty.	 when	 we	 think	 about	 those	 convicted	 for	 crimes	against	humanity,	the	image	that	comes	to	mind	is	probably	someone	like	 duško	tadić,	who	has	been	described	as	a	“freelance	torturer”	and	participated	 																																																								 	akayesu,	¶ 	 	akayesu,	¶ 	 	 	 in	 the	ethnic	cleansing	around	prijedor	during	 the	yugoslav	wars	(robertson	 ,	 ).	alternatively,	it	could	be	someone	like	joseph	kony,	the	leader	of	the	 lord’s	resistance	army,	who	directs	a	campaign	of	terror	around	uganda-south	 sudan	frontier.	these	are	men	who	deliberately	inflict	great	harm	on	innocent	 people.	this	does	not	seem	to	be	the	case	for	someone	like	roberto	azevêdo,	the	 current	 director-general	 of	 the	 wto.	 it	 would	 be	 extremely	 shocking	 if	 he	 sought	to	harm	the	global	poor	in	a	way	comparable	to	tadić	or	kony.	however,	 mens	rea	is	more	complex	than	direct	malevolence.		 cherif	 m.	 bassouni	 and	 mark	 a.	 drumbl	 have	 denoted	 three	 types	 of	 people	 who	 commit	 crimes	 against	 humanity:	 policy	 makers,	 intermediate	 agents,	 and	 low-level	 executors.	 the	 policy	 makers	 are	 the	 most	 important	 because	they	are	the	moral	authors	of	the	crime.	these	are	the	agents	who	have	 the	power	to	commission	the	crime	without	having	a	direct	connection	to	the	 material	 element	 of	 the	 crime	 (bassiouni	 a,	 ,	 drumbl	 ,	 ).	 consequently,	 knowledge	 and	 intent	 are	 different	 than	 they	 would	 be	 for	 someone	conducting	mass	killings.	they	are	“held	to	an	objective	standard	of	 reasonableness	 and	 foreseeability	 without	 requiring	 the	 higher	 standard	 of	 specific	intent	(or	dolus	specialis)”	(bassiouni	 a,	 ).	dolus	specialis	would	 characterise	someone	like	tadić,	who	participates	in	murder	and	torture	rather	 than	 someone	 who	 organises	 such	 acts,	 but	 might	 not	 directly	 participate	 in	 them.	the	relevant	comparison	with	the	architects	of	global	poverty	would	be	 the	standards	used	to	judge	policy	makers	rather	than	low-level	executors.		 in	order	for	someone	to	be	guilty	of	a	crime	against	humanity,	according	 to	article	 ( )	of	the	rome	statute,	they	must	have	knowledge	that	their	acts	are	 	 	 part	of	a	widespread	or	systemic	attack.	william	a.	schabas	( ,	 )	has	 described	 knowledge	 in	 the	 context	 of	 the	 icty	 trials	 as	 “awareness	 that	 circumstance	 exists	 or	 a	 consequence	 will	 be	 a	 likely	 outcome.”	 this	 is	 complemented	by	the	requirement	of	intention	in	articles	 . .k	and	 . .e-g	of	the	 rome	statute,	at	least	in	the	context	of	torture,	persecution,	extermination	and,	 most	importantly	for	our	case,	“other	inhumane	acts”.	it	is	important	to	note	that	 intent	here	does	not	need	to	be	discriminatory	 insofar	as	 it	 targets	a	specific	 person	or	group.	there	does	not	need	to	be	detailed	knowledge	of	the	attack.	the	 kunarac	trial	chamber	of	the	icty	stated	that	the	accused	must	either	intend	to	 commit	the	offence,	that	his	acts	were	part	of	an	attack	on	civilians,	or	that	he	 “took	the	risk”	that	his	acts	would	be	part	of	such	an	attack	(schabas	 ,	 - ). 	this	seems	to	close	the	door	to	global	poverty,	since	intentionality	of	this	 sort	does	not	characterise	those	who	might	harm	the	global	poor.	the	drafters	of	 trips	sought	to	negotiate	trade	conditions	favourable	to	patent	holders,	such	as	 pharmaceutical	companies,	in	their	states.	they	did	not	intend	to	immiserate	the	 global	poor.	however,	there	are	certain	instances	in	international	criminal	law	 where	intention	is	set	aside:	command	responsibility,	joint	criminal	enterprise,	 and	wilful	blindness	or	recklessness.		 command	 responsibility	 emerged	 during	 the	 trials	 after	 the	 second	 world	war.	it	was	formalised	during	the	trial	of	general	tomoyuki	yamashita,	 who	 commanded	 japanese	 forces	 during	 the	 occupation	 of	 the	 philippines.	 during	 this	 time,	 soldiers	 under	 his	 command	 committed	 atrocities	 against	 civilians	and	prisoners	of	war.	however,	yamashita	himself	neither	ordered	nor	 																																																								 	judgment,	kunarac,	kovac	and	vukovic	(it- - -t	&	it- - / -t),	trial	chamber,	 	 february	 ,	¶ 	 	 	 participated	in	these	atrocities.	nevertheless,	he	was	found	guilty	and	executed	 on	the	grounds	that	he	made	no	attempt	to	discover	or	deter	these	widespread	 abuses.	bassouni	( a,	 )	has	called	yamashita’s	conviction	a	“blot	on	the	 history	of	american	justice”	that	resulted	in	the	execution	of	a	man	who	did	not	 commission	atrocities	and	did	not	have	the	knowledge	to	stop	them.	command	 responsibility	formed	the	basis	for	the	icty	trials	of	radovan	karadžić	and	ratko	 mladić	 (robertson	 ,	 ).	 it	 is	 also	 included	 in	 article	 	 of	 the	 rome	 statute	pertaining	 to	 the	responsibilities	of	 commanders	and	other	superiors.	 with	that	in	mind,	command	responsibility	has	limited	applicability	in	the	case	of	 global	poverty,	as	command	responsibility	pertains	only	to	military	commanders	 or	politicians	like	karadžić,	who	was	the	president	of	the	republika	srpska	and	 supreme	commander	of	its	armed	forces.	trying	to	apply	it	outside	of	a	military	 context	would	stretch	a	 concept	 that	 is	already	controversial.	however,	what	 command	responsibility	establishes	is	that	acts	in	international	criminal	law	can	 cover	omissions.	it	establishes	that,	 if	a	person	occupies	a	certain	role,	 in	this	 case	a	military	officer,	then	they	have	certain	responsibilities	for	the	actions	of	 others	and,	if	they	omit	to	properly	monitor	what	is	done	under	their	watch,	they	 are	criminally	liable.		 the	second	way	in	which	intention	has	been	mitigated	in	 international	 criminal	 law	 is	 through	 joint	 criminal	enterprise.	 it	 is	 a	 form	of	 liability	 that	 emerged	from	the	icty.	in	vasiljevic,	the	appeals	chamber	defined	three	types	of	 joint	criminal	enterprise	(bassiouni	 a,	 - ).	in	the	basic	type,	all	co- perpetrators	possess	 the	same	criminal	 intent,	as	would	be	 the	case	where	a	 group	carried	out	a	massacre	and	each	person	had	the	intent	to	kill.	the	second	 	 	 category	 is	 the	 systemic	 form,	which	 is	 “characterised	by	 the	existence	of	an	 organised	 system	 of	 ill-treatment”,	 such	 as	 concentration	 or	 extermination	 camps. 	the	final	type	is	extended	joint	criminal	enterprise	“where	one	of	the	 perpetrators	 commits	 an	 act	 which,	 while	 outside	 the	 common	 purpose,	 is	 nevertheless	 a	 natural	 and	 foreseeable	 consequence	 of	 the	 effecting	 of	 that	 common	purpose”. 	the	mens	rea	 for	 this	 final	 type	requires	 the	 intention	 to	 participate	in	the	common	plan,	but	also	adds	responsibility	for	outcomes	that	 weren’t	intended	but	were	foreseeable	and	in	which	the	agent	willingly	took	the	 risk	that	such	crimes	could	occur. 		 in	the	context	of	the	icty,	 joint	criminal	enterprise	replaced	command	 responsibility	as	the	main	theory	of	responsibility	in	prosecutions	as	it	applies	to	 civilians	 and	 paramilitaries	 (osiel	 ,	 - ). 	 although	 joint	 criminal	 enterprise	is	most	closely	identified	with	the	icty,	it	is	arguably	included	in	the	 rome	statute	under	the	“common	purpose	doctrine”	(bassiouni	 a,	 - ).	 joint	 criminal	 enterprise	 provides	 another	 means	 to	 sidestep	 the	 problem	 of	 direct	 intent.	 those	 who	 set	 up	 concentration	 camps	 or	 ethnically	 cleanse	 a	 certain	area	may	not	 intend	mass	killings	to	occur,	but	they	are	a	foreseeable	 consequence.	 this	 is	 relevant	 in	 the	 case	 of	 global	 poverty,	 since	 pogge	 repeatedly	stresses	 that	 the	poverty	generated	by	 the	 international	 system	 is	 foreseeable	and	avoidable	even	if	it	is	not	the	aim	of	policy	makers.		 the	final	response	to	the	mens	rea	issue	is	to	claim	that	recklessness	is	 sufficient.	the	idea	of	reckless	is	linked	with	charges	of	criminal	negligence.	it	is	 																																																								 	judgment,	vasiljevic	(it- - -a),	appeal	chamber,	 	february	 ,	¶ 	(hereinafter	 vasiljevic)	 	vasiljevic,	¶ 	 	vasiljevic,	¶ 	 	vasiljevic,	¶ 	 	 	 distinct	from	wilful	blindness	insofar	as	it	does	not	require	the	agent	to	avoid	 information	 that	 he	 or	 she	 suspects	 to	 be	 criminal.	 instead,	 they	 will	 have	 engaged	in	a	course	of	action	that	has	foreseeable	harmful	consequences.	the	 difficulty	 with	 making	 the	 case	 for	 recklessness	 is	 that	 this	 tends	 not	 to	 be	 sufficient	for	crimes	against	humanity.	however,	there	is	reason	to	think	that	the	 law	is	evolving	towards	accepting	recklessness	as	being	sufficient.	this	would	 allow	the	mental	state	of	dolus	eventualis	 to	be	equivalent	to	dolus	directus	 in	 crimes	against	humanity,	where	the	former	indicated	the	awareness	of	a	likely	 outcome	 and	 the	 latter	 of	 a	 certain	 outcome.	 diane	 kearny	 has	 made	 the	 argument	 that	 famine	 and	 food	 deprivations	 resulting	 in	 the	 violation	 of	 socioeconomic	rights	can	be	prosecuted.	unlike	pogge,	her	focus	is	on	states	and	 sub-state	actors,	but	her	reasoning	is	helpful	for	the	international	context.	she	 notes	 that	 recklessness	 has	 featured	 in	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 in	 the	 extraordinary	 chambers	 in	 the	 courts	 in	 cambodia	 (eccc)	 and	 the	 icty	 (kearney	 ,	 - ).	 in	duch,	 the	eccc,	which	is	responsible	for	trying	the	 crimes	 committed	 by	 the	 khmer	 rouge,	 ruled	 that	 the	 intention	 behind	 an	 inhumane	 act	 was	 “likely	 to	 cause	 serious	 physical	 or	 mental	 suffering	 or	 a	 serious	attack	on	human	dignity”. 	the	key	word	here	 is	 “likely”.	 it	makes	 it	 possible	 to	 argue	 that	 it	 is	 closer	 to	 the	 standard	 of	 “possible”	 rather	 than	 “practically	certain”	(kearney	 ,	 ).	this	 is	supported	by	the	icty	trial	 chamber’s	 judgment	 in	 brđanin,	 which	 states	 the	 “accused’s	 act	 or	 omission	 must	be	done	with	intention	or	recklessness	(dolus	eventualis)”. 	this,	kearney	 																																																								 judgment,	kaing	guek	eav	alias	duch	( / - - /eccc/tc),	trial	chamber,	 	july	 ,	 ¶ 	 	judgment,	brđanin	(it- - -t),	trial	chamber,	 	september	 ,	¶ 	 	 	 argues,	gives	the	dolus	eventualis	credibility	as	the	mens	rea	for	crimes	against	 humanity	(kearney	 ,	 ).		 the	 mens	 rea	 component	 can	 be	 satisfied	 in	 the	 sense	 that,	 while	 the	 primary	 aim	 of	 the	 international	 economic	 system	 is	 not	 to	 impoverish	 the	 world’s	most	vulnerable	people,	this	is	a	foreseeable	and	avoidable	outcome	of	 the	 economic	 policies	 pursued	 by	 the	 institutions	 of	 the	 global	 economy	 and	 affluent	 states	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	 therefore,	 while	 the	 impoverishment	 of	 millions	of	people	and	subsequent	poverty-related	deaths	may	not	have	been	the	 direct	aim	of	 these	organisations	and	agent,	 it	 is	an	anticipatable	by-product.	 this	may	differentiate	 it	 from	different	 types	of	crimes	against	humanity,	but	 does	not	seem	sufficient	to	set	it	aside.	mao’s	great	leap	forward,	for	example,	 has	been	cited	as	a	crime	against	humanity.	it	involved	the	mass	exportation	of	 food	to	pay	for	the	development	of	china’s	industrial	base,	to	the	point	that	it	 produced	a	famine	that	killed	upwards	of	 	million	people	between	 - 	 (makino	 ,	 ,	dikötter	 ,	 - ).	this	seems	to	be	an	instance	of	mass	 killing	 as	 per	 the	 rome	 statute,	 but	 presumably	 the	 intention	 of	 the	 chinese	 government	 was	 not	 to	 kill	 these	 people.	 they	 were	 merely	 the	 predictable	 collateral	damage	in	pursuit	of	a	misguided	plan	for	economic	development.	if	 pogge	is	to	be	believed,	the	global	poor	have	been	the	grist	to	the	mill	of	a	more	 successful	leap	forward.	another	comparison	might	be	that	mass	extermination	 is	comparable	to	first-degree	murder,	whereas	global	poverty	is	comparable	to	 gross	 or	 criminal	 negligence	 causing	 death.	 these	 crimes	 carry	 different	 sentences,	but	both	are	criminal	charges.	the	type	of	intentionality	at	play	with	 global	poverty	is	that	of	deliberately	constructing	an	international	system	that	 	 	 causes	 or	 perpetuates	 severe	 poverty,	 resulting	 in	 the	 unnecessary	 deaths	 of	 millions	of	people.	this	sense	of	intentionality	is	not	alien	to	the	legal	conception	 of	crimes	against	humanity.		 	 	 this	section	has	shown	that	the	 lack	of	 intentionality	 in	causing	global	 poverty	 does	 not	 undermine	 the	 comparison	 with	 crimes	 against	 humanity.	 international	 criminal	 law	 has	 modes	 of	 responsibility	 such	 as	 joint	 criminal	 enterprise	and	recklessness	that	can	be	applied.	however,	i	will	add	two	caveats	 here.	 the	 first	 is	 that	 this	 only	 shows	 that	 there	 is	 a	 possibility	 the	 mental	 element	is	present	in	the	causes	of	global	poverty.	it	is	beyond	the	scope	of	this	 paper	to	assess	whether	those	in	charge	of	the	institutions	that	produce	global	 poverty	 have	 acted	 with	 recklessness,	 for	 example.	 the	 second	 is	 that	 these	 forms	 of	 liability	 are	 not	 without	 their	 detractors.	 joint	 criminal	 enterprise	 especially	has	attracted	criticism.	the	fear	is	that	it	casts	the	net	so	wide	for	guilt	 and	responsibility	 that	 it	would	undermine	post-conflict	 reconciliation	(badar	 ,	bassiouni	 a,	 - ,	drumbl	 ,	 - ,	schabas	 ,	 - ).	it	is	 beyond	the	scope	of	this	article	to	assess	the	arguments	for	and	against	these	 modes	 of	 liability.	 it	 is	 sufficient	 to	 say	 that	 they	 are	 a	 part	 of	 international	 criminal	law	and	provide	a	response	to	the	problem	of	intentionality.	 . .	conclusion	 this	part	of	the	article	tested	whether	the	elements	of	crimes	against	humanity,	 which	 act	 as	 necessary	 conditions	 for	 the	 comparison	 with	 global	 poverty,	 provide	 reasons	 to	 dismiss	 pogge’s	 claims.	 it	 has	 been	 argued	 that,	 as	 the	 	 	 definition	of	an	attack	is	not	contingent	on	the	presence	of	war	or	armed	conflict,	 the	causes	of	world	poverty	cannot	be	dismissed.	the	causes	of	world	poverty	 also	cannot	be	described	as	isolated,	but	rather	form	part	of	a	widespread	and	 systemic	policy	pursued	by	states	and	international	organisations.	the	victims	of	 global	poverty	are	usually	not	part	of	the	armed	forces	or	the	police	and	can	be	 counted	as	civilians.	finally,	despite	the	apparent	 lack	of	malicious	 intent,	 the	 policies	 that	 cause	 global	 poverty	 cause	 grievous	 harm	 in	 a	 foreseeable	 and	 avoidable	way.	this	satisfies	the	mens	rea	element.	this	is	not	enough	to	confirm	 that	global	poverty	is	a	crime	against	humanity,	but	it	does	show	that	the	claim	is	 not	as	implausible	as	it	first	appears.		 . :	slavery,	apartheid,	and	global	poverty	 the	rome	statute	lists	ten	acts	that	can	be	considered	crimes	against	humanity.	 the	 mass	 immiseration	 of	 human	 beings	 is	 not	 among	 them.	 however,	 the	 drafters	of	the	statute	recognised	that	crimes	against	humanity	are	an	evolving	 concept	and	that	there	is	a	need	for	interpretive	flexibility	(bassiouni	 b,	 ,	 kearney	 ,	 ).	 consequently,	 they	 included	 “other	 inhumane	 acts	 of	 a	 similar	character	intentionally	causing	great	suffering,	or	serious	injury	to	body	 or	to	mental	or	physical	health”	in	article	 ( )(k).	this	opens	the	possibility	that	 global	 poverty	 is	 comparable	 to	 a	 crime	 against	 humanity	 if	 it	 has	 sufficient	 similarities	with	the	listed	acts.	the	focus	of	this	section	will	be	on	the	crimes	of	 enslavement	and	apartheid,	as	they	capture	how	crimes	against	humanity	can	 occur	at	an	interactional	level,	between	persons,	and	at	a	systemic	level,	between	 persons	 and	 social	 institutions.	 they	 share	 a	 common	 element	 of	 extreme	 	 	 domination	 that	 is	also	 found	 in	 the	causes	of	global	poverty	and	 this	makes	 pogge’s	comparison	plausible.		 . :	domination	 domination	can	be	understood	in	the	following	terms:	a	social	relationship	or	 institution	 is	 dominating	 if	 x,	 an	 agent,	 possesses	 the	 capacity	 to	 arbitrarily	 interfere	in	the	choices	available	to	y,	a	dependent	agent	(blunt	 ,	 ,	pettit	 ,	 - ,	 skinner	 ,	 - ,	 lovett	 ,	 ,	 pettit	 ,	 ).	 domination	 has	 two	 different	 socially	 constituted	 modes:	 interactional	 and	 systemic.	the	 interactional	mode	applies	 to	relationships	where	an	 individual	 has	 arbitrary	 power	 over	 another	 person.	 the	 systemic	 mode	 applies	 to	 relationships	 and	 institutions	 in	 which	 the	 status	 of	 a	 person	 is	 arbitrarily	 determined	and	incontestable,	though	the	individual	might	not	be	subjected	to	 interactional	 domination	 (blunt	 ,	 - ).	 domination	 is	 considered	 especially	abhorrent	because	it	dehumanises	the	subject	by	stripping	him	or	her	 of	minimal	autonomy,	understood	as	the	ability	to	choose	and	pursue	their	own	 conception	of	a	good	life	(pettit	 ,	 - ,	lovett	 ,	 - ,	laborde	 ,	 - ,	 ,	 - ).	indeed,	in	extreme	cases	of	domination,	it	makes	one’s	life	 or	death	dependent	on	the	whims	of	another	agent.	 . :	international	domination,	enslavement,	and	global	poverty	 the	crime	of	enslavement	is	defined	in	article	 ( )(c)	of	the	rome	statute	as	“the	 exercise	of	any	or	all	of	the	powers	attaching	to	the	right	of	ownership	over	a	 person	and	includes	the	exercise	of	such	power	in	the	course	of	trafficking	in	 persons,	 in	 particular	 women	 and	 children.”	 this	 definition	 is	 not	 limited	 to	 	 	 chattel	 slavery,	 but	 extends	 to	 informal	 relationships	 comparable	 to	 chattel	 slavery	(bassiouni	 a,	 - ).	this	flexible	conception	of	slavery	means	that	 a	 comparison	 with	 global	 poverty	 cannot	 be	 dismissed	 out	 of	 hand	 simply	 because	the	global	poor	are	not	in	a	legal	relationship	of	enslavement.		 	 slavery	 is	 often	 held	 up	 as	 the	 archetypical	 example	 of	 domination,	 insofar	as	 the	slave-owner	has	a	nearly	unlimited	capacity	 to	 interfere	 in	 the	 choices	available	to	the	slave	(pettit	 ,	 - ,	lovett	 ,	 - ,	lovett	and	 pettit	 ,	 ,	blunt	 ,	 - ).	the	person	who	is	caught	in	a	contemporary	 form	of	slavery	is	in	a	similar	relationship	with	their	master	as	the	chattel	slave	 is	 with	 his.	 the	 trafficked	 sex	 worker,	 for	 example,	 is	 liable	 to	 the	 arbitrary	 interference	of	her	pimp	 in	nearly	all	aspects	of	her	 life	and	has	no	recourse	 against	him.	it	may	not	be	recognised	as	legal,	but	this	is	irrelevant	so	long	as	the	 elements	 of	 slavery,	 such	 as	 control	 of	 movement,	 psychological	 control,	 and	 forced	labour	are	present	(bassiouni	 a,	 - ).	she	is	still	subjected	to	the	 possibility	 of	 arbitrary	 interference	 in	 a	 way	 that	 undermines	 her	 minimal	 autonomy	or	denies	her	self-ownership.	 	 people	living	in	extreme	poverty	are	often	those	caught	in	contemporary	 slavery.	it	is	a	predictable	outcome	of	the	world’s	economic	system.	the	number	 of	people	kept	in	these	forms	of	slavery	is	not	insignificant.	it	is	estimated	that	 some	 	million	people	are	enslaved,	the	majority	of	which	are	found	in,	or	are	 from,	 developing	 and	 least-developed	 countries	 (bales	 ,	 - ).	 in	 comparison,	the	total	number	of	people	trafficked	in	the	transatlantic	slave	trade	 from	the	sixteenth	 to	eighteenth	centuries	 totalled	 	million	(kara	 ,	 ).	 slaves	have	become	an	attractive	commodity	to	many	industries.	this	is	due	to	a	 	 	 collapse	in	the	price	of	slaves	as	a	result	of	massive	population	growth	in	the	 developing	world.	since	the	 s,	slaves	have	become	worth	less	than	$ ,	 down	from	historical	highs	of	$ , 	(bales,	trodd,	and	williamson	 ,	 - ).	these	low	acquisition	costs,	when	coupled	with	low	transport	costs,	can	lead	 to	a	thousand-fold	return	on	investment	when	slaves	are	sold	in	the	developed	 world	(kara	 ,	 ).	poverty	is	a	central	cause	of	human	trafficking.	it	acts	as	a	 push	factor	for	the	desperate.	this	is	especially	true	for	women,	who	are	more	 vulnerable	to	poverty	as	they	are	often	blocked	from	property	ownership,	credit,	 and	inheritance	(scarpa	 ,	 ,	bales	 ,	 - ).		 	 however,	while	we	may	accept	that	there	are	large	numbers	of	enslaved	 people	in	the	world	today,	it	is	not	clear	how	this	connects	with	the	causes	of	 global	poverty.	cecile	laborde	( ,	 )	has	argued	that	extreme	poverty	is	not	 itself	dominating;	it	leaves	people	vulnerable	to	the	development	of	dominating	 social	relationships,	but	international	organisations	and	powerful	states	do	not	 explicitly	 endorse	 these	 sorts	 of	 relationships	 (bales	 ,	 - ).	 however,	 laborde’s	 claim,	 while	 correct,	 is	 isolated	 from	 the	 causes	 of	 global	 poverty.	 international	organisations	create	 the	conditions	 in	which	 these	relationships	 are	 more	 likely	 to	 occur,	 and	 citizens	 of	 developed	 states	 benefit	 from	 these	 slave-based	 relationships.	 if	 we	 look	 at	 pogge’s	 critique	 of	 the	 resource	 and	 borrowing	privileges,	we	can	see	that	they	undermine	the	capacity	of	developing	 states	to	produce	minimally	just	and	stable	forms	of	government	that	can	protect	 vulnerable	 people	 from	 relationships	 of	 slavery.	 as	 such,	 there	 is	 a	 causal	 connection	 between	 the	 institutions	 that	 create	 global	 poverty	 and	 contemporary	forms	of	slavery.		 	 	 we	should	not	limit	our	analysis	to	those	living	in	what	is	slavery	in	all	 but	name.	domination	can	be	used	to	frame	other	social	relationships	that	are	 more	 directly	 connected	 with	 the	 global	 economy.	 workers	 in	 sweatshop	 factories,	 for	example,	can	be	considered	as	subjected	to	extreme	domination.	 they	 may	 not	 be	 formally	 or	 informally	 in	 bonded	 labour,	 but	 working	 in	 dangerous	conditions	 for	minimal	pay	may	be	 the	only	way	 they	can	make	a	 living.	the	corporations	that	run	these	 factories	possess	arbitrary	power.	the	 workers	are	in	circumstances	where,	if	they	complain	about	working	conditions	 or	attempt	to	unionise,	they	may	be	fired	or	worse	(pettit	 ,	 - ).	this	can	 be	 connected	 to	 the	 two	 privileges	 undermining	 minimally	 just	 political	 institutions;	it	can	also	be	connected	to	the	organisations	that	draft	the	rules	of	 the	 global	 economy,	 which	 often	 require	 the	 government	 to	 minimise	 social	 spending	and	deregulate	the	market	in	a	way	that	produces	brutal	conditions	for	 industrial	labour.	as	such,	there	is	a	more	explicit	form	of	causal	responsibility.	 this	is	further	supported	by	the	fact	that	people	in	the	developed	world	benefit	 from	the	cheap	goods	 that	are	produced	 in	 these	circumstances	 (bales	 ,	 - ).	again,	there	may	be	an	objection	that	this	is	morally	repugnant,	but	it	is	 not	criminal.	however,	robertson	( ,	 - )	asserts	that	many	multinational	 corporations	 knowingly	 employ	 informal	 slave	 labour	 or	 wage-slaves	 in	 the	 developing	world	and	asserts	that	 this	should	produce	some	form	of	criminal	 liability.	yet,	even	if	this	were	not	the	case,	as	mentioned	previously,	the	fact	that	 global	poverty	produces	relationships	of	extreme	domination	is	foreseeable	and	 avoidable.	 this	 creates	 circumstances	 comparable	 to	 recklessness	 or	 wilful	 blindness,	as	contemporary	slavery	or	slave-like	conditions	is	a	likely	outcome	of	 our	shared	social	institutions.			 	 	 those	living	in	extreme	and	severe	poverty	are	in	circumstances	akin	to	 slavery.	their	poverty	makes	them	easy	targets	for	exploitation	in	relationships	 that	 are	 structurally	 similar	 to	 slavery.	 the	 neo-liberal	 economics	 of	 international	institutions,	as	well	as	the	dependence	on	access	to	rich	markets,	 has	 compelled	 developing	 states	 to	 deregulate	 their	 economies	 and	 remove	 labour	 protections.	 this	 has	 placed	 many	 workers	 in	 circumstances	 akin	 to	 slavery.	 this	 is	 not	 simply	 due	 to	 the	 fact	 that	 they	 are	 subjected	 to	 harsh	 working	 conditions,	 but	 also	 because	 they	 are	 vulnerable	 to	 arbitrary	 interference	by	their	bosses	and	foremen.	wage-slavery	is	compatible	with	the	 broad	definition	of	slavery	found	in	the	rome	statute	and	can	be	traced	to	the	 imposition	of	unjust	terms	of	cooperation	at	the	global	level.		 . :	systemic	domination,	apartheid,	slavery,	and	global	poverty	 the	crime	of	apartheid	warrants	comparison	with	global	poverty	as	it	highlights	 the	 structural	 side	 of	 crimes	 against	 humanity.	 it	 first	 appeared	 as	 a	 crime	 against	 humanity	 in	 the	 international	 convention	 on	 the	 suppression	 and	 punishment	 of	 the	 crime	 of	 apartheid	 (apartheid	 convention).	 the	 crime	 of	 apartheid	 was	 defined	 in	 article	 	 of	 the	 apartheid	 convention	 as	 “similar	 policies	and	practices	of	 racial	 segregation	and	discrimination	as	practised	 in	 southern	 africa.”	 this	 includes	 policies	 that	 prevent	 racial	 groups	 from	 participating	in	political,	social,	economic,	and	cultural	 life,	as	well	as	denying	 basic	human	rights	and	freedoms.		geras	( ,	 - )	has	used	this	to	suggest	 that	 gender	 discrimination	 is	 comparable	 with	 apartheid,	 if	 one	 substitutes	 gender	for	race.	the	argument	is	compelling	when	drawing	on	the	definition	of	 apartheid	found	in	the	apartheid	convention,	since	women	are	often	subjected	 	 	 to	inferior	status	in	the	laws	of	many	countries.	however,	article	 ( )(h)	of	the	 rome	statute	is	more	stringent,	defining	the	crime	of	apartheid	as	“inhumane	 acts	of	a	character	similar	to	those	referred	to	in	paragraph	 ,	committed	in	the	 context	of	an	institutionalized	regime	of	systematic	oppression	and	domination	 by	one	racial	group	over	any	other	racial	group	or	groups	and	committed	with	 the	intention	of	maintaining	that	regime.”	this	means	that	a	system	in	which	a	 racial	group	is	deprived	of	its	rights	has	not	committed	the	crime	of	apartheid;	it	 must	be	supplemented	by	widespread	or	systemic	acts	such	as	murder	or	rape.	 one	could,	for	example,	have	the	right	of	a	fair	trial	removed	by	a	regime	due	to	 one’s	race,	but,	thanks	to	good	luck,	not	be	subjected	to	the	severe	deprivation	of	 liberty	 or	 miscarriage	 of	 justice.	 this	 restricted	 definition	 of	 apartheid	 is	 unfortunate	since	it	neglects	one	of	the	core	elements	of	what	makes	apartheid	 detestable.	it	is	not	just	that	members	of	a	racial	group	are	subjected	to	acts	like	 rape,	 torture,	 and	 murder,	 but	 that	 they	 are	 constantly	 subjected	 to	 the	 possibility	of	these	acts.		 apartheid	is	not	only	characterised	by	interactional	domination,	but	by	 systemic	domination	as	well.	in	the	former	case,	interactional	domination	occurs	 in	the	direct	interaction	between	dominant	and	subservient	members	of	racial	 groups.	 the	 police	 officer	 that	 beats	 a	 member	 of	 the	 subjected	 group	 with	 impunity	 is	 an	 example	 of	 this.	 however,	 it	 is	 possible	 to	 conceptualise	 an	 apartheid	regime	in	which	such	direct	interactional	domination	does	not	occur.	 francis	lovett	( ,	 - )	gives	 the	example	of	a	regime	 in	which	there	 is	 racial	 discrimination,	 but	 the	 laws	 are	 publically	 known	 and	 impartially	 enforced.	this,	he	claims,	is	not	an	instance	of	domination,	though	it	may	be	one	 	 	 of	 unfairness,	 because	 the	 subjugated	 group	 is	 not	 vulnerable	 to	 arbitrary	 interference	 and	 can	 confidently	 plan	 their	 lives.	 however,	 this	 neglects	 how	 arbitrary	power	has	been	exercised	in	setting	the	terms	of	social	cooperation	in	 the	background.	an	apartheid	system	 is	characterised	by	 the	use	of	arbitrary	 power	to	assign	a	group	of	persons	an	inferior	status	in	society.	this	status	may	 be	 protected	 by	 law	 and	 impartially	 enforced,	 but	 it	 is	 still	 dominating.	 for	 example,	the	university	admissions	officer	in	this	idealised	apartheid	state	may	 deny	the	application	of	a	student	from	the	“wrong”	racial	background	without	 acting	arbitrarily;	he	or	she	is	following	the	letter	of	the	law	and,	if	they	violated	 it,	 they	 would	 be	 reprimanded.	 however,	 the	 applicant	 is	 still	 dominated,	 as	 there	 is	 no	 way	 for	 him	 to	 challenge	 the	 laws,	 which	 have	 arbitrarily	 circumscribed	the	choices	available	to	him.	consequently,	apartheid	is	a	crime	 against	 humanity	 not	 only	 because	 it	 subjects	 certain	 people	 to	 interactional	 domination	by	privileged	racial	groups,	but	also	because	it	is	characterised	by	 the	use	of	arbitrary	power	to	shape	the	terms	of	social	cooperation.	it	is	a	case	of	 systemic	domination	(blunt	 ,	 - ).		 this	notion	of	apartheid	as	systemic	domination	was	recognised	in	the	 apartheid	convention,	but	apparently	lost	in	the	rome	statute.	however,	it	does	 remain	implicitly	intact	based	on	the	presence	of	the	crime	of	enslavement.	the	 rome	statute	makes	apartheid	a	second	order	crime	against	humanity	in	that	it	 requires	rape,	murder,	or	slavery	to	occur	within	the	context	of	racial	oppression	 rather	than	racial	oppression	in	itself.	however,	the	inclusion	of	slavery	in	article	 ( )(c),	 broadly	 defined,	 retrieves	 systemic	 domination	 since	 slavery	 has	 interactional	elements	(the	master	beating	the	slave)	and	systemic	elements	(the	 	 	 powers	of	the	master	defined	by	law	or	by	practice).	the	member	of	the	racial	 group	that	has	its	status	arbitrarily	defined,	but	then	impartially	enforced,	is	in	 circumstances	comparable	to	a	victim	of	slavery.	this	retrieval	of	the	systemic	 domination	component	of	the	crime	of	apartheid	helps	to	open	the	comparison	 with	the	causes	of	global	poverty.	 it	has	been	noted	how	the	international	system	produces	circumstances	 of	domination,	such	as	contemporary	slavery	and	sweatshop	labour.	this	dealt	 largely	 with	 interactional	 domination,	 such	 as	 abuse	 by	 a	 pimp	 or	 employer.	 instead	 of	 retreading	 this	 ground,	 this	 section	 will	 focus	 more	 on	 systemic	 domination.	 the	 way	 in	 which	 the	 asymmetric	 distribution	 of	 power	 in	 the	 international	system	produces	unfair	terms	of	social	cooperation	has	been	noted	 earlier	in	this	article.	these	factors	essentially	place	the	terms	of	global	economic	 cooperation	 at	 the	 discretion	 of	 the	 world’s	 wealthiest	 states.	 this	 produces	 circumstances	of	systemic	domination	that	are	comparable	with	apartheid.	this	 is	not	to	claim	that	the	international	system	is	premised	on	racial	exclusion,	but	 rather	the	comparison	is	like	geras’	substitution	of	gender	for	race.	the	global	 poor	are	excluded	from	setting	the	terms	of	international	social	cooperation	in	a	 similar	way	that	black	and	coloured	citizens	were	in	south	africa.	 however,	there	may	be	objections	to	this	comparison.	in	the	first	place,	 the	 apartheid	 regime	 was	 explicit	 in	 its	 exclusion	 of	 black	 south	 africans,	 whereas	the	international	system	is	not.	indeed,	the	rise	of	the	“brics”	states	 indicates	 that	 power	 is	 migrating	 away	 from	 the	 developed	 states	 (narlikar	 ).	however,	the	lack	of	formal	exclusion	does	not	do	much.	as	pogge	notes,	 the	delegations	of	poor	countries	to	the	wto	have	been	effectively	excluded	by	a	 	 	 lack	of	legal	expertise;	this	is	further	bolstered	by	the	fact	that	these	states	often	 have	corrupt	oligarchic	governments	that	negotiate	on	behalf	of	the	ruling	elite	 rather	than	the	common	citizen	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	additionally,	the	rise	of	the	 brics	 states	 should	 not	 be	 overstated.	 the	 fact	 is	 that	 many	 of	 the	 world’s	 poorest	persons	do	not	live	in	these	nascent	economic	powerhouses.	the	world’s	 worst-off	persons	often	live	in	the	least	developed	countries.	it	is	naïve	to	think	 that	 the	 brics	 speak	 on	 their	 behalf	 or	 even	 have	 complementary	 economic	 interests.	in	this	sense,	the	shift	of	economic	power	away	from	europe	and	north	 america	does	not	mean	that	the	brics	states	are	looking	to	radically	reform	the	 system	(narlikar	 ,	vickers	 ,	 ,	glosny	 ,	 - ).	even	if	economic	 power	 is	 reorienting,	 the	 billion	 worst-off	 persons	 are	 still	 subjected	 to	 an	 international	system	that	deeply	affects	 their	basic	autonomy,	but	over	which	 they	have	no	control.	this	is	comparable	to	apartheid.	 the	 use	 of	 arbitrary	 power	 to	 shape	 the	 rules	 of	 the	 global	 economic	 system	can	be	compared	to	the	system	of	apartheid,	in	that	it	creates	a	system	of	 exclusion	that	produces	circumstances	comparable	to	slavery,	 insofar	as	those	 subjected	 to	 it	 have	 no	 control	 over	 the	 terms	 of	 the	 social	 institution.	 alternatively,	if	we	use	the	terms	of	the	apartheid	convention,	we	can	claim	it	is	 a	 system	 that	 excludes	 people	 from	 the	 objects	 of	 their	 human	 rights.	 consequently,	it	can	be	argued	that	global	poverty	is	at	least	comparable	with	 two	crimes	against	humanity:	the	crimes	of	enslavement	and	apartheid.		 . :	responsibility	and	resistance	 despite	 the	 parallels	 between	 global	 poverty	 and	 crimes	 against	 humanity,	 it	 seems	fanciful	to	think	that	many	people	in	affluent	countries	will	support	the	 	 	 idea	that	they	are	complicit	with	the	causes	of	global	poverty	in	the	same	way	 that	ordinary	germans	were	complicit	with	the	holocaust,	which	may	explain	 why	 cosmopolitanism	 gains	 little	 real	 political	 traction.	 this	 brings	 up	 an	 interesting	aspect	of	the	phenomenology	of	crimes	against	humanity:	those	who	 participate	in	them	sometimes	do	not	think	they	are	doing	anything	wrong.	the	 mass	atrocities	that	comprise	crimes	against	humanity	are	often	characterised	 by	agents	who	participate	or	acquiesce	because	they	believe	that	the	victims	are	 somehow	 less	 than	 human,	 or	 less	 worthy	 of	 humane	 treatment	 (bassiouni	 a,	 - ).	daniel	goldhagen	( ,	 )	has	argued	that	ordinary	germans	 became	 willing	 participants	 in	 the	 holocaust	 because	 eliminationist	 anti- semitism	 became	 so	 pervasive	 that	 to	 question	 it	 would	 require	 them	 to	 dismantle	 the	 foundations	 of	 their	 worldview.	 it	 is	 hard	 to	 discount	 how	 individuals	can	become	desensitised	to	their	complicity	with	radical	 injustices	 when	 their	 activities	 have	 been	 normalised.	 if	 individuals	 can	 believe	 that	 murdering	 their	 neighbours	 based	 on	 their	 ethnicity	 or	 religion	 is	 morally	 acceptable,	 then	 it	 is	 possible	 that	 similar	 circumstances	 can	 exist	 with	 how	 people	view	their	attitudes	towards	the	global	poor.		 jonathan	 leader	 maynard	 ( ,	 - )	 provides	 an	 account	 of	 the	 justificatory	mechanisms	common	in	ideologies	that	lead	to	mass	atrocities	that	 may	 be	 useful	 in	 explaining	 attitudes	 towards	 the	 global	 poor.	 the	 one	 that	 seems	 especially	 relevant	 to	 the	 global	 poor	 is	 “deagentification”,	 where	 perpetrators	do	not	see	their	actions	as	the	product	of	meaningful	agency;	that	 the	 atrocity	 is	 the	 product	 of	 inevitable	 historical	 forces	 that	 one	 cannot	 challenge.	 the	 examples	 given	 by	 leader	 maynard	 ( ,	 - )	 are	 nazi	 	 	 attitudes	towards	violent	racial	competition	as	a	law	of	nature,	and	the	stalinist	 belief	 that	historical	materialism	necessitates	the	 liquidation	of	whole	classes.	 this	 has	 a	 parallel	 in	 the	 churchillian	 critic’s	 view,	 in	 that	 the	 current	 international	 economic	 system	 might	 be	 sub-optimal,	 but	 it	 is	 the	 best	 one	 available	and	that	“the	poor	will	always	be	with	us.”	however,	if	pogge	is	correct	 and	global	poverty	is	the	foreseeable	and	avoidable,	then	this	is	a	grand	delusion.	 this	leads	to	the	question:	what	is	to	be	done?	 the	crime	against	humanity	analogy	brings	into	focus	the	severity	of	the	 wrong	 in	a	way	 that	mere	 injustice	does	not.	as	pogge	 ( ,	 ;	 ,	 )	 mentions,	 it	 would	 have	 been	 unacceptable	 if	 roosevelt’s	 reaction	 to	 nazi	 extermination	camps	was	a	pledge	to	reduce	the	number	of	people	in	the	camps	 by	 %	over	two	decades.	yet,	many	cosmopolitan	solutions	to	global	poverty,	 pogge’s	included,	are	at	best	distant	prospects.	crimes	against	humanity	produce	 a	 state	of	moral	urgency	and	exceptionalism.	this	 is	 reflected	 in	how	crimes	 against	humanity	override	norms,	such	as	state	sovereignty,	sovereign	immunity,	 and	 superior	 orders.	 there	 is	 a	 special	 odiousness	 about	 crimes	 against	 humanity.	 this	 is	 reflected	 in	 the	 sentiment	 that	 crimes	 against	 humanity	 “outrage	the	conscience	of	humanity”,	though	what	the	cause	of	this	outrage	is	is	 the	matter	of	some	debate.	this	is	true	even	if	in	practice	international	criminal	 law	 is	 slow	 and	 imperfect.	 one	 only	 has	 to	 be	 reminded	 that	 joseph	 kony	 remains	at	 large,	even	 though	he	was	one	of	 the	 first	people	 indicted	by	 the	 international	criminal	court.	this	 is	a	problem	of	 the	 imperfect	and	evolving	 nature	of	 international	criminal	 law	rather	than	the	concept	of	crimes	against	 humanity.			 	 	 cosmopolitans	 must	 reorient	 their	 guidance	 from	 a	 long-term	 ideal	 theory	to	a	more	immediate	non-ideal	theory.	it	must	not	confine	itself	to	the	 systemic	 reforms,	 but	 the	 ways	 in	 which	 individuals	 might	 escape	 its	 worst	 effects	and	speed	 the	 realisation	of	 the	 reforms	 that	 cosmopolitans	advocate.	 this	requires	that	the	scope	of	the	debate	be	broadened.	typically,	the	literature	 has	 focussed	 on	 the	 duties	 of	 affluent	 persons,	 but	 resistance	 asks	 what	 the	 global	poor	are	permitted	to	do	in	reaction	to	ongoing,	intransigent,	and	radical	 injustice.	this	will	help	to	reframe	the	global	poor	as	agents	in	this	debate	rather	 than	victims	or	passive	recipients	of	duties	of	justice.		 this	 is	 not	 an	 easy	 adjustment,	 as	 resistance	 introduces	 the	 ethics	 of	 political	violence	into	the	debate	on	global	poverty.	in	a	recent	exchange	with	 kasper	 lippert-rasmussen,	 pogge	 ( ,	 )	 rejected	 the	 idea	 of	 violence,	 specifically	“redistributive	wars”,	as	“macho”	and	unproductive.	i	share	some	of	 pogge’s	 concerns	 about	 redistributive	 wars,	 but	 his	 rejection	 of	 violent	 resistance	 is	 unconvincing.	 his	 argument	 rests	 on	 three	 claims:	 that	 human	 rights	cannot	be	 forfeited,	 that	violence	undermines	 the	credibility	of	 reform,	 and	that	redistributive	wars	would	violate	the	principles	of	just	war	theory.	the	 first	 is	 a	 reaction	 to	 lippert-rasmussen’s	 argument	 that	 the	 persons	 who	 support	 unjust	 social	 institutions	 have	 lost	 their	 right	 to	 not	 be	 killed	 in	 a	 redistributive	war	(lippert-rasmussen	 ,	 - ).	pogge	( ,	 )	rejects	 this	on	the	grounds	that	human	rights	are	inalienable.	however,	this	does	not	 mean	that	there	are	no	circumstances	that	excuse	human	rights	violations.	the	 doctrine	 of	 double	 effect,	 that	 excuses	 civilian	 causalities	 when	 they	 are	 collateral	damage	 from	an	attack	on	a	 legitimate	target,	 is	an	example	of	 this	 	 	 (walzer	 ,	 - ).	 pogge	 must	 have	 this	 in	 mind	 when	 he	 condemns	 the	 bombings	of	dresden,	hiroshima,	and	nagasaki	for	killing	civilians	when	the	war	 was	all	but	won	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	the	problem	with	this	analogy	is	that	the	 global	poor	are	not	 in	the	position	that	the	allies	were	in	the	last	year	of	the	 second	 world	 war.	 the	 more	 accurate	 analogy,	 given	 pogge’s	 claim	 that	 	 million	people	die	per	year	 from	poverty-related	causes,	would	be	the	british	 empire’s	 bombing	 campaign	 against	 germany	 in	 the	 early	 years	 of	 the	 war.	 these	attacks	deliberately	terrorised	and	killed	civilians	but	have	been	justified	 on	 the	 grounds	 that	 the	 british	 empire	 was	 facing	 an	 existential	 threat	 or	 “supreme	emergency”	 that	 suspended	 the	normal	 rules	of	war	 (walzer	 ,	 - ).	pogge’s	 claim	 that	human	rights	are	 inalienable	 is	plausible,	but	his	 dismissal	of	instances	where	human	rights	can	be	excusably	violated	is	not.		 the	 second	 element	 is	 that	 redistributive	 wars	 would	 undermine	 arguments	for	reform.	they	would	compromise	the	“forum	where	in	which	the	 world’s	poor	have	an	unbeatable	advantage:	 the	 forum	of	clear-headed	moral	 debate	and	justification”	(pogge	 ,	 ).	this	would	be	compelling	if	there	 was	progress	in	reforming	the	systemic	causes	of	global	poverty;	however,	by	 pogge’s	own	argument,	there	has	been	little	movement	to	improve	the	lives	of	 the	global	poor.	it	seems	that	moral	debate	and	justification	have	done	little	to	 alleviate	their	suffering.	this	brings	about	the	problem	of	privilege	when	writing	 about	global	poverty.	debate	may	be	appealing	to	the	academic,	but	the	academic	 does	not	suffer	when	those	 in	power	do	not	 listen	 to	 their	arguments.	 if	one	 debates	with	a	guard	at	dachau	but	fails	to	convince	him	that	genocide	is	wrong,	 it	 would	 seem	 rather	 bizarre	 to	 say	 that	 the	 prisoners	 should	 not	 resort	 to	 	 	 violence.	 this	 does	 not	 mean	 that	 violence	 is	 justified	 in	 the	 case	 of	 global	 poverty,	but	casts	doubt	at	the	ability	of	moral	debate	to	persuade	and	whether	it	 is	 justifiable	 to	 condemn	 violence	 in	 circumstances	 of	 intransigent,	 radical	 injustice.			 finally,	pogge	convincingly	argues	that	redistributive	wars	would	violate	 the	 principles	 of	 just	 war	 theory	 by	 being	 unwinnable	 or	 unnecessary.	 they	 would	be	unwinnable	insofar	as	the	combined	military	might	of	the	developed	 world	would	doom	any	alliance	of	poor	states	to	defeat.	this	would	violate	the	 principle	that	wars	are	only	just	when	there	is	a	reasonable	prospect	of	success	 (pogge	 ,	 - ).	secondly,	if	there	were	an	alliance	of	reform-minded	states,	 this	 would	 make	 the	 war	 unnecessary	 because	 there	 would	 be	 a	 reasonable	 prospect	of	peaceful	reform.	the	war	would	violate	the	principle	of	last	resort	in	 just	war	theory	(pogge	 ,	 - ).	it’s	hard	to	disagree	with	this	assessment,	 but	it	shows	that	just	war	theory	might	not	be	the	right	framework	for	looking	at	 violent	 resistance	 and	 global	 poverty.	 in	 the	 first	 cases,	 the	 idea	 of	 a	 redistributive	 war	 seems	 wildly	 implausible,	 since	 the	 international	 system	 supports	 elites	 in	 developing	 states.	 if	 an	 alliance	 of	 reform-minded	 states	 existed,	there	would	already	have	been	a	sea	change	in	the	international	system.	 state-based	models	of	political	violence	do	not	capture	the	reality	of	the	global	 poor.	cosmopolitans	would	do	better	to	examine	such	arguments	through	the	 lens	of	non-state	actors	and	revolutionary	movements.		 moreover,	 just	 war	 theory	 principles	 such	 as	 “reasonable	 chances	 of	 success”	do	not	match	moral	 intuitions	about	 resisting	 radical	 injustices.	the	 warsaw	ghetto	uprising	in	 	had	no	chance	of	ending	the	persecution	and	 	 	 extermination	of	the	jews	in	nazi-occupied	europe,	but	it	is	seen	as	a	morally	 laudable	example	of	rejecting	the	passivity	of	victimhood.	resistance	may	harm	 innocent	people,	but	that	does	not	necessarily	make	it	impermissible.	one	only	 has	to	consider	the	many	slave	uprisings	in	history,	from	spartacus	through	to	 nate	turner	and	the	haitian	revolution,	in	which	innocent	people	died.	finally,	 resistance	might	even	take	the	form	of	terror.	umkhonto	we	sizwe,	 the	armed	 wing	of	the	african	national	congress,	employed	terrorism	and	sabotage	against	 the	 apartheid	 government	 with	 limited	 success.	 yet,	 few	 would	 say	 that	 the	 imprisonment	of	nelson	mandela	and	many	others	was	a	just	response.	i	have	no	 intention	of	putting	forward	a	“macho”	politics	that	endorses	violence.	my	point	 is	that	the	ethics	of	political	violence	surrounding	extreme	injustices	like	crimes	 against	humanity	and	genocide	are	far	more	complex	than	pogge	admits.	they	 raise	 deeply	 uncomfortable	 questions,	 but	 these	 questions	 cannot	 be	 batted	 aside.		 	 this	 leads	 to	 a	 second	 point,	 that	 violence	 and	 resistance	 are	 not	 synonyms.	it	is	possible	that	the	most	effective	means	to	bring	about	the	reforms	 pogge	advocates	is	through	non-violent	resistance.	the	 th	century	had	notable	 non-violent	political	movements	 led	by	people	 like	ghandi	and	martin	luther	 king	 who	 achieved	 major	 reforms.	 there	 is	 no	 reason	 to	 assume	 that	 non- violence	might	produce	similar	results	for	the	global	poor.	indeed,	non-violent	 resistance	to	global	poverty	may	provide	an	interesting	framework	by	which	to	 assess	activities	such	as	illegal	migration	by	the	global	poor.	illegal	migrants	may	 break	the	law	trying	to	enter	europe	or	america,	but	they	might	not	be	doing	 anything	wrong	 if	 the	citizens	of	 the	developed	world	are	 complicit	with	 the	 	 	 causes	of	their	poverty.	it	provides	a	means	to	rebut,	for	example	david	miller’s	 mixed	feelings	about	illegal	immigrants	trying	to	reach	europe	via	the	spanish	 enclaves	 of	 ceuta	 and	 melilla.	 he	 admits	 sympathy	 for	 their	 poverty,	 but	 indignation	 at	 their	 attempt	 to	 cross	 the	 border:	 “do	 they	 think	 they	 have	 a	 natural	right	to	enter	spain	in	defiance	of	the	laws	that	apply	to	everyone	else	 who	might	like	to	move	there?”	(miller	 ,	 - ).		they	may	not	have	a	“natural	 right”,	but	our	wealth	and	their	poverty	are	interconnected.	crossing	a	border	 illegally	is	a	wrong	that	pales	in	comparison	to	the	immiseration	of	millions	of	 other	 human	 beings.	 illegal	 migration	 could	 be	 interpreted	 as	 resistance	 to	 international	rules	 that	benefit	 the	affluent	by	allowing	the	 free	movement	of	 capital,	but	burden	the	poor	by	limiting	the	free	movement	of	persons.	it	could	 be	that	cosmopolitans	might	have	a	duty	to	run	an	underground	railroad	to	those	 suffering	in	extreme	poverty	if	their	governments	refuse	to	take	action	to	reform	 the	 international	 system.	 this	 is	 merely	 a	 suggestion	 of	 how	 a	 theory	 of	 resistance	could	develop	and	provide	guidance.	it	shows	that	we	should	not	limit	 our	thinking	about	resistance	to	violent	state-centric	models	such	as	war	theory.		 	 i’m	afraid	that	pogge’s	belief,	that	the	injustice	of	global	poverty	can	be	 remedied	 through	 debate	 and	 long-term	 reform,	 is	 out	 of	 step	 with	 his	 comparison	with	crimes	against	humanity.	what	the	analogy	makes	clear	is	that	 cosmopolitans	need	 to	 take	non-ideal	 theory	seriously.	 if	 the	global	poor	are	 being	 subjected	 to	 something	 comparable	 to	 slavery	 and	 apartheid,	 then	 the	 guidance	provided	by	political	theory	needs	to	match	the	depths	of	this	injustice.	 questions	about	the	ethics	of	resistance,	especially	regarding	political	violence,	 cannot	be	set	aside	as	macho	bravado.	these	questions	need	to	be	addressed	 	 	 with	the	same	rigor	that	has	been	brought	to	uncovering	the	causes	of	global	 poverty,	even	if	it	leads	cosmopolitans	into	uncomfortable	territory.		 	 arendt,	hannah.	 .	eichmann	in	jerusalem:	a	report	on	the	banality	of	evil.	 london:	penguin.	 badar,	mohamed	elewa.	 .	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"povcalnet."	world	bank	accessed	 	march.	 http://iresearch.worldbank.org/povcalnet/index.htm? .	 	 religions article the tempest and black natural law julia reinhard lupton school of humanities, university of california irvine, irvine, ca , usa; jrlupton@uci.edu received: december ; accepted: january ; published: february ���������� ������� abstract: vincent lloyd’s book black natural law presents four case histories in which african american intellectuals used the natural law tradition to mount defenses of the rights, capacities, and dignity of members of their communities. this essay uses the discourse of black natural law as reconstructed by lloyd to reread caliban’s political arguments and social and aesthetic project in the tempest. although the natural law tradition became increasingly secularized during the century of revolution, black thinkers such as w. e. b. du bois and martin luther king, jr. drew on the religious renditions of natural law that were alive in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. reading shakespeare with black natural law is not simply an audacious leap into our troubled present, but also brings new focus on the forms of scripturally-inspired pluralism that natural law theory supported in shakespeare’s age. keywords: natural law; black theology; the tempest; richard hooker; thomas aquinas; james cone; vincent lloyd we are god’s children now; it does not yet appear what we shall be. john : a, cited by james cone, a black theology of liberation, (cone , p. ) in his black natural law, vincent lloyd describes the african american church imagined by w. e. b. du bois: the church of his dreams would include ‘a cooperative store in the sunday school room; with physician, dentist, nurse and lawyer to help serve, and defend the congregation; with library, nursery school, and a regular succession of paid and trained lecturers and discussion . . . a credit union, group insurance, and a building and loan association.’ there would be preaching, but it would not be limited to the bible. it would also include the words of shakespeare, confucius, buddha, and john brown (lloyd , p. ). shakespeare appears here as part of a broadened religious program that begins with the bible but spirals out to works of secular literature, eastern wisdom, and black history, as part of a church re-envisioned as a community center designed to support the flourishing and build the capacities of its congregants. lloyd notes that the vocabulary of fredrick douglass, too, was “thoroughly soaked in the shakespearean” (lloyd , p. ). i have taken the presence of shakespeare in lloyd’s powerful treatise as an invitation to consider the extent to which caliban’s claim to embody a creaturely humanity in opposition to the punitive actions of prospero can be captured within a natural law tradition that culminates in the african-american discourse on human dignity that lloyd reconstructs in black natural law. lloyd, a scholar of religious studies and a historian of black theology, tunes into the scriptural strain that stamps black natural law, whose writers took the idea of humanity created in the image of god as the basis of dignity and equality for all people. the received history of natural law thinking is one of progressive secularization, in which the monotheistic synthesis of classical philosophy with scripture effected by the great medieval aristotelians averroes, maimonides, and aquinas eventually shed its theistic imagism in the works of grotius, hobbes and locke in order religions , , ; doi: . /rel www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com http://dx.doi.org/ . /rel http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com/ - / / / ?type=check_update&version= religions , , of to become the modern doctrine of rights. black natural law, unapologetically theological, is thus in some ways a return to the scholastic tradition that stretches from aquinas to hooker and to which shakespeare can be seen to belong. black natural law is not simply natural law radicalized; it is also natural law theologized: natural law with its creaturely soul rendered bare and trembling, open and heaving. thus, reading shakespeare with black natural law is not simply an audacious leap into our troubled present, but also brings new focus on the forms of scripturally-inspired pluralism that natural law theory supported in shakespeare’s century, and might support again. . natural law, imago dei, pluralism natural law in the west stretches from ancient philosophy to the century of revolution, where its impact is visible in the declaration of independence and the declaration of the rights of man and citizen. despite the sublimity of those documents, the difficulty of establishing genuinely shared norms in a modern world distinguished by competing moral and legal codes eroded the credibility of natural law, which ceded to legal positivism in the nineteenth century. after world war ii, legal philosophers such as alexander passerin d’entrèves began reconsidering the value of norms, and natural law plays a role in various post-war enterprises, including the universal declaration of human rights. d’entrèves provides a conceptual history of natural law and presents natural law itself not as an anti-historical discourse but as a mode that incorporates elements of adjustment and adaptation into moments of judgment that occur in time and space. the same can be said of both lloyd, who pluralizes natural law by articulating a distinctive political discourse in african-american letters, and shakespeare, who participates in a broadly hookerian understanding of natural law but opens that tradition to a distinctly subaltern vocalization through the person of caliban. in his effort to revive natural law jurisprudence, d’entrèves pointed to the very different functions of natural law in classical, christian, and post-reformation settings. for cicero, “mankind is a universal community or cosmopolis. law is its expression” (d’entrèves , p. ). ius naturale (natural law) and ius gentium (the law of nations) were distinguished by justinian in his famous code, but often blend together and share many attributes, above all the insight that different nations and groups arrive at similar maxims concerning human relations from their own regions of custom and thought. furthermore, cicero posited the equality of men: “’for those creatures who have received the gift of reason from nature have also received right reason, and therefore they have also received the gift of law, which is right reason applied to command and prohibition’” (d’entrèves ). despite these bold pronouncements, d’entrèves argues that roman law was concerned not with transcendental and eternal rights, but with “the intrinsic character of a given situation” (p. ). natural law is thus coordinate with ciceronian decorum, making it much more adaptable, flexible, and intrinsically historical than is commonly understood, but also less revolutionary. in d’entrèves’ gloss, ius naturale was “not a complete and ready-made system of rules, but a means of interpretation . . . it played a decisive part in the process of adapting positive law to changing conditions and in elaborating the legal system of an international or rather super-national civilization” (p. ). this also means that there was nothing revolutionary in the roman conception: “being in itself merely ‘a reflection upon the existing law’, it was not meant to give ‘legal sanction to what was not otherwise law’” (d’entrèves , citing zulueta: p. ). reason for roman lawyers was not the opposite of experience so much as a synonym for it (d’entrèves , p. ). cicero did, however, defend tyrannicide, a fact not lost on his renaissance readers (dzelzainis ). the natural law of thomas aquinas looks a lot like the roman theories upon which it builds. aquinas, like cicero and aristotle, affirmed that human beings are capable of discerning the teachings of natural law through the use of reason. yet creaturely life—sinful, historical, unreliable, for a related reading of shakespeare’s scriptural pluralism, see (smith ). on the imago dei in the tempest, see (urban forthcoming). religions , , of and passionate—distinguishes the post-classical subject of natural law from its classical counterpart. when aquinas argues that “grace does not abolish nature but perfects it”, he at once preserves the rational order of nature so important to classical science and philosophy and refigures nature as the zone of creation: made by god in a deliberative temporal process and then thrown into disarray by the event of original sin (d’entrèves , p. ). in the words of jewish natural law theologian david novak, “like all creation natural law is made in time”, a maxim derived from the first book of the torah and foreign to the eternity of the cosmos posited by aristotle, plato, and the stoics (novak , location ). if for aristotle the good was the telos of all actions, for augustine and his heirs the human will has been deformed by sin, driving the arrow of virtuous intention away from its promised end towards darker sticking places tainted by lust, aggression, and envy. although for aquinas, the soul as imago dei participating in god through reason secures access to natural law, fallen human beings require both the help of god (in the form of grace) and the coercive power of positive law (in the form of punishment) to act upon those precepts. but because positive law was itself made by creatures, natural law could be used to judge human law, making some room for resistance to tyranny and injustice (d’entrèves , p. ). in the words of walter benjamin, the sovereign is “the lord of creatures, but he remains a creature” (benjamin , p. ). the creaturely horizon of the monotheistic synthesis also meant that natural law could be changed over time when transformations in ways of life required it (d’entrèves , p. ). d’entrèves asserts that “a deep feeling for history” pervades aquinas’ account of natural law (d’entrèves, p. ), a claim developed by pamela hall (hall ) in narrative and natural law: an interpretation of thomist ethics. hall demonstrates how for aquinas natural law must be discovered, both in history and over the course of individual lives, through the highly situational and temporally reflective operation of prudence (hall , p. ). for aquinas, different moments in god’s covenanting with humanity articulate natural law over time, a philosophical-historical understanding of the relation between reason and revelation that would continue to develop in the natural law writings of richard hooker, hugo grotius, and john selden. in this evolving juridical hermeneutics of history, the creation, the noahide laws, babel, sinai, and the new testament were conceived as events in the discovery, adaptation, and supplementation of natural law within the saeculum of human history (hall , pp. – ). the noahide laws are of special interest to the development of a pluralized natural law jurisprudence; although they are based on genesis , when god re-covenants with his creation after the flood, they were only formalized as a law code by the rabbis in the talmud. thus the adaptation of noahide laws by christian natural law thinkers required active engagement with post-biblical jewish legal texts and methods, convening a plurality of sources in the articulation of laws shared by all peoples. meanwhile, for the jews, the noahide laws are conceived as “the law of the other,” providing the bare rudiments of civil life for gentiles but lacking the soul-shaping, people-founding power of the revelation at sinai (wilf , p. ). d’entrèves canonizes shakespeare’s contemporary richard hooker ( – ) as the elizabethan inheritor of aquinas. like aquinas and against calvin and his hardline augustinianism, hooker affirms the power of human reason to discern shared truths concerning social and political life, maxims discovered by human beings seeking the good within concrete situations. like aquinas, hooker acknowledges the insufficiency of reason alone to order human communities and hence the need for positive law, which adapts natural law to the realities of human nature and to different historical “every art, and every inquiry, and similarly every action as well as choice, is held to aim at some good” (aristotle , a). for a nuanced and integrative account of augustine’s lifelong dialogue with classical virtue, see (wetzel ). (wilf , p. ) refers to “the legal foundations of the generation after the tower of babel” as another instance of legal re-founding. (rosenblatt , p. ) makes this point and notes that “discussions of noachide law appear in the work of richard hooker, hugo grotius, isaac newton, henry burton, john lightfoot, henry stubbe, jeremy taylor, james harrington, edward stillingfleet, john toland, samuel pufendorf, and lancelot addison (father of joseph addison).” for calvin, “the purpose of natural law is ‘to render man inexcusable” (koetsier , p. i). religions , , of scenarios: “the case of man’s nature standing as it doth, some kind of regiment the law of nature doth require; yet the kinds thereof being many, nature tieth not to any one, but leaveth the choice as a thing arbitrary” (hooker , . . .) explaining why “even in good laws [there is] so great variety,” he suggests that “the sundry particular ends whereunto the different disposition of that subject or matter, for which laws are provided, causeth them to have special respect in making laws” (hooker , . . ). hooker’s allowance for the situational adaptation of natural law recalls the ciceronian link between natural law and decorum. but what if nature, both human nature and the physical world, is perfect on its own, and needs to be neither abolished nor perfected by grace? for thomas, natural law was organized around the order of the cosmos and the dignity of the human soul as a reflection of god, all united by reason (kent ). the modern innovation was to remove god from the picture by affirming the self-sufficiency of human reason; centering the legal discussion around the rights of the individual rather than the laws of nature; and entertaining the possibility of revolution (d’entrèves , p. ). human dignity, derived by the three monotheisms from the imago dei and radiated by the doctrine of grace, separated out from this theological matrix to become an independent value, though not without retaining a sublime charge (debes ). hobbes inherits the pessimism of tacitus, augustine, and luther, while locke develops the humanism of cicero, aquinas and hooker, but each sets natural law off on its path towards rights, and also, arguably, towards legal positivism. yet the creationist element does not disappear completely, as we see in the preamble to the declaration of independence: “we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal . . . ” (emphasis added). created introduces a temporal gap between an originary foundation, historical realities, and future projects that allows for both normative judgment and historical reasoning while keeping on call the reference to a divine maker (wills , pp. xviii–xix). shakespeare is the inheritor of a natural law still marked by the monotheistic merging of nature and creation, but his world-building is also enlivened by the skepticism and pessimism of machiavelli before him and anticipates hobbes to come. meanwhile, his anthropology is not untouched by calvinist convictions concerning unregenerate humanity. (elton ) long ago demonstrated the presence of all of these frameworks in king lear and the gods. in the tempest, gonzalo is a kind of hookerian, or would be with a little education, while sebastian and alonso are hobbesians avant la lettre. the play itself unfolds in a landscape that is marked by epochal events in the history of natural law, including the creation, the flood, and the tower of babel, all moments of what wilf ( ) calls “the law before the law.” in the tempest, natural law becomes natural history, encrypted in a layered landscape alive with multiple intentions shaped by different catastrophes in the history of the human spirit. caliban rethinks and reimagines elements of the scholastic tradition, but within an emergent framework of rights, by dint of his position not as judge but as plaintiff: the one who complains, the one who suffers. that is, he contributes to neither scholastic nor modern natural law, but to a distinct strand that links the theological and the political in a great recursive loop: what vincent lloyd calls black natural law. . from natural law to black natural law lloyd’s book recovers a natural law theology and politics in the works of four african-american thinkers and leaders: frederick douglass, anna julia cooper, w. e. b. du bois, and martin luther king, jr. by asserting the humanity, equality, and dignity of black men and women, these thinkers protested the existing laws of the land, participating in “a rich, coherent style of ethical inquiry and political practice” of which, lloyd argues, “only ruins remain” (lloyd , pp. vii, ). lloyd traces natural law to aristotle, cicero, grotius, and hobbes, and he acknowledges the existence of christian, jewish, and islamic natural law traditions alongside “dogmatically secular” variants (his own thinking is undogmatically post-secular) (lloyd , p. vii). like d’entrèves, lloyd does not see natural law as a single continuous tradition; his aim is to “pluralize” natural law by articulating this other line of black thought within and alongside it. d’entrèves focuses on the “function”, not the “doctrine” religions , , of of natural law; similarly, lloyd focuses on the “process,” not the “product,” of bnl (black natural law) (d’entrèves , p. ; lloyd , p. viii). lloyd presents his bnl thinkers as lenders as well as borrowers: “european or catholic natural law traditions can learn much from the black natural law tradition. for example, the black natural law tradition places particular emphasis on the role of emotion in discerning natural law, a theme often neglected in european and catholic traditions” (p. vii). like neo-thomist readers of natural law such as d’entrèves, alisdair macintyre ( ), and john finnis ( ), lloyd calls attention to the theological foundations of the concept for its practitioners, whether they are professional men of faith like martin luther king, jr. or religious humanists like w. e. b. du bois. (du bois, lloyd reminds us, lodged the word “souls” in the title of his most famous book (lloyd , p. .) indeed, black natural law, as an explicitly political-theological teaching, reaches back before hobbes to the hookerian and thomist understandings of natural law. that alone makes bnl compatible with a reading of caliban. lloyd’s book ends with a stunning accountof secularism as a form of white privilege and religion as an abounding resource for communities of color. bnl builds on the cosmopolitan and egalitarian aspects of european natural law, with special emphasis on the idea of humanity as imago dei put forward by the three monotheisms. by uniting reason with imagination and feeling, the imago dei of bnl reclaims the breadth of the human soul that aquinas had tended to identify exclusively with reason. moreover, for bnl, lloyd argues, that composite soul “is ultimately unrepresentable” (p. viii), broaching “a concept of the human essentially defined by what it is not, marking what is in the world but never fully captured by it” (p. ix). the imago dei is an inherently creationist formulation, founded on the idea that human beings are made in god’s image. black natural law amplifies the creaturely character of the imago dei by emphasizing the positive role of passion and imagination in discerning natural law, and by unfixing the imago dei from its presumptive whiteness. bnl taps the existential stakes and inherent indeterminacy of the imago dei doctrine, whose promise of a reassuring likeness and mirroring coherence between god and human is undone by the cognitive rigor of the prohibition against idolatry. black natural law is also communitarian: its proponents appreciate “the influence communities have on individuals, and the need for political change to happen through social movement organizing” (lloyd , p. ix). this insight develops the seeds of resistance theory implicit in natural law, now understood not simply as a last resort in the face of immovable tyranny, but as an independent social good that builds the capacities of oppressed communities and might even defer precipitously violent actions. the political organizing undertaken by du bois, for example, aimed to create “a vibrant, complex black social and political space”; “in the process of organizing itself, [this work] provided an opportunity for the realization of human capacities” while “restraining the desire for justice to flow immediately” (p. ). finally, bnl “recognizes the epistemic privilege of the oppressed, the way that suffering attunes us to justice” (p. viii). whereas much natural law theory is written by jurists and philosophers who are protected and empowered by the legal systems they consider, bnl is written from a place of heightened legal disability and enforced minority. hooker writes that “the search for knowledge is a thing painful” (hooker , . . ). whereas hooker means that for sinful humans, acquiring knowledge is difficult and hence best managed by experts, for black natural law the link between pain and knowledge unlocks heightened attention and a deeper kind of understanding: “where other natural law traditions see each human being as equally capable of discerning the natural law, the black natural law tradition recognizes the epistemic privilege of the oppressed, the way that suffering attunes us to justice” (lloyd , p. ix). so, what does it mean to think about the tempest as participating in black natural law? after all, shakespeare was white, and he was writing with different questions in mind and under constraints that included a royal audience. in response, i would argue that shakespeare created a character who has gained a life of his own in interpretation and performance. if shakespeare has “created” caliban, not simply written his part, this means that caliban is his “creature,” a vital composite of interpretive and performative possibilities and latent intentions. creature caliban is possessed of a soul, a word that captures both the ensemble of capacities that characterize his dynamic personhood religions , , of and the extraordinary afterlife, the sempiternity, of shakespeare’s golem. ancient philosophy derived human dignity from the soul or psyche, the ensemble of capacities for thought, movement, perception, and emotion that are exercised and realized in virtuous action. in the assimilation of aristotle to monotheism, the soul merges with the imago dei, becoming at once substantialized and virtualized as the person’s immortal part while retaining its ancient sense as the animate infrastructure of mindful faculties. the soul is both naturata and naturans, a created thing that also creates. the soul makes us who we are (soul as an ensemble of resources for thought and action) and orients us towards what we want to be (soul as imago dei). in the souls of black folk, w. e. b. du bois defines the soul as a “’marvelous universe,’” “’a reservoir of experience, knowledge, beauty, love, and deed’” (lloyd , p. ). from dante to du bois, the soul as virtuous capacity and divine imprint asserts the creaturely dimension of natural law, grounded in a primal landscape and flowing into neighboring construals of natura, including human nature, the state of nature, and the natural world. creature caliban, who is also caliban ensouled, participates in that story. . autonomy and negation caliban’s counter-narrative to prospero recites certain topoi of natural law: i must eat my dinner. this island’s mine by sycorax my mother, which thou tak’st from me. when thou cam’st first, thou strok’st me and made much of me, wouldst give me water with berries in’t, and teach me how to name the bigger light, and how the less, that burn by day and night; and then i loved thee and showed thee all the qualities o’th’ isle, the fresh springs, brine-pits, barren place and fertile— cursed be i that did so! all the charms of sycorax, toads, beetles, bats, light on you; for i am all the subjects that you have, which first was mine own king, and here you sty me in this hard rock, whiles you do keep from me the rest o’th’ island. ( . . – ) caliban begins with an argument from positive law (he has inherited the island from his mother sycorax), but he ends by asserting his original self-sufficiency: “for i am all the subjects that you have, / which first was mine own king.” to be one’s own king is to discover a law within oneself and by oneself, through the exercise of rational capacities shared with other human beings. this is the idea of human autonomy (from auto nomos, to give oneself the law, to be one’s own law). hooker cites paul on the discovery of natural law by classical philosophers and jurists: life in this scheme is “the rhythmic workings of the physical and social world that can be understood through the human capacity to reason” (lloyd , p. ). all citations from shakespeare are taken from (shakespeare ). compare grotius: “for god created man αυτoνóµoσ, ‘free and sui iuris,’ so that the actions of each individual and the use of his possessions were made subject not to another’s will but to his own.” cited by (nijman , p. ) religions , , of the apostle st. paul having speech concerning the heathen saith of them, ‘they are a law onto themselves.’ his meaning is, that by force of the light of reason, wherewith god illuminateth everyone who cometh into the world, men being enabled to know truth from falsehood, and good from evil, do thereby learn in many things what the will of god is, which will himself not revealing by any extraordinary means unto them, but they by natural discourse attaining the knowledge thereof, seem the makers of those laws which indeed are his, and they but only the finders of them out. (hooker , . . - ). caliban is a “heathen” who “by natural discourse,” that is, without the gift of revelation but through his own ratiocinative processes, was able to govern himself on the island. this self-rule was not simply animalistic survival; when prospero arrived, caliban demonstrated that he was able to know “good from evil” (hooker) by “loving” prospero and showing him “all the qualities o’th’isle” (shakespeare). hooker lists as maxims discoverable by reason and acknowledged by nations around the world: “god to be worshipped, parents to be honoured, others to be used as we ourselves would by them” (hooker , . . ). all these principles are evident in caliban’s discourse and self-narration. when he refers elsewhere to setebos, we see him practicing a kind of natural theology, and in this passage, he honors his mother and he recollects his own practice of neighbor love and reciprocal care (cf. urban forthcoming). moreover, caliban’s willing and affectionate movement from self-rule in a state of nature to human sociability retraces the passage into political association that hooker gives: but forsomuch as we are not by ourselves sufficient to furnish ourselves with competent store of things needful for such a life as our nature doth desire, a life fit for the dignity of man; therefore, to supply these defects and imperfections, which are in us living, single, and solely by ourselves, we are naturally induced to seek commune and fellowship with others. (hooker , . . ) caliban was indeed able to live “single and solely” by himself, but the association with prospero brought tangible benefits, from rather modest new recipes (“water with berries in it”) to the mind-expanding resource of a language shared with others. the “dignity of man” that hooker associates with social life encompasses the forms of love, conversation, and mutual succour that persons confer on each other in the process of producing and sharing these material and intellectual goods. caliban, addressed by prospero as “thou earth, thou” ( . . ), is associated with god’s first human creature, adam. “adam” comes from adamah, earth: earth is god’s plastic medium for fashioning the first man, and it also the ground, literally, of natural life in its teeming fecundity and vermicular decomposition. in naming “the bigger light and . . . the less,” caliban labels the elements of god’s creation in a childlike, naively concrete language, directly echoing genesis : (orgel , p. n). adam, like caliban, is associated with a primal self-kingship in seventeenth-century political theory (benjamin , p. ). unlike adam, however, caliban must be taught this language by miranda and prospero rather than finding it on his own, though he was not without language when they discovered him. upon encountering caliban’s draped and prostrate form, trinculo exclaims, “a man or a fish?—dead or alive?” ( . . ): amphibious caliban swims and struts in a world after noah and babel, and he himself serves as a translator between worlds and tongues. whereas adam’s naming project places him at the head of creation, caliban’s language lesson places him within creation, as one creature among others, a monster whose reflection of the imago dei appears inchoate and uncertain, not a birthright immediately recognized by the other human creatures on stage but rather an attribute that must be demonstrated and performed. this defensive and disenfranchised posture associates caliban not simply with natural law, whose precepts he has discovered and put into practice, but with this claim revises my statement that “caliban is mere creature, a creature separate (like adam) from the creator but (unlike adam) not reflected back to the creator as his image” (lupton , p. ). religions , , of black natural law, whose defiant condition he embodies and begins to vocalize. unlike hooker’s virtuous heathens, who get to do philosophy for everyone, caliban, embattled and embittered, marks creaturely humanity as “what is in the world but never fully captured by it” (lloyd , p. xi). caliban takes the creaturely condition that runs through premodern natural law theory and intensifies it into a point of protest: he blackens it. this does not mean that caliban is exempt from the condition of fallenness, as i will soon demonstrate. it does mean, however, that caliban as black natural lawyer understands that the depravity of all creatures (original sin) is unevenly amplified by the corruption of institutions and the blindness of privilege (social injustice). hooker distinguishes the undeveloped reason of a child, whose soul can “only store itself with conceipts of things of inferior and more open quality, which afterwards do serve as instruments unto that which is greater” with mature reason, which is supported by logic and language: “when once it [the soul of man] comprehendeth anything above this, as the differences of time, affirmations, negations, and contradictions in speech; we then count it to have some use of natural reason” (hooker , . . ). caliban’s retort to prospero indeed combines “things of inferior and more open quality,” namely the resonant realia of the island’s flora and fauna, with the tools of reason: the ability to speak in several tenses and to use affirmations, negations, and contradictions to mount an argument. his special handling of particulars indexes his creaturely knowledge, while his use of language to tell a counter-narrative politicizes rational discourse in a new, oppositional mode. once again, what are attributes of natural law in hooker, shared by a broad and theologically divided but racially unified collective, become features of black natural law in the hands of caliban, who uses the “differences of time” and the power of negation to tell his own story of self-rule, neighbor-love, the joys of society—and their betrayal and destruction. . sex, sociability, and slavery caliban’s attempt to couple with miranda has led to this state of affairs is. here, too, natural law teachings abound. although hooker, following aquinas, asserts participation in god as the highest good that humans can strive for, he exalts in the fact that “there are so many kinds of perfection which man seeketh,” beginning with “desiring the continuance of their being”: “all things therefore coveting as much as may be like unto god in being ever, that which cannot hereunto attain personally, doth seek to continue itself another way, that is by offspring and propagation” ( . . ). hooker implies here that all creatures, not only human ones, strive to imitate the divine, and that the desire to reproduce expresses the creature’s urge to become like god by achieving intergenerational immortality. the creaturely scope of hooker’s vision recalls the great covenant god makes with all creation after the flood: “and i will remember my covenant, which is between me and you, and every living creature of all flesh” (kjv: gen. : ). elsewhere in the text, hooker associates adam’s desire for a helpmeet with human sociability, not just human reproduction: “it is of adam said that amongst the beasts ‘he found not for himself any meet companion.’ civil society doth more content the nature of man than any private kind of solitary living” ( . . ). in hooker’s creaturely reading of natural law, the sexual act achieves its own dignity, which humans share with other forms of animate life and transform into a vital bond of human fellowship. so what happened between caliban and miranda? the event itself remains obscure and contested, dissolved in “the dark backward and abyss of time” ( . . ). prospero accuses caliban of “seek[ing] to violate / the honour of my child.” caliban responds: o ho, o ho! would’t had been done! thou didst prevent me—i had peopled else this isle with calibans. ( . . – ) hooker’s natural law provides two ways into this exchange. on the one hand, caliban’s desire for miranda links him to all living things, expresses his own yearning toward and reflection of religions , , of the divine, and seeks to deepen human fellowship, all adamic properties that assert the dignity of caliban. the nonconsensual nature of his action, however, has fundamentally reconfigured not only his relationship to prospero and miranda, but also his management of his own passions and his linguistic and rational capacities. the caliban who speaks these words to prospero is no longer the loving and gracious host to the island’s newcomers but an angry and unrepentant sex offender whose desires appear drained of divine aspiration. hooker places consent at the heart of human sociability: “two foundations there are which bear up public societies, the one, a natural inclination, whereby all men desire sociable life and fellowship, the other an order expressly or secretly agreed upon, touching the manner of their union in living together” ( . . ). caliban’s debased and passionate language manifests his membership in fallen humanity, who “prefer their own private good before all things, even that good which is sensual” ( . . ). caliban’s move on miranda constitutes his own fall, expressing at once an urge towards divine and human participation in the form of a helpmeet and an affront to such participation, a turning within his own being that obscures his rational capacities and gives his passions the upper hand. subject to what hooker calls “the divine malediction” ( . . ), caliban himself speaks in maledictions. in aquinas and hooker, the story of the fall serves to reconcile the positive anthropology of aristotle and cicero, based on man’s sociable and rational being, and the negative anthropology of tacitus and augustine, who dwell on humanity’s passionate and self-interested impulses. janne nijman ( ) argues that grotius used the imago dei to mediate between hard-line protestant and more humanist erasmian and arminian accounts of human nature; in , at age eighteen, grotius wrote a play about the fall called adamus exul that explored precisely these motifs (barham ). both anthropologies are expressed in shakespeare’s depiction of caliban, a naturally loving rational creature who has been morally damaged by his own precipitous attempt to realize his desires violently, that is, without consent. embodying the psalmist’s confession of broken humanity, “behold, i was shapen in inquity, and in sin did my mother conceive me” (psalm : [kjv]), caliban is not a noble savage but a creature like others. shakespeare’s caliban is both sinned against and sinning. yet what miranda and prospero refuse to acknowledge in this exchange is that they too are creatures. they are unable to consider caliban’s suit as a failed bid for fellowship because their own outrage blinds them to the natural law perspective, which has the potential to assert their equality with caliban in both dignity and sin. they have replaced the sense of a law that educates and directs (natural law) with the imposition of a law that punishes through force (positive law). they negate the emancipatory potential of natural law and instead wield the rhetoric of nature to justify slavery: but thy vile race, though thou didst learn, had that in’t, which good natures could not abide to be with; therefore wast thou deservedly confined into this rock, who hadst deserved more than a prison. ( . . – ; cf. . . – ) shakespeare sides with prospero when he identifies caliban in the list of characters as “a savage and deformed slave.” the poetic creator rezones the creatureliness of his creature from a common condition in which good and evil mingle to a state of permanent exclusion from human society, with “good natures” inside and those of “vile race” without. yet the creature is not fully determined by the creator: caliban’s ability to mount a counter-narrative, to organize a coup, and to continue to develop his own virtuous capacities demonstrates the potential of natural law to yield an approach other than the one taken by prospero, miranda. and shakespeare himself. slavery was indeed a part of the natural law tradition. aristotle, no universalist, argued that some men were naturally slaves and others naturally masters, by virtue of their relative virtues (dyer , pp. – ). aquinas did not admit slavery to natural law, but accepted it as a potentially legitimate part of positive law, if it benefitted all parties; the right of dominion, however, applied only to the service of religions , , of the slave; “in all other respects, the relationship between the two persons was one of justice and mutual rights” (valenzuela , p. ). aquinas echoes job : – , sometimes taken as a statement of natural law (perdue , pp. – ). epictetus, one of the greatest of the stoic philosophers and an exponent of human equality, cosmopolitanism, and natural law, was himself a freed slave. in his diatribes, he remarks that “all human beings have zeus as their progenitor, and so masters have kinship with their slaves, and are related by nature” (herschbell , p. ). although epictetus did not espouse the abolition of slavery, his status as a freedman writing on the rational dignity of all persons places him in the prehistory of black natural law. in natural law and the antislavery constitutional tradition, justin buckley dyer shows how natural law was used on both sides of the slavery debate in the period leading up to the civil war, but especially powerfully by the abolitionists. sean wilentz makes a similar argument in his opus no property in man: slavery and anti-slavery at the nation’s founding (wilentz ). frederick douglass, a key figure for dyer, wilentz, and lloyd, argued that slavery contradicts “not only the just and proper rules of legal interpretation, but the origin, design, nature, rights, powers, and duties of civil government, and also the relations which human beings sustain to it” (dyer , p. ). douglass compares the slave owner to a tyrant: “arbitrary power, whether ‘vested in the civil ruler’ or in ‘a slaveholder on a plantation,’” runs contrary to natural law (dyer , p. ). douglass develops the resistance theory already evident in cicero’s defense of brutus’s assassination of caesar and that comes into play in renaissance political theory. caliban twice calls prospero a tyrant, a word given new power in religiously driven defenses of resistance and tyrannicide in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (mortimer , pp. – ). “tyrant” is a fighting word. it is also a natural law word. in the words of cicero, “there can be no fellowship between us and tyrants—on the contrary there is a complete estrangement—and it is not contrary to nature to rob a man, if you are able, whom it is honorable to kill” ( : ii. ). caliban contra tyrannos is a brute, but also a brutus. one of the dogs that prospero unleashes against the rebels is named tyrant: “fury, fury! there, tyrant, there! hark, hark!” ( . . ). the dogs embody prospero’s own tyrannical fury and the resurgence of his disavowed creatureliness; the hound’s name was powerful enough to have carried a distinct political charge in (taylor , p. ). the image anticipates the canine tracking of runaway slaves; in performance, the specter of the rebels chased by dogs can be quite disturbing. prospero’s tyranny motivates caliban (though not his confederates), and raises their revolt into what ariel suggestively calls “their project” ( . . ). the word “project” appears more often in the tempest than in any other play by shakespeare: thrice to describe prospero’s overarching plans for the action of the play, and once to characterize the conspiracy. in the tempest, resistance fails, but not before it assumes the quality of a project comparable to prospero’s own, asserting the dignity of the creature and placing caliban in the black natural law tradition. novak provides a creationist scaffold for human projects: “for god’s purposeful creation of the cosmos is not only a datum; it is a task given (aufgabe in german) to humans to imitate and further actively” (novak , location ). mark taylor defines ethos as “an orientation, an attitude, a directional movement that can be found in action, particularly in law’s pursuit of justice and community’s pursuit of love” (taylor , p. ). yet shakespeare denies his creature either an achievable or a defensible project; caliban’s desire to overcome prospero while he is sleeping recalls macbeth, while his continued disregard for miranda’s sexual consent reveals the limits of his understanding of political and personal obligation. violence may be caliban’s only recourse, but it is not yet justice, and it certainly falls short of love (schwartz ). if the conspiracy against prospero were the only project that shakespeare had given caliban, the tempest would not have yielded the rich discourse of creative political thought that has issued from it, from mary shelley to aimé césaire. compare cicero, on duties: “justice must be maintained even towards the lowliest. the lowliest condition and fortune is that of slaves; the instruction we are given to treat them as if they were employees is good advice; that one should require work from them, and grant to them just treatment” (cicero , i. ; p. ). religions , , of . sounds and sweet airs caliban fashions a different kind of project in the sounds and sweet airs passage: be not afeard, the isle is full of noises, sounds, and sweet airs, that give delight and hurt not. sometimes a thousand twangling instruments will hum about mine ears, and sometime voices that if i then had waked after long sleep will make me sleep again; and then in dreaming the clouds methought would open and show riches ready to drop upon me, that when i waked i cried to dream again. ( . . – ) this passage discloses caliban’s ability to tune his soul through the art of listening (jackson ). music in the period was understood to harmonize the different parts of the soul, taken as the ensemble of faculties that lend themselves to thinking and feeling. the lutenist and song writer john dowland, translating a treatise on music by andreas ornithoparcus, writes, humane musick, is the concordance of divers elements in one compound, by which the spirituall nature is joyned with the body, and the reasonable part is coupled in concord with the unreasonable, which proceedes from the uniting of the body and the soule. for that amitie, by which the body is joyned unto the soule, is not tyed with bodily bands, but vertuall, caused by the proportion of humors. for what (saith caelius) makes the powers of the soul so sundry and disagreeing to conspire oftentimes each with other? who reconciles the elements of the body? what other power doth soder [solder] and glue that spirituall strength, which is indued with an intellect to a mortall and earthly frame, than that musicke which every man that descends into himselfe finds in himselfe? (lindley , p. ) according to dowland, “humane musick” modulates a series of internal divisions: the soul, itself a dynamic infrastructure composed of “sundry and disagreeing . . . powers,” brings order to the fluctuating but infinitely generative humors of the body. drawing on natural reason, dowland claims that this definition can be gleaned from simply observing the operations of music upon one’s own composite self. dowland’s free translation emphasizes the created nature of the human being, who relies on the “soder and glue” of music to attach the mind to the “mortal and earthly frame of the body.” listening to music becomes a spiritual exercise, initiating an auto-affective “amity” among “divers elements” that yields a sense of sustained well-being at once mellifluous and cognizant of breaks and joints. in caliban’s musical reverie, reason, imagination, memory, perception, and emotion resonate with each other like so many strings on the lute of the soul (cf. psalm : – ). whereas dowland listens to human music in a human way, creature caliban responds to natural sounds in a manner that affirms the unbearable fullness of his ensoulment while immersing him in a trembling continuum of living things. the ambient noise of the island become music through the creative-receptive hearing of the soulful auditor, who uses this attunement to build his emotional world and ultimately to calm himself. this is a new and different order of self-rule from caliban’s presentation of himself as his own king. neither sovereignty nor resistance is the dominant motif; instead, we glimpse spiritual techniques that give the ensouled creature inner strength and a new equilibrium along with heightened cognitive and affective capacities. (this is what arts education looks like.) the overall effect is to enhance the dignity and personhood that prospero, miranda, and even his creator, shakespeare, would take from him, in a manner that emphasizes his porous, sensitive being in an environment that he inhabits without ruling. for a musical analogue, we might look to composer luciano berio’s “o king,” a symphonic piece religions , , of for eight voices, first written as a tribute to martin luther king, jr. in and then retooled as an elegy in . the highly crafted and experimental piece takes the phonemes in the civil rights leader’s name as sonorous fragments that merge with the instrumentation rather than float above it; the word “king” itself is sounded for new sovereignties that reside in collective processes (osmond-smith , pp. – ). at once weaning and keening, caliban’s proprioceptive lullaby elaborates the psyche as a virtual lyre that meshes with somatic and environmental flows and enables new creative attunements across the island and with future auditors. lloyd suggests that social organizing is a key component of black natural law. social organizing involves more than resistance; it also initiates capacity-building within the community, as we saw in du bois’s designs for a new church. after abolition, frederick douglass “committed himself to cultivating the capacities of freed blacks,” which meant “attending to their broader humanity, including stimulating their emotions with music and poetry” (lloyd , p. ). noting du bois’s use of spirituals as epigraphs, lloyd concludes that “just as black life offers privileged access to natural law, black music in a sense performs the natural law . . . such songs remind us that there is a law beyond the world and that is the law by which we will ultimately be judged” (lloyd , p. ). caliban’s psalm of self-comforting contributes to the historical performance of black natural law. his project may fail, but his soul will not break. . wisdom and grace caliban’s final act in the play is to “seek for grace.” ordered by prospero to trim his cell, caliban replies, ay, that i will; and i’ll be wise hereafter, and seek for grace. what a thrice-double ass was i to take this drunkard for a god, and worship this dull fool! ( . . – ) although the speech is often taken as proof of caliban’s utter submission to prospero after the collapse of the conspiracy, his desire to seek wisdom and grace has special resonance in natural law thinking. recall the dictum of aquinas: “grace does not abolish nature but perfects it.” in both his dignity and his degradation caliban is a type of the old adam, living after eden in the wake of a flood, in the noahide zone before the mountain-top talks of either moses or jesus. is this “grace” that caliban seeks simply a set of christian teachings that will replace the bad natural theology that he exhibited in taking a drunkard for a god? will grace become violent, as it did in the pilgrimage of grace, the english civil war, or john brown’s military actions? or will it involve the transformation and expansion of that capacity-building work that caliban had practiced at the vibrant infrastructure connecting self and world in his “sounds and sweet airs” reverie? this is the direction that grace takes in matthew j. smith’s reading of shakespeare’s anthropology of religion in this volume: for angelo, and i would say also for prospero and caliban, “the assumption of responsibility for [one’s] action imagines a world in which guiltiness is not predetermined”; “confession does not remove [the sinner] from the sphere of guilt, but it enacts his recognition of the need to be outside it” (smith , p. ). for shakespeare, grace ultimately signifies the capacity of religion to transcend its own punitive frameworks and release human beings into new forms of creative freedom, obligation, and mutual recognition. i took as my epigram john : a, cited by james cone, the founder of black theology, as he strived to communicate the emergent character of black consciousness in : “‘we are god’s children now; it does not yet appear what we shall be’” (cone , location ). cone cites the first half of the verse by itself, heightening the mood of expectancy; the full verse is imago dei theology through and through: beloved, now are we the sons of god, and it doth not yet appear what we shall be: but we know that, when he shall appear, we shall be like him; for we shall see him as he is. (kjv john : ) religions , , of this passage captures the mood of expectancy and creative possibility that animates (ensouls) caliban’s search for grace at the end of the tempest, and affirms his radiant impress by god’s image, to be realized in an encounter yet to come. to seek for grace is to approach eternity by turning one’s own incompleteness into an instrument that plays the world. and what is this wisdom that caliban seeks? under the punitive rule of prospero, caliban experienced resentment, frustration, and coercion as symptoms, in the form of the cramps, pricks, and itches that beset the creaturely edges of his being. the stinging nettles of pain triggered by the denial of personhood constitute one kind of knowledge, a knowledge that is fierce, inarticulate, and best verbalized in the curse. at the end of the play, anticipating prospero’s departure, caliban can seek another kind of knowledge, a wisdom that grows out of pain but, like ariel’s pearls, moves beyond it towards benediction, social action, and self-care, the wisdom he has already begun to access through the art of listening. wisdom is not simply more reflective or accepting than the knowledge that erupts immediately from pain; to the contrary, wisdom must involve the whole person, in the present moment, over time, and in the resonant spaces of dwelling. this is why wisdom is cultivated by spiritual exercises that, like caliban’s music, operate on and through the entire infrastructure of the psyche (sterrett ). the fractured and flowering landscapes of romance, replete with classical, jewish, messianic, medieval, reformed, and new world zoo-anthropologies, provide the setting for shakespeare’s ecumenical search for wisdom and grace. in this pulsing, pluralized ecology composed of multiple virtue traditions, the creator begins to acknowledge this thing of darkness as his own, calling back the dogs of tyranny and rage in order to clear the ground for an unknown future freed from his own overbearing supervision. in what sense does the tempest, through the passion of caliban, become wisdom literature? i began with du bois’s library for the souls of black folk, which included works by “shakespeare, confucius, buddha, and john brown.” this world canon is unified by shared values discerned by the librarian from the point of view of the community he aims to represent and to serve. wisdom literature, like natural law, involves teachings that may be produced by and for a particular religious or cultural group but lend themselves to diffusion and translation. in the seventeenth century, john selden understood talmud and torah as wisdom literature: [i]t would seem that anyone who considers the matter carefully cannot, for the same reasons, help but place the highest possible value on this philosophy or law of the hebrews as being the best part and sole survivor of a great treasure, i.e., of the sum total of the barbarian philosophies of the east. (haivry , p. ) selden credited the jews with transmitting a “great treasure,” namely eastern philosophies such as zoroastrianism, in the form of natural law discourses such as the noahide laws. in placing shakespeare next to confucius, buddha, and john brown, du bois is doing a similar kind of comparative work. writing from the perspective of judaism, david novak asserts that natural law “can save multi-culturalism from the dead end of relativism” while also protecting “natural law thinking from its all too frequent political and epistemological myopia” (novak , location ). writing from the perspective of black studies, vincent lloyd observes: “the field, born of struggle, was once centrally concerned with normative questions—what ought to be done? how ought we to live? what is a just society?—but these concerns have faded, critical inquiry replaced by dogmatic ‘progressive’ assumptions’” (lloyd ). a similar claim could be made for shakespeare studies, which has largely eschewed universals in favor of particulars, filtered through “progressive assumptions” that may miss what is most redeeming in the precious texts entrusted to our care. in my new work on shakespeare’s virtues, i am interested in finding a non-reductive and historically attuned place in shakespeare studies to reevaluate and renew normative concepts such as excellence, soul, autonomy, fellowship, amity, and tradition. natural law thinking, perfected rather than abolished by black natural law, contributes to that effort. funding: this research received no external funding. conflicts of interest: the author declares no conflicts of interest. religions , , of references aristotle. . nichomachean ethics. translated by robert c. bartlett, and susan d. collins. chicago: university of chicago press. translated by francis barham. , the adamus exul of grotius; or the prototype of paradise lost. london: sherwood, gilbert, and piper. benjamin, walter. . the origin of the german tragic drama. translated by john osborne. london: verso. cicero, marcus tullius. . on duties. cambridge: cambridge university press. cone, james. . a black theology of liberation. fortieth anniversary edition. maryknoll: orbis books. d’entrèves, alexander passerin. . natural law: an introduction to legal philosophy. london: routledge. debes, remy, ed. . dignity: a history. oxford: oxford university press. dyer, justin buckley. . natural law and the antislavery constitutional tradition. cambridge: cambridge university press. dzelzainis, martin. . the ciceronian theory of tyrannicide from buchanan to milton. 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license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /). http://dx.doi.org/ . /shq. . http://www.academia.edu/ /between_scylla_and_charybdis_aquinas_political_thought_and_his_notion_of_natural_law_and_ius_gentium http://www.academia.edu/ /between_scylla_and_charybdis_aquinas_political_thought_and_his_notion_of_natural_law_and_ius_gentium http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. 	natural law, imago dei, pluralism 	from natural law to black natural law 	autonomy and negation 	sex, sociability, and slavery 	sounds and sweet airs 	wisdom and grace 	references "you must be african!" a heuristic deconstruction of black identity production through the use of african elements in african american film humboldt-universität zu berlin dissertation “you must be african!” a heuristic deconstruction of black identity production through the use of african elements in african american film zur erlangung des akademischen grades doctor philosophiae (dr. phil.) institut für asien-und afrikawissenschaften tuleka prah dekanin: prof. dr. julia blumenthal präsidentin: prof. dr.- ing. dr. sabine kunst gutachter/in: . prof. flora veit-wild . prof. eva boesenberg datum der einreichung: . . tag der verteidigung: . . ii abstract in dieser arbeit werden sowohl afrikanische charaktere als auch repräsentationen von kleidung, musik, zeichen oder symbolen, deren Ästhetik als afrozentrisch beschrieben werden kann, identifiziert und kritisch betrachtet. zusammenfassend als „afrikanische elemente“ bezeichnet, dient ihre präsenz oft der kontrastierung der in den vordergrund gestellten afroamerikanischen charaktere und geschichten und operiert in dieser kapazität zwischen der gleichzeitigen sehnsucht nach und der ablehnung afrikas, die sich in den afroamerikanischen identitäten ablesen lassen. obwohl in anderen teildisziplinen der african american studies - wie etwa den literatur- oder theaterwissenschaften - die beziehungen zu und die bezugnahme auf afrika bereits untersucht wurden, sind ähnliche ansätze auf dem gebiet der filmwissenschaften noch deutlich unterrepräsentiert. die intention dieser arbeit liegt deshalb darin, die bestehende forschung um die fragestellung zu ergänzen, auf welche weise diese elemente dargestellt werden. wie tragen sie zu den narrativen bei, in die sie eingeflochten sind und wie spiegelt ihre einbindung in die ausgewählten filme die jeweilige politik, die kulturelle Ästhetik und die sozialen entwicklungen ihrer entstehungsära wider? den konzeptionellen rahmen der arbeit bildet eine kumulative vorgehensweise. es werden jene faktoren untersucht, die zur auswahl, visuellen umsetzung und repräsentation der afrikanischen elemente, auf die bezug genommen wird, beigetragen haben. die arbeit verhandelt dabei auch die frage, wie und warum bestimmte auffassungen von afrika und seinen bewohnern in den besprochenen filmen fortbestehen. schließlich soll mit der arbeit innerhalb der derzeit bestehenden forschung ein grundstein für die differenziertere betrachtung schwarzer erfahrungen in den ausgewählten filmen gelegt werden. iii abstract this study identifies and critically assesses african characters as well as representations of dress, music, signs or symbols, which may be described as africacentric in their aesthetic, in african american film. collectively termed as african elements, their presence in the selected films is often distinguished from the foregrounded african american characters and stories, and in this capacity, operates between the concurrent desires and negations of africa in the assertions of african american identities. although within other scholarly disciplines in african american studies, such as literature or theatre studies, the relations and references to africa have been explored, similar explorations in the area of film studies are arguably underrepresented. the specific contribution of this study therefore intends to expand on the existing body of work in its assessment of the ways in which these elements are presented, how they contribute to the narratives they are engaged in and how their inclusion in the selected films reflect the contemporary politics, cultural aesthetic and social trends of the era in which they are produced. the conceptual framework of the thesis follows a cumulative approach where the respective determinants that have contributed to the choice, visualisation, and representations of the referenced african elements are examined. the thesis thereby negotiates questions of how and why particular perceptions of africa and africans in the selected films persist. ultimately, it establishes a premise for why in the current scholarship there should be a place for a more differentiated analysis of black experiences within the discussed films. iv acknowledgements i would like to thank professor dr. flora veit-wild for endorsing and advising me through the writing of this thesis. though from another discipline, her expertise and knowledge in the fulfilment of this work were invaluable. thank you. my thanks also go to professor dr. eva boesenberg, whose opinion i greatly respect, for her input and suggestions as my second supervisor. to professor dr. susanne gehrmann, my colleagues and fellow students attending the colloquiums in the african and american studies departments, as well as the staff and students i worked with as a consequence of the courses i gave: i am grateful for the questions, feedback, directions, commendations and administrative assistance. i am grateful to kwesi kwaa prah, for the support he has given in this endeavour. to the rest of my immediate family, your love and assurances have been a source of much-needed empowerment. thank you to eva behrendt for the tireless and constant assistance from the inception of this thesis to its end. it goes without saying that, eva, i simply could not have done this without you. i also owe a debt of gratitude to max fassnacht, amari barash, theresa kreuggeler, simikka marie hansen and kieran moore for their assistance in reading for stylistic and structural kinks. thank you too for the laughter and conversation that came with your help. i also wish to thank the tveskov family for providing the comfort of your home and company during breaks away from berlin. mimi quist, your food and personal support have been instrumental in galvanising my spirits. to my dear friends, thank you for the endless encouragement and patience. i look forward to enjoying better and more frequent communication with you. thank you at last to signe emilie tveskov for being exceedingly generous with your time, for taking excellent care of me and for being there through the especially tough moments. your innumerable meals, cups of coffee and gentle, loving presence were the daily remuneration i needed to be able to sit through the writing of this work. i am forever grateful. v table of contents chapter one complicit constructions: film and the constituting of black identities . film as a cultural industry ................................................................................................. . . black identities in film ...................................................................................... . . african american cinema and african elements .............................................. . intersections: influences, themes, objectives and receptions .......................................... . . influences: black consciousness and african american self-determination ............................................................................................. . . themes and objectives ..................................................................................... . . receptions ........................................................................................................ . resonances and the case for conscientising .................................................................... . methodology (tools and contextualisation) .................................................................... . . . african elements as signs ................................................................. . . . contextualising ................................................................................... chapter two black empowerment philosophies, ideologies and movements . from civil rights to black power .................................................................................... . . civil rights ....................................................................................................... . . black power ...................................................................................................... . afrocentrism ..................................................................................................................... . emergent pitfalls .............................................................................................................. . . repercussions ................................................................................................... chapter three narrative messages in the selected films . blaxploitation and beyond: the politics of the spook and shaft in africa ..................... . new black cinema, independent films, crossover stars ................................................ . . daughters of the dust ...................................................................................... . . sankofa ............................................................................................................. . . coming to america ........................................................................................... . . barbershop ....................................................................................................... . the influence of hood films: new jack city ................................................................ . . higher learning ............................................................................................. vi . contextualisation and understanding spectator expectations ...................................... chapter four a reading of the african elements . an outline ...................................................................................................................... . drawing on historical facts ............................................................................................. . . daughters of the dust...................................................................................... . . sankofa ........................................................................................................... . . the spook who sat by the door ................................................................... . . shaft in africa ................................................................................................. . sexualising african bodies: coming to america ........................................................... . contributing to the comedy: coming to america and barbershop ............................... . . barbershop ..................................................................................................... . symbolism: black consciousness political references in higher learning and new jack city .................................................................................................... chapter five conclusions ................. ............................................................................................. . conscious/cursory approaches ...................................................................................... . broad receptions ............................................................................................................ videography .......................................................................................................................... works cited ........................................................................................................................... . complicit constructions: film and the constituting of black identities i travelled to new york in october and was therefore present in the final, heady weeks that preceded the election of barack obama into office. here was a relative unknown to the wider us american public, who not only had the academics and public service experience to back his apparent charm, he identified as african american and was now knocking on the door of the presidency. his running and his being a strong contender not only spoke to the popular, “american dream” contention that “hard work leads to success,” it also seemed to lend credence to the insistent argument that the us at the time was a “post- racial” nation, which was now demonstrably valuing merit above all. for black and minority communities in the us, obama became a powerful, unifying symbol of resilience that challenged the racist systems developed and maintained to oppress this demographic. being based in brooklyn and surrounded by politically conscious african americans during that time afforded me the invaluable experience of witnessing the positive, galvanising power of the community around me, noted especially in the last-minute pro-obama get- togethers that proliferated. as a result, when i returned home, i followed with novel interest the us presidential race, and the debates and discussions around not only the historical impact and legacy of that election, but also of who obama was. as i followed, i noticed that increasingly (though still remaining on the fringes of “real” debate), discussions which negotiated the significance of naming him the first “african american president of the united states,” occasionally found traction on media sites and prompted commentary and further contestation around this topic. in other words, i found that debate on the election and on his character and qualifications, gave way to debate about the authenticity of his african americanness and thus the legitimacy of his being called “the first african american president,” as opposed to “the first black president of the united states” or “the first mixed-race president,” as morgan freeman famously stated in an interview on npr (freeman ). such discussion reminded me of one of the chief oversights which persist in black empowerment rhetoric (notable in music, film and television, literature, or movements like black power or afrocentrism) which insist on policing the definitions of “black” and ascribing value according to these perceived differences. national public radio (npr) is a reputable american non-profit news and cultural media organisation in the united states. the interview with freeman was broadcast as part of the npr-produced news-talk show tell me more on july rd, . arguably, it was debra dickerson’s claim that “… obama isn’t black” in an article for salon that triggered the involvement of a broader public audience in this problematic discussion (dickerson ). coupled with a few choice experiences of my own whilst in new york regarding which black identity i was seen to represent, this flawed discussion on the classification of obama’s blackness re-engaged my personal interest on the subject of black identities, and fixed more determinedly in my mind the desire for a more thorough pursuit of the subject, with a focus on the popular cultural medium of film. . film as a cultural industry in a global society whose industries are becoming increasingly visually mediated, the role of images as a form of cultural expression and/or cultural allegiance, becomes an important contributor to social and political definition, particularly in terms of individual and group identity construction. collective nationalisms and ideas of citizenship within them constitute social particularisms which are continuously maintained in various, abundant ways (though not exclusively) in areas such as sports, job types or roles and cultural industries. the latter, i suggest, include food, music, literature, cinema, television, and other forms of artistic expression, including “fine” or “street” art, blogging, tweeting and/or instagramming. within these industries, further divisions can be made between what is perceived as commercial and non-commercial. it should be noted, however, that affinities to these “collective nationalisms” and their ideas of citizenship does not mean that individuals are fixed in whichever identity they choose or are seen to represent. these processes are much more fluid and therefore more complex than may be understood by my construction. i therefore want to be explicit in stating that the elements which contribute to individual (and eventually, collective) identity constructions are in constant flux because of the increased connectivity of the global community, due in part to the use of social media and therefore transnational connections, and to cheaper and more pervasive travel options. consequently, individuals have greater exposure to and experience alternate ideas of selfhood which are arguably outside the rigid implications of the traditional forms i cited, and which are also likely to be more readily accepted by the wider community if a shift should occur in an individual’s idea of self. reflecting the increasing importance of the visual form in every aspect of our lives today, and the increasing transmission of control of image production to one which is more individual-centred, identities, their constructions, and constitutive elements continue to i use this term here to mean any idea of the self as part of a notional community in which members are seen to be part of a collective which represents unitary, socially or politically constructed objectives. become increasingly dynamic and expansive, as do the roles of the “maintaining elements” briefly cited as examples above (i.e., cultural industries, job types or roles or sports). as written by stuart hall in looking and subjectivity, “[the] visual sign’s ability to import meaning remains as a potential unless these meanings are produced. this production of meaning insists on the subjective process of looking and interpreting to inject meaning into the virtual presentations” (evans and hall : ). in this way, film can act as a medium of cultural communication whose messages have an impact on the perception of the identities they have had a part in constructing via their narratives. thus, at a base level, film theory makes the assertion that watching a film involves the implicit and necessary engagement of both denotative and connotative interpretations, the latter of which relies on familiarity of the film’s underlying social, political and cultural contexts. for without such knowledge, the intended meaning behind the narrative and aesthetic choices in the film would be lost (lapsley and westlake vi). thus, as posited by manthia diawara black british cultural studies, the viewer is necessarily placed in a position of agency ( ). as such, the audience is as equally complicit in this production of meaning as the makers of the film (i.e., the writers, directors, producers, editors, etc). . . black identities in film just as group or individual identities are constantly being constructed and reconstructed in relation to one another, black identities (namely, africans, diasporic africans, caribbeans and african american identities) inform each other with varying outcomes of cultural and political expression, dependent on the degrees of value that one puts on the other. by looking at how this “construction and reconstruction” occurs in the african american films selected for this study, focusing on the dynamics between african and african american identities in particular, the analyses presented here intend to highlight and examine the complexities of such processes and the subsequent necessity of its discussion in african american film scholarship. alluding again to the transformative potential of the spectator’s complicity in the production of meaning in a film, diawara notes: “the spectator and the objects on the screen are locked together in a struggle that modifies both their identities” ( : ). it is this “...just as the subject holds a sentence together through his/her/its relation to the different parts of the sentence, the spectator too occupies a position without which the film is a meaningless discursive fragment” (diawara : ). a continually contested term meant to identify all black-identifying people outside the african continent. see gilroy , appiah , arthur , falola , manning , irele , hooks . “struggle” that is of particular interest here especially in its suggestion that how the viewer reads or experiences the film changes the value of the film, depending on what they take from it, combined with what the film wants to transport to its audience. positive responses by the spectator to the representational quality of the film and/or to the strength of the narrative, legitimate a film’s success which is reflected financially or by a continued favourable reception in the form of good reviews or audience recommendations. at the same time, the necessity of spectatorship in film means that it is constantly shaping alternate ideas of self for every person that watches, which ultimately, as stuart hall writes, “. . . enable[s] us to discover who we are” ( : ). the biggest players in the global commercial culture industries are currently western- based (i.e., in europe or north america), a contention which is validated by the fact that both measure ideas of success on whether or not whichever music album, film or sports star each has exported, has been received favourably on the other side of the ocean. when a television series, film or a song is produced from these sites, the powerful distribution networks employed on their behalves ensure that these products are disseminated as widely as possible, thereby contributing to the universal definitions and standardisation of whichever social conventions or cultural presentations the production transports. it also subsequently sets and reifies the paradigms of commercial “success” to the less powerful players in these industries. these western-based industries thus occupy a position of power in the construction and maintenance of global cultural and social convention. some of north america’s most prolific and influential transnational cultural exports are sociologically ascribed to african america or are african americans. though in the peculiar position of being agents and non-agents (given the commercialisation strategies of the predominantly white-run us american culture industries), what is broadcast as “african american,” is often understood as “black,” with the associated celebrities as the vehicles of this. by virtue of being citizens of one of the most powerful and influential members of this “west,” african americans when encountering africa and africans are simultaneously treated and behave in a way that reflects the experience and power of being western. in other words, as a consequence of the hierarchy of inscribed value in cultural productions of “blackness,” african americans occupy a dominant position, which is ultimately expressed in relations between africans and african americans. what often quickly becomes apparent at such a convergence (i.e., when africans and african americans interact in both real or a complex debate rages about the validity of such a statement, which i will be returning to later in this chapter. imagined contexts) is the either subconscious or active difference-making or idealisation and/or idolisation by and between the two black identities. these encounters also hold the potential for positive associations and connections via a mutual identification as “black,” which is due in part to the idea of shared oppression experienced by both black identities because of their black skins. for as patricia hill collins notes, african americans have not been alone in suffering the economic penalties associated with blackness. people of african descent and those who are sociologically constructed as “black” within their societies (for example, indigenous people in canada, afro-brazilians under policies of racial democracy, and darker-skinned people within the caste system of india) are routinely disadvantaged in this global economy ( : ). in terms of power relations however – either motivated by capital or perceived cultural superiority by either black identity – in such an encounter, there necessarily exists a subject and a dominant black identity, which can shift depending on what the circumstances of the meeting are. although these are not fixed occurrences, they still resonate in contemporary experiences between african americans and africans. referencing michel foucault, homi bhabha and edward said’s elucidations of how knowledge, which is defined by how the one who claims it is able to demonstrate a complete, comprehensive overview of the other it is describing, and of how that translates to power, serves as an apt premise regarding a reading of the subject and dominant power relations that exist between these black identities. though at first, such an assertion appears to be an over-reached attempt at qualifying this contention, my interest here is in the understanding and explanation of the processes of difference-making and the power ascribed to that. as articulated and reflected in the films i will refer to below, the “knowledge” of africa and africans (which, in effect, consequently produces “africans” as well as a culture, history and geography of the continent), is constituted in and on terms defined by both african american and the white us american interests that facilitated the films’ productions. in these films, the dominant actor (i.e., african americans) stands in contrast to the subject other (in this instance, african) whose function within such a relationship establishes and validates the former. the understanding behind the use of “other” here does not suggest in the hegelian vein that in these contexts african american identities cease to exist without the presence see “americanah” by chimamanda ngozi adichie and her july th, boston review interview by aaron bady about the book, which suggests that although it is fictional, it is inspired by non-fictional experiences and impressions. more will be made of this association later in this chapter. and subjectivised positioning of the african. it is meant to highlight the exploitation inherent to the selective incorporation of african cultural expressions in african american self- construction. this process is considered “exploitative” because i argue that while this happens, there fails to be an equal degree of value derived from both sides in these filmic encounters. to add to the nuances of “othering,” as lacan suggests in discussing this dichotomy, the “other” and the self share a likeness. this means that the construction of the self through the other can occur because of recognition. seeing (a part or the whole of) itself reflected in the other, the self becomes “real” or is able to recognise and thus contextualise its own existence (mellard - ). thus, conceptually, what an “african american is,” is necessarily defined by contrasting with what it believes it is not, (as exemplified in the strong subtext of the discussion on the legitimacy of barack obama’s african americanness), while at the same time through self-recognition in the african other. the claiming of african americanness through processes of creating an excluded other while simultaneously revelling in a likeness in the way that it happens in the discussed films, forms an important part of the enquiries of this thesis. as such, how africa and africans are reproduced or represented on african american screens from the perspective of african american identity-construction politics will comprise the centre of the argumentations presented here. as the political themes of the films selected for this study deal with defining an african american identity by addressing issues of us citizenship and creating avenues for positive group-associations, they necessarily require the defining of an african american identity. though succinctly worded, this process is most decidedly not, and any foray into the matter involves a series of complex and infinite considerations that are not only beyond the scope of this thesis but should be free from any cursory conflation. the analyses will therefore not seek or propose an answer to this issue. it will, however, address the generally perceived consensus that at the centre of an indisputable mutual identification between african americans as a whole, is the place of africa in african american histories. due to the pervasiveness of the transatlantic slave trade, this process often unavoidably necessitates identification with the continent as a whole, meaning representations of africa or africans in african american art, literature, films, or as part of black consciousness projects, are often subsequently reductionist in execution and arbitrary. by using popularly available, biased impressions as a springboard, the constructed cultural suppositions of africans therefore lead to tensions between perceived african and african american identities. . . african american cinema and african elements within the framework presented above regarding the necessary complicity of the viewer in the reception of a film, “african american film” here will refer to those in which the language, settings and/or narrative can be sociologically ascribed to african america, because in such films, the focus of the diegetic and extra-diegetic references insists on reading them within african american contexts or identifying them as such. in other words, in order to “read” the film as it is intended, one must be aware of the references which inform the actions taking place in the film. for example, stories like those in alex haley’s roots ( ) address the experiences of slavery and the loss and construction of african american cultural history, while films like the spook who sat by the door ( ) or higher learning ( ) deal with african american citizenship, as well as the importance of the acquisition of knowledge for an effective and necessary black empowerment in and for the process of defining that citizenship. the term “african american film” in this study therefore refers to films whose principal cast is black, or which have been written, directed and produced by black people and/or which are recognised by a black audience as a film whose narrative and aesthetic are directed at them. the selected films are those which drew relatively big audiences and/or had a significant following. these are films which therefore contributed to and were informed by contemporary african american popular cultural trends. the body of filmic works that will be explored include: shaft in africa ( ), the spook who sat by the door ( ), coming to america ( ), daughters of the dust ( ), new jack city ( ), sankofa ( ), higher learning ( ), and barbershop ( ). these films challenged in their varied ways, racism and issues around african american individual and collective agency. some seek to re-imagine and re-interpret history from an african american point of view, claiming authenticity with reference to meticulous research, while others whose explorations are openly experimental in their narrative and stylistic approaches, blur the borders of fact and fantasy. the influences of contemporary political developments occurring outside the us (i.e., in africa, asia and latin america), on ideas of african american self-determination can be the term “black” is used here because in films like shaft in africa for example, there are other members of the cast who are black british or ethiopian, or in others like sankofa, directors or crew who do not identify as african american. additionally, these films reach a wider audience outside the us, who identify as black and are not african american. noted throughout the timeline in which the above-mentioned films were produced. moreover, these films reflect the changing role of africa in the black consciousness movements of the us, whose influence can be observed in their narratives. the political themes of these films are often concerned with african american empowerment which, as is posited above, is often rooted in an africa-based foundation. consequently, the plots and character developments in the films often call into play popular perceptions of africa and africans and how these contribute to the situating of african american identities. this research project will therefore be dealing with the inclusion and representations of, specifically, african references in african american film. to this end, african characters as well as representations of dress, music, signs or symbols, which may be described as africa-centric in their aesthetic in african american film will be identified and critically assessed. these will collectively be termed “african elements,” an expression used by richard dyer in his study, heavenly bodies: film stars and society ( ff.). the body of this investigation is formed by exploring the three primary ways in which these elements operate: firstly, in their presentation, secondly, in their contributions to the narratives, and thirdly, how their inclusion reflects the contemporary politics, cultural aesthetic and social trends of the era in which the films are produced. central to this exploration will be observations of how and why the employment of african elements in the films discussed can reflect not only the dominant popular-culture politics at the time of production (e.g., afrocentrism or black power) and their specific effect on narratives and characters in african american film, but also the simultaneous embracing and rejecting of africa and the idealistic constructions of the continent (including literally, as in the case of coming to america). these african elements constitute sound (i.e., spoken phrases, including accents, names, africa-centric hand-drumming, ululations and choral incantations), hairstyles, clothing (i.e., jewellery, colours and prints on dress and head-wear), props (i.e., maps, posters, sculptures and flags), settings (i.e., jungles or the former slave fort, elmina) and african-based spiritual references (i.e., associations to and affinities with “ancestors”). though decidedly less overtly political in this sense, barbershop ( ) and other films which were made in the s point to perceptions of africa and africans which have been informed as a result of the processes of globalisation, whose influences resonated culturally amongst african americans. this term, here and for the remainder of this thesis, refers to any object, which, in its visual and aural aesthetic and expression, is synonymous with africa or is african. . intersections: influences, themes, objectives and receptions the intersection of influences, themes and objectives, with the reception and resonances in these films demand closer enquiry because of the predicament that this convergence reveals about ideas of what it means to be “black,” what it means to be a “black” man or woman in america, as well as on how conceptions of black identities – when used as a unifying, collective term – affect views of africa and africans. taking into consideration the timeline of the selected films, i will present how the urgency to improve the subject, “non”-citizen status that african americans occupied historically in the us became more pronounced, and how the search for a unifying cultural heritage thus put africa at the centre. as has been argued, “black” is not a homogenous identity. although it may be dealt with as such in figurative terms through black empowerment ideologies or philosophies (i.e., “on paper”), it is not dealt with as such in reality. the observations that will emerge from this premise will stress that a salient consequence of this conundrum is a difficult intersection of appropriation, rejection and dependence, brought on by the necessary processes of objectification inherent in the construction of one identity by another. coupled with ideologies and philosophies presented in the black consciousness movements – who at their cores reject division within the collective identity they are trying to form and reify – this conundrum causes a curious confusion, which arguably, ultimately undermines the objectives of these emancipatory, all-encompassing ideologies and philosophies. . . influences: black consciousness and african american self-determination i use inverted commas here in order to distinguish this use of the term black from my previous use, in order to highlight that in this context (i.e., the way it is used in the films), it refers to the term as used by african americans to mean “african american,” and the subsequent reference to an idea of a culturally “authentic” conception of african americanness. malcolm x’s speech, the ballot or the bullet, makes reference to this peculiarity: right now, in this country, if you and i, million african-americans -- that's what we are -- africans who are in america. you're nothing but africans. nothing but africans. in fact, you'd get farther calling yourself african instead of negro. africans don't catch hell. you're the only one catching hell. they don't have to pass civil-rights bills for africans. an african can go anywhere he wants right now. all you've got to do is tie your head up. that's right, go anywhere you want. just stop being a negro. change your name to hoogagagooba. that'll show you how silly the white man is. you're dealing with a silly man. a friend of mine who's very dark put a turban on his head and went into a restaurant in atlanta before they called themselves desegregated. he went into a white restaurant, he sat down, they served him, and he said, "what would happen if a negro came in here? and there he's sitting, black as night, but because he had his head wrapped up the waitress looked back at him and says, "why, there wouldn't no nigger dare come in here. ” the challenges which grew from the interminable denial of a common us american national identity for african americans, brought the du boisian “strife” to the forefront of many political and cultural dialogues which proliferated from the turn of the th century on. the call to construct a new identity disassociated from prevailing negative stereotypes and set in an ideology which encourages a sense of self-worth and collective dignity found particularly vigorous, public action and voice between the mid- s and the mid- s. something is happening in our world. the masses of people are rising up. and wherever they are assembled today, whether they are in johannesburg, south africa; nairobi, kenya; accra, ghana; new york city; atlanta, georgia; jackson, mississippi; or memphis, tennessee -- the cry is always the same: ‘we want to be free’ (king jr. ). as can be heard in martin luther king jr.’s final speech, the successful independence struggles in asia and those in africa – beginning in the s and continuing into the s – were motivating factors in the emergence of the civil rights activities that dominated the s in the us. african american political voices like martin luther king jr.’s, alluded to these triumphs over white political and cultural colonisation which indicated a rhetorical shift from previous references, that saw africa and africans as a continent and a people which would benefit from african american influence, as was envisaged by black nationalist activists like martin r. delany. delany’s reference to a rich heritage, “[the] shadow of a mighty negro past flits through the tale of ethiopia the shadowy and of egypt the sphinx” ( ), together with marcus garvey’s speculation, “[it] is only a question of a few more years when africa will be completely colonized by negroes” ( ), seemed to finally be taking shape with the establishment of these new, independent african countries. historically excluded from the wider economy and considered pariahs by white america, it could be argued that african americans were both citizens and non-citizens of a nation which systematically kept them segregated and exploited, thereby necessitating and encouraging the search for other ways of creating community cohesion and positive self- identification. widely publicised by the works and actions of garvey and du bois, pan- africanism was seen as a way in which african americans and indeed black people worldwide could become a force of united empowerment against the racist, imperialist challenges presented by white political and societal hegemony. pan-africanism is an “one ever feels his twoness, - an american, a negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings . . . the history of the american negro is the history of this strife, - this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to merge his double self into a better and truer self. in this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost” (du bois ). delany, for example, in his publication, the condition, elevation, emigration, and destiny of the colored people of the united states, conceived a railway which would run from east to west africa, promoting trade across the continent. ideology which promotes the unity of all black people based on the principle of a shared african heritage, as well as the active desire to build and maintain social and political networks which would serve the economic betterment of all black people. by virtue of their successful decolonisation campaigns, african independence leaders such as kwame nkrumah, julius nyerere, samora machel, ahmed sékou touré, gamal abd el nasser, and many other outspoken advocates of pan-africanism, leant credence to the ideology which meant that it found renewed vigour during the s and s. consequently, many of its concepts can be detected in later black consciousness ideologies that have since developed and evolved, such as black power or afrocentrism. from blaxploitation ( s) to the hood film ( s) phases of the african cinematic record, the influence of the contemporary black consciousness movements on conceptions of a unified, group identity as well as their references to real or imagined africa and/or africans, are an important part of the narratives of the selected films. the political themes within this cinematic record frequently deal with matters of citizenship and collective uplift, which both require in the first place, the defining of an african american identity. as has been posited, this involves viewing africa as a central point of origin and as a source of history for the purposes of an africa-centric cultural rootedness. eventually, as notable in the hood and post-hood film phases, these “political themes” turned to focus more on urban realities in specific cities or neighbourhoods and the challenges faced by the african american communities in them (i.e., drugs and poverty in new jack city, or the destruction of the community by capitalist interests as shown in barbershop). in these cases africa as a unifying element is not dealt with in the narratives in as direct terms as it had been previously (e.g., in shaft in africa or the spook who sat by the door). when the emphasis in the popular political ideologies and philosophies explored in some of these african american films begins to shift to focus more on an african american identity with particular, discernible cultural markers, as a corollary, the narratives in these films tend to concentrate more on the need to differentiate african americans from africans (and other black identities). in such circumstances it is sometimes then only important for the filmmakers and actors to, for example, simply show that “this is an african” as a way of highlighting some aspect of an african american character, or in setting these black identities apart from each other. from a wealth of scholarly material which affirms this definition, see for example, agboton , geiss , gilroy , or james . . . themes and objectives the engagement of african elements can be identified at various points of the african american cinematic record and thus cannot be confined to any one era, genre or production mode (i.e., mainstream or independent cinema). because the use of african elements transcends these usually distinct cinematic categories, their employment will be explored here as a theme, alternating in its utilisation with each film. african elements function or operate in several ways, often varying with the genre and the target audience. they either, ) are engaged in a way that draws on historical facts and events in order to establish african american connections with africa, ) contribute to and facilitate the comedy of the scenes they occupy, ) are employed in a way that erotically objectifies african bodies and/or makes references to their supposed excessive sexuality, or ) remain uncommented on although they signify a larger thematic complex beyond their actual existence within the film. these four key categories of employment will form the basis of investigation in this thesis. they are discussed separately for the sake of a conceptual analysis although often two or more of these categories overlap and interplay with one another. i would like momentarily to refer to the proposed selection of films in order to highlight the engagement of african elements in them. the purpose of such a demonstration is to reveal how, and to what end, trends in the themes of the films and their affinities to their respective contemporary popular black consciousness activities, incorporate african elements into their narratives. this brief undertaking will illustrate how these popular and successful african american films reproduce and nurture contentious impressions of africa and africans in their quest to establish and/or maintain a distinct african american identity. ultimately, it will also establish the premise for why in the current scholarship there should be a place for a more differentiated analysis of black experiences within the discussed films, though some have already been subject to academic discussion. for example, in relation to the above-referenced comedic contributions, in the commercially successful, barbershop, the role of the african character, dinka (leonard earl howze), like imani izzi’s (vanessa bell calloway) in coming to america (whose role is also subject to the misogynist overcurrent present throughout the film), is both limited and controlled because within the story, the african american characters (as well as the actors and films’ producers) retain the power to reiterate and interpret what is shown to be african practices, looks and speech, either through performance or in dialogue. as a result, the “africans” become useful springboards insofar as they assist the progress of the african american characters or simply provide comic relief or humorous situations. as a by-product of comedies such as coming to america ( ) or as seen in the drama jungle fever ( ), the erotic objectification of african bodies and references to their supposed excessive sexuality also facilitate the development of the african american characters. for example, in coming to america, this can be observed in the characterisation of the african women portrayed therein. in jungle fever, inez (theresa randle) claims to reconcile her “full spectrum” dating by making “a pilgrimage to africa, the motherland [to] find [herself] a true tribesman.” by “full spectrum dating,” inez means all men irrespective of ethnicity. as the conversation continues, the women refer to the size of this imaginary tribesman’s genitals. thus, in order to rectify her perceived transgressions against the african american community, inez suggests being with an african man to “clean her slate.” african characters rendered in this capacity often have little or no agency and/or merely seem to fulfil sexual desires. be it subservient women or endlessly potent men, the sexual availability of the african characters in such narratives is always already a given. in terms of a historiographic engagement, sankofa and daughters of the dust use african elements to reinforce the idea of a resilient ancestral connection which allows (and has allowed) the african american characters in the stories to transcend their physical and/or mental imprisonment, (i.e., slavery and/or the legacy of slavery). these characters find strength to meet their challenges because they acknowledge and accept an africa-centric cultural origin. whilst making connections with africa by focusing on a spiritual legacy that survived the slave trade, the use of the african elements in these films thus becomes a way in which an african american viewership can construct a strong collective identity through a process of (re)discovery from a self-determinist perspective. at the same time, the two films highlight the fluidity of that “origin;” that it is impossible to define and is therefore necessarily created and recreated by the individual. such films (and series like roots) draw on historical facts and events to establish african american’s connections with africa. the visual remaking of life in an african village in roots, attempts to reproduce the africa that kunta kinte (levar burton) came from. the africa created and performed here is imagined as a positive symbolic space. moreover, presenting islam as kunta’s faith (which reflects aspects of the then burgeoning black nationalist ideology and which was the religion chosen by those african americans who sought to identify themselves more closely with an african heritage) whilst at the same time including a loose reproduction of some aspects of west african cultural practices (like the boys’ initiation ceremony), hints at the very subjective process of interpreting or producing africa. in a paradoxical shift from the films described in the comic or sexual categories above, such reproductions are usually atavistic in their approach. conversely, although also engaged in the creation of an african geography, coming to america’s kingdom of zamunda is an obvious work of fantasy, with the object of showcasing an ostentatiously wealthy, hyper-civilised african society. the formalities and stringent codes of conduct displayed point to an africa which, in its edenic perfection, allows the viewer to vacillate between longing to be there and the relief that they are not. the film thus presents the opportunity for a double reading of the “idyllic africa” trope, which is arguably contrary to the impression left by the one presented in roots. although inspired by similar motivations for the narrative objectives of roots, julie dash’s daughters of the dust takes on a different approach. unlike roots, the story takes place in one setting where all the generations are presented together – including an unborn child who is also the narrator. it has a more spiritual and poetic emphasis and by constructing the narrative in an isolated setting, dash allows herself the possibility of creating a world of her making, independent of the limitations which would affect a story which is trying to fit a particular history. ultimately, despite making a link to contemporary african america by following a genealogy (roots), focusing on a preserved culture in an isolated location (daughters of the dust), or reinvigorating visions of powerful african kingdoms as coming to america does, each emphasises an imagined africa and/or african cultural practice(s). as the historically white privilege of writing and interpreting american history has shaped (and been shaped by) the available visual images, these filmic works seek to re-imagine and re-interpret history and africa from an african american point of view, which, as will be illustrated in chapters three and four, has the dual and limiting effect of simultaneously creating an africa and africans who are reductionist and fixed in their representations. there is also a considerable collection of films in which african elements are present yet disjointed from a direct relationship with african characters, though they signify a larger thematic complex which transcends their function within the film. these elements are often props and costume which remain uncommented on, although they, in narratives which portray struggles against white domination in films like higher learning, invoke images and a rhetoric of africa, arguably, to create a connection to the struggle for and the success of winning independence from white political power, such as those led by african countries during decolonisation. in higher learning, the resolute, defiant african american character, fudge (o’shea jackson, known as ice cube), is often presented displaying such affiliations and knowledge, for example in the way his room is decorated, or in various parts of his dialogues. in one of the dramatic high points of new jack city which is accompanied by an energetic hand-drum soundtrack, the hero, scotty appleton (ice-t, also, tracy marrow) grabs at a leather pendent which displays the map of africa worn by the villain and rhetorically questions his allegiance to the community nationalism inspired by afrocentrism and its endeavours for collective, community uplift: “how the hell you gon’ wear this and sell poison to our people? you ain’t shit!” at this point, scotty rips off the leather pendant he is referring to ( : : minutes). as in higher learning, the african elements in new jack city, appear as props, costume and extra-diegetic music, and their employment again suggests strength derived from the acknowledgement and establishing of common denominators with african identities in order to overcome the challenges they are faced with, stemming from the white american hegemony presented in the film. similar to these narratives, films like shaft in africa and the spook who sat by the door (the spook) emphasise that freedom from white oppression as experienced by african americans is precipitated by self-determination and collective pride. in the spook, references are made to how independence in africa and asia were won through organised guerrilla action and how these fights were motivated by the self-determination of the oppressed peoples. most importantly however, as the lead character dan freeman (lawrence cook) states, the narrative stresses that this fight should not be rooted in “hate for white people” as a consequence of their historically conflicted relations, but in the desire for community betterment. that is: african americans should not only be able to identify who the “real enemy” is (i.e., the dominant white american hegemony), they should be fighting for proactive as opposed to reactive reasons; that african americans should fight because they want to improve their social and political positions from a place of pride rather than one of anger. in shaft in africa, this desire for freedom from white oppression is demonstrated by the fact that the plot is centred on a slave trade, which takes africans out of africa to be used for the financial betterment of european powers. this mirrors the history of african americans in america. shaft, who is characterized as the embodiment of defiance and individual pride, destroys it; an african american who, now presented with the chance, an elaboration of this example will be presented in chapter three. this is with the exception of the scene of the final “show down” between scotty and the villain, where scotty verbally (and therefore directly) addresses the african element worn by his adversary. see the spook : : to : : minutes. valiantly stamps out slavery. despite being peripheral to the narrative as a whole, the african elements nevertheless act in a catalytic capacity for whichever african american character they are associated with. . . receptions american film scholarship notes the way in which both mainstream and independent african american cinemas have been informed and influenced by shifting social movements and politics. they also examine and offer up critical ways of assessing representations of african american characters in us american mainstream film. within this body of scholarship, there are some critical works which touch on the contributions of african elements, and from these, i would like to highlight the works of richard dyer ( ), louis chude-sokei ( ) and paula j. massood ( ). while demonstrating how these works touch on the subjects and themes this study aims to deal with, examples from the selected films will be introduced as a way of explicating how further investigation into what these scholarly texts present with regard to african elements in the films they discuss and the angles of their approaches, could have been enriched by further assessments, had the scholars considered them. although the main foci of these academic investigations are not dedicated to the presence of african elements in african american film, each has given important impulse to this thesis. in heavenly bodies, dyer examines the filmic works of paul robeson and their employment of african elements for the sake of authentication. he critically approaches the way in which robeson confronts and represents africa and africans. he addresses this process of authentication, writing that “. . . when confronting africa, the black westerner has to cope with the fact that she or he is of the west” ( ). he notes that robeson, relying on contemporary ethnographic material available on africa and bringing in, for example, “real” african dancers, sought to bring authenticity to his narratives. these ethnographic recordings however, went unexplained, and thus were left open to the interpretation of the western eye. taken out of context and seen through the consciousness of the westerners who compiled the material, these representations perpetuated ideas of primitiveness (dyer ). even though today one does not see images of african savages or cannibalism, this, however, differs with historically-focused films, as african american connections with africa are made visible by setting extensive parts of the narrative in africa. here, for obvious reasons, a focus is on africans e.g., kunta kinte in roots) whose actions and development carry the plot. african american film still transports modernised ideas of savagery in africa, albeit with contemporary accents. this, for example, can be observed in barbershop when dinka’s entrance initiates the following dialogue: checker fred. uh-oh, here come jumbo mutombo. dinka. where i come from, to have girth is a sign of opulence. customer in ricky’s chair. yo, what the hell did he say? ricky. he said in africa fat people got loot. customer in ricky’s chair. i heard they circumcise the women too. ricky. now how you gon’ do that? calvin’s customer. anything that's extra, they just clip it off. all. oooooh! ( : : to : : minutes) dinka is instantly set apart by his grand choice of words, so much so that ricky and his customer find it necessary to translate or interpret his response to the “jumbo mutombo” remark, as if he were speaking another language. the subsequent reference to female genital mutilation (fgm) which, taken out of its discursive context and seen through the eyes of the male african american characters, is read (and is meant to be read) as an act of savagery. if we are to consider that the object of this conversation is to establish dinka as the other black in this african american community, the narrative could not have found a more suitable tool because the seemingly non-sequitur reference creates a more profound sense of distance between the world of the african and that of african americans. not only is he “made” different linguistically, he is also different by virtue of his associated cultural practice, which we sense operates outside the moral context created in the film because of the response it generates. the customer’s conflation of the reason why this practice happens in the first place extends the incredulous response, thereby solidifying or further defining the distance between dinka and the others. in another supporting example, a scene in shaft in africa shows an ethiopian local engaging john shaft in a stick fight. following the man’s defeat, the local crowd (echoing the “savagery: the condition of being primitive or uncivilised; a primitive state of human society.” (oxford english dictionary) this is a reference to dikembe mutombo, the nba player from the democratic republic of congo, with “jumbo” referring to dinka’s weight. a question meaning: “why would you do that?” which could also be rhetorical. bloodthirsty mob of a gladiatorial arena) appears to chant for shaft to “finish” his opponent off. with this form of combat and their rudimentary clothing, ethiopia as represented in shaft in africa, stands in stark contrast to the urban modernity and sophistication of shaft’s native new york. in discussing robeson and some of his films, and finding robeson’s processes of authentication and representation of africa and africans problematic in their essentialist and highly selective approach, dyer touches upon the reliance on “africa” (a sphere of imagination rather than an actual place) in reifying african american identities. “in principle embracing africa as a homeland, his film and stage work is implicitly a rejection of the idea of africa ...” ( ). it is this interplay of simultaneously embracing and rejecting africa, as it manifests itself in african american film and its outcomes that are relevant to this thesis. louis chude-sokei’s book, the last “darky,” is a detailed critique and chronology of egbert austin “bert” williams, a comedian and vaudeville performer at the turn of the th century. williams, who came from the west indies, impersonated a variety of african american archetypes, donning blackface to execute his performance for both black and white audiences. as a black man he successfully impersonated black characters culturally different from his own origins, laying emphasis on creating the otherness of these black archetypes through movement, accent and clothes. as has been previously articulated, this similarity can be observed in howze’s performance of dinka, whose otherness is first created and then remarked upon. this also occurs in shaft in africa when shaft plays an african en-route to ethiopia. the man sitting next to him concludes after their stunted exchange that he “must be african!” ( : : minutes). shaft has thus successfully met this man’s cultural expectations of what it means to be african. the same can be said of prince akeem (eddie murphy) and his entire entourage and family, who are all non-african actors performing “african,” using similar methods, garnering similar statements of confirmation from other characters in the film. furthermore, as chude-sokei explains, when williams and his partner, george walker, produced the popular spectacle, in dahomey, not only was africanness created through performance, the two also “made the symbolic space of ‘africa’ function in the black popular imagination” as something positive, an aspect which would become vital for the pan- africanism to come (chude-sokei ). as can be observed in the idyll presented in roots or the utopian representation of the opulent and peaceful africa in coming to america, the imaginary space of africa still has its place in contemporary african american film. thus, what is especially relevant to this study is chude-sokei’s exploration of the performativity of africanness and the interest williams and walker had in presenting an authentic africa in their musicals. despite their attempts however, the africa williams and walker created was nevertheless an idealistic construction and a site of phantasmagory. although differing in their reasons for constructing an imagined africa in their narratives, coming to america and roots do the same, notwithstanding the contemporary, available knowledge and information of and/or from the continent. in the former, africa is a place of unreserved fantasy while the latter, although based on a possible reality, does not actually exist. in her study of urban landscapes in “black” film, black city cinema, paula massood discusses melvin van peebles’ independent film sweet sweetback’s baadasssss song. the main character, sweetback (melvin van peebles), is wrongly accused of a crime and forced to escape from an urban setting into the desert. massood notes that this change of location is accompanied by a change of music “to african-based rhythms” ( ) in order “to connect sweetback to a diasporic cultural context” ( ). according to massood, sweetback’s intuitive use of a folk remedy to heal a wound also suggests a reversion to his african origins, which in effect enables him to survive ( ). similarly, in higher learning and new jack city, undulating, rhythmic hand-drums form the background music which accompanies the pivotal fight scenes in which the main characters physically confront their enemies and triumph. in sankofa and daughters of the dust, to reference just one example from each where this happens, “african-based rhythms” or reversions to an african-based knowledge signify internal or spiritual confrontations, which again result in the overcoming of challenges presented to the lead characters. in sankofa this happens when, for example, nunu (alexandra duah) saves the baby of a dying pregnant mother, and in daughters of the dust when nana peazant (cora lee day) saves her family. both are shown as being able to do so as a consequence of their prayer and incanting to the ancestors. massood therefore not only identifies the use of african elements within sweetback and other films, she also links it to the political sentiments and visions of the era, namely “the growing afrocentrism of the black community in the late s and early s,” ( ) as well as a “pan-african collectivity” ( ). the above-mentioned critiques as well as other scholarly contributions to african american film studies, though both informative and essential to african american film scholarship, often focus on black-white oppositions and the varied ways in which these are played out on screen. in so doing, the terms “black cinema” and “african american cinema” come to be used interchangeably, which implicitly negates the existence of other black identities (which, in the case of african american films that this research project deals with, are specifically african identities), thereby rendering them invisible. this becomes problematic as it means that other black identities represented in the films have therefore been perceived as inconsequential within these academic discussions, although as will be argued here, their inclusion in and contributions to the narratives and to the character developments serve an important function. furthermore, addressing the afore-mentioned black consciousness projects in the context of african american cultural identity formations, as well as in the context of conceptions of africa and africans in this cinematic timeline, is an inescapable feature. the analyses presented here will therefore address disparities within the existing scholarly work regarding the role of africa and africans in african american identity constructions whilst building on those that do, by dealing directly with the inclusion and representations of african references in african american film. . resonances and the case for conscientising the reach of these films and their messages extend beyond the borders of the united states and therefore have a wide impact on the perception of the identities they have had a part in constructing. for through the commercially-determined film distribution networks, the commodified african american cultural elements and political undercurrents showcased in these films are broadcast globally, where, borrowing a term from paul gilroy, they are often “reaccentuated” by other black peoples for the purposes of their own constitutive processes of identity-making ( : ). ultimately, this could result in, for example, the situation that viewers who may be wholly unfamiliar with africa, its geography, history and peoples, would be convinced that what has been presented as “africa and africans” is a true reproduction, or at the very least has elements which reflect reality. this is due in part to the representational qualities of the film genre, because as ella shohat and robert stam articulate in unthinking eurocentrism: multiculturalism and the media, “[filmic] fictions inevitably bring into play real-life assumptions not only about space and time but also about social and cultural relationships” ( ). this in communion with the fact that the audience necessarily brings “their own personal and cultural knowledge” to the viewing experience means that it would be erroneous to take for granted that all audiences recognise stock characterisation or imagined geographies and the dangers inherent in such representations ( ). in her most recent novel, americanah, chimamanda ngozi adichie explores how much of these representations, through repetition and re-articulation, have taken root in the public imagination and have contributed to impressions of africa and africans which result in her characters’ experiences in the book. it should be pointed out here however, that though it is clear that many of the discussed films are financed, produced, distributed and/or written by people who are part of the hollywood film industry and who can be arguably assumed to be white, one should not ignore the agency and complicity of the african american writers, actors and/or producers involved in these representations, nor the support of the films’ audiences in the creation and dissemination of them (shohat and stam - ). by elaborating in turn on african elements in the presentation of the afore-mentioned scholarly works, i argue for a more critical reading of their renderings, thereby establishing a “case for conscientising.” just as such readings have spurned the production of more favourable african american filmic representations historically, better attention to constructions of african characters and settings may contribute to the urgent task of creating more suitable or informed portrayals. ultimately then, at these sites of cinematic convergence, both african american and african spectators alike can feel mutually empowered by resistant black stories, characters and shared histories. like robeson’s endeavours at creating an “authentic africa,” as discussed by dyer, i posit that wherever this occurs within african american cinema, similar quandaries are presented. for despite his attentions (and intentions) robeson’s attempts ultimately became as equally complicit in the reproduction of questionable representations of africa and africans, arguably because his ideas of the continent and its peoples were born out of his experiences as an american and therefore as a westerner. as has already been articulated, informed by his own ethnocentric education, taken out-of-context and without sufficient development, his reproductions meant that what was communicated about africa and africans were much like contemporary archetypes (albeit more sympathetic) which asserted a western (white) superiority, as displayed by what was considered “savage” versus what was considered “civilised.” ideas of “african savagery” imply a distance from civility and therefore from being a member of those who represent “fuller human development” that “civilization” purports to uphold. john shaft’s incredulity and comments on aleme’s (vonetta mcgee) understandings of marriage and sexual intercourse in shaft in africa for example, and the film’s focus (when in ethiopia) on rural, intuitively guided african although fictional, it echoes her experiences or observations, as she states in an interview with aaron bady from the boston review: “ imagination doesn’t fall from the sky; you have to work with something. my fiction borrows from my life, but even more so from the lives of other people. and because i write realistic fiction, it doesn’t fall from the sky” (bady ). characters, develops in the viewers the sense that the africa they are being shown is a simple, aboriginal africa which would stand in contrast to the urban, western experiences of the primary audience. to expand on this point further, in a second example, dinka’s child-like characterisation by virtue of his articulated innocence, or the referenced cultural practices that he may be associated with, again make this assertion. performing “african” and the ways this is executed in all the films discussed here prompts another avenue for constructive enquiry, because all the actors in the films who play african characters (except debede eshetu and zenebech tadesse from shaft in africa who are ethiopian) are either black british or african american. how this is done by one who could by outward appearance pass for african has meant that the filmmakers and actors elect a singular and popular characterisation: attire that could unambiguously be from africa for any audience, an undulating accent with an affected cadence, and an either solemn, unwavering (for the noble or wealthy african representation) or wide-eyed and eager facial expression (for the rest); all usually in concert with a cursory reference to an outmoded or misconstrued cultural practice. often, these representations demonstrate an obvious inattention to the multiplicity of african accents and peoples, dress (which are often a mix of different national dresses and styles from different countries, and which ignore the probability that at the time of the film’s release, most africans would probably choose to wear contemporary global styles, as fashion dictates) and more popularly accepted cultural practices. heavy-handed generalisations of what is perceived as “an african,” which has remained relatively unchanged from the s to s, disregards the diversity of african people and simultaneously ignores the existence of “real-africa.” the similar characterisation of john shaft as an ethiopian (executed in ), prince akeem ( ) and dinka ( and in the sequel in ) serve as testament to this argumentation. the reversions that massood discusses that allow sweetback to survive and the overriding messages of higher learning, sankofa and daughters of the dust which emphasise the importance of an africa-centric knowledge base and religious syncretism, binds africa to a spiritually-centred past, which ignores the contemporary state of african spirituality, most of which is, ironically, overwhelmingly rooted in monotheistic religions (i.e., christianity and islam), and fervently so. by disengaging from a constructive discussion about these persisting presentations of africa and africans, there will only ever be a revisiting of the deficient representations described above without the consciousness required to begin in earnest to look for more appropriate ways of dealing with africa and africans in especially commercial, globally- distributed visual mediums. for example, without referencing music, fashions and art forms, there are still innumerable examples from other films where this stunted engagement persists. some examples include trading places ( ), in which eddie murphy’s character disguises as nanga eboko, a cameroonian student who dons an unlocatable boubou, head gear and fly swat, misuses english phrases and exhibits intrusively happy, child-like behaviour. in his stand-up routine raw ( ), murphy talks about wanting to find a wife in africa because american women are too demanding and money-hungry: “if i ever get married, i have to go off to the woods of africa and find me some crazy, naked, zebra bitch that knows nothing about money. she got to be butt naked on a zebra with a big bone in her nose and a big plate lip and a big, fucked-up afro!” ( : : minutes). in the episode “working nine to nine- fifteen” ( ) of the popular s sitcom living single, some of the characters mock their friend and flat mate regine by breaking into “african” song and dance, ululation and animal cries when she enters the room wearing a dashiki and head band. these are but a few examples, and it is without surprise that such portrayals contribute to the insinuated hostility of the discussion of barack obama’s legitimacy as an “african american,” the estrangement expressed by adichie in her novel americanah, or in the defensive aggression from africans towards african americans that she articulates in an interview in the boston review of the same year: “an african american man called me “sister” once, and i was like ‘no, no, no, i’m not your sister, i’m not doing that.’” the proposition that the post-slave cultures of the atlantic world are in some significant way related to one another and to the african cultures from which they partly derive has long been a matter of great controversy capable of arousing intense feeling which goes far beyond dispassionate scholastic contemplation. the situation is rendered even more complex by the fact that the fragile psychological, emotional, and cultural correspondences which connect diaspora populations in spite of their manifest differences are often apprehended only fleetingly and in ways that persistently confound the protocols of academic orthodoxy (gilroy, : ). i suggest a process of conscientisation which, as gilroy phrases it, more adequately speaks to the “ . . . connectedness that arise as much from the transformation of africa by diaspora cultures, as from the affiliation of diaspora cultures to africa and the traces of africa that those diaspora cultures enclose” ( : ). the ongoing debate about the degree to which african americans constitute “diaspora cultures,” that they could even be called that, though important and necessary is not meant to distract from the point i am “...but halima smiled at ifemelu, a smile that, in its warm knowingness, said welcome to a fellow african; she would not smile at an american in the same way” (adichie, americanah : ). raising in using the former quote here. what is pertinent to my objective in referencing gilroy’s statement is the notion of “connectedness” and the inherent processes of mutual transformations, which i argue (and which i appreciate is necessarily dependent upon insistence) always has the potential to create opportunities or discourses which seek and reflect more suitable representations, through more constructive dialogue via the widely- distributed, commercial cultural industries, which are produced relentlessly from both sides of the atlantic. what would be productive is a conscientisation regarding african representations in african american cinema, grounded in a critical reflection of past and present, recurring or re-imagined examples. this process of re-education, however, should be initiated by both africans and african americans (and should be inclusive of other black diasporic experiences), as demonstrated by adichie in her conversation with aaron bady: it took about a year of reading, learning, watching, for me to really come around and realize that there’s a context— you know, i read african american history and i’m just amazed at how recent some of the things that happened were . . . i’ve come to deeply, deeply admire african american history and african american people (bady ). . methodology (tools and contextualisation) as has already been hinted at by the afore-referenced scholarship and approaches to the presented discursive points, my analyses will necessarily be cross-contextual, with an emphasis on a reading of the african elements as signs and their subsequent employment. thus, how african elements are combined with the narratives to a particular effect, how each adds value to the scenes, characters or sequences, what these african elements represent, and how meaning is constructed from them will shape my argumentations. the conceptual framework of the thesis will follow a cumulative approach where the respective determinants that have contributed to the choice, visualisation, and representations of the referenced african elements and their subsequent impact in the narratives of each film, will be presented. to this end, chapter two will chart the black consciousness movements that influenced the messages in the films. for these purposes, succinct presentations of the socio- political contexts that triggered their developments, and the shortcomings that stimulated their permutations and diminished their potency will be rendered and assessed. the plot progressions and the cautionary, advisory or moralising messages within the narratives of the films will form the body of chapter three. after having established the contextual frameworks with which to analyse the african elements, these will be re-introduced and examined in chapter four. in exploring the operating mechanisms of the african elements as signs in chapter four, i use film theory which explicates how they produce meaning, thereby developing a basis with which to understand the spectator-film relationship and to subsequently appreciate the impact of their representational qualities. grounded in the contextual explorations of chapters two and three which, broadly summarised, negotiate black nationalisms and deal with related conceptions of masculinities, i also make use of scholarly resources which track the cited historical events, as well as the works of cultural and gender theorists whose expositions substantiate my theses. chapter five will summarise the overall arguments presented through elucidations drawn in chapters two to four, and will subsequently provide a constructive basis for suggested approaches, which i argue are necessary for an ameliorated conscientisation in the field of african american cinema. . . african elements as signs in the construction of meaning, the producers of the signs (in this case, the directors, writers, editors, etc.) need to communicate with the audience for whom those signs are associated and for whom further connections should be made through the encounter (i.e. through watching the film), in order for the african elements (i.e. the signs) to transcend their presentation in the films, and thus to point to a wider agenda (like pan-africanism, black power and afrocentrism and their political and community/social intentions/objectives). the value of what each of these african elements signify is enhanced or diminished by how much background knowledge the spectator brings to the viewing experience. in the selected films, where this possibility is considered, the meaning and intention behind the use of some elements (such as those considered of more value to the overall objectives of the film) are often also rearticulated in different forms throughout the narrative. accordingly, in dash’s work for example, the extent of nana peazant’s (cora lee day) connection with her african ancestors or spirits is not only signified by, say, her choice of hairstyle (dreadlocks, a natural hairstyle), it is also reiterated in statements she makes in her internal voiceover or in conversations, as well as in the rituals she is shown practicing. albeit more subtle in their approach (though equally as visually dominant as in “signs” constitute the african elements within their associated sequences, sequences which in turn collectively comprise the film. this term is meant to indicate that no chemicals have been used which would change the texture of the hair. it also precludes the use of weaves or wigs. daughters of the dust), the constantly present african elements in new jack city demand that the audience understand the meanings behind the characters’ choices in fashion. being able to correctly identify what, for example, wearing a leather pendant with the map of africa around your neck signifies, adds requisite value to the hero’s afore-referenced rhetorical question in their final confrontation. additionally, scotty’s personal choice in wearing kente- print clothing when off-duty further demonstrates his commitment to the contemporary afrocentrist project and as such, to the betterment of his community. it is thus made clear that although it may be a fashion choice, the pendant, as a sign, points to the broader theme of african american empowerment as articulated by the afrocentrist ideologies which informed this aspect of the film’s production. in the cases of coming to america, barbershop and shaft in africa where africa (real or imagined) is and/or africans are presented, the producers of the films use both paradigmatic and syntagmatic combinations of the african elements to create and maintain this impression. in these films where in the plot it is also necessary to distinguish the african characters from the african american ones, the actor’s body becomes the medium through which the popularly perceived differences between the two identities are articulated. their dress, facial expressions, gestures and speech become the vehicles of difference-making. african characters, played by african american or black british actors signify their african characterisations in the following ways: dinka in barbershop is distinguished from the other black characters by his wearing of beads, a nigerian fila hat and a leather pendant of the african map around his neck throughout the film. but, in order to differentiate him from any other black person from outside africa who could have simply made an afrocentrist fashion choice by wearing the hat and beads, the character is also given an accent, a particular vocal cadence and enunciation, based on the actor’s general interpretation of a west african accent. richard roundtree becomes “african” in shaft in africa by making similar choices in his speech and voice. (later, this transformation would also include clothing). in both these examples, other characters also remark on their being african which is another way the makers of the films reinforce the intended signification of these combined elements. a syntagmatic combination of accent, sentence construction and visual or physical appearance are signifying elements of these african characters. thus, in playing “african,” eddie murphy, richard roundtree and leonard earl howze not only affect a stilted, formal cadence and often use more complex (presumably with the intention of sounding when in its diegetic capacity, or used in reference to africa or africans, the term will appear without quotation marks. sophisticated) language when speaking, their clothing, facial expressions and intra-character interactions also contribute to their distinction from the african americans. the fact that over the years (i.e., between when shaft in africa and barbershop were made) performing “african” has been so similar in its execution indicates that a general assumption about what an african is and therefore what the corresponding appearance and mannerisms would be, exists. in addition, extra-diegetic sounds with accompanying visuals of africa and/or africans direct the viewer to be able to identify these signifiers as such when they appear on screen. for example, the opening sequences of coming to america use a combination of music comprised of sounds and harmonies which are synonymous with africa (i.e., a- cappella choral harmonies, ululations and lyrics like solomon linda’s mbube) and sweeping visuals of dense jungle, to contribute to the impression of the african kingdom of zamunda. unlike in shaft in africa and barbershop, here, in addition to performing “african” is the creation of the “kingdom of zamunda” where prince akeem and his family come from. the inclusion of zebras, elephants and giraffes further contribute to this imagery of africa. . . contextualising it has already been put forward that in these films, the us american filmmakers have decided what africa is, and who and how africans are. these are also narratives told from african american perspectives with objectives that seek to uplift or empower african american communities. however, in all but two of the cited films (namely, sankofa and shaft in africa), no one part of africa is distinguished, which indicates the one-sided objectives of such processes of identity constructions. the subsequent representations in these films therefore undermine the unifying goals of the black consciousness objectives apparent in their plots because as has been explained, one black identity becomes dominant and the other submissive when one has the power to decide what the other is in order to fulfill their particular objectives. furthermore, the co- opting of popular, all-encompassing imagery of africa and africans in order to limit production costs or in order to fulfill peripheral script requirements for the benefit of the overall story, also plays a part in the construction of inappropriate characterisation of africa and africans. this stratification of power in relation to the discussed black identities does not then allow each to see the other on an equal footing. in this way, it becomes evident how in the processes of establishing alternate ways of framing african american identities through black cultural nationalist projects, these reconfigurations initiate the simultaneous development of antagonistic language and goals which sabotage their unificatory and egalitarian aspirations, by causing difficult or problematic dynamics of communication and expression within the black body politic. these “problematic dynamics” stem from three points, which i shall address in turn. the first of these are issues related to the inclusion of black consciousness ideologies and philosophies in the films narratives. secondly, the reach of these films mean that representations of either black identities can subsequently prompt complexities in the potential for positive interactions, or foster misunderstandings between africans and african americans when the two perceived identities encounter each other in “the real world.” thirdly, the financial realities and the money-making nature of the film industry and the dilemmas arising out of such objectives are addressed by looking at how these factors affect the range of visual representations of african identities in the films. ) how black consciousness movements and ideologies such as pan-africanism, civil rights, black power and afrocentrism influenced cultural trends as expressed through pop- culture mediums like film will be an important feature of this study. some of the selected films incorporate the philosophies of the contemporary, popular black consciousness ideologies or philosophies (i.e., pan-africanism, black power and afrocentrism) into their narratives, consequently inheriting the discrepancies within them, as articulated in prevailing scholarship on the subject. thus, when analysing the discussed films through their related “black consciousness lens” and exploring how they incorporate black consciousness ideologies into their narratives, it can be argued that the films subsequently also absorb the oversights (i.e., the gendered, unspecified and/or all-encompassing ideas of “black” identities) apparent in them. in the first instance, general mass-mobilising forces which seek to unify diverse communities and backgrounds under one umbrella, and which seek to include (while simultaneously excluding) a wide scope of perspectives, objectives and people, often reveal their shortcomings when put into practice or when they are applied in practical terms. consequently, during their practical applications, what may have been perceived as minor points of discussion in the formulation of these movements’ ideologies or philosophies, become divisive elements which could ultimately cause shifts and breaks within the movement. this is notable in the examples of the nation of islam and malcolm x’s break i elaborate on these in chapter two when discussing in more detail the relevant movements. with it, or marcus garvey’s “back to africa” project, which ultimately failed to meet its ambitious objectives. the model intentions of the unifying project are thus undermined. the legacy of such an outcome is usually the development of or evolution into a new unifying project (e.g., from civil rights to black power). furthermore, the inherent difficulties around representing ideas visually and transporting ideologies or messages through the medium of film, illuminates another area where the process of integrating black consciousness philosophies into film can become problematic. this is due to one of the important objectives of especially commercial films, namely that they must appeal to a wider public, which may include an audience who are not (nor are interested in being) politicised. to this end, the superficial presentation of black consciousness politics by the filmmakers through their plots and visual tools, oversimplifies or glosses over the important political message behind the related black consciousness project because of the constraints brought on by fitting these into the film format and/or the commercial aims of film and its requisite need to appeal to as many people as possible. for example, the casual ethiopianist references in shaft in africa never induce further discussion. as such, the origins of this discourse are not revealed and the audience does not learn more about the referenced ancient kingdom. in another example, in new jack city, scotty believes that nino brown (wesley snipes), who is the biggest drug dealer in the community, should not be wearing the africa pendant, which signifies empowering black consciousness politics, because he acts against such ideologies by destroying his community through the sale of drugs. scotty’s rhetorical statement is not followed up, nor is it given any significance earlier in the film. ) the homogenisation of the term “black” in black empowerment language presents another area of concern. for, as it is commonly used, figuratively-speaking, there is no distinction made regarding what the word encapsulates. in practical terms however distinctions do exist, manifesting positively in various, mutually beneficial ways (notably in food, music or fashions), but also negatively – that is, whenever one black identity becomes subject to another and is ridiculed, dismissed or offensively misrepresented (e.g., south africans and the common representation of nigerians as gangsters and drug dealers in, for example, public opinion or filmic depictions like district ). thus, the oppositional black identity is made subject to or is subjugated by the dominant black identity. as can be observed in some of the selected films, the dominant black identity either has the power to dictate what the other is and does, or has the freedom to select what parts of the other strengthen or define what they are. this is perceptible in the character and narrative choices made in shaft in africa: the ethiopian emir and his people need john shaft’s assistance in destroying the syndicate that operates a slave trade which is affecting their community. the africans and africa that the audiences and shaft are introduced to, with the exception of the ethiopian villain, are noble, judicious and honourable because of their purported tribal ways. at the same time, however, they are presented as primitive and stymied for these same reasons. a familiar plotline, these often portray africans requiring outside assistance in order to overcome a society-wide challenge, where usually, failure to modernise their persistent tribal ways (which may also have prevented the communities from questioning their local, criminal authorities), contributes to their society’s destruction. thus, the dominant actor (i.e., us american filmmakers, characters or actors) makes africa and africans objects (i.e. something defined by the “dominant actor”) by making choices of what cultural markers and practices, what history and geography to show, emphasise or reconstruct. in this way, the dominant actor presents and/or highlights what it is, which may (varying with degrees of relevance) form and reform its own identity or self-definition where or if necessary. as transnational movements which encourage mass activism and which are concerned with social and political mobilisation, constructing a homogenous identity is an important starting point. the main objectives encouraged by these philosophies or ideologies (i.e., the uplift of all black peoples), such as pan-africanism, necessitates a connection between the various black identities, which often insists on the much-disputed notion that group identification is based on recognisable, physical and/or cultural markers of “blackness.” consequently, collective identification based on phenotypical markers (and the experienced oppression that comes with such identification) become valid, and inherently refers back to one central point of origin for peoples which fit such a description, namely africa. the concept of a shared point of origin therefore makes africa cultural currency for all people who are identified and/or identify as black. therefore, with the myriad arguments which illustrate the points of contention in some of the grounding elements of some of these ideologies or philosophies (e.g., that often they are male-centred and heterosexist ), comes the added complication of attempting to define (and subsequently police) a black collective identity. that is, those supposed physical and sociological attributes associated with “the race” and, in the case of anyone outside the construction of “white people,” all the attendant social and political constructions for maintaining these, like the one- drop rule or emphasis on degrees of miscegenation. for a discussion of the prevalent heterosexism of these ideologies, see for example gilroy , hooks and , hill collins and . thus, because of the stratification of power relations between the perceived black identities occupying the same discursive space (the film narratives), the subsequent representation of africa and africans as reflected in these popular and/or commercially successful films end up undermining the unifying objectives of the narratives as demonstrated by the inclusion of black consciousness ideologies or philosophies in them. ) an important awareness central to any investigation of representations in any filmic production is that an inescapable feature of cinema is its use of popular social, political and cultural assumptions in all presented relationships or interactions. additionally, it should be understood that the narrative and creative processes of cinema require significant degrees of spectator correspondence or input, making what and how the chosen images are represented and received, crucial to the film’s success. in order for a literary, visual or listening experience to make any impression on its audience (which often guarantees desired success), the intended viewership have to be able to relate to or identify with parts or all of what is being represented, even if what the audience ends up relating to is the opposite of what is being shown. thus, a film can become an avenue for cultural expression because of the necessity of spectator participation. moreover, the nature of the global film industry (which is defined ostensibly by hollywood) is largely determined by the costs involved in producing films. this means that most films hope to appeal to as broad an audience as possible in order to offset financial obligations. as such, films often then co-opt perspectives of social and cultural expectations which are common or popular because this would potentially ensure the financially necessary broader viewership. as part of this industry, african american films operate within the same parameters. consequently, such films end up perpetuating problematic representations of africa and africans. the convergence of the above-mentioned factors in the selected african american films therefore demonstrates how each of the three elucidated points contribute to the control or denial of african agency, or of what is perceived as african in terms of cultural practices, history and mannerisms, as well as african geography and spatial imaginings. for, ultimately this creates areas of contention between the two black identities; a contrary result to the unifying inference of the term “black.” . black empowerment philosophies, ideologies and movements and as long as you and i have been over here, we aren't americans yet. (x ) black nationalisms for the purposes of black empowerment in the us, whether oscillating in their objectives between supporting the abolition of slavery, supporting calls for a separate black nation or employed as a threat of violence in its opposition to race oppression, have, as james lance taylor writes, “essentially been an articulation of the desire for self-determination in relation to white structures of power . . . on black people’s terms, facilitated most fundamentally in forms of group solidarity” (taylor - ). fifty years after malcolm x’s speech, the struggle for “citizenship” – to be treated and viewed as citizens with shared and equal statuses – remains, for many, a contemporary struggle, as expressed in the recent racially-motivated attacks on members of the african american community by white law-enforcement officers, namely the deaths of trayvon martin and michael brown, to name but two from the historical record. thus, in light of these events (and others, including socio- political resonances in the aftermath of events like hurricane katrina), there has been a tentative revisiting of popular black consciousness politics which is discernible in the various contemporary communication mediums like twitter, facebook, youtube or in blogs. the history of political agitation and black consciousness in north america has a long, complex and rich development which spans the entirety of the african american experience. my concentration on the civil rights movement, black power and afrocentrism is deliberate and is produced as a means of contextualising the messages or guiding objectives of the films discussed. for, as i have noted in chapter one, without such contextualisation, a necessary sense of awareness is lost during the interpretative processes of watching these films. accordingly, the principle articulations in these black consciousness politics will be addressed, thereby responding directly to how they have been reconstituted and expressed in the messages of the films. to be clear, this means discussing the utilisation of civil rights, black power and afrocentric discourses by focuses on their main thrusts. applicable too at differing levels of engagement, a subsequently concise presentation and analyses of movements and philosophies for black empowerment in the us entails taking stock of the myriad ways black nationalisms were and continue to be namely, as patricia hill collins surmises, “to individual african americans searching for meaning within their everyday lives; in its utility in mobilizing african americans as a collectivity for quite diverse activities that are not overtly political; and in its versatility to have diverse meanings for segments of african american civil society distinguished by social class, colour, gender, immigrant status, and religion” ( : - ). constructed in opposition to the various articulations of white american racist hegemonies by african americans; it includes looking at how these deployments, dependant on how each person construes the central ideas of the relevant black consciousness movement or philosophy, can and have been modified in their practical applications to suit the differing objectives. in the main however (within the scope of this thesis), the specific area of concentration for a constructive presentation and analyses, will be on how the discussed black consciousness movements and philosophies incorporate conceptions of africa and africans into their foundational elements. for as has already been posited, in all the films selected for this study, the incorporation of the range of popular, widely publicised black nationalist ideologies shaped the reproductions or representations of africa and africans in them. as such, for the purposes of developing and contributing to a fuller assessment of the themes and objectives in these films it is necessary to have a clearer presentation of what each related black consciousness movement was, what their particular objectives were, and the resonances of these objectives in the context of the movement’s unifying philosophy for the black identities they spoke for. to this end, the relevant black consciousness movements will first be presented within their historical, socio-political contexts. they will also be contextualised within the symbiotic relationship between socio-political developments in the us and contemporary events on the african continent, as both factors influenced conceptions and narrative developments in the films. though none of the black consciousness movements’ progressions and evolution were linear (due to the inherent cross-referencing, common aspirations and simultaneous developments), they are introduced chronologically here in order to highlight how each influenced the other or to illustrate how one gave way to the next. another reason for selecting this approach to assessing the addressed black consciousness movements is to better conceptualise their emergence and their consequent resonances in the timeline of the films. the chapter will begin with an account of the social and political climate and historical events which influenced the productions of shaft in africa and the spook who sat by the door (the spook) in the early s and will culminate with those which saw the releases of coming to america, daughters of the dust, new jack city, sankofa, higher learning, and barbershop from the late s to the s. in the former, influences of black power politics and objectives are a discernible feature of the narratives, while in the latter, differences in concentrations of afrocentric philosophies (with some arguably informed by politics shaped from aspects of black power too), are reflected. in this way, this chapter on african american black consciousness movements will ultimately serve as a basis for the contention that by incorporating the black nationalist messages within the referenced cultural and political movements into their filmic presentations, these films also absorb and re-project the impediments apparent in these from their inceptions. significantly, as these films, by way of their distribution networks, are and have been watched by audiences outside the us, the subsequent inconsistencies in their politics, compounded with their problematic renderings of africa and africans are thus replicated ad nauseam, thereby fixing the transported representations of these in the general imagination. the overall intention of this chapter should therefore not be viewed simply as an attempt at mapping the emergence and development of various black consciousness movements in north america. it should instead be read as a necessary starting point for a meaningful exploration of how each has been utilised in response to socio-political challenges faced by different generations of african american communities and the resonances of these in the public sphere through their representations in film, which also includes global black identities. . from civil rights to black power at the time that shaft in africa ( ) and the spook ( ) were produced, the country was engaged in major international conflicts (including the nuclear war threats of the cuban missile crisis and the cold war, as well as the war in vietnam), and was also experiencing a wave of counter-cultural activity and radical thought, which contributed to the general sense of agitation that was sweeping across the country. a volatile era in us politics, the assassinations of martin luther king jr., malcolm x, john f. kennedy, as well as the rioting and racially-motivated violence lead “young people immersed in activist circles” to believe that civil war or revolution in america was imminent, if not already underway (austin : ). a call to arms in response to the continued injustices experienced by african americans propagated by black consciousness leaders such as malcolm x or kwame ture (formerly stokely carmichael), were inspired by global decolonisation movements, as this period simultaneously saw the birth and promise of several newly independent african and asian countries. to quote azza salama layton from her book, international politics and civil rights policies in the united states, – , “[the] implications of [these and other waves] of independence were numerous. decolonization abroad energized african americans in their own struggles for racial reforms” ( ). thus, as stated in the previous chapter, galvanised by these major, global political shifts, the african american struggle for racial discrimination reforms became re-stimulated. black nationalist leaders such as ture were likening the contemporary position of african americans to that of a colonised people. these decades also marked an increase in interaction between africans and african americans and reflected an upsurge in interest and the opportunity (and possibility) of exploring links and connections between all black people in the diaspora. for example, in his book, in search of africa, manthia diawara writes that by the beginning of the s, “many black americans visited monrovia. some were black muslims, and some were members of the black panthers or the black power party” ( ). he also notes the mutual fascination experienced by both sides by describing how for example, conversely, africans in liberia identified with african america, even referring to north america as “home” ( - ). describing african americans as colonial subjects in a white us american hegemony and therefore viewing the disenfranchisement or limitations of african american political power in the us as resonating with the condition of colonised subjects as articulated by ture, malcolm x, and w.e.b dubois, to name but three, meant that global decolonisation served as a positive example of a successful outcome of the fight against systemised white power, articulated in contemporary vernacular as “the man.” in popular media, as expressed in blaxploitation era films, fighting “the man” or references to “his” omnipresence was often a strong undercurrent in plotlines. . . civil rights control and access to african and asian resources, which was implicitly linked to economic and political affiliations (i.e., the burgeoning communist and socialist models of government), and as layton writes, the “ensuing competition between the united states and the soviet union for african and asian allies,” compelled “certain political actors in the united states to heed international criticism of its racial policies” ( ). thus, as a result of decolonisation, as well as the subsequent revision of domestic policy, the s heralded a series of revolutionary political events in the us, the most dominant of which were those which comprised the modern civil rights movement. through the civil rights movement, african americans and other minorities sought to “end segregation in education and public facilities, secure voting rights, improve job a fuller reference to the colonial analogy will be addressed shortly, under the sub-heading “black power.” opportunities, housing and living conditions and to be accorded the same basic human rights that the white majority” enjoyed (upchurch ). according to layton, the first governmental efforts to reform north america’s racist laws that precede the modern civil rights movement can be traced back to the truman administration, following the formation of the united nations in ( ): [t]he formation of the united nations paved the way for debates over preventing discrimination and upholding international human rights. these debates left the united states in an awkward position . . . (layton - ). advocating equality and a set of basic rights that all human beings should be afforded, whilst also facing international criticism because they themselves fell short of these expectations due to their own racist practices, meant that the united states was forced to apply these ideologies to their own constitution. despite the legal changes, however, the us government failed in the practical application of any of the civil rights acts passed from to . this led to the sit-ins, boycotts and marches which characterised the civil rights movement. although it was successful in dismantling legal segregation in many parts of the country, the civil rights movement eventually started to lose credibility amongst african americans as a vehicle for liberation from the white american political and economic hegemony (taylor ). charles v. hamilton and kwame ture, both key figures in black power politics, argued in black power: the politics of liberation, that the civil rights movement had become inadequate ( ). they posited that for most african americans the practice of integration and insistence upon non-violent protest in the face of violent white backlash were failing concepts: in fact, their objective day-to-day condition worsened. the unemployment rate among black people increased while that among whites declined. housing conditions in the black communities deteriorated. schools in the black ghettos continued to plod along on outmoded techniques, inadequate curricula, and with all too many tired and indifferent teachers. meanwhile, the president picked the refrain of ‘we shall overcome’ while the congress passed civil rights law after civil rights law, only to have them effectively nullified by deliberately weak enforcement ( ). white responses to civil rights protests, as well as the continued rejection of integrationist laws by white businesses, contributed to the growing frustration in black communities. consequently, appeal of the threats of violent retaliation espoused in the for detailed examples of the protests and their violent responses, see upchurch. politics of black power and the nation of islam (particularly under malcolm x) took precedence and gained momentum out of these perceived deficiencies. the spook, which came out at the time when the civil rights movement had lost its mass appeal, is a textbook example of this sentiment as it presents a critical view of the contemporary integrationist policies (a prominent element in the politics of the civil rights era) and the racist ironies and reluctance of the white institutions in applying them. the film also makes overt references to the idea of african americans as colonised subjects and that african americans were at war with white structures of power in the form of the us state. these aspects of the narrative were therefore very much in tune with the burgeoning black power sentiment of “fighting the man.” . . black power the black community will have a positive image of itself that it has created ... only when black people fully develop this sense of community, of themselves, can they begin to deal effectively with the problems of racism in this country. this is what we mean by a new consciousness; this is the vital first step (sic) (carmichael and hamilton - ). although it came to be identified with popular black nationalist activists such as kwame ture, huey p. newton and amiri baraka, black power was first “inspired by christian liberal integrationists in the south, richard wright and adam clayton powell in the north, martin luther king, jr. and the islamic nationalism of elijah muhammad and, especially malcolm x” (austin : ). when politician adam clayton powell called the first national black power conference in , the participants agreed that black power was to be understood as “the effective control and self-determination by men of color in their own areas. power is total control of the economic, political, educational, and social life of our community from the top to the bottom” (qtd. in austin : ). at the atlanta conference, then known as the african congress, the key elements of black power, it was decided, would refer to the following: “self-determination, self-sufficiency, self-respect and self-defense for black americans” (austin : ). affirming this, hamilton and ture in their contribution in black power and student rebellion, explicate the need for african american redefinition by reclaiming their history and tracing “their roots to africa,” by questioning the “values” and institutions of society, to “consolidate behind their own,” and thus “build a sense of community” (carmichael and hamilton - ). furthermore, they call for a break from the rhetoric and tone of the civil rights movement, which they reason is in many ways incompatible with the expression of its politics. the advocates of black power reject the old slogans and meaningless rhetoric of previous years in the civil rights struggle. the language of yesterday is indeed irrelevant: progress, non-violence, integration, fear of “white backlash,” coalition (carmichael and hamilton ). a crucial difference between the two approaches to african american liberation (namely, the civil rights movement versus black power) was the attitude towards violent retaliation. hamilton and ture’s sentiment that white america “… must be made to understand that they must stop messing with black people, or the blacks will fight back!” was shared by an increasing number of the african american community (hamilton and ture ). as activists turned away from the political strategy of civil rights to that of black power, they also began to turn their identities away from america and toward africa. if blacks were not allowed the full rights of american citizens, then maybe blacks were not american. these activists came to believe that black americans, like africans, were a colonized people (austin : ). encouraged by the success of the african independence struggles, black power sought to redefine african american identities through the creation and maintenance of a unified african american community, which would be built upon reclaiming their shared history and culture, and by leading and supporting their own social and political organisations (hamilton and ture : , ). hamilton and ture’s chapter, white power: the colonial situation, in which they liken the african american people to a colonised people, reaffirms the african colonial/“african american colony” analogy; a point of mutual identification ( - ). notably, as the decade progressed, black power activists found it necessary to distinguish themselves from other less politicised african americans and civil rights believers by referring to themselves as “black” and then by the s as “afrikan/african,” as opposed to “negroes” or “uncle toms.” austin attributes this insistence to the increase in pan-africanist influences and the need to define what a “true black” person was (austin : - ). this concern over terminology which ascribes qualities of blackness and therefore “authenticity” to an african american, and its correlation to the individual’s commitment to black empowerment is reflected in the spook. writing on the qualities inscribed to language which defined african americans, todd boyd notes in his essay, “check yo self before you wreck yo self: the death of politics in rap music and popular culture,” which discusses the hip-hop group arrested development, the political quality of their music and their messages in opposition to “gangsta” rap music, that ‘african’ has recently been used to signify a spiritual connection with the continent and an afrocentric political connection . . . calling oneself african is supposed to demonstrate an advanced consciousness that eliminates any connection to america, and affirms one’s links with an afrocentric cultural, political, and spiritual base . . . and african as defined by intellectual and political sophistication ( - ). pan-africanism as articulated by organization us, “has the emotional dimension of a common sense of belonging together, of a common origin of history, of common struggle and common projects to free african people – continental and diaspora . . . ” (conyers ). accordingly, african representatives from the continent and other black diasporans were invited, welcomed and present at all black power conferences, beginning with the second in , and it was even hoped that the fourth conference could be held in tanzania (austin : ). pan-africanist influences were perceptible at each conference as more attendees now had african names and chose to wear african clothing. from within the range of these fashions, the kente cloth design became synonymous with black cultural nationalist expression, thereby illustrating how, as carol magee concludes in africa in the american imagination, “ . . . kente . . . shifted from identifying a social class (royalty) of an ethnic group (the asante) to also identifying a modern nation-state (ghana), a continent (africa), and a diasporic population (african americans). in these instances dress quite literally fashions an identity” ( - ). the black panthers, organization us and other black power organisations agreed (following selected pan-africanist principles) that educating african americans, particularly young people in a way that developed in them a sense of pride and self-worth, was crucial to their struggle. consequently, independent black schools, which were established to put into practice pan-africanist values, proliferated from onwards (austin : ). these in this chapter, under the sub-heading “afrocentrism,” the matter of measuring qualities of black authenticity arises again, though on this occasion via the degree of application of afrocentric philosophies to daily lives as a benchmark. it is taken up again in chapter three in a discussion of the term “uncle tom” and its use in the spook. in his book, maat: the moral ideal in ancient egypt: a study in classical african ethics, maulana karenga – a founding member of the group – in his dedication refers to this political body in this way, as opposed to the commonly referenced “us organization,” or “us organization.” thus, it is referenced as such in this thesis. schools were centred on especially black male re-socialisation, through which, it was hoped, the disaffected youth could ultimately become useful members of their communities, thereby contributing to the prosperity rather than the violence in them. keith mayes in his chapter, “a holiday of our own,” in the black power movement, gives a brief account of the genesis of these independent schools, which he notes took off from the african congress held in : though four years later he would distance himself from organization us and maulana karenga’s brand of black cultural nationalism, amiri baraka, “ . . . in , gathered a significant group of national and international black political activists in atlanta, georgia” for the african congress. there, . . . the political liberation workshop highlighted pan-africanism as a possibility for an independent black nation . . . the education workshop established definitions for education and assessed the viability of black studies programs, black student unions, black teachers and administrators, black colleges, and independent black schools (mayes - ). peniel e. joseph in his articulation of the resonances among african american political activists of the assassination of patrice lumumba in the black power movement writes, for example, that [this] assassination, along with the cuban revolution and african decolonization efforts, provided the practical and ideological building blocks for a black radical solidarity that was fuelled by a resurgence in black nationalism, street corner speaking, study groups, and community organizing. african americans learned important lessons from these experiences ( ). in contrast to the civil rights movement whose activities were generally attributed to four organisations, the southern christian liberal conference, the national association for the advancement of coloured people, the student nonviolent coordinating committee and the congress of racial equality (sclc, naacp, sncc and core), the black power movement was more multifaceted and intricate in its structural organisation. it comprised several groups, such as the popular black panthers, organization us, or the black arts movement (bam), with varying arenas of activity, whose shared interest was in achieving black autonomy as a means to liberation (austin : - ). although algernon austin suggests that the rapid establishment of black power organisations should be seen as proof of the strength of the black power vision rather than a weakness ( : ), it could be argued that the conflicts between the ideological objectives or their implementation took much of the wind out of black power (taylor ). for example, huey p. newton of the black panthers felt that organization us’s “focus on the arts and african traditions” were “reactionary,” while others claimed that such a focus “ignores the political and concrete, and concentrates on myth and fantasy” (austin : - ). as a second example, the nation of islam, founded by fard muhammad, a man of pakistani and new zealand origin, insisted on the recognition that african americans were descendants of the “original people” of the tribe of shabazz, who were of “asiatic” identity (taylor ). these assertions were contrary to the pan-africanist camps that argued that black people in america were from “black african” and not arab or asiatic descent (austin : ). ultimately however, all these organisations were fighting for the same, fundamental ideal. as an example, malcolm x highlighted this assertion when, following his break from the nation, he insisted in his speech the ballot or the bullet, that black nationalism goes beyond individual religious preferences because he believed it to be a philosophy that inherently counters group divisions and conflicts: what is so good about it is you can stay right in the church where you are and still take black nationalism as your philosophy; you can stay in any kind of civic organization you belong to and still take black nationalism as your philosophy; you can be an atheist and still take black nationalism as your philosophy; this is the philosophy that eliminates the necessity for division and arguing. this “same ideal” was that all african americans, in order to transcend their current subject status in white america, should “develop an awareness of their cultural heritage,” which dates back to that which began in africa (hamilton and ture ). . afrocentrism following the civil rights and the black power activity, the promise of increased political agency, better employment and education opportunities, as well as improved living conditions fell short of the expectations inspired by the introduction of related governmental policies. this is illustrated in a study by the committee on the status of black americans, published in by the national academy of sciences: since the mid- s, many signs of stagnation or even retrogression have appeared in some important measures of income, health, education, and conditions of black community and family life: increased poverty, a decrease in college enrolment of blacks, an increased proportion of households headed by poor single women, and continuing high unemployment of both men and women (jaynes and williams ). the report further suggests when addressing crime and gang-related violence that, [i]n black communities, trafficking in drugs is a source of tremendous rivalry and conflict between competing sellers. the sale of drugs has become an available source of income for unemployed black youth and adults . . . ( ). a combination of these social problems and the impact of ronald reagan’s war on drugs, which led to the increased policing and incarceration of members of black and latino communities, as well as government cuts, heightened social tensions which resulted in explosive responses, exemplified by the la riots. these developments are largely associated with the reagan and george bush sr administrations. thus, in the years which followed the high points of the civil rights and black power movements, the continuing combination of acute social and political tensions linked to unemployment and inadequate education opportunities to improve both these circumstances, as well as increasing economic inequality, continued to fracture african american communities. in addition, the impact of drug-related violence and crime resulted in the increased detention and the subsequent demonising of african american and latino communities (massood : - ). with these factors in mind, the tenets of the “american dream,” which pledges that hard work begets an auspicious future, thereby suggesting individual accountability for failure to achieve or improve one’s social and political station, thus places the affected african american demographic in the frustrating position of being isolated – literally in the ghettos and figuratively – in the responsibility for the degradation that surrounds them and in the subsequent struggle to rise up from under it (hill collins : - ). in other words, there was a reformulation in the conception of why the subject position of the african american body politic persisted. the subsumption in this way of the effects of entrenched racist systems which still contributed to denying african americans equal opportunities in employment and education, and to fair practice in social sectors and consumer industries, compounded by the continued impact of poverty, defines what patricia hill collins terms, “new colorblind racism” ( : ). impediments to african american socio-political upward mobility under this elusive brand of racism gave rise to the predominance of afrocentrism, whose language and tone necessarily incorporated on one hand, black cultural nationalisms for details of this governmental policy, see shahid m. shahidulah. cuts in subsidised housing, job training programs, compensatory education programs, school lunches, unemployment insurance, food stamps as well as budget and tax policies adopted since , reduced the incomes of low and middle- income families, largely represented by african americans, while increasing the incomes of the higher earners. and militaristic elements of black power, and on the other hand, for the conservatives, a civil rights era rhetoric which supported the meritocracy implied by the directives of the “american dream.” thus, as hill collins argues, “. . . many african americans no longer believe that racial integration,” as the “primary strategy pursued by the civil rights movement . . . constitutes a realistic strategy for black empowerment,” a view which, by the s, was widely absorbed into popular culture through expressive vehicles like hip-hop ( : - ). the afrocentric period of black consciousness in the us became more pronounced as the dominance and intensity of black power politics receded. gaining prominence out of arguments for a more sustainable black nationalism which grew from emergent africacentric cultural ideas in black power, afrocentrism sought to foster a unique, black cultural identity for the purposes of self- and community empowerment, as endorsed by educators like molefe kete asante, amiri baraka, and maulana karenga. this approach finds its roots in what mayes terms, the “cultural black power” energised by amiri baraka’s “calls” in the mid- s for alternative holidays which empower and promote african american identities by celebrating – using distinct, african-based cultural practices – an african american heritage. mayes concludes by noting that “ . . . what [this] . . . underscored was the politicization of black culture . . . ” (sic) ( ). consequently, karenga’s “kwanzaa,” for example, fulfilled this ambition. kwanzaa marks a period at the end of the calendar year in which its practitioners gather together to celebrate in thanksgiving, and to collectively engage in series of events and spiritual observations that promote and strengthen a sense of community. the apportioned or fixed time of its occurrence and the spiritual observations that characterise the celebration, suggests that kwanzaa amounts to elements of what hill collins terms the “civil religion” of afrocentrism ( : - ). as notable in the practical application of many afrocentrist principles, kwanzaa was developed from a process of editing a pre-existing traditional zulu harvest festival to suit its african american audience and us american setting (mayes ). “maat,” which is intended as a guiding moral principle for african americans, presents another example of the response to the desire for alternative cultural practices for shaping empowered african american communities (karenga ). on maat and the reasons for his explorations into it, karenga writes that a discussion of this term will be taken up later in the chapter. [in] addition to its primary purpose, this work is also part of an ongoing intellectual project of constantly dialoguing with african culture. by dialoguing with african culture, i mean constantly asking it questions and seeking from it answers to the fundamental concerns of humankind. moreover, it is to continuously bring forth from this quest the best of what it means to be african and human in the fullest sense, speak this special cultural truth to the world, and use it make a unique contribution to the forward flow of human history ( ). he states that “[this] project is essentially a project of moral philosophy . . . ” of which he writes that his interests lie “in extracting from the available texts a reliable portrait and understanding of ancient egypt’s highest moral standards, its delineation of right and wrong, its definitive concepts of relational obligations and rules of conduct and other data which composed and informed the ancient egyptian moral universe.” he sets out to do this with the purpose of “exploring the usefulness of maatian ethical thought as a resource for modern moral discourse and philosophical reflection on critical moral issues” ( ). molefi kete asante defines the afrocentric philosophy as the fruit of intellectual and cultural critique of “an oppressive situation” for “africans in america,” which places “african ideals at the center of any analysis that involves african culture and behavior” ( ). accordingly, afrocentrism, which hill collins characterises as an “ethnic mobilization,” insists on grounding critical reflections of the socio-political challenges faced by african americans in language and contexts that oppose eurocentric frames of reference ( : ). in this way, it emphasises african american agency which is distanced from a eurocentric perspective’s implicit negation of african american (and black) histories, culture and experiences. discussing some of its qualities, gilroy describes “africentrism,” as a “heavily mytholigised africanity . . . stamped by its origins not in africa but in a variety of pan- african ideology produced most recently by black america” ( : - ). in affirmation, hill collins states that, “[by] seeing their connections with africa and defining themselves as african people, the lost children of africa who were enslaved in america can reclaim a black consciousness and once again become centred in a true african personality” ( : ). she further argues: some see the resurgence of african american interest in black nationalism in the s and s as a direct result of an increasingly conservative political climate in the united states, the deteriorating economic base in african american communities resulting from changes in global capitalism, and the persistence of an increasingly sophisticated racial segregation ( : ). the philosophies incorporated into afrocentrism can arguably be traced back to earlier black nationalist thinkers such as w.e.b du bois et al. and therefore includes a number of other noteworthy scholars and educators. see barbara ransby’s chapter in dispatches from the ebony tower: intellectuals confront african american experience for a succinct rendering of these political actors. scholars like austin posit that the rise to prominence of afrocentrism is attributed to the necessity of combating the symptoms of societal decay (for example, drug and alcohol- related violence, poor or limited educational opportunities, increased incarcerations) experienced by african american communities in the late s and throughout the s. additionally, elements within afrocentrist camps promoted ideas that black poverty and other social problems were, amongst others, cultural – not political and economic – and were thus problems that required a cultural solution. calls for black solidarity in the face of continued white oppression insisted on the recognition of an african american identity shaped by african americans themselves with a rhetoric that appeared to reject the idea of being “american” (which implied conforming to white america, as many increasingly believed the civil rights movement was doing), in favour of the need to identify as “black” and re-identifying with africa, though with strong emphases on cultural nationalist approaches. hill collins captures the logic behind these conceptions succinctly in the following: as a step toward recovering their identity and subjectivity, black people needed to undergo a conversion experience from “negroes” to “black.” “negroes” mesmerized by whiteness could be distinguished from authentic black people prepared to participate in liberation struggles by completing a conversion experience. completing a four-stage transformation – moving through stages of re- encounter, encounter with whites, immersion in black culture, and internalization of a new black identity – constituted the path toward a new black identity ( : ). one of the ways in which afrocentrism was seen to respond to the afore-mentioned socio-political challenges was in, for example, the creation of the independent black schools. these comprised one of the arenas for the dissemination of its black cultural nationalist agenda and focused on educating african american children with the consequent objective of establishing and maintaining strong african american communities. their educational programmes and reading materials, as evidenced by the blurb and by the titles of workbooks created by jawanja kunjufu and folami prescott, aimed to “tackle self-esteem issues that many african american youths face in today’s media-driven culture.” the reasoning was that by developing a sense of self-worth and a feeling of community cohesion grounded in as previously discussed, “black” here is meant to identify “african americans,” (who in this context, are expressly politically-conscious and “pro-black”). see, for example, hamilton and ture’s black power: the politics of liberation in america. common cultural connections, african americans could create and protect resilient communities, free from the ideological hurdles of the contemporary struggles. as a black nationalism whose resistance is expressed through cultural forms, it follows that afrocentrist messages found an avenue in contemporary pop mediums. in this regard, as barbara ransby and tracye matthews write in their contribution to race and class, “[it] is in this barren and politically hostile landscape that we witness the resurgence of a very narrowly defined cultural nationalism, the popular version of which manifests itself in some sectors of the hip hop community and in nostalgic hero-worship, and the academic wing of which comes under the banner of afrocentrism” ( ). thus, hip-hop and the culture which characterised it, became another avenue for the articulation of black nationalism. further to this, in his discussion of the urgent desire for african americans to control “their images in literature and beyond” ( ) and citing the hip-hop group public enemy’s reference to minstrelsy in some of their lyrics as evidence of this, jeffrey ogbonna green ogbar writes that [the] visibility of black people . . . increased concomitantly with their distance from an ostensibly white middle-class cultural standard and aesthetic. the organic consciousness of this dilemma became pronounced as hip-hop entered the era dominated by conscious artists who laced lyrics with a hard-edged black militancy ( ). with rap music as its literal mouthpiece, hip-hop was, as angela ards writes, the “artistic expression” developed by black and latino youths from within a “tradition of defiance, of creating ‘somethin’ outta nothin’,” that allegedly first emerged from the south bronx in new york city ( ). an “underground world” constituted of “crews” who were, as ards describes, “the peaceful alternative to gangs,” hip-hop, whose art was defined by commenting on and responding to the immediate, decaying, urban environments in which the artists lived, meant that this form of artistic expression became sources of social commentary and thus created spaces for critiquing the conditions in which they lived, thereby reactivating expressive social and political consciousness to a new generation of african americans ( ). due to the fact that within the body of rap music are tracks with lyrics that contained critical socio-political commentary, as hip-hop evolved, aspects of its messages began to play a more pronounced role in reviving sentiments of the black consciousness movements of the s, ‘ s and ‘ s. this is because, as forman notes in his work the ’hood comes first, from a wide range of available scholarship, see, for example, forman and neal , ogbar , krims for a genealogy of the hip-hop’s emergence and the politics which inspired it. “through a more pronounced ideological discourse and explicit cultural agenda, rap artists established strong and consistent links between issues of race, space, and youth identities” ( : ). responses to the afore-mentioned socio-political conditions in pop media are notable especially through the burgeoning hip-hop culture (which includes rap, djing, dance, graffiti art, and fashion) and the emergence of hood films, which amounted to the visual representation of the geopolitical landscape affiliated with hip-hop culture (massood : ). like the artists and content of hip-hop culture, hood films, as massood writes, “are characterized by identifiable urban settings” ( : ) with a “specific cinematic technique that connote both temporal immediacy and documentary verisimilitude” and which “incorporate the music, clothing, speech idioms, and personalities from their respective cultural contexts, thus echoing through visual and aural signposts” ( : ) an urban, african american audience’s lived experiences. hood films thus demonstrated their correlation to hip-hop because they too claimed to reflect the lives of urban african american communities affected by the consequences of contemporary government initiatives and legislations, and the selling and use of hard drugs and the subsequent incarcerations that resulted from these. in this way, both use what massood terms, “the iconography of the inner city” as grim representations of the realities of the ghetto with the resultant prominence of gangs and gangsters ( : ). the expressed ghetto experience was thereby necessarily tied to notions of authenticity, the absence or presence of which determined the value of the hood film or other articulations of hip-hop culture in the opinions of the consumers. moreover, as the subject matter of their artistic material was the environment in which they lived, the reputations and credibility of hip-hop artists and rappers was signified by their relation to the lived experiences vocalised in their rap lyrics. when the visual and vocal expression or articulation of a lifestyle or state of being becomes associated with a particular vernacular, aesthetic or demographic by both those within and those who are perceived to be outside of these (like the terms hip-hop, punk, hippie etc., signify), they can become, in the language of marketing, brandable. for, as gilroy notes, [i]dentity has even been taken into the viscera of postmodern commerce, where the goal of planetary marketing promotes not just the targeting of objects and services to the identities of particular consumers but the idea that any product whatsoever can be suffused with identity ( : ). for an assessment of this assertion, see forman and neal / , hill collins and massood . recognising what the terms hip-hop or punk, and hippie infer signifies its transcendence from politicised personal expressions to an externalised sphere, which invites any who subscribe to or identify with the tenets that define what politics or social commentary the terms are affiliated with, to adopt or appropriate the externally expressed visualisation of them, so that they too are identified as being “hip-hop, punk or hippie” by others. at this juncture, the culture becomes exploitable and authenticity becomes a marketable element of this exploitation with terms like “imitation” or “fake” setting the value level, a process summarised by hooks as follows: when young black people mouth s’ black nationalist rhetoric, don kente cloth, gold medallions, dread their hair, and diss white folks they hang out with, they expose the way meaningless commodification strips these signs of political integrity and meaning, denying the possibility that they can serve as a catalyst for concrete political action. as signs, their power to ignite critical consciousness is diffused when they are commodified. communities of resistance are replaced by communities of consumption (sic) ( : ). as asserted in this quote, as the art form evolved, there was a noticeable shift in thematic concentrations from the one of political agitation in “message” rap to the materialism espoused in “gangsta” rap. todd boyd, writing on the devaluation of the political themes within hip-hop culture and rap in that’s the joint!, cites the “emergence of gangsta rap” and its “open rejection of politics by those involved,” as well as what he calls the “mainstreaming” of black nationalist politics exemplified by spike lee’s rendering of malcolm x in a film of the same title released in , “events [that marked] the end of political flirtation in rap music and, by extension, african american popular culture” ( ). in referencing the mainstreaming of black nationalism in the way that it was done through malcolm x, boyd is alluding to the oft-cited correlation between the commercialisation of african american lives and cultural history and the subsequent dilution of the black consciousness expressed within them. furthermore, the afrocentric fashions worn by some hip-hop practitioners as a demonstration of their africacentric black cultural nationalist politics became, as boyd posits, “easily devalued as it is transformed into a mass commodity” ( ). as will be shown in chapter three, the character of this depoliticization is referenced by haile gerima in his film, sankofa. thus, as a consequence of the “new colorblind racism” and the manoeuvrings of the commodification processes referred to above, as boyd writes, “ . . . the issue of class struggle has been reduced to mere spectacle, as opposed to a sustained critical interrogation of domination and oppression ( ). as alluded to above, the nature of hip-hop culture’s commercialisation accommodated a marketing strategy that was able to sell it as a brand, which therefore came with identifiable signifiers of this brand, thus corresponding with the marketing of hood films. in this way, hood films became another important spin-off medium representing the commodification of hip-hop culture. writing on the subsequent visibility of african american youth in connection with hip-hop culture, bakari kitwana notes that, “. . . [having] proven themselves as marketable entertainers with successful music careers, rappers star in television sit-coms and film and regularly endorse corporate products. . .” ( - ). the young urban african american thus became “both invisible (by way of their “ghettoization”) and hypervisible” through what hill collins has characterised as “a multibillion-dollar hip-hop industry” ( : - ). as a consequence of african american cultural commodification by way of hip-hop cultures (through rap music and videos, as well as through hood films) the power of the political language and expression in afrocentrism, like black power before it, were subsumed by the profit-driven machinery of hollywood and hip-hop. furthermore, in illustrating more of the tensions which characterised elements of hip- hop culture, kitwana documents that [in] the late s when gangsta rap first emerged, community activists and mainstream politicians of the civil rights generation began to challenge rap’s content . . . the key concern was black cultural integrity . . . central to this discussion was the pervasive use of offensive epithets in rap lyrics . . . which reinforce negative stereotypes about blacks ( ). hip-hop, rap music, urban poverty, ghettos gangsterism and angry youth become synonymous with african american inner-city lives, and therefore mark a distinct expression of african american culture. with the added feature of being aggressively marketed on the radio and in film, as well as in subsequent published articles, posters, photos etc., there were those in the african american community who did not want to be identified or associated with this rendering of “black culture.” arguments for the new black nationalism promoted in segments of the hip-hop culture, pointed out however, “[that] a positive, racialized self-awareness was assumed among early hip-hoppers as essential to how we note hip-hop’s own collective identity and its desire to appeal to those outside of its immediate community” (ogbar ). for, as forman writes of its first articulations, “. . . as a popular musical form, rap was situated as a black music, made for and by black and latino youths who lived primarily in america’s urban environments” ( : ). thus, from whichever perspective it is argued, hip-hop, in propelling urban african american to the forefront of media, could not be but political. the very position of its practitioners was political and the way they chose to express was political, even when or if the culture promotes the violence and aggression that characterises some of its flawed rhetoric. all the films discussed in this study, (excluding shaft in africa and the spook) in their varied ways, incorporate into their narratives the social and political frustrations described above, as well as many afrocentric ideas. as will be addressed in the following chapter, daughters of the dust, like sankofa, for example, is heavily informed by afrocentric politics. additionally, in the both, not only are afrocentric assertions for a return to a cultural african past, or for an educational development centred on african american roots as a means of empowerment prevalent, in sankofa the commercialisation of afrocentric thought as expressed in contemporary fashions is also commented on. similarly, in new jack city the consumerist culture mushrooming around black cultural nationalism is also referenced in terms of fashion, via the interrogation of the leather pendent worn by the drug-lord and villain. in higher learning the choice malik (omar epps) and deja (tyra banks) make in wearing the wooden, african masks to the halloween party is another conscious displaying of the values of both their politicisation, and john singleton’s simultaneous dissemination to the audience, the message of the significance of such fashion choices as a political act. conceptions of africa and africans in this timeline of black consciousness movements (i.e., from the civil rights movement to black power, to afrocentrism) indicate a gradual distancing from contemporary africa and events on the continent, which could serve as examples of successful struggles against white hegemonic structures. for example, the fact that, in coming to america, the zamundan royal family’s outfits are arguably modelled on the infamous dictator, mobutu sese seko, and that the rest of the people in the kingdom are costumed in a combination of various national dresses from across west africa and to an african colonial past in general, speaks to this distance. . emergent pitfalls the necessity and benefits of black consciousness politics in the us are, as stated at the start of this chapter, not only represented by the three broad categorisations introduced here. the presence of black consciousness in its various articulations endures and abounds through contemporary public discussion, within academic settings and in the innumerable arts and media spaces. furthermore, as each share and were, as hill collins writes, “stimulated by the three orienting strategies of . . . self-definition (cultural), self- determination (political), and self-reliance (economic) . . . ,” it is limiting to conceive of them as completely independent of each other ( ). the delineation has however been useful in attempting to clarify what each was and therefore noting which influenced the selected films. in continuation, i now address a summation of scholarship that are exemplary of the critiques each movement has garnered as a means of contextualising their resonances in the film plots. the widely articulated scholarship on the shortcomings of the civil rights that gave rise to black power and parallel black nationalisms generally converge on the argument that its integrationist approaches could not hold up against the economic and socio-political systems which were created to maintain white us american hegemony. black power, with its militaristic renunciation of integrating into a racist societal system, ran into difficulties when attempting to construct sustainable alternatives to the eurocentric structures they were repudiating, principally because they had incorporated some of these very frameworks into their politics. notably, the subsequent definition of ethnically-based membership presented further complexities as it sought to construct boundaries of what that membership included and excluded. the black cultural nationalism expressed through afrocentrism vacillated between core tenets of its black consciousness predecessors, thereby reflecting its own formation out of both. consequently, it inherited the weaknesses from each and compounded to these, contemporary nuances of “colorblind racism,” in addition to the glamourisation of african american poverty through hip-hop’s commercialisation. hill collins makes the observation that “ . . . a new politics of representation emerged whereby black people were integrated into existing social structures one by one . . . leaving a politics of group representation that became increasingly fragmented . . . ” ( - ). as a result, neither black consciousness movement could be sustained as forces for collective empowerment in the face of “colorblind racism.” in the main, the discussed black consciousness movements were ultimately undermined by individualist readings of integrationist and conservatist suggestions that problems of african american communities stemmed from ineptitude and/or weak male leadership in family units, and in their quest to define a unifying, positive cultural heritage, centred on ideas and values of blackness. one important criticism of academic afrocentrism that fostered its demise as a social theory concerned its exclusionary practices – in particular, its creation of narrow, essentialist definitions of blackness. because rituals determine categories of belonging, some versions of academic afrocentrism degenerated into policing the ever shrinking boundaries of authentic blackness (hill collins : ). to expand on this quote from hill collins, i add that in establishing the boundaries of the discussed black nationalist philosophies and organisations in terms of what they stand for or against, and what they address in doing so, thus introduces into their doctrines ideas of what constitutes collective memberships. as has already been premised in chapter one, this centres on notions of what “to be an african american” is or means. as hinted at by malcolm x’s assertions in his speech, “the ballot or the bullet,” simply defining that membership based on skin colour or degrees of “african americanness” or authenticity (as in the case of barack obama) is inadequate. furthermore, as gilroy expresses, the notions of collective identity in political discourse is flawed because through such a focus, “the distinctive rules that define modern political culture are consciously set aside in favor of . . . mythic varieties of kinship that are mistakenly believed to be more profound” ( : ). the increasing value placed on commercially-driven individualism reveal how such identity constructions are incompatible with the collective identities pursued by political movements. thus, conceiving of a cohesive african american culture which stands in unison with other black identities and hence the implied boundaries which encapsulate this, present conditions for exclusion and for choosy definitions of what it means to be an african american individual (and/or a politicised one at that). additionally, there is an emphasis on that definition being bound in ideas of “culture” and what that would be for african americans and how that is connected with africa. further to the overdetermined, oppositional discourse on “authenticity,” e. patrick johnson writes that [w]hen black americans have employed a rhetoric of authenticity, the outcome has often been a political agenda that has excluded more voices than it has included. the multiple ways in which we construct blackness within and outside black american culture is contingent on the historical moment in which we live and our ever-shifting subject positions . . . indeed, if one were to look at blackness in the context of black american history, one would find that, even in relation to nationalism, the notion of an “authentic” blackness has always been contested ( ). it is therefore perceptible that exclusive ideas of blackness and what constitutes the collective in the quest to construct and maintain a national african american identity, as implied within these politics, are intrinsically unsound. they can be said to be so in the following ways: the rise and decline in pubic zealousness with regard to the application of these black consciousness movements within the afore-mentioned african american socio-political contexts, hints in part at fanonian “pitfalls” which arguably precipitated their devaluation in public fervour. franz fanon, in his discussion of african anti- and post-colonial nation-building and nationalism in the wretched of the earth, argues that by replicating the models of power exercised by colonial administrations, the new post-colonial nations faced an implicitly handicapped future. he notes the inherited systems of economy which meant continued dependence on the former colonial masters, and the ways in which the leaders of these independent nations, who he describes as the “bourgeoisie,” incorporated the same dynamics of power between them and the native population as it was played out between coloniser and colonised. these elements were key operating mechanisms which contributed to the “pitfalls” of the new nations fanon describes. assuming social and political structures which were part of the racist machinery that characterises african american oppression as a suggested foundation for black empowerment as became clear in the emergent conservative, meritocracy arguments espoused in black consciousness philosophies, is one such example. for example, utilising the same frameworks entrenched by white us america which contributed to african american oppression in order to uplift and empower african american communities generate obvious quandaries. such frameworks, for example, deny the impact of a racist system in their measurement of accountability in african american social, political and economic advancement, which hill collins articulates in her discussion of “new racism.” as angela y. davis notes in women, race and class, viewing the perceived failures of african american domestic life as consequences of problems with african american male socialisation presents another problematic framework. arguments which claimed that societal issues in african american communities are a consequence of unstable matriarchal family units, were propagated by “[t]he notorious government study on the ‘negro family’ – popularly known as the ‘moynihan report’” (davis ). the focus in black cultural nationalism on “black male socialisation” thus resonates with the logic of this controversial report, thereby exemplifying the futility in using racist frameworks as a starting point for building a cohesive black consciousness. as such, these movements for african american liberation, with their gendered stress on a masculine-centred expression of militancy and defiance (also linked with sexual potency and virility), and the added emphasis of associating manhood (which includes ideas paradigms of the “ideal man”) with conservative family values, expose further areas of contention. for example, as alexander-floyd argues, the million man march which was a see fanon . see for example, michele wallace’s black macho and the myth of the superwoman. political campaign called by farrakhan’s nation of islam, “identified rectifying the failures and ineptitude of black men as the key to stabilizing and re-building “the black community.” thus, as he continues, “ . . . the critical component in stabilizing the black community lay not in combating racism per se, or in directing demands to government for redress, but in providing an opportunity for black men to be macho” ( ). the fact that the campaign excluded women, not to mention the myriad other identities who do not identify with the patriarchy, conservatism and homophobia of the nation reveals how such forms of black nationalisms cannot be said to earnestly address the system of racism which affects diverse members of the african american body politic. the deference to african american masculinity as central to the solution of african american socio-political problems points to a salient issue inherent to the ideas shared and articulated by these movements. nationalist appeals for a unitary representation of blackness tend to emphasize notions of authenticity that uphold a vision of patriarchal family life and of nationhood as the only possible structures wherein the crisis of black identity can be resolved . . . many african americans desperately cling to the assumption that the pain in black life can be healed by establishing patriarchy and black nationalist identity (hooks : ). in killing rage, bell hooks critically addresses how black consciousness principles supported by the various organisations reveal problematic perspectives on gender and how these obstruct processes of empowerment and consequent emancipation. firstly, ignoring the very particular and brutal history of african american women’s lives in the us and the subsequent necessity of their voice in the construction of empowered and resistant african american communities, mean that such approaches to african american liberation therefore cannot (and do not) address and challenge the effects, in their entirety, of white hegemonic oppression, which the movements sought to do. secondly, the suggestion that a return to a heteronormative, family configuration which puts a man at the head, simultaneously constructing secondary and tertiary roles for the woman and children within it, not only dismiss the commensurate hardships faced by african american women and hence their important and necessary contribution to african american collective uplift, they also exclude the existence of alternate family structures (e.g., single parent or grandparent-run households, etc), gay or queer-identifying african americans and those attendant, multiplicit experiences of systems of oppression, including bigotry, racism, homophobia and social stigmatisation linked to such circumstances or affinities. additionally, in the words of austin, the “conservative, values-based approach” to the mounting socio-political problems which suggest that “problems are brought on by the individuals not the system,” compromise the overall empowerment objectives of black power and afrocentrism, as these hope to speak for all african americans affected (in obviously diverse ways given the varied economic backgrounds, gender or ages of african american communities) by racism and its various reverberations ( : ). . . repercussions it is possible to argue that the acquisition of roots became an urgent issue only when diaspora blacks sought to construct a political agenda in which the ideal rootedness was identified as a prerequisite for the forms of cultural integrity that could guarantee the nationhood and statehood to which they aspired. the need to locate cultural or ethnic roots and then to use the idea of being in touch with them as a means to refigure the cartography of dispersal and exile is perhaps best understood as a simple and direct response to the varieties of racism which have denied the historical character of black experience and the integrity of black cultures (gilroy : ). leading off from gilroy’s argument on the genesis of the cultural black nationalist facet of afrocentrism, and going beyond the afore-mentioned arguments about conservative moral and communal aspirations emerging from popular black consciousness movements (as exemplified by some of the teachings in the independent black schools), the afrocentrically imagined africa does not take into account the reality of the experiences and challenges of the continent itself. the “mythologised africanity” of afrocentrism as described by gilroy, also incorporates subjective representations of “african history and culture” in the broad sense of both terms (gilroy : ). hill collins argues that, in essence, afrocentrism can be viewed as a “civil religion” based on the criteria that it includes “repetitive practices [that] are designed to build solidarity among the community of true believers,” and the incorporation of initiation or conversion ceremonies whereby an individual adopts “an african name” and an africa-centric personal style. as such, she posits that such practices engendered exclusionary circumstances which meant that “some segments of the african american community could never become ‘black enough.’” consequently, many african americans rejected these expectations. she thus concludes by stating that “[i]n essence, sexism and homophobia within academic afrocentrism” which she describes as a “peculiar hybrid identity” of a “civil religion” and as “science of blackness,” thus “compromised its own claims for a comprehensive love ethic and fostered its demise” (sic) ( : - ). moreover, in constructing an african american cultural base which focuses on great and ancient african civilisations, or creating celebrations like kwanzaa by reconceptualising elements of a zulu traditional practice, adopting ancient egyptian principles as maat does, or incorporating fragments of the kiswahili language, contributes to the premise that a romanticised, selective conceiving of africa necessarily ignores the cited country’s own reflections on the specified cultural forms and the contemporary political, economic and societal actors that define the continent. it cannot in earnest be said to be “dialoguing with africa” as karenga states. another pitfall within these black consciousness ideas can therefore be noted in the ways in which africa is employed or featured in their principles. in referencing decolonialism as black power activists did, or executing the afore- mentioned cultural constructions, applications of some of the black consciousness objectives thus engendered processes of appropriation which were highly selective and which focused principally on ways in which african americans could articulate their questions of identity and the status of their american citizenship, without a requisite conscientising of what these processes actually meant with regard to the subsequent development of limited and limiting conceptions of africa and africans. furthermore, as these messages in black power and/or afrocentrism found expression in popular media and music forms like the films discussed or in the various avenues of hip- hop culture, the informing political value which motivated these black cultural explorations and their implementations by african american educators such as karenga and kunjufu diminishes, leaving the uncomfortable arena of relations or contact between africans and african americans raised in the preceding chapter. thus, a corollary of these processes of selective appropriation as encouraged and widely disseminated through black nationalist vehicles such as black power and afrocentrism, has led to the creation and maintenance of problematic perceptions (and subsequent filmic representations) of africa and africans. the film industry is implicitly commercial in its need for the broadest possible audience in order to offset production costs. consequently, the production of a narrative structure, message and images are hinged on representations that multitudes can relate to through spectrums of familiarity (e.g., resembles things known or seen, or experienced). the incorporation of african elements as i argue they are meant to be understood in the films discussed, reflect hooks’ contention that “commodification strips these signs [black nationalist rhetoric] of political integrity” ( : ). for while this statement refers to the see chapter one, under sub-heading “black identities in film” african american cultural black nationalist articulations such as the representations of afrocentric fashions in sankofa, daughters of the dust, and new jack city, a similar desiccation of substance happens when, as discussed above, fractions of african cultures are recomposed for african american consumption, and then preserved in this reconstituted form by the repetition of this use in the various mediums. . narrative messages in the selected films the films discussed in this thesis have been selected for their popularity which, i argue, is always related to any and/or all combinations of what messages they transport, the vehicles of that message, the plot and its strength, and the dialogue and the actions that take place, which work parallel to the plot. to be clear, the messages are necessarily contemporaneous, and the actors who carry the plot are generally familiar and wildly popular african american icons. moreover, as there are relatively so few african americans represented in hollywood, those who succeed are cast in numerous films and series, which adds to their visibility. as a result, it is not surprising to find features which cast many of these icons together. some are simultaneously successful hip-hop stars, which adds to their iconic statuses. in short, these are people who would have strong crowd-pulling power because their abundant representation in commercialised, popular mediums, most notably those targeted for black audiences. the plots of these films are usually pitted against “the system” or “the man” (meaning racist institutions and/or capitalist endeavours), or, in other words, against mechanisms that maintain their position of power by systematically oppressing african american communities and individuals. furthermore, each film has a message which is always connected to the politics, historical events and societal circumstances (such as living conditions, education, employment and political representation) of the contemporary african american communities of the time in which they were produced. as such, the messages in these films often deal primarily with concepts of black unity as a force against white hegemonic power, citing black empowerment, self-determination, and conviction in these as ways of defeating the afore-mentioned oppressive elements. to expand, “black empowerment,” as it is always presented in the films, comes first from re-educating oneself from an africa-centric perspective. “self-determination” entails being motivated to improve individual and collective circumstances from a position of self-love and not “hate for white folk” as dan freeman, the main character in the spook articulates ( : : minutes). “conviction in these” connotes standing steadfastly by these principles and being prepared to use force if necessary, as a means of achieving black unity and empowerment, or in the face of social examples include waiting to exhale ( ; dir: forest whitaker), the best man ( ; dir: malcolm d. lee) or precious ( ; dir: lee daniels). if, for example, the actors were also hip-hop artists, then they would be cast to appeal to their crossover hip-hop audiences too. backlash, by which i mean verbal castigation, or duplicity in, for example, scenarios where token job positions are given to african american staff in order to appear integrated. so pervasive are these institutionalised oppressive conditions, that it is implausible to have a film about african american communities, or with african american characters in principle roles which does not address the experienced inequalities in some way, especially if the film or series wants to be as representationally realistic as possible. accordingly, this body of films thus deals with the denial of african americans, the equal rights due to all citizens of the united states. the black consciousness politics that emerge from this fight, and which are strong undercurrents in the messages of these films, often refer to “black” empowerment and unity. however, as a result of such a conflation, they thereby incorporate the exclusion of other identities by subsuming or appropriating elements of these, and/or by making tenets that speak to one, often conservative idea of blackness. for although the nationalisms invoked by black consciousness movements call for and speak as a unified black collective, there are apparent conflicts that emerge, due to the fact that these nationalistic processes tend to highlight the implicit processes of exclusion and objectification by one identity of the other. this serves to undermine the aspects of black consciousness principles which require and encourage a cohesive collective identity in order to fulfil their emancipatory objectives. as a result, depending on the messages and the way in which these are voiced, this could mean that a viewer who cannot relate to the narrative, characters or diegetic representations can feel excluded from all or part of the socio-political themes explored in these films, and in some, their unifying intentions. moreover, as has been posited in chapter one, in order to produce or read the messages incorporated into the narratives, the viewer has to interpret the array of signs presented. as a corollary of such a process (observing, deciphering and transcoding the sounds and images in order to make meaning from them), the identity of the viewer is in an implicit state of construction and re-construction as they are constantly positioning themselves in relation or opposition to the signs presented throughout. because in these films the featured identities are african american identities, these are therefore continually constructed and reconstructed in relation to each other, as well as to africa and africans because for obvious reasons, the african american identities that are introduced and developed are often presented as being centred on acknowledging an africa- this is arguably a continuing struggle; a premise which will be revisited in the final chapter of this thesis. see chapter two for a full rendering of this view. based origin. the strength of that character and the authenticity of his/her blackness are subsequently rooted in the degree to which he/she assumes this africa-based origin as part of their physical and cultural heritage, which is also sometimes combined with taking pride in distinctly african american cultural markers. while it can be seen as positive that africa or africans are incorporated into these african american films and their black consciousness messages, it should be noted that this also creates uncomfortable sites of identity construction for viewers who, though also identifying as black, are african. in almost all of the films i discuss, the imagined, romanticised or homogenous africa and africans represented, (i.e., representations that cannot be identified as belonging to any particular african country, people, history or culture despite claiming to do so in the films) might place the african spectator in an uncomfortable position of reconciling their own ideas of their identity in relation to the indeterminate characterisation on screen. the african viewer is thus confronted with a representation of africa or africans that they cannot or do not wish to identify with. ultimately, this means that the african viewer is left to deal not only with an historically eurocentric approach to the continent and its people, which stands in direct opposition to the black nationalist message embedded in the narrative, they also have to accommodate the subsequent distancing created between them and the overarching black consciousness message in the films and the african american characters, actors, narrative and imagery that transports it. the following chapter will analyse the uneasy confluence of appropriation, denial and dependence cultivated by the unavoidable processes of objectification intrinsic to the construction of africa and africans in the chosen films, which essentially contribute to the emphasis of difference between both black identities. it is therefore important and necessary to be familiar with the messages and their contexts and thus be able to conceive of the subsequent position of the viewer. to this end, i will briefly introduce these contexts, present the messages interwoven into the plots and will then address the employment of african elements within these. i adopt a chronological approach in the production of this analysis in order to mirror the changing political contexts of the messages – namely, from blaxploitation to the post-hood films – thereby elucidating more clearly, the impact of these socio-political progressions. this is notable in the inclusion of the scene where the peazant family in daughters of the dust gathers together to eat the lavish spread of soul food ( : : to : : minutes). this contention is elaborated on further in this chapter, on pages - , under the subheading, “independent films, crossover stars: daughters of the dust.” . blaxploitation and beyond: the politics of the spook and shaft in africa at the time of the civil rights movements in the s, pressures from the naacp and the ministry of justice in particular forced hollywood to re-evaluate their hiring practices and their approach to the african american market. threats for economic boycott of the industry and discrimination suits were made because of the continued absence of african americans in their workforce, and thus, hollywood’s slow response in the application of the civil rights act of (grant ). additionally, with the emerging militancy of black power politics and the fact that african americans were increasingly identifying with urban environments, it became necessary for the studios to make films that appealed to this demographic, especially as they accounted for a noteworthy percentage of the total box office, which according to paula j. massood, was “ . . . somewhere between and percent . . .” ( : ). modelled on b-movie or exploitation film production codes, blaxploitation films were action films made on a small budget with a principal cast that were african american, and which sought to attract big audiences through their sensationalist narratives and uncensored violence and sexual displays (dunn ). they were, as stephane dunn describes, the dozens upon dozens of “black-hero-winning motif” films made between and , set primarily in an urban environment ( ). although this period of african american filmmaking is generally referred to as the “blaxploitation era,” there are a number of films which did not adhere to the general characteristics ascribed to this genre, but which still made an important contribution to the african american cinematic record. the phenomenon of blaxploitation opened the door to other types of films which reflected more obviously the black power politics of the time such as ivan dixon’s the spook, the television series, alex haley’s roots ( ) and from the popular shaft movies, the second sequel, shaft in africa. shaft in africa and the spook have been selected for analysis because besides their popularity, their narratives and messages serve as useful examples for the overall argumentation in this thesis. for, the rationale behind the production of blaxploitation films was not only that the industry had to create more possibilities in the production processes for namely, that in incorporating black consciousness politics, thereby necessarily including contemporary african american perceptions of africa and africans, coupled with the commodification processes inherent to producing a film for mass appeal, these films thus transport controversial impressions and representations of africa and africans. furthermore, this in itself constitutes only one aspect of the pitfalls present in these films resulting from the incorporation of the expressed black consciousness discourses. african americans to be involved in, they were also meant to generate revenue by appealing to and entertaining mainstream, african american audiences. the films therefore had to speak to these audiences. to this end, the two films focused their narrative plots around popular cultural discourses. as discussed in chapter two (and as will be briefly referenced below), these included tenets of black power politics which were openly critical of the civil rights movement’s approach to tackling the oppressive white power structures. secondly, in the continuing search for ways of unifying disparate african american communities who no longer believed in the strength of civil rights era politics, the development of a cultural nationalism which would connect african americans with africa and the black diaspora, focused on linking african american struggles with decolonisation – a process for which educating african americans about african histories and traditions was deemed a necessary part of. released in , the spook, with its strong guerrilla-militancy subtext, reflects the influences of a political arena and a society marked by the repercussions of the civil rights movement, the stirrings of black power and global decolonisation, as well as the heightened sense of frustration experienced by contemporary african american communities. the opening scene of the film is exemplary of this sentiment. the audience is first presented with a scene of senator hennington (joseph mascolo) in a discussion with his wife and secretary. he is a politician and the audience quickly learns that he needs more votes for his re-election, whether or not he believes in what he has to do to get them. his african american secretary, whose mechanical speech and cadence transport her resemblance to a machine, delivers reports and makes suggestions based on statistics and findings generated through a computer, thus advising him on his chances of re-election. when he asks about polls and his chances of being re-elected, she tells him that a commission ran an “ethnic study” in which he did not fare well because based on this study especially, the computer found that the chances are he will lose the elections. “the computers don’t lie,” he says ( : : minutes). she continues, stating that although he seems to be doing well with “the jewish vote,” that “the negroes are the trouble spot” ( : : minutes). “the negroes!” he exclaims, with irritation, “i’m the best man those people have in washington!” ( : : minutes). a few minutes later, suddenly aware of the political incorrectness of using the word “negroes,” he interrupts and corrects himself. “first, how do we retrieve the lost ne…black vote?” ( : : minutes). hennington seems irritated by having to do so, underscoring the perhaps tellingly, shaft in africa was written and directed by white us american and british men. one would therefore assume that the research for the script was likely informed by contemporary popular african american cultural references. emptiness of these and other types of cosmetic changes in the contemporary anti- discrimination language and rhetoric. visually, this is re-articulated when dan freeman (lawrence cook) is finally employed as mail room personnel, despite proving to be a top agent in the central intelligence agency (cia). this echoes black power contentions that hamilton and ture posit, that “black visibility is not black power” ( ). it is then decided that in order to win the lost votes, senator hennington needs to put into effect anti-discrimination laws, using a high profile governmental organisation, namely, the cia. mrs hennington (elaine aiken) suggests accusing them of “a racially discriminatory hiring policy,” arguing that, “they have no negroes, except on a menial level you know” ( : : minutes). she foregoes using the politically correct term and he does not correct her, which reinforces the superficiality of the change in term (i.e. “negro” to “black”). the idea that the application of these laws is superficial and is solely a way in which men like hennington can achieve their political ends is another political matter the film addresses. later in the plot, a cia training interview scene has been included. it depicts a process of indoctrination which produces the endorsed response to accusations of racism in america: cia recruit. if i were undercover as a political or economic officer in an embassy and i was questioned about racism in the united states, i’d point out that they also have racial and religious troubles; that a thing like that isn’t resolved overnight and that our country is firmly behind racial progress and great strides are being made here. ( : : minutes) the african american man says this to a panel of white men, who seem to be satisfied with this answer. greenlee and dixon are thereby implying that this response is one that a white us american might use in defence of the ironic position their country had found itself in as leaders of the newly formed united nations (un), who at the same time appeared to be the least progressive in terms of domestic equality. the spuriousness in such measures is again highlighted when the african american lead character, dan freeman is hired to be the “face of integration” at the cia, but ultimately works in a servile position within the organisation. moreover, given the contemporary political context (post- s), the spook is not only commenting on the fact that some of the efforts to observe the anti-discriminatory laws were insincere in their intentions and application, it also claims that both african american and white americans were very well aware of this. in an allegorical sense, the cia could be read as white us america and all its institutions and freeman, the stoic and sober central character, as an example of the concientised african american who is fully aware of this false display of progress, but proactive enough to use it to his advantage. just before the conclusion of the opening sequences, the secretary foretells that “whoever they select will be the best-known spy since ,” which is more for the audience than for the people with her in the office ( : : minutes). the idea is thus already planted in the viewers’ minds that what they are about to witness is the black answer to the white . he will be comparable to . he will possess all the qualities of – a smart, fearless, agile and sexually intoxicating man. as has already been suggested by the similitude in her mannerisms to a computer or machine, the secretary is not likely to make a false prediction, and so the audience can assume (at least subconsciously) that she may be correct. ultimately, the writer and director first establish and then illustrate through a series of examples how freeman fits with the idea of “the black answer to ” as the secretary had predicted, thus making him a potent black power weapon. maintaining an inconspicuous profile that allows him to remain undetected by the watchful white cia agents is one of his principle spy tactics. because freeman executes this so well, he is able to build and train fighters in various cities who would later engage the country in rebellion. one such example in action is observable when freeman is accused of being an “uncle tom” by one of the other cia recruits during an altercation. an “uncle tom” or “tom” is a derogatory remark meant to indicate a black person who makes himself less threatening to white people by appearing to be eager to please them. later in film freeman literally demonstrates this definition by quickly offering to light the general’s cigar before the waiter has time to do so. the entirety of this particular scene is an example of this stereotype, with freeman responding affirmatively to the racist statements the general is making ( : : minutes). the film, whose narrative is developed around dan freeman and his actions, is an adaptation of a book authored by sam greenlee, published in . through freeman, a black nationalist who infiltrates the cia, the film suggests that the only way african americans can challenge and overcome the pervasive institutional racism they experience, is “ ” is the alternative name given to james bond, the famous lead character of the hugely successful box office franchise. by organising themselves into a formidable and intelligent fighting unit. the proposed strategy is to use guerrilla warfare tactics, which had proved successful in asian and african countries during their respective fights for independence from european imperialist powers. obvious links are subsequently made to how independence in africa and asia were won through organised guerrilla action and how these fights were motivated by the self- determination of the oppressed peoples. freeman makes a direct reference to such associations as inspiration and as a way of galvanising african americans: dan freeman. we are gonna get our own. stop begging for crumbs. cobra. how? dan freeman. what we got now is a colony. but what we wanna create is a new nation. in order to do that we gotta pay a different kind of dues. freedom dues. stud davis. right on. ( : : minutes) thus, the spook not only rearticulates the conviction that armed revolution in the us is imminent and necessary, it also reflects the contemporary pan-africanist and black power ideological agenda in its referencing of african americans as colonial subjects. accordingly, when freeman returns to his native chicago to initiate the next phase of the revolution, this message of the film again steps fully out from the shadows so to speak, and starts to espouse its overarching theme through his character. in a gathering in his home, freeman, following the above-referenced dialogue, addresses the contemporary representations of african americans on television. “no chains, no whips; a bunch of happy darkies just waiting on master charlie and his family, and diggin’ it” ( : : minutes). the men then play out a typical post-civil war scene (as shown in contemporary cinemas and on television) of a white confederate soldier returning home to his loyal slave, george. george comforts the “master” for the confederate army’s loss. when the play scene has drawn to a close, freeman and stud start performing the soundtrack for this play – guitar and thigh- slapping. they laugh. freeman then says, “you have just played out the american dream.” there is a close up of his now serious expression. “and now we’re gonna turn it into a nightmare” ( : : minutes). the narrative message has now been fully reiterated; the colonial subjects will rise up, putting an end to the presently comfortable system of racism see for example, “white power: the colonial situation” by hamilton and ture in black power: the politics of liberation in america, or simon wendt’s and peniel e. joseph’s contributions in the black power movement: rethinking the civil rights-black power era. and exploitation administered and experienced by white us america. this leads the audience into the scenes which precede the revolution and urban war. as a second example of colonial referencing, the sequences which follow the conversation in hennington’s office, show a group of african american men at different stages of the cia recruitment process. after quoting the pledge, they are seen getting physicals in their underwear (much like prisoners) while being inspected and probed by white doctors, mirroring, one could argue, similar experiences in any colonial setting. in order to ensure that the viewer is fully aware of what the narrative’s message is, the point is repeated again in a scene which precedes the fighting. one of the cobras poses the question: stud. what we trying to do man? dan freeman. fight whitey to a standstill. force him to make a choice between the two things which he seems to dig most of all. there is no way that the united states can police the world and keep us on our ass too, unless we co- operate. ( : : minutes) sam greenlee, who wrote both the novel of the same title and the screenplay for the spook, is making a distinction here between african americans and white us america – which freeman has referred to as “the united states.” this is a popular association (as noted in, for example, higher learning which was released twenty-two years after the spook), which highlights the perception amongst politicised african americans that as a collective, they remain non-citizens of the us, a nation which appears to work only in the interests of its white denizens. in freeman’s opinion, the state has overstretched itself “policing the world” ignoring or undermining the “mess in their own backyard.” freeman continues: “when we revolt, we reduce it to a simple choice. whitey finds out he can’t make even” ( : : minutes). he finishes this contention by asserting that, “[african americans] can paralyse this country” ( : : minutes). this is later proven when, during the rebellion, the general (byron morrow) suggests cordoning off this “war-torn” (as described by a reporter at the scene of the fighting) part of city. his suggestion is rebuffed when it is revealed that when they “sealed off the ghetto last week, it paralysed the city”. this contention is informed by the argument, which greenlee is drawing attention to, that african americans are part of the a critique here to the role of the united states in the un and to its contemporary foreign policies which saw them engaged in war with vietnam. body of labour that keeps the us afloat by means of the various jobs they perform in the unskilled employment sector. by doing the factory work, driving the buses and trains, cleaning, opening doors, operating lifts – occupying these unskilled and/or menial jobs which comprise a big part of the north american economy, means that if they stop working, african americans could have a profound impact on it. this could also be a suggestion to the audience that this form of boycotting when needs are not being addressed might be effective since the people in power will be forced to negotiate out of necessity. further, in its hint at the power of an african american boycott, greenlee, following the definitions of what the colony/colonised dichotomy encompasses, thereby makes allusions to the imperial nature of white supremacy in the us. in addition to this unambiguous political position, as freeman repeatedly articulates, african americans should not only be able to identify who the “real enemy” is (i.e., white us america), they should be fighting for proactive as opposed to reactive reasons. that is: their revolution should not be rooted in hate for white people as a consequence of their historically conflicted relations, but in the desire for self-determination and community betterment. dan freeman. it’s simple willie. i just want to be free. how ‘bout you? pretty willie. so do i. and i hate white folks. dan freeman: hate white folks? this is not about “hate white folks.” it’s about loving freedom enough to die or kill for it if necessary. now you gonna need more than hate to sustain you when this thing begins. now if you feel that way, you’re no good to us and you’re no good to yourself ( : : to : : minutes). the trigger for the revolution once again serves as a moment in which this premise is re-stated: a man is gunned down by two chasing policemen; one black and one white. when freeman gets a phone call from stud about it, he is told this man was shorty (anthony ray) – an old friend and the first person he communicated with on his return to chicago. as a consequence of this, a riot has started. stud confirms, “yeah, after all the training, looks like shit’s gonna start over a jive-ass pusher” ( : : minutes). this echoes the frustrated in africa in the american imagination, carol magee writes of imperialism in its relation to the us, that it “ . . . is the processes and policies by which a nation dominates (for its own benefit) the resources – land, labor, markets, people – of another. historically, this domination has been considered primarily in economic or political terms ( ). sentiment amongst black consciousness activists, that popular, large scale revolt is not, as it should be, driven from the anger generated from the re-educating of african americans through concientising causes and processes, but rather because people are instead spurred to action through a random, very violent and decidedly racist act. shaft in africa, by contrast, is less overtly political and didactic in its narrative objectives. john shaft (richard roundtree) is a private detective for hire who therefore takes on jobs for money. his interest is to ensure that he is able to maintain the life he has created for himself which is always on his own terms and consequently a little outside the socially expected margins. he does not care for authority and is guided by his own moral compass. his latest mission, which turned out to be his last, as no more shaft films were made after this release, was to end a slave trade which starts in ethiopia and ends in europe (italy and france). unlike freeman, shaft’s decision to accept the mission and stop this slave trade does not stem from his intention to galvanise the african american community as a whole to take up arms against the white power structures in the united states. it is motivated by his personal anger at the idea that slavery, which is part of his history as an african american, still exists in his lifetime. his motivations are also buoyed by the sizable income he will receive upon completing the mission. so, although shaft is similar to freeman in that he is a well-trained, fearless and sharp character who has a way with women, this is where the resemblance in both films becomes less apparent. nonetheless, as has been previously stated, although not as explicitly political as the spook, the premise for this story is still very loaded: a well-spoken man of african nobility is sending john shaft, a blaxploitation icon of defiance and survival to ethiopia – a place associated with ancient power and prestige – to end a slave trade. in terms of mirroring contemporary black consciousness contentions, featuring ethiopia and referencing a glorious past civilisation connects the politics in the message of this film to the contemporary discourses for the desire for africa-centric constructions of african american identities. ethiopia, recognised especially for remaining independent during the period of colonialism, also represented an idealised, central point of origin for african americans. the latter conception was developed out of a reference in the bible, and was advanced and advocated for the uplift of african americans. “ethiopianism,” as it is termed, is thus the belief that in a pre-destined future, africa and its people, including those in the diaspora, would return to this former greatness. shaft in africa subsequently reflects another spectrum “princes shall come of egypt; ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto god” (psalms : kjv). of the black nationalist discourse of the time because it makes references to the hitherto romanticised history of the ethiopia (and thus constitutes ethiopianism) which the pioneers of black nationalism in the us (such as du bois and garvey) employed in order to disprove the myriad ways in which white power structures argued that black people as a whole, were mentally and culturally inferior. w. e. b du bois’s the star of ethiopia was an naacp-sponsored exhibition which brought to the public, history and information of africa and african americans as surmised by du bois (quirin ). through it, du bois made connections between the ancient african kingdoms, the origins of western civilisation and the historical experiences of african americans, and a return to that power for the future of all black people. the influences of ethiopianism can be observed in various subsequent black nationalist discourses, such as that of the nation of islam and other black popular culture movements, like afrocentrism. in shaft in africa, the emir’s daughter, aleme (vonetta mcgee), describes a society which had “a spoken culture: their drums, their copper spears, their beaded crowns . . . nobody knows what happened to them, but our tribes are descended from these proud ancestors” ( : : minutes). she does so in the first lesson she gives shaft when he is told that he should learn the manta dialect and about the people he is going to impersonate and save. in this way, both he and the audience are informed of her people’s history, which fits the romanticised version of africa that african americans may have been familiar with. it gives credence to a version of ethiopia, which suggests that the emir and his people are direct descendants of a once powerful empire, thereby literally connecting shaft as representative of african america to it. shaft laughs after she informs him of this, and when she reprimands him for it, says he is laughing at the fact that they are learning about william shakespeare in school while her people, these africans, were making poetry a years earlier. aleme is thereby educating him and by default the audience (who would have been a sizable number of african americans at the time) about a history that has been suppressed, because it showed that africans (therefore, black people) were experiencing the high culture that is defined by an art form like poetry, long before the much-revered white cultural icon, shakespeare. here, the film thus echoes decades of early black nationalist discourse which posited that the pre-transatlantic slave trade africans, and therefore the africans that african americans are descended from, already had the hallmarks of “civilised” society as conceived of by modern standards because they had fixed social institutions with requisite infrastructure like christianity (the monotheistic religious practice most favoured and practiced by the western world) and a centralised government with a powerful leader. simultaneously however, given shaft’s limited responses to or total ignoring of the references to ethiopia’s ancient power and time-honoured civilisation, the film does not seem to want to make much more of this discourse. in other words, there are references to ideas of powerful african civilisations which shaft (and so, the film) does not address more, beyond this single-lined response or by making a joke. he does not explore the idea as persistently as dan freeman and the spook do in, for example, freeman’s earnest explanation of the beauty (and pride in it) of the dahomeyan queens. towards the end of the film, after reporting his findings of the slave trade to the french authorities, shaft says he wishes to go after mr amafi (frank finlay), the ringleader of the slave trade, himself because it is “personal.” this prompts another reiteration of the ethiopianism referenced earlier in the film. for in the scene, the french police chief responds to shaft’s intention by saying, “i remind you monsieur you are now back in a civilised country where due process of law prevails.” colonel gonder (marne maitland), the ethiopian emir’s right-hand man, responds in turn. “inspector, i resent that implication. my country was building churches while your people were still living in caves” ( : : to : : minutes). while the inspector is apologising, shaft dismisses any chance of further discussion by interrupting and demanding that the stenographer be brought in. in a second example, replicating the muted politicisation of the film, the narrative returns to addressing john shaft’s motivations for taking on the mission. although it appears that shaft has accepted the job for the money offered, it becomes evident that he may also be doing it because he has a chance to stop a slave trade, something that he obviously could not do for his own people. colonel gonder. only money brings you here? shaft. hell no. i just love to have my picture taken with lions. colonel gonder. your forbearers were dragged here in chains from this continent and dumped onto the cotton plantations of america. i should think you’d want this assignment for stronger motives than money. shaft. now you wrong. see my folks weren’t in cotton, they were in tobacco. ( : : to : : minutes) see the spook : : to : : minutes for the conversation between dan freeman and dahomey queen (paula kelly). shaft seems agitated and his response is sarcastic, indicating that while the money did affect his decision, he is hereby confirming that he may perhaps have assented for other reasons too. furthermore, the film cultivates conditions in which the viewer can see the similarities or is able to draw parallels between the elements of this mission and the transatlantic slave trade experiences, but then simultaneously depicts the stark contrasts or inconsistencies of such a comparison. for example, unlike the transatlantic slave trade, these modern-day slaves “go willingly,” even queuing up to get recruited – although this is because they are unaware of what awaits them. but then conversely, echoing the machinations of the transatlantic slave trade, they cross on a ship in cramped conditions, are bundled into overcrowded and unsafe transportation and housed in dirty and confined accommodations, forced to do hard labour for too many hours, with little sleep and no remuneration. this engagement and then swift disengagement as the film does, speaks to its reluctance at making a political film, concurrently showing though that this would be unrealistic in terms of trying to connect with the contemporary african american audience for whom black power politics were a salient talking point and thus a part of popular public sentiment. not one to be moved by popular opinion however, it makes sense that shaft is not a participant in this trend – it fits his non-conformist character; such that not even the referenced black power discourses provoke him to engage with its politics, unless it is directly affecting his well-being or circumstances. for instance, in the scenes where the diegetic africans are introduced to him, he interrogates the unquestioning acceptance of allegiance (a unified black collective) that black power politics incites; namely, that amongst other things, african people are also “brothers and sisters:” in the opening sequences of the film, the audience learns that shaft’s services are being sought by what the car attendant describes as “some africans” ( : : minutes). shaft responds by saying, “i don’t know no africans brother,” and continues his confident, swaggering walk, with his head high. accordingly, a few minutes into the film, when the african delegation asks him to go on their mission, he says, “i don’t do business with strangers” ( : : minutes). as africans are strangers to him, the delegation will be treated as he would treat any other unfamiliar person. shaft is thereby shirking the black nationalist discourse which insisted on the connectedness as is implied by his statement when he meets the diegetic africans, he presumably has a mental set of rules that only he is privy to which insists that he does business only with people he knows, which one would assume is part of his survival strategy. of black people in the diaspora, which would thus negate the term “strangers.” thus, unlike freeman’s character, shaft is immediately shown to be a-political as far as the black consciousness politics of the time demanded. these statements, “i don’t know no africans” and “i never do business with strangers,” establishes a distance between him and africa and africans, which was contrary to some of the objectives of the contemporary black nationalist philosophies. on this occasion however, shaft does not have much choice. he is kidnapped and then subjected to rigorous tests in a secret location outside the city by his future employer, emir ramila (cy grant), who is described by his aide wassa (debebe eshetu) as the “leader of the manta tribe in east africa” ( : : minutes). at the same time, it could be argued that this is a way the film asserts that shaft is the very definition of “black power” because he is able to live on his own terms, independent of any allegiances and obligations. he is also physically fit, clever and quick-witted; characteristics which serve to make him a survivor. these attributes are literally demonstrated in his overcoming of the challenges presented by the training tests, where he is for the first time exposed to environments and conditions, like being naked in “desert-like conditions,” and using a stick to fight. thus, as a literal example of black power, the narrative is arguably stating that this in itself is or should be enough. moreover, shaft in africa is a narrative centred on the single-handed dismantling of a modern-day slave trade by one man. shaft, like dan freeman, (and like other male leads in action and exploitation films of the time, such as james bond), is confident, charismatic and independent. this allows him to live outside the constraints of a society governed by pervasive racist institutions, identified at the time as “the man.” the embodiment of “sticking it to the man,” shaft not only prevails, he delivers the captured men to freedom (simultaneously saving aleme from a potentially unhappy sexual future) and kills the villain. this outcome preserves the hero (“badass”) qualities bestowed on him, and on a broader scale, on the leading men in blaxploitation films. like them, shaft is a man unto himself who makes and follows his own rules. “fuck the law!” he says when in the end, the french inspector argues that the law will punish mr amafi for his crimes ( : : minutes). john shaft. what’s the law doing about shitheads who charge a francs a month to stay in a crap house like this? why don’t you really clamp down on the slave trade? i’ll tell you why. because the black ghettos of paris is as far away from the champs elysée as th street is from park avenue. you need a bunch of po’ bastards to work on your roads and your goddamn kitchens! so don’t lay any of that “law will punish ‘em” shit on me! ( : : to : : minutes) after this burst of frustration and anger, shaft goes out and exacts justice on mr amafi on his own terms. ultimately, though somewhat different in the delivery of their overall political statements, both films are highly representative of the blaxploitation genre with regards to the impetus behind the development of films that fit this mode of production, as well as the popular culture that received and demanded it. although this characterisation of an african american man was not new as paula j. massood points out in black city cinema, as a central character, he was the antithesis of those played by sidney poitier in the former years, hence his appeal : ). nonetheless, despite the initially positive response to this flurry of filmmaking, the kind of stereotyping employed in this characterisation, instigated protest from directors and actors (maynard ). such films eventually lost their appeal for audiences and subsequently for hollywood and their interests in its profit-making potential. . new black cinema, independent films, crossover stars by the time daughters of the dust and sankofa were made ( and respectively), the afrocentric ideology had emerged as a leading cultural compass in african american popular discourses and media, and noticeably informed the production processes of these films. as such, the films are simultaneously a product of, as well as an active contributor to the popular culture which inspired it. an example of a cultural nationalism, afrocentrism in its most basic interpretation is the expression of “the ethnic conception of blackness, which treats black identity as a matter of shared ancestry and common cultural heritage” (shelby ). it also promotes the necessity of reclaiming and taking pride in a cohesive african american history and culture, each in concert with and informed by an africa-centric one. responding to the call, as ntongela masilela writes, to “find a film form unique to their historical situation and cultural experience,” film students from the university of california los angeles (ucla), or the “l.a. rebellion” as they have come to be known, with regard to commenting on contemporary popular politics (and although there are, as previously described, more subtle indicators of such commentary within shaft in africa), this is as overt and challenging as john shaft and this film gets. produced films that were later filed under “new black cinema” ( ). the latter indicates a wave of filmmaking that utilised aesthetic and narrative techniques that emphasise an empowering black consciousness plot. as diawara defines, these are films which “involve black folklore, religion, and the oral traditions which link black americans to the african diaspora. the narrative style is symbolic . . . [and confronts] its characters with obstacles ahead of them” ( : ). films which fall under this categorisation may also be considered “independent films.” as the term implies, independent films are those which are made without financial backing from hollywood, generally because such stories have themes or a narrative developmental structure that do not follow the standard expectations demanded by the industry. accordingly, in the context of this thesis and as diawara surmises, “black independent cinema is any black-produced film outside the constraints of major studios ( : ),” which thus includes daughters of the dust, sankofa and the spook. haile gerima affirms this when speaking about the term “independent cinema” and its application to his work: “in my case, and with many others, independence is a declaration. we believe that the existing system fails to respond to our cultural needs . . . the issue is not to make a statement. the issue is do you control your statement – the aesthetics and the benefit of that product” (safford and triplett : ). a marketing concept meant to signify the increased viewing potential of a film, “crossover” thus indicates its appeal to black and white audiences alike (donalson ). the term is also applicable to african american stars such as eddie murphy, will smith and whoopi goldberg. the concept is applicable in other contexts and within varying parameters, like music. as such, rap music and its icons could therefore also be seen to have “crossover appeal” (albeit in a global, multicultural context), as is notable by the success and influence of films like new jack city, barbershop, friday or boyz n the hood. eddie murphy and his roles in s “buddy movies,” like the beverly hills cop sequels, or in films like trading places where, as ed guerrero writes, the “black star [is] surrounded and appropriated by a white context and narrative for the pleasure of a dominant consumer audience,” who are white, exemplify his attractiveness to such viewership (sic) ( ). throughout the films in which [eddie] murphy has starred . . . his persona is that of the streetwise afro-american dude, which might appear somewhat threatening. yet in each narrative murphy’s character is deterritorialised from a black milieu and transferred to a predominantly white world . . . (diawara : ). presenting more examples by describing scenarios in which similar contrasts are executed, diawara in his elucidation of how and why murphy inspires a tense reception in such films from an african american audience, simultaneously speaks to his crossover appeal. for in such a deployment, murphy’s black character is “contained” and thus enlisted to “subtly reaffirm dominant society’s traditional racial order” (guerrero ). as an extension of this characterisation, coming to america, though entirely black cast, is still considered a crossover film because the story is equally insulated from a potentially discomfiting representation of african american lives, and is carried by eddie murphy and recognisable humour. . . daughters of the dust julie dash’s daughters of the dust (hereafter: daughters) is set at the turn of the th century on the gullah islands off the coastlines of south carolina and georgia. the small community settled there are preparing to make their migration to “the mainland,” possibly leaving the islands for good. thus, on the face of it, the film utilises the popular trope of “south to north”, “rural to urban” as a backdrop to the narrative, and tracks the ever-evolving complexities surrounding african american migration in the us. this journey is often characterised as beginning with the hope and optimism, as well as the promise of opportunity and social betterment that is associated with “going north.” viola peazant (cheryl lynn bruce), in one of her first lines in the film for example, exclaims that “culture, education and wealth” is her expectation of the family’s experience on the mainland ( : : minutes). as one of three major themes explored in the film, there is the concept of the idyll as imagined by most of the migrating gullah island community versus a lived experience of the mainland, which simultaneously introduces the disillusionment of that dream. yellow mary (barbara- o) becomes the embodiment of the anticlimactic experience they may face. her return to the islands brings added tension to the excitable, agitated energy. it could be argued that this is because she is an example of someone from the community who made it out, but despite all that the north promises, returns (to their minds) broken. moreover, in direct opposition to the implication that once they leave they will not want to return, she has chosen to come back. why would you ever want to return? the unanswered questions her homecoming subconsciously generates could be a hidden source of their anger towards her. yellow mary enters the story on a boat with her companion, trula (trula hoosier). her appearance in a pristine white, lace dress and a big hat, puts her in stark contrast to the three men steering the boat, who are poorly dressed and unkempt. there is a close-up of her gloved hand touching a pendant around her neck. framed in this way, she seems like a wealthy outsider who is adventuring into territory she is unfamiliar with, who is consequently touching something that must bring her some comfort or reassurance. when the shot changes, the audience recognises that this was viola’s point-of-view. viola rises as she sees the boat approaching. she is dressed more modestly than yellow mary, but is still better presented than the men steering the boat. by her side is mr snead (tommy redmond hicks). the viewer quickly learns that mr snead has been commissioned by viola to take photographs of the peazants ahead of their migration to the mainland. she seems very happy and optimistic about the prospect. as previously cited, “culture, education and wealth” is what she expects the family will be introduced to. she asks for consensus from yellow mary regarding this statement, but her question is met only with laughter. viola seems a little annoyed by the response and looks back out over the water, going back to her thoughts. out of context, yellow mary’s response is confusing though only until her contrary experiences on the mainland are later explained. judging by the reactions of some of the other women to her, yellow mary may have fallen into some disrepute in her life outside the gullah islands. dash, however, tempers the notion of judgments (and therefore the divisions this incites) by acknowledging the two- sidedness of all stories. for further on in the film, eula peazant (alva rogers) confronts the women on their hypocrisy for judging yellow mary so harshly for having “ruined herself.” eula peazant. i’m ruined too . . . as far as this place is concerned, we never was a pure woman . . . even though you’re going up north, you’re gon’ think about being ruined too. you think you can cross over to the mainland and run ‘way from it? you’re going to be so sorry if you don’t change your way of thinking ‘fore you leave this place . . . we the daughters of all those . . . nana carryin’ in her tin can . . . we wear our scars like armour for protection; thick, hard ugly scars that no one can pass through that ever hurt us again. ( : : to : : minutes) it is a medal of saint christopher, commonly celebrated as the “patron saint of travellers.” “the shameless hussy” (daughters : : minutes). this monologue makes an explicit connection to the sanctioned rape of black women’s bodies which was endemic to the experiences of slavery, and which as a consequence of this historical fact is therefore a part of the genealogy of most african americans. it suggests that no african american can truly be distanced from that history and challenges anyone who claims otherwise. detailing in other ways the “stain” of slavery, dash also includes several visualisations of the labour the enslaved people on the sea islands were engaged in. the production of indigo and dying are a constant feature in the film via short, intercut frames of members of the community now presumably gone. nana’s own stained hands symbolise the physical impact of the slave past on african american bodies, though the freedom of her spirituality and mind reveal the potential of transcending the pain of that history, without having to ignore and/or diminish those inexorable, torturous experiences. although yellow mary finds the islanders way of life somewhat too primitive for her tastes (“you live like savages back over in here” she says in the midst of frustratedly swatting gnats), she finds comfort and a sense of belonging on the islands. “it’s been a long time since i had some good gumbo . . .” ( : : minutes). it could thus be argued that dash is using the character of yellow mary as an example of the ideal temperament the family needs for this move. that is, in order for them to survive the migration, they should not idealise the north and what may come; they should not disregard or devalue the religious beliefs or ways of the islands and dismiss them as “old” or “heathen,” but rather keep them close to their hearts and be flexible enough to adopt other systems of belief that may help them cope with adversity while they are on the mainland. an equally important and present feature in the narrative is the active process of seeking and exploring the foundations for a tangible african american identity that dash embarks on: [w]e came from an afrocentric approach to everything: from set design, the costumes, from the hair to the way the makeup was put on. you know, the way black women put on makeup: they put liner on the inside of their eye – that comes from wearing khol in the dessert regions of africa (irene zainabu davis ). true to this intention, daughters addresses a number of complex issues regarding african american cultural memory and identity. its non-linear approach to storytelling and see angela y. davis . the high degree of symbolic referencing makes it optimal for numerous subjective or individualised interpretations within this spectrum. consequently, in it, the featured characters address but do not resolve the questions du bois raises in his reflections of the “two-ness” of african american identities. these characters, nana peazant (cora lee day), yellow mary and viola, are contradictory and conflicted, which dash acknowledges and verbalises consistently throughout the film. each of them is forced to live in a suspended identity: nana was born a slave, but now no longer is, viola who came from those islands and therefore grew up practicing their ancestral belief system is now a staunch christian, and yellow mary is something in-between – clutching her saint christopher medallion, whilst simultaneously accepting the belief systems practiced on the island. the double-articulation expressed in the identities of these characters is reiterated through nana’s statement near the close of the film. nana peasant. we are as two people in one body; last of the old, first of the new. we will always feel this double life here, ‘cause we from the sea. we came here in chains and we must survive ( : : minutes). it could thus be argued that dash, echoing the contemporary afrocentrist discourse, suggests in her film that trying to respond to the issues stemming from this internal conflict can only begin with learning about, respecting and remembering or (re)discovering one’s roots. dash thereby introduces a second anchoring theme in the film, namely, that simply “recalling” or “remembering” is not enough. what is suggested is that one should and can be flexible about how this african past can be included in contemporary african american lives. in other words, being too much in the past, unnecessarily complicates and/or prevents the necessary practicality of existing or functioning in the present. the film expresses this contention through nana, an intricate character whose deep spiritualism helps her transcend or cope with the effects of her enslavement, though at the same time prevents her from migrating north with the family. nana, however, remains the principal tool in this empowered re-telling of african american history and its links with africa, and her role is articulated especially through the rendering of the oral and spiritual traditions maintained on the gullah islands. as such, the audience is soon presented with a visual suggestion of how maintaining an africa-centric accent in one’s life does not preclude the eurocentrically-framed lifestyle expected in the north: in a final communal observation, the islanders attend a church service before saying their final goodbyes to nana. here, in a literal gesture of the embracing of both christianity and the spirit/ancestral belief system practiced there, nana has wrapped a bible in what haagar peazant (kaycee moore) describes as “herbs and roots” and the others are kissing it as they bid her farewell ( : : to : : minutes.) viola and haagar, the two stalwarts of christianity and spokespeople for the “values of western civilisation” in the film, are upset by this rite. indignant, haagar swats away one of her children, preventing her from doing the same before walking away herself. nana calls after her to participate, but haagar ignores her. viola, however, ultimately kisses the embellished bible too, though only after mr snead does. thus it is suggested that viola may embrace this mixture of belief systems after all because although she rejects it quite vehemently at the start of the film, and even seems upset when she sees nana adorning the bible in this fashion, she too observes the ritual by kissing it. the matter of belief systems and its relation to ideas about self-identification and self- worth in daughters therefore demonstrates that each chosen spirituality need not necessarily cancel the other out. nevertheless, in order to construct an empowering spirituality, dash infers that as african americans, one should show a willingness to learn about africa-centric variants, such as those presented through the plot. to begin with, nana and bilal muhammad’s (umar abdurrahamn) religious observations represent the alternate africa-centric spiritualities in the film. for when the viewer is introduced to her, nana is standing, fully-dressed and waist-deep in water, bathing ceremoniously. in the moment the scene of nana in the water is presented to the audience, it is not apparent that this is nana, nor is what is being performed clear. conversely, what is obvious is that it is the start or end of the day, indicated by dash’s intercutting of a sunrise or sunset. furthermore, through a paradigmatic elimination process, the viewer must conclude that she is in prayer, as she does not appear to be taking a bath. at this point, the first voiceover begins: “i am the first and the last. i am the honoured one and the scorned one. i am the whore and the holy one . . . ” ( : : minutes). the sum of contrary descriptions of what the voiceover is and is not, insists that it becomes representative of all or everything simultaneously. from a religious standpoint, this could fit the description of an omniscient spirit, like god. this contention is affirmed by the fact that it has been sourced from the nag hammadi verses in “the thunder: perfect mind” (macrae and parrott ). a collection of ancient books found in egypt, the nag hammadi comprises “a collection of religious texts” (robinson ). the association dash thus makes here with ancient egypt resonates with the black cultural nationalism of afrocentrism which, as observable in the adoption of philosophies like maat, seeks to connect african americans to these civilisations and their traditions. in content thund. is virtually unique in the nag hammadi library and very unusual. it is a revelation discourse by a female figure who is, except possibly for the title, otherwise not specifically identified. the work has no apparent structural divisions but is written throughout in the first person, interweaving and combining three types of statement: self-proclamation . . . exhortations . . . and reproaches (sic) ( ). most notably however, parallels to the film can be drawn with this book, as it is spoken by a female and eludes a definitive rendering of its purpose in the library. moreover, as implied by the spiritualism depicted in daughters, “[i]n terms of the religious traditions represented in the nag hammadi collection, [this section] is difficult to classify” (macrae and parrott ). this thereby imbues a multi-interpretational quality to it and the film, which, as a consequence of continually new revelations from a varied viewer/readership, adds to the longevity of these cultural artefacts. in the same block of opening sequences, bilal muhammad (umar abdurrahamn), is introduced and is shown performing his morning prayer. a slightly enigmatic muslim character, bilal was born in africa and, as is thus implied, brought his religious practice with him to the islands. this contributes to the impression that islam is an original belief system of choice for africans, rather than the religion forced upon african americans by white slave- owners. featuring islam in this way thereby fulfils calls for re-conceptualising african american identities within africa-centric frameworks by expressive cultural black nationalisms like afrocentrism. at the point in the film when he is first presented, the viewer though not aware that he is muslim, can still infer that this must be, as nana’s performance was, a religious observation. the significance of both these visuals specifically find their value when we get to know the characters and the story in earnest. here they seem abstract and anonymous and therefore to the mind of the viewer, contribute mainly to the setting of the tone: namely, that this is a story of spiritual journeys. what it comes to mean in retrospect is the affinity that dash apparently sees in both spiritual practices, which she attributes to their shared introduction on the islands, from africa. by introducing islam through bilal, means it is then read as being more african and thus more honest and/or authentic in the sense that this film is trying to create. moreover, christianity, judging by viola and haagar’s interpretation, insists on throwing out the perceived african belief systems in exclusive favour of it. this makes it incompatible with the objectives of constructing identification frameworks alternative to eurocentric ones, which advocates christianity as a preferred spirituality. at the same time however, dash shows that choosing one exclusively over the other is not necessary, perhaps in an attempt not to alienate sizable members of her audience, who may be observant followers of christianity; the leader of the civil rights movement, martin luther king jr was after all a baptist preacher. as hill collins notes, “ . . . for african americans religion in general, and christianity in particular, evolved in response to african american suffering under american racism” ( : ). a final important theme is expressed in the assertion that african americans should preserve and celebrate african-based cultures that are a part of their identity, as a means of overcoming the expected challenges of living in a world which devalues those cultures. dash thus enlists the unborn child (kai-lynn warren) as a means of keeping the family together in a foreseen future. the unborn child is specially summoned by nana as a way of rooting the family in their african-based values and spirituality before they migrate. she is represented as the voice of a girl who will be born into the peazant family lineage in the future. “my story begins on the eve of my family’s migration north. my story begins and ends before i was born.” nana peazant had had a vision of her family “coming apart,” and so in order to try and remedy this problem, she “prayed and the old souls guided [the young narrator] into the new world” ( : : to : : minutes). the value of the unborn child is implied in the scene of a conversation between nana peazant and her son eli (adisa anderson). as nana is not going to be migrating to the mainland with the rest of the family, she decides to give eli some advice. nana peazant. man’s power don’t end with death. we just move onto another place. a place where we go and watch over our living family. respect your elders. respect your family. respect your ancestors . . . the ancestor and the womb; they one, they the same. those in this grave, like those what across the sea, they with us. they’re all the same: the ancestor and the womb. call on your ancestors eli, let ‘em guide. you need their strength. eli, i need for you to make the family strong again, like we used to be ( : : to : : minutes). the ensuing dialogue reiterates the importance of recollection in order to keep the family together against the odds which nana peazant has foretold they will face when they travel north. she ends by asking him to “celebrate [their] ways” (daughters : : minutes). in maintaining as much as possible of their african heritage, nana thus asserts that this practice would serve to remind the migrating islanders that they are not alone; that they belong to a wider, bigger family which goes back infinitely, who are watching over and guiding them. beyond the diegesis of the film, this also expresses that such knowledge could serve as a unifying element for all african americans in a potentially divisive environment. another visual embodiment of a celebration of african american ways in the film, can also be said to be noted in dash’s active inclusion of food and the social processes involving it (i.e., the preparation and the ceremony of sitting and eating together, despite differences). from what is shown, the viewer can see that they eat gumbo, corn, crab, boiled eggs, greens, cornbread and shrimp; dishes attributed to the soul food kitchen. as such, some or all of what is presented are commonly offered in a traditionally african american menu. soul food and its significance as an african american cultural reference is employed as a unifying tool here, in that via its inclusion, dash is acknowledging the roots of this type of cooking, namely slavery and its connections to west african foods and cooking. at the same time, the reference counters conservative elements of african american politics which seek to disassociate african americans from such markers of alleged incivility (curtis ). for example, elijah mohammed, one of the founders of the nation of islam, famously links soul food with “slave food” and therefore a cultural reference which he posits adds to the further contamination of an exemplary african american identity as a consequence of the association with this part of history, rather than the perceived glorious, pre-slavery one (muhammad ). dash must disagree with this assessment of soul food since she has included an assenting rendering in her narrative. featuring it thus allows soul food to be another shared, positive point of reference in african american heritage, and indeed another cultural practice worth retaining. another homage to the concept of preservation, dash incorporates into the narrative the role of visual renderings. mirroring julie dash’s own camera, mr snead’s role in the film not only continues the meta-message of preservation in it, it turns the attention of the viewer to the function of the camera in such a task. though an inanimate machine, as a consequence of its operational requirements, what it captures reflects the selective objectives, visions and ambitions of the one who controls it. the camera therefore becomes animated in its use. like mr snead, when julie dash set out to film at the sea islands, she had a vision for how the finished product could look and how the filming should proceed (as per pre-production knowledge and from her years of research). both had an idea of what they needed to capture, but the more they discovered, the more they wanted to know: i knew then that the images i wanted to show, the story i wanted to tell, had to touch an audience the way it touched my family. it had to take them back, take them inside their family memories, inside our collective memories. soon i was off, running faster and faster, trying to find more and more information that would allow me to uncover this story (dash : ). the signification of the camera thus reflects dash’s long-standing desire of working in film, as well as the degree of serendipity involved in that part of her life story and thus her spiritual calling to the medium. furthermore, her relationship to the lens therefore connects with mr snead’s use of the camera in its part in the task of preserving the history and culture of the gullah islands. more than preserving by retelling, she captures this history in the unique, poetic visualisation of spirituality and transcendence that has come to characterise this work. her manipulation of cinematic codes of time and space to achieve this alternative cinema shows her resistance to being bound by the inanimateness of the camera, instead revelling in its potential. . . sankofa as with daughters, sankofa reinforces the idea of recalling and recognising an africa--centric heritage, and thus also promotes the cultural black nationalist politics of the contemporary afrocentrism. the sound of hand-beaten drums and exclaiming vocals fill the audience’s ears in the film’s opening sequences. the first shot glides up a wooden sculpture of an african woman and child adorned with beads. twenty-three seconds in, this shot ends, cutting to a slate with the titles of the co-producers. the shot quickly returns to the sculpture. in the audio, there is a second voice now expressing passionately in twi. the voice then exclaims the film title, “sankofa!” between the fast frame changes and the complex sensory overload of sounds and visual montages of these sequences, sankofa demands the audience’s full attention from the onset. additionally, appearing twice in quick flashes, is a slate with the text, “listen!” ( : : minutes). haile gerima uses the medium of a griot to introduce the film. an integral part of grioting is performing and being dynamic in that performance. one could argue that the rapid interchanging of symbolic imagery, coupled with rhythmic incantations and drumming in these opening sequences, creates a type of visual grioting. the griot is drumming and incanting in elmina, the fort on the coast of ghana from which millions of enslaved people began their doomed journey to the plantations of the americas and of the caribbean islands. furthermore, the language of his incantations is recognisable as twi and the word “sankofa” is an akan word and adinkra symbol for “looking back” (salm and falola ). accordingly, this is a story of an african american model, mona (oyafunmike ogunlano), who meets sankofa, the physical manifestation of the concept. the audience learns of this when later, a guide, in an effort to calm awe-struck tourists, tells them that, “he’s called sankofa. he’s a self-appointed guardian of this castle and he claims to be the communicator for the dead” ( : : minutes). sankofa sets mona on a spiritual pilgrimage to the past where she is forced to confront her african and slave history, and through this process connects with a slave woman called shola. mona has travelled to ghana for a photoshoot where she poses wearing beads, an outfit and hat with kente-cloth print on one day, and a zebra-print bathing costume with a golden wig on another. carol magee discusses the appropriation of what is perceived to be ethnically african in contemporary fashions and thus describes a similar rendering to what is depicted in these photoshoot scenes. gerima must also share her elucidations, namely, that though this iconography references a “counternarrative” which in its inception sought to define “beauty for blacks on their own terms,” when it “ . . . gets incorporated into mainstream culture . . . [the] costumes’ specific references are lost, and they become signs simply of ethnic otherness and exoticism” (magee - ). in offering a reason for the necessity of recollection, gerima in his inclusion of this photoshoot has found his paragon. an akan language spoken in ghana, where this part of the film is shot. a praise singer and/or poet who is simultaneously a historian, musician and storyteller. the role of shola is also played by oyafunmike ogunlano, which reifies their connectedness. the fact that mona seems unaware of the significance of the location and its connection to the kente reprinted onto her outfits, intimates the dilution of meaning in the original ideas for wearing these styles. the use of kente is an apt example. though now a ghanaian national symbol and popular, globally-recognised pattern, kente was originally associated with royalty, and the symbolism incorporated into it revealed the intricacy in this art of weaving. thus, to borrow magee’s phrasing, kente thereby “ . . . conveys messages specifically through proverbs and generally in terms of national/cultural identity,” which in turn points to the significance of the cloth and its use in sankofa, and gerima’s subsequent comment on its devaluation via commercialisation ( - ). the photoshoot takes place on the beach in front of elmina castle. formerly a principal port in the slave trade, it is now a tourist destination complete with guides and a small museum. while mona is posing for her pictures, sankofa, looking at her sternly, commands her in twi, “return to your source!” he then turns to the photographer and all the white tourists who have now formed a small audience, slams his staff into the ground and demands: sankofa. what do you want here? where do you come from? here is sacred ground, covered with the blood of people who suffered. it is from here that our people were snatched and taken by the white man. get away from here! leave this ground! [he turns back to the model.] and you! return to your past! ( : : to : : minutes) using the photoshoot as a trigger, the film thereby critiques the commodification of afrocentrism which, as a result of popular interpretations of its africa-centric politics, had encouraged the wearing of african-inspired fashions, which therefore became a visible expression of this mind-set, consequently emptying this aspect of the afrocentric philosophy of its political value. as is also communicated in new jack city (which will be addressed later in this chapter), this is because the consciousness politics implied by adopting such fashions becomes lost as a consequence of this process. thus, as demonstrated through mona’s fashion shoot in elmina, gerima is critiquing this culture of consumption and its repercussions. see shea clark smith’s article, kente cloth motifs, on the kente as it presents a detailed account of the symbolism woven into the cloths and the processes involved with its production. when sankofa responds to the cited misappropriation by commanding her to “return to [her] source,” mona does not laugh and hide behind the photographer as she did on the previous occasion of their meeting. sankofa has made an impression on her. now that gerima has ensured that not only the viewers but mona too are paying attention (that is, “listening”), the journey to the past can begin. narrator. spirit of the dead, rise up . . . lingering spirits of the dead rise up and possess your bird of passage. those stolen africans step out of the ocean from the wombs of the ships and claim your story. spirits of the dead rise up . . . ( : : to : : minutes) with a loud crash, a new scene unfolds of chained enslaved people bound around a fire, and aurally, this imagery is filled with the sound of unified voices chanting rhythmically. the chorus continues and grows louder. akin to what is known to initiate a spiritual trip or trance, a second sensory deluge in the film, supported by chanting or similar vocal repetitions, is what casts the audience into the spiritual retroversion this film takes. a few moments later, the physicality of mona is transported to a slave history which begins in the fort, hundreds of years before. here, she inhabits the spirit of a slave called shola, a fact that neither she nor the audience are aware of until a few seconds later. mona. wait! stop! . . . you’re making a mistake! i’m not an african! . . . i’m an american! . . . no! ( : : to : : minutes) in this new scene, mona is being dragged by the slavers. the other enslaved people in chains look on impassively. “i’m not an afric-!” she stops herself and looks at the faces around her, as if aware that her remonstrations are in vain. gerima is obviously suggesting otherwise because by interpreting the silence and sedated expressions of the africans that hear her cries, including the fact that she is being seen and treated in the same way by the slavers as the others are, he demonstrates that despite her initial protestations, there is no difference between her and the african enslaved people. conversely though, gerima does not explicitly say that she is – mona never says, “i am an african.” what is therefore suggested via this scene is the premise that as an african american, one cannot dismiss a shared identity with african people outright. it implies that the aspect of african american identities which is marked by an african and a slave history as it is explored in the film, cannot (and should not) be disregarded. the white men strip off mona’s clothes. the other enslaved people continue to watch in their vacant or resigned manner. the music in the soundtrack at this moment is of an african american gospel/folk sound. it says “baaack!” in this way, the aural signifiers which gerima has chosen to culturally mark african american and the presented african identities, have come together and are thus both exclaiming “back” or “return!” up until this point, gerima has made much use of auditory signifiers as a means of indicating an identity (e.g., a distinctly twi one through spoken language and incantations via the griot). he arguably maintains this signifying device to introduce into the minds of the viewer the connectedness of both (west african drumming and incanting, and african american gospel songs), and as a reminder of these aural cues in the genealogy of african american history (accordingly, the next audio cue is the sound of whipping). mona is branded, marking the moment her spirit connects with that of shola’s, the slave woman through whom mona experiences her african american slave history. consequently, the enslaved people – for the first time – physically interact with her, in that they gather around and crouch down towards her. there is no doubt now both in hers and the audience’s minds that for the moment “mona” is gone, as is the time in which she lives. after an extended sequence of montages of chained black men and women, rows of sugarcane fields and the sound of whipping overlaid into the extra-diegetic soundtrack, the audience is introduced to shola. shola is a house slave on the lafayette plantation. in a voiceover, she speaks of how it was easier to accept slavery if you were born into it as she was. she says this to perhaps explain why this attitude was contrary to her love interest, shango’s (mutabaruka), who is considered a “troublemaker.” shango was given a wooden carving of the sankofa spirit bird to put around his neck by his father, to which he attributes his rebellious nature. “after he put the bird on my neck, i became a rebel,” he says ( : : minutes). this reasoning resonates dan freeman’s contention in the spook, that knowing who you are as an african american agitates white racist power structures because it means that they can no longer control such an individual because he/she will have claimed ownership of their identity. as a corollary, such ownership will provide the individual with the confidence they would need to continue to demand their visibility by standing up for their interests, which in this instance, is freedom from the oppression meted out by the slavers. sankofa furnishes us with an example of this assertion in the character of nunu (alexandra duah). nunu, like nana peazant in daughters, occupies a matriarchal position in the slave community. similarly, gerima imbues her character with spiritual powers, which, it is suggested, she possesses because, as shola states, she is still close to her “african past.” nunu, who connects the enslaved people to a powerful spiritual past, is fearless and is emboldened by this knowledge: “what trouble? they can never do nothing to me – they can never! you are useless!” she says to a white overseer ( : : minutes). as in daughters, sankofa also features an african american character who is conflicted about their identity. in keeping with this rendering, the individual, whilst aspiring to fit a white model of a us citizen, becomes aware that he/she is unable to reconcile such a concept comfortably without actively denying an african, slave past, which despite their efforts, remains a persistent part of their identity. the role of the conflicted african american is thus characterised by the black overseer, joe (nick medley). to add to his complexity, it is revealed that he is nunu’s child and the product of her rape by a white slave merchant on her journey from the west african coast. rape as an integral element in the transatlantic slave trade is a pronounced feature in sankofa, and is unambiguously expressed through shola, joe and nunu. similar to the character of viola peazant in daughters, joe seeks spiritual salvation and personal valorisation through christianity and is an ardent practitioner of it. joe’s affinity to christianity has a violent outcome however, as he ends up killing his mother (nunu) in defence of it. while she is comforting him with a lullaby following his near-fatality as a result of ingesting a mixture prepared by shango and administered by an admirer, nunu grabs at his pendant of mary of nazareth and rips it off. for her, it would seem, christianity is incompatible with her african spirituality and/or she sees it as another way of his subjugation. following her action, he is immediately roused and fights her, causing her death by drowning. like viola, joe ultimately acquiesces to the belief system of the matriarch in the narrative. galvanised by what he has done and by the discovery that she was his mother, joe turns against father raphael (reggie carter), thereby, christianity, declaring that “the heathen is my mother” and that the priest refrain from “disrespecting her.” moreover, father raphael’s language choice in referring to nunu as “heathen” suggests, as is asserted in daughters, that african belief systems should be dismissed upon accepting christianity ( : : to : : minutes). dramatically, joe kills the priest in the church. shola’s voiceover narrates what follows this incident: the church is burnt down, along with the priest’s body. nunu’s body is never found however. “some folks believe [. . .] she never died. they said they saw this big bird swoop down and take her to africa” ( : : minutes). syntagmatically, the only conclusion left for the viewer to draw is that this bird must be the sankofa spirit bird. shola sought help from christianity in response to her continual rape at the hands of the slave owner. finding no solace there, she questioned its validity in her life as a source of salvation: “. . . prayin’ wasn’t working, so i just stopped altogether” ( : : minutes). she remains conflicted about renouncing christianity altogether at this point in the film though and so does not because she is remains a devoted believer. this is indicated in a voiceover from a scene in an earlier part of the film where she confesses that it “was the church” in her that prevented her from being initiated into nunu’s religious practices. after nunu’s death however, shango finally initiates her, and when the slave owner again approaches with the intention of raping her (gerima uses a cut-away to a previous rape scene to illustrate this), she kills him. in the accompanying voiceover she narrates that after this confrontation, she ran from the people and the chasing dogs. “next thing i know, i’m in the air going up and up and up. this old earth is getting smaller . . . ” ( : : minutes). like nunu, she has been taken up into the sky by sankofa, or is imbibed by the spirit of sankofa, joining the realm of the ancestors. nunu and shola are gerima’s contribution of what angela y. davis describes in the following: “ . . . black women . . . also asserted their equality aggressively in challenging the inhuman institution of slavery. they resisted the sexual assaults of white men, defended their families and participated in work stoppages and revolts” ( ). ultimately, their strength lives on as inferred by their spiritual induction and in their role in the generation of what the audience now assumes will be another empowered woman in mona. in keeping with the spiritual, multi-interpretational close to shola’s life, in the final sequences mona is seen sitting among a group of people at the fort in elmina, looking out over the ocean. also sat among them is nunu. she smiles and nods at mona through tears. whether mona still exists though can now see the spirits as a consequence of her journey, or if she is among the ancestors herself as the spirit of shola, form some of the abstruse questions impressed upon the audience by sankofa. regardless of whichever answers one leans more towards, what endures is the film’s conspicuous suggestion that a revisiting of the past and an active participation in such a process (either through celebrating “the old ways” or by recreating hybrid ones) by incorporating elements of both past and present spiritualities, will ensure african american survival in a figurative sense. it proposes that in accepting and taking pride in an african american identity which acknowledges a connection with an african past, will grow resilient or, at the very least, will be able to weather the systematic attempt at erasing that past. . . coming to america like a fairy tale romance, the film’s plotline co-opts the messages behind scenarios in this genre and follows the standard narrative arc of most hollywood-made romantic comedies. in this regard, the lead character (if he is male) expresses dissatisfaction with an aspect of his current life. he then embarks on an internally or externally expressed journey to address this unhappiness, which results in his remedying the source of the discontent. necessarily, this resolution is expressed in a spectacular gala event which promises a happily ever after future. coming to america deviates very little from this paradigm. prince akeem (eddie murphy) is a young man who appears to be unhappy with his life and especially with the fact that he has no say, despite his relative position of power as the prince, in whom he will marry. within the first twenty minutes of the film, a plan to resolve this anxiety is set in motion. subsequently, the day on which the narrative begins not only marks akeem’s st birthday, it also marks the start of the rebellion which would confront and challenge the tradition of arranged marriages in the kingdom of zamunda, a process which encompasses the entirety of the film’s plot. although an arguably worthwhile cause, this quest and storyline does not develop beyond the misogynist overtones presented in all fairy tales (and indeed in most films with a leading male character). fittingly, the overt patriarchy and misogyny of coming to america is apparent from the moment the first characters are introduced. the stark contrast in dress alone between the kingdom’s staff make an apt an example of this. the differentiation in attire between the royal attendant, oha (paul bates) and the petal-throwers, between the female bathers and the male guards and orchestra, illustrates the gendered double standard presented throughout. although this observation is already implied by the film’s parallels with the fairy tale romance genre, it is exaggerated to the point of absurdity most notably in the parts of the narrative which are set in zamunda, ergo the diegetic africa. the film thus presents a curious mix of messages through its excessive narrative and aesthetic depictions. for while it mocks this aspect of the film fits the model of a fairy tale because it can be argued that the genre is concerned with framing explicit ideas of female beauty, and presenting vulnerability and submissiveness as attractive and glamorous. crucially, a combination of these qualities is ultimately rewarded. the extravagance of the assumptions people make about africans and africa, matrimony and love, it also makes and validates eccentric conjectures of its own in this regard. references or questions about what is assumed to be common practice in africa are posed to prince akeem and his aide semmi (arsenio hall), which, in a way that befits his measured temperament, akeem always answers politely. for example, landlord (frankie faison), the owner of the building where they have found accommodation, whilst giving them an orientation of the building and its facilities says, “but you boys from africa are used to that . . . ” in reference to the “insect problem” in the bathroom and what he perceives is the subsequent futility in having to explain the matter further ( : : minutes). in another scene which, by its inclusion can be read as a critique of inaccurate but popular perceptions of africans and their relations to wild animals, darryl jenks (eriq la salle) remarks to the prince, “ . . . i bet you learned all that stuff fighting lions and tigers . . . ” following the attempted robbery in which akeem defeats hold-up man (samuel l. jackson) in physical combat ( : : minutes). additionally, as reflected in the scene which takes place at a basketball match, there are other occasions where akeem’s otherness is referenced, including situations which are intended to humiliate him. for example, patrice mcdowell (allison dean), darryl, lisa mcdowell (shari headley) and akeem are at a basketball game where, with the intention of belittling akeem in front of lisa, darryl makes continual jibes at him: “wearing clothes must be a new experience for you,” he retorts ( : : minutes). an effect of these remarks is that the spectator is put in the position to judge the landlord or darryl as ignorant because the experiences of the particular africans they are mocking are quite contrary to what is assumed, whether matter-of-fact or spiteful in their intention. consequently, there is a double-sided effect of using popular derogatory suppositions of africans who, though only because the audience knows that the africans the landlord and jenks are referring the statements to, do not fit that description. these, however, are suppositions which are not disputed in themselves within the film. in other words, the film does not say that the generalising remarks by the landlord and jenks are wrong per say, it simply suggests that they are wrong for the people those comments are addressing directly. nevertheless, these are some of the ways in which the film in an extra-diegetic sense ridicules examples of popular perceptions people may have of africa and africans. furthermore, the negative stereotyping implied by the landlord and jenks’s statements are played off to humorous effect and so the controversy inherent in them is arguably subsumed or dulled. though this may be evident however, as has been alluded to above, the film also sets up and presents equally fanciful impressions of its own. in keeping with eddie murphy’s brand of comedy, which is characteristically extrovert and bombastic, this is a comedy which allows for “beyond real” explorations. it is therefore expected that not everything that is presented to the viewer should be taken as “truth.” however, even after considering the reasoning that it is a comedy and is therefore expected to display such qualities, the film as a whole can also be read as another expression of a reduction of afrocentrist political principles through processes stemming from the commercialisation of some of its politics. for, in centering the narrative on africans and africa via akeem (a well-presented, well-mannered and honest african prince) and zamunda, (a peaceful, wealthy and civilised africa), the film could be said to be affirming a romanticised representation of africa and africans, as espoused in afrocentric cultural rhetoric. what is more, this royal africa and africans are ultimately connected to african america by way of akeem’s marriage to lisa mcdowell (shari headley). from another perspective, one could also argue that because the film, with consideration of its massive budget and the subsequent necessity of its successful distribution, needed to appeal to african american and crossover audiences, it had to speak to this broad viewership. it therefore capitalised on the contemporary interest in the marketable version of africa which emerged as a corollary of a resurgence in interest of popularly perceived african cultural signifiers, expressed through mediums like fashions and idealised african kingdoms of immeasurable power and wealth, as vivified by afrocentrism. furthermore, the african fairy tale of zamunda with its order and sophisticated nobility, is set in contrast to the ignorance and corruption depicted of us americans, who are shown as greedy, stingy, or duplicitous. although the idea of presenting an idealised, and subsequently “positive” conception of africa and africans may have been earnest, as will be addressed in detail in the next chapter, their representations in coming to america ultimately undermine such intentions. . . barbershop eddie. this is the barbershop. the place where the black man means something. cornerstone of the neighbourhood. our own country club. i mean, can’t you see that? ( : : minutes) according to joel waldo finler, in his book, the hollywood story, the total production costs for coming to america amounted to $ , million dollars ( ). a distribution deal with a well-connected company (paramount pictures) is critical for films with such budgets because it ensures that these expenses are eventually balanced out, with an added bonus of being able to potentially generate a profit. the barbershop as shown through the film’s narrative matches popular renderings of the institution it represents. this institution, as described by trudier harris in her article “the barbershop in black literature,” is “usually locally owned and casually operated . . . is not only ‘homey’ in its attitude and psychological warmth, it is also homey in its physical characteristics” ( ). from the film’s opening sequences of stock photographs of african american barbershops, to the diegetic setting of the films main character’s (calvin palmer, played by o’shea jackson, also known as ice cube) family-owned barbershop, this is the visual depiction of what harris describes in her text. calvin’s barbershop is located in chicago’s southside, situated in the middle of a street with other african american-owned businesses, and is frequented by locals who, as can be inferred from their conversation and interactions, have lived and worked there most of their lives. additionally, because these businesses are often frequented by people from the immediate area, talk in the barbershop is generally in relation to local activities and personalities, making it linguistically- and neighbourhood-specific. as such, it is a familiar public space, which, as a part of the neighbourhood, is in touch with what is going on through gossip and/or the conversation inspired by the relaxed, discursive atmosphere maintained by its idiosyncratic setting and customer base. the plot in barbershop pivots on calvin’s (and his customers’) resistance to the capitalist-motivated business incursions on the street where his barbershop is located. the businesses across the street represent competing commercial interests in the neighbourhood, notably a flashy new barbershop which calvin fears will take what little income he makes away. he is forced to make a decision about whether to keep his barbershop open despite threats of foreclosure, consequently having to let go of the possibility of exploring new business ideas he has with the money he could potentially make from selling it. ultimately, he stands his ground, thereby saving the “cornerstone” of his community. it could also be argued that black barbershops constitute a site which challenges white hegemonic power because it insists on the patronage of black people due to the fact that it deals with black hair and is usually located in or near black neighbourhoods. correspondingly, impervious to the oppressive elements brought on by the white hegemony, the barbershop is a place where african american men in the community can congregate for grooming, social or politically-focused updates and/or social escape with potentially relative comfort. furthermore, eddie’s quote speaks directly to what nikol g. alexander-floyd terms the “black cultural pathology narrative,” in that it implies that the barbershop acts as an empowering space where black men (who are endangered) can nurture and (re)build a sense of themselves, which would ultimately benefit the community as a whole. as can be observed in the historical record, african americans have not been afforded the same treatment at various levels of society and politics as white us americans, thereby arguably positioning them as secondary citizens of the united states. to varying degrees of application, it can be contended that this problem persists. given these conditions, it follows that the absence of the hierarchy of masculinities established through a white us american hegemony by entering another which is focused on african american male interests as it does in a barbershop setting, allows for the existence of a space where a “black man means something.” the film draws attention to this assertion through the character of isaac rosenberg (troy garity). as a white man who works in the black, masculine hegemony of the barbershop, the character of isaac presents an effective example of this reversal of power roles. isaac needs the acknowledgement and approval of the black masculinities that occupy the barbershop space to survive because while his chair remains empty, he cannot earn an income. as it happens, he does not win any customers, which implies that the african american clientele do not trust that as a white man, he is able to cut their hair as well as the african american barbers, if at all. it is however simultaneously indicated that the men in the shop do not see him as “white.” for example, with isaac sat in front of him, eddie begins a monologue in which he discredits revered african american icons and convictions with, “now, i probably wouldn’t say this is front of white folk, but in front of ya’ll i’m gonna speak my mind . . . ” ( : : minutes). added to the complexity of isaac’s reception as a white man in a black hegemonic space, another message embedded in his rejection as a barber is that he, as a white man, is being prevented from an easy appropriation of this “cornerstone” of the african american community for his financial and/or social advantage ( : : to : : minutes). he can socialise in a barbershop, have an african american girlfriend, listen to hip-hop, dress hip- hop, speak in the local african american vernacular and claim that these constitute “who [he is];” even declaring that these attributes make him “more black” than one of his african american colleagues. this emerges from a final confrontation he has with jimmy james (sean patrick thomas). in this scene, isaac declares, “this is who i am!” in response to digs jimmy makes about the authenticity of isaac’s character and the integrity of his ambitions to for a second example, see barbershop : : minutes. own a black barbershop ( : : minutes). so, while isaac may be “black” judging from his lifestyle choices and in the way he chooses to express his identity culturally (i.e., in his use of african american-identified vernacular, fashions, music tastes etc.), permission to pass into an environment whose business is concerned with an innate signifier of “blackness” (i.e., in the form of hair), is mediated under the wary eye of the guardians of that “blackness,” (namely, all the black masculinities that frequent the space). he eventually does pass: as if to demonstrate what the film expounds is the egalitarian nature of the barbershop space which respects and approves of earnestly-rooted motivations, it turns out isaac cuts black hair well which leaves the viewer with impression that he may in the foreseeable future continue to do so based on that merit (notably, this permission is granted only after the approval of a black man). the narrative thus propounds that supporting and taking pride in what is understood as african american culture is not hinged on a person’s skin colour, but on a shared respect and interest in it. most significantly however, by allowing isaac into that space and permitting him to literally survive the oppressions of a white-focused, capitalist-favoured society (by way of earning a wage from giving haircuts) and figuratively (like the other black men for whom the barbershop represents a site of returned power), barbershop pronounces, in the vein of conservative afrocentric politics, that skin colour is irrelevant when it comes to a sincere pursuit of economic, social and thus political advancement. moreover, this rhetoric contends that discussing skin colour and its correlation to oppression and thus the resulting disempowerment, is counter-productive, implying that it is the individual who impedes their own betterment by resigning themselves to such thoughts. though a barbershop is a habitually-frequented environment in which current local, national or international news and events are raised and discussed, this space can at the same time also be exclusionary as it is limited in the range of subjects available for conversation. this is because, as a place for grooming almost exclusively frequented by people identifying as male, the perceived need to police and construct degrees of masculinity are arguably heightened in such an environment. as a corollary, within such a setting, topics which are, for example, gender conscious, which reference homosexuality or which raise discourses connected to these themes are not viable or encouraged because they conflict with the expectations of the type of masculinity displayed in the barbershop set-up. in this way, an african american barbershop like the one depicted in the film (which seeks to mirror a this point will be expanded on later in this subsection. typical barbershop atmosphere), which focuses on nourishing paradigms of “manhood” and concentrates on issues around black male socialisation, thus also becomes a place which is exemplary of the non-inclusive, conservative value-based afrocentrist discourses. appropriately, barbershop’s calvin palmer epitomises these attributes. barbershop presents a plurality of black masculine identities as well as the “hierarchy” of these in the space. for the most part, calvin, who is at the top of the hierarchy of masculinities presented in the barbershop, is to be read as a positive character. for though he is flawed (which is necessary for the tensions arising in the plot), he is a married man and father-to-be who reluctantly observes his responsibilities to the shop by opening it up for business daily, despite his unwillingness and unhappiness in doing so. it is made apparent that calvin has aspirations to earn a sizable fortune for which he has hatched several plans. however, given the nature of the barbershop business with its “relaxed physical and business setting,” he will never accumulate monetary wealth from it (harris ). his subsequent internal reconciliation with this inevitability is an essential part of his characterisation as it highlights an important element of the film’s message, which suggests that individually- based desires to gain financial wealth are not only selfish, but counter-productive to the betterment of the community. this assertion is illustrated explicitly through the villainous character, lester wallace (keith david), who is a gangster and a pimp, feared and loathed by the community. in this way, calvin’s characterisation of being a “good man” is tied to afrocentrist patriarchal notions that educators like jawanza kunjufu posit, namely, that “one of the most revolutionary things you can do is to keep your marriage intact and raise your children.” (qtd. austin : ) as part of his paternalistic attributes, calvin, for example, controls music levels and times when “rap music” can be played in the barbershop, mediates bad language, breaks up heated arguments, looks after his employees (as displayed in his attentions to michael ealy’s ricky nash), and generally maintains the peace. furthermore, through him, the omnipresent message of the film is repeated again, which asserts that like a parent, calvin (i.e., all responsibly-minded african american men) must make sacrifices for the greater good. to furnish a few examples of those who have sacrificed for this “greater good,” calvin himself names “the panthers . . . martin luther king, jesse jackson . . . [and] rosa parks . . . ” ( : : minutes). the measure of a man as expressed in barbershop proclaims through every featured male character that respect is earned and kept when each faces up to his particular diegetic challenge and remains accountable for that action, regardless of the outcome. in short, another didactic message coursing through barbershop’s plot continuously demands that each character “man up,” whilst simultaneously affirming that there is more to a person than what one is presented with at face value. by setting some of the characters up against each other, forcing one to fail while the other succeeds in its quest to define its idea of an exemplary “manhood,” the film constructs rudimentary dialectical oppositions between character and action in each, with obvious indications of which “character and action” is ultimately right or wrong. so, for example, as can be observed through the interactions between jimmy james and isaac rosenberg, the didactical lessons here are that a better man does not put another down by insulting him and/or by instigating physical violence. a better man should remain humble and must understand that knowledge is not only obtained through higher education. knowledge has to also extend to the self, for a true acceptance and familiarity of one’s individual skills and interests allows one to develop into a respected man, who in turn can contribute positively to the community. these and other dichotomous messages are reiterated throughout the film. jimmy forms part of the body of men who are presented in unfavourable ways, and who therefore serve as antagonistic examples of the measure of an “ideal man,” as advocated by the film. the others include lester wallace (keith david), kevin (jason george), j.d. (anthony anderson) and his co-conspirator, and detective williams (tom wright). when jimmy is introduced, he is carrying a newspaper under his arm and is patronising when making a complex coffee order. not only is he consequently shown as actively literate (i.e., reading the paper, thereby keeping abreast of current, newsworthy affairs), he instantly comes off as pretentious and arrogant. he is confrontational throughout the film because he insists that he knows more than the others in all the conversations he is a part of. it is also made clear that the source of his conceitedness is that he is the character in the barbershop that has gone to college. from every interaction he has with the other characters however (which is almost always with his particular brand of condescension), he is proved wrong. thus, as stated above, the film is suggesting that having gone through higher education does not necessarily equate to possessing “knowledge.” by contrast, isaac not only stands up for the value of the barbering profession when jimmy dismisses the potential of a viable future in the business, he announces his steadfast intention to run a barbershop for black hair. though the others do not take this dream seriously because isaac is white, the viewer is given the impression that a future for him in black barbering may be possible when, near the close of the film, he successfully trims jimmy’s hair following a second argument between the two. thus, as mentioned earlier, what is implied by this narrative turn is that, ultimately, isaac may win customers based on the merit of his talent and not on the assumption that in order to cut black hair, one has to be black. the film also simultaneously shows that this could in fact be the opposite, as is evidenced by jimmy’s mistake, when he accidentally shaves a hole into a customer’s head ( : : minutes). while isaac is flashy with the way he flaunts what he has and appears self-assured, in the end, the narrative reveals that his ambition to be a barber is as humble as the profession itself. he wishes to own a barbershop because he finds pleasure in the work and believes he has the required skills. the resulting message emerging from jimmy’s role is that education necessarily includes the act of listening. it is through this action that he learns of isaac’s earnestness in his intention to barber black hair and his skill in it, and thus the value in having an ambition and endeavouring to achieve it, as isaac exemplifies. furthermore, as proved by the outcome of this scene the directive is that being humble and listening first before sharing what you know also makes for a better person (and man, in this case). another prominent lesson stemming from the principle that each man is accountable to himself and is responsible for his actions and choices, is evinced through the character of ricky nash. ricky is the broody, attractive barber with an element of danger in his characterisation due to the fact that he has recently spent time in prison. though he never uses it, he also carries a gun which he hides in his locker, and which completes the construction of him as a “bad-boy type” in the audience’s mind. however, in keeping with the narrative thematic in barbershop which constructs ostensibly polarising attributes for each character in order to deliver its message, the audience is consistently shown that words and clarity of mind are ricky’s most powerful weapon. thus, if any viewer might have initially dismissed him as “no good,” they would be shown otherwise, thereby reinforcing the adage that there is more to any character than meets the eye. towards the close of the film, at the tail end of a loose discussion on the subject of reparations for african americans, ricky literally voices elements of the conservative afrocentrist argument he signifies. ricky nash. we don’t need reparations a’ight, we need restraint. restraint. some discipline. don’t go out and buy a range rover when you livin’ wit yo mama! and pay your mama some rent. and can we please, please try and teach our kids somethin’ other than the chronic album? and please black people, be on time for somethin’ other than ‘free before ’ at the club. ( : : minutes) besides reasserting arguments that implicitly controvert the extent to which racist power structures impact african american lives, it suggests that the problems of african american communities are rooted in the denial of self-accountability; that once african american men seek self-empowerment through responsibility-driven actions, the community as a whole would benefit. this is demonstrated by way of the side story which shows the men in the barbershop coming together to raise money for johnnie brown’s shoes. those who come into the shop are invited to contribute to the fund so that the neighbourhood’s promising athlete, who cannot afford the necessary shoes, can therewith achieve the next step in his sporting career. when they succeed and johnnie is observed by calvin receiving his shoes, calvin decides to give lester back the money he borrowed from him because he sees the value in the barbershop to the community and how together they achieved something that will help elevate another member of that community ( : : minutes). the neighbourhood depicted in barbershop is in a state of change, marked by the influx of new businesses and by the need for it to accept and include into its definition as “an african american community,” people who are asian (samir, the indian store owner from across the street from the barbershop, played by parvesh cheena), and white (isaac). in light of these changes, the plot focuses on ways in which this southside locale unites through the actions of the men in the community, who must overcome their individualist agendas and join forces to save the institution of the barbershop, and thus its constituents. the narrative therefore concentrates on african american male socialisation and its correlation to notions of an ideal african american masculinity. as such, barbershop spends the entirety of its plot constructing the male identities it implies are required to meet the objective of saving the fragmenting community. the various masculinities presented in the film are primarily defined by the roles, actions and reactions ascribed to them, and so are characterised in a way that fit examples of what the film asserts are typical male identities that frequent african american barbershops. these male identities have to be performed and commented on within the narrative in order for the audience to connect them to the recognisable stereotypes that they are modelled after. in this way, the film illustrates from the outset that, as connell and messerschmidt write, a reference to the popular album by hip-hop artist dr. dre, released in by death row records. “[m]asculinities are configurations of practice that are accomplished in social action . . . ” ( : ). accordingly, the example of an “ideal man” that the film is ultimately constructing is always tested in various scenarios, and is thus expressed when these leading men successfully confront their related obstacles and when other characters assent to this accomplishment. the desirable character traits of the “ideal man” (who is indubitably a member of the hegemonic masculinities) are also contrasted with foil characteristics exhibited by other, peripheral masculinities. the “ideal man” is thus a combination of all the favourable qualities exhibited by each featured character, set against a combination of all the contrasting qualities possessed by the unfavourable masculinities. in the barbershop the latter comprise the marginal masculinities and includes, lester wallace – the local gangster boss, detective williams, kevin (jason george) – a cheating boyfriend, the two petty thieves, j.d. and his accomplice, and dinka (leonard earl howze) – the african apprentice who tidies the shop and sweeps up the hair. unlike jimmy, lester, kevin, the detective and the thieves, dinka is not malicious in his deviation from the accepted masculinity in the barbershop. rather, he is more like a child who needs (and finds) direction. because the petty thieves and dinka are not perceived as threats by the rest of the cast in the way that, for example, lester or detective williams are, these men serve as humorous distractions in the plot, which is made apparent by the way other characters interact with them (e.g., by mocking or laughing at their actions and statements). this also means that they are dismissed or ignored by the dominant masculinities, among whom authority in the film rotates. calvin, as the proprietor of the barbershop and the centre of the plot, is the constantly dominant masculinity. further, depending on the particular actions in a scene, the dominant masculinity in the hierarchy presented in the shop oscillates between the lead characters, eddie, jimmy, ricky, and isaac. thus on most of these occasions, the character who temporarily occupies the role of the dominant masculinity (i.e., wielding authority without using physical violence to enforce it) has been assigned that power by calvin in his directing conversation or attention towards the person. dinka signifies an african masculinity, though the harmless, non-sexualised, childlike variety, as opposed to the popularly referenced noble, virile, temperate one. he is a man in love but is unable to win the attentions of his love interest, terri jones (eve). in order to remedy this, he solicits advice from ricky, who is also the only person who speaks to and interacts with dinka with some semblance of courtesy. irritable and on his lunch break, ricky concedes and exercises patience by sharing with dinka, tips on how to court women. dinka. so ricky, what advice can you offer a guy like me on the art of wooing women? ricky. on what? dinka. you know, getting de hook up? de digits, de skins. il nana. snappy walley occhi wallee. ricky. yo, just be yourself. dinka. i’m big-boned rick. hefty. rotund. de’s too much of myself to go around. ricky. hold tight. there’s plenty of fat brothers pulling good ass. look at biggie, heavy d. dinka. they are world-famous rappers. i, on the other hand, am an overweight barber from west africa with a fondness for poetry. ricky. attitude will put you on. confidence. dinka. okay. ( : : to : : minutes) ricky also emphasises that dinka should be prepared to defend that woman’s dignity by “putting that pimp hand down” if any man ever “disrespects” her. following this conversation, dinka, evidently very happy with the advice, grins jubilantly and picks ricky up in a tight hug, repeating his gratitude. as will momentarily be expanded upon, in the phallocentric hegemony presented by the male character constructions in barbershop, how one relates to women defines an important part of that masculinity. dinka, who is unceasingly shown wanting in this regard, aims to achieve this expectation of masculinity, as is expressed by his seeking advice from ricky, which, as intimated by his involvement in a scuffle in defence of terri, he may ultimately achieve. in this manner, the film is suggesting that dinka’s african identity does not meet this aspect of the standard set for the “ideal man” being constructed in this context. his inability to pursue women is one of a few ways in which the film constructs him as a subordinate, and therefore, marginalised masculinity. as a way of highlighting this, for example, moments before dinka’s dialogue with ricky, a young boy comes into the shop to deliver some apple juice to terri. he sports an afro and thus reveals an empowered african american identity, which serves to compound his self-assuredness. apparently intimately familiar with the “advice” that has just been given to dinka, after terri thanks him, he confidently responds with, “you’re welcome my beautiful black sister” ( : : minutes). as such, it is expressly demonstrated that even boys can outdo dinka in the “art of wooing women.” to add to the construction of the exclusionary, phallocentrically oriented masculine environment of the barbershop, the writers have chosen to script a conversation about women’s “asses” as the opening conversation between the customers and the barbers ( : : to : : minutes). described as a matter of competing ratios, ricky carefully reveals the mathematics behind his deductions of what “a big ass woman” versus “a woman with a big ass” means to the men in the barbershop, and, by default, to the audience. the effect of this is an instant sanctioning and reinforcement of the barbershop as a heteronormative, male-centred territory, with the predictable object of de-homosexualising the space (as is often done in, say, an all-male poker game or a men’s locker room). a heterosexual vernacular is thus immediately established, which again links the film’s diegesis to the accepted and expected conception of a typical barbershop environment. this opening conversation also sets a precedent in the film, which recurs in many scenes that follow, which advances that the value of a woman is effectively boiled down to the quality of her “ass,” which necessarily works in concert with what the men universally perceive and acknowledge as an attractive face. furthermore, the relations of each featured male identity to women enhances the dimensions of their characterisation: ) for instance, ricky’s intelligence, which, it is implied, has been obtained from his lived experiences, and which gives him a suave and self- possessed air, is given added value by his insights on women, as is demonstrated by the certainty in which he advises dinka on “the art of wooing women,” and in his assessment of women’s “asses.” ) calvin, who is struggling with the degree of his responsibilities is restless, which results in him taking rash actions based on feelings of insecurity. he finds his courage or resolve and finds better alternatives or solutions after tempering conversations with his wife, which stem from her disapproval of his knee-jerk reactions and resulting “get- rich-quick schemes” ( : : minutes). ) isaac’s ostentatious confidence is mirrored in the public displaying of affection he and his girlfriend share before she drives off in his correspondingly showy car. ) dinka with his guileless earnestness is besotted with terri in equalling measure. what is more, the position of dinka’s masculinity within the barbershop hierarchy is elevated when he comes to terri’s defence against kevin. in accentuating their character traits by way of their responses to and about women, barbershop is applying, as hooks writes, “ . . . a phallocentric model, where what the male does with his penis becomes a greater and certainly more accessible way to assert his masculine status” ( : ). the hegemonic masculinities project a confident affinity to women, as displayed by the fact that some have girlfriends and wives, (indicating success in their ability to “woo” women), or by the way in which the rest discuss or conduct themselves around the film’s female cast. women in barbershop are thus represented in relation to the construction of the masculine identities the film wants to foreground, which, as previously stated, are constructed through the film’s presentations of the either exemplary or ineligible masculine qualities exhibited by the various male characters. the way in which terri is introduced further supports this assertion. terri is the only female character (besides calvin’s wife) who is seen interacting on more than one occasion with any of the featured cast. when the audience first meets her, she is shown discovering her boyfriend kevin’s infidelity. in her next appearance she is rebuffing dinka’s romantic advances. though the audience does not see a dynamic change in her as is observable in most of the other featured characters, both dinka and kevin – who arguably occupy the bottom rungs of the masculine hierarchies in the film – are set up to either develop around her (e.g., dinka), or are simply exposed as objectionable examples of a man (i.e., kevin). kevin is not given any redeeming qualities. his treatment of both the women who are subjected to his betrayal highlights his complete disregard for either of their feelings. the disagreeability of his character is further amplified when he comes to the barbershop, and in a half-hearted attempt at winning terri back, verbally abuses dinka, which ends in a physical altercation. what is thus being transported through the type of masculinity kevin typifies in barbershop suggests that in his failure to remain faithful, and therefore in respecting the woman whose attentions he was won, kevin demonstrates his inability at limiting his sexual desires to one woman as per the dictates of a heterosexual, monogamous relationship structure endorsed by the film. this subsequently betrays a lack of self-respect in his character because the disloyalty reflects a dishonest and thus immature personality. an elevated masculinity as defined by this film is therefore achieved not by mistreating women in the way kevin does, but in exhibiting maturity by exercising self-control (including resisting sexual or material urges as in the cases of kevin and calvin respectively), or by using it as a means of mastering one’s nerves (which translates to confidence) as dinka eventually does. tellingly, calvin, who occupies the top of the hierarchy of hegemonic masculinities in the barbershop, is the only married man. additionally, an “elevated masculinity” does not condone violence or criminal activity, as seen by the narrative ridiculing of the petty thieves and lester wallace, and by calvin’s support of ricky who has just been released from prison. however, given that it was included in the narrative, an apparently permissible form of violence is that which is executed in defence of a woman, which amplifies the film’s patriarchal agenda. the barbershop narrative is thus concerned with constructing and maintaining a particular african american, masculine environment and exhibiting the hierarchy within the space. it is interested in showcasing what kind of man earns and retains respect based on the merit of their actions. this merit is necessarily tied to conservative afrocentrist ideas of responsibility and accountability, as well as the way in which a man treats and keeps the opinions, love and attentions of a woman. barbershop and its message are therefore intrinsically predicated upon unproductive conditions of masculinity and their definitions, which thus opens the film up to all the shortcomings imposed by such limitations. . the influence of hood films: new jack city the plot in new jack city unfolds primarily through the activities of feared and powerful drug lord, nino brown (wesley snipes) and his undercover adversary, scotty appleton (tracy marrow, also known as ice-t). set in new york city between and , new jack city portrays the rise of crack cocaine and its crippling effects on african american communities and reiterates in different ways the fact that “crack kills” not only people, but the communities it affects. furthermore, beginning with the first sequences of harlem that the audience is introduced to, the film fastidiously depicts the effects of a drug and poverty-torn environment. suggesting the causes which left urban, african american neighbourhoods more easily susceptible to the proliferation of drugs like crack and thus their subsequent collapse, the film incorporates audio of news reports which tally increasing levels of unemployment, contrasted with news that the wealthier demographic are “getting richer.” these are followed by crack statistics which reference resulting deaths. this in turn is followed by news of arrests or deaths of drug pushers or gang members in the trade. in the midst of these reports, “hopelessness is at an all-time high” is audibly pronounced. see new jack city : : minutes, : : minutes, : : minutes and : : minutes for visuals and/or statements which transport this message. see new jack city : : minutes, where pookie (chris rock) recalls the scene of the courtyard at the carter apartments, the centre of nino brown’s operation. choosing to describe what he saw as a “nightmare” populated by a “nation of zombies” is a succinct verbal articulation of this “drug and poverty-torn” imagery. the correlating lust for wealth and the desire to escape the hopelessness, poverty and constraints presented by ghetto environs seems attainable via the financial gains offered by the drug economy, whose turnover is characteristically fast, and which only requires, at a basic level, knowledge of the geography and the locales in which to sell the drugs. moreover, seeing an opportunity to profit from the dejection around him, and remaining true to his ruthless business ethic, nino reasons that in “[times] like these, people wanna get high. real high and real fast . . . and make us rich” ( : : minutes). a unifying detail in the narrative of new jack city is thus the message that the rise of drug use, its constitutive elements and the repercussions it has on especially urban, african american society, can be understood as an extension of the systems of oppression on these communities by the white hegemony. further, as a way of further emphasising the part government plays in illegal economies, selina (michael michele) makes a reference to the criminal history of joseph p. kennedy sr, john f. kennedy’s father. “i think my cousin also likes the fact that you’re in the tradition of joe kennedy” ( : : minutes). nino brown. you gotta rob to get rich in the reagan era! ( : : minutes) in order to affirm this premise, nino is thus connecting his career in drug trafficking to government (i.e., structures of power), which, he argues, appears to be working against the upward mobility of its african american citizens. in his lesson, nino is presumably implicating government policies, such as reagan’s war on drugs, which exacerbated the social inequalities they were allegedly instituted to redress. nino brown. they running a strange programme ya’ll. i mean more po’ and disenfranchised folks than this place has ever seen. you see, they try to put this shit off like it don’t exist. gee money. meanwhile, the rich get richer … kareem akbar. . . . and the poor don’t get a fuckin’ thing. ( : : minutes) fulfilling his “. . . entrepreneurial spirit – the new american dream,” nino initiates his plans and barbarously establishes his drug empire ( : : minutes). biblical references in new jack city abound. articulated especially through the character of old man (bill cobbs) who consistently addresses nino as an “idolater” or the “devil,” or threatens him with statements like “you shall reap what you sow,” these biblical extracts arguably reveal the film’s cautionary lesson, namely, that though the law may fail at exacting appropriate punishment for crimes which have had a devastating effect on a society, there is a higher and omnipotent authority that will see that justice done. to cement this rationale, before he shoots and kills nino, old man shouts, “idolater, your soul is required in hell!” ( : : minutes). nino falls from the balcony to the ground below, reinforcing the conceptualisation of his fate with “hell.” in addition to the repeated “idolater,” is the phrase, “am i my brother’s keeper?” taken from the bible (genesis : kjv). the principle biblical excerpt featured in the narrative, it is also the mantra used by the cash money brothers (cmb) gang that nino heads. often referring to each other as “brother” and displaying a matching affection, the two leaders of the cmb gang presumably used this phrase in reference to themselves, thereby making them “cain and abel,” which, narratively-speaking, foretells their doomed brotherhood. true to this expectation, nino kills gee money, pronouncing him “. . . cain, my brother’s keeper” ( : : minutes). a multi-layered reference in the context of this film with consequently infinite interpretations, it can be briefly surmised as the film’s signal to accountability and guilt in individual and collective actions. for example, scotty makes pookie (chris rock) representative of all drug users who contribute to the destruction of the community by using and robbing its inhabitants of their possessions and the value of the environment in which they live. scotty. . . . you owe a lot of people man. you owe me, you owe yourself, you owe the whole community man . . . you owe pook’. ( : : to : : minutes) from government level, to the drug lords, to the pushers and the users, new jack city presents the audience with what it identifies as the principle actors in the drug economy, leaving discussion or conclusions about who or what is ultimately responsible for its ubiquity, to each. in the main however, it is implied that responsibility should rest on the individual, as especially articulated by the old man’s statement, “you shall reap what you “be not deceived; god is not mocked: for whatsoever a man soweth, that shall he also reap.” (galations : kjv). see new jack city : : minutes for the scene of a new year’s party where its use is abundantly demonstrated. sow.” thus, a consistent theme in the film, beginning with nino’s reasoning for the choices he has had to make in order to achieve his ambitions of wealth and upward mobility, is “accountability.” for while the role of government in the creation of these desperate conditions cannot be disputed, the effects of nino’s activities are also liable for the maintenance or acceleration of the conditions of “hopelessness” and destitution in his community. the film was released in , the height of the hood film phenomena which developed out of a period from the mid- s to the mid- s, which “marked the burgeoning of an african american presence throughout the media” (fabre and o’meally ). this was notably because of the proliferation of rap music and hip-hop as a commercially successful vehicle of expression for issues stemming from ghetto life experiences, and the visual accompaniment of this in the form of hood films. the success of hood films and the interest of the american public in african american urban lives were both a consequence of and contributor to the hip-hop culture movement that had been sweeping across the country from the early s. during the decade when new jack city was showing at theatres across north america, hip-hop was, as murray forman writes, “saturating the media spaces of the mainstream press and, of greater consequence, television, gaining unprecedented attention throughout north america” ( ). as has been articulated in chapter two, the term “hip-hop” comprises the youth culture affiliated with the ghetto and the social circumstances, activities and conditions associated with living in one (including the consequences and expectations of gang life). the rap music form, its artists (rappers and djs) and their appearance (attire) and performance of ghetto narratives, are hip-hop’s most prominent articulations. consequently, at the time of the film’s release, hip-hop and rap artists were the ambassadors of african american inner-city biographies and served as legitimate examples of those who had “survived the streets” and, without losing sight of this, found success. as forman notes, “[a]s the ghetto was being articulated as the privileged site of authentic black experience, rap was gradually imbued with a similar character, as the authentic sound track to contemporary black youth experience . . . ” (forman : ). being from “the streets” was thus an important signifier of the value of the ghetto story being told. the opening line of the film bears testimony to this: “you are now about to witness the strength of street knowledge” ( : : minutes). as intimated by this line, hood films thus popularised the streetwise african american image. see murray forman’s discussion on the significance of “the street” in rap music and hip-hop (forman : - , ). hood films are usually characterised by a young black male protagonist whose immediate environment, of which he is an inescapable part, is hostile to him. as forman phrases in his discussion on the communion between rap and hood film, “[a] core element of both rap lyrics and contemporary black cinematic narratives is the conflation of youth and danger with life in the ‘hood” (forman : ). he is usually born and raised in a self- contained, inner-city setting, decaying due to neglect, and marked by drugs and related crimes, as well as poverty and unemployment. the protagonist also often expresses a desire to escape the constraints of this environment, although they do not or cannot leave. in keeping with this characteristic feature of a hood film, nino brown expresses to the court and to the audience, his childhood desire to escape the ‘hood and the life he was born into: nino brown. . . . i was forced into this way of life . . . see i didn’t have the chances that you have, miss hawkins. i wasn’t born with a silver spoon in my mouth, miss hawkins. ( : : minutes) the film, by way of the introductory montages of run-down buildings and scenes of abject poverty in harlem, new york, transports the imagery of a ghetto and thus sets the bleak, diegetic tone of the narrative. as a consequence of the cross-marketing strategy that was characteristic of the two articulations of hip-hop culture, the accompanying soundtrack of a hood film is often largely comprised of best-selling rappers or hip-hop artists, who may also be part of the film’s cast. for in hip-hop, as massood writes when discussing hood films, “[m]ost important of all . . . was the assertion of the mc as a celebrity and community griot” ( : ). including rap artists either in the soundtrack or in the film therefore gave its ghetto-centric narrative legitimacy. this can be noted at the start of the film when, accompanying sweeping aerial shot of new york, the rapper queen latifah’s words are heard: “yo this is queen latifah, bringing a song about a place you might live. in case you don’t know, it’s called new jack city. . .” ( : : to : : minutes). significantly then, notwithstanding the vocalised presence of queen latifah, the inclusion of a contemporary rap star (ice-t) in one of the leading roles as well as a soundtrack made up of popular rap icons substantiates this assertion. for in new jack city, not only was ice-t the hero and a leading character, the film featured his track, “new jack hustler” from the album, o.g. original gangster. the film thereby “ . . . reaffirmed the strong commercial potential of marketing gangster movies with ‘hood orientation and hip-hop inflected sound tracks to eager audiences” (forman : ). accordingly, there is a strong presence of hip-hop culture in new jack city, as expressed via the soundtrack and diegetic music, the performers, the dancing, the fashions and even in the featuring of basketball, a principle signifier of this (relatively more easily accessible and) popular urban-based recreation. thus, coupled with a hip-hop soundtrack, which spoke of the streets, as presented by chart-topping rap artists who allegedly represented the streets, this film becomes the embodiment of this wave of filmmaking. furthermore, with a soundtrack as well received as the film, new jack city demonstrates the necessary “relationship of cross-pollination and mutual invigoration” of rap and hood films (forman : ). though new jack city does not follow to the t, the narrative plot and character conventions easily identifiable in other hood films, the ghetto setting and the subliminal transportation of the idea of the inescapability of the ghetto life is very present. secondly, as an enemy to the people of his community (or as old man phrases it, “his people”), nino becomes an asset to the alleged government machinations which were crafted to subjugate african americans. as such, nino’s endeavours to achieve his capitalist desires work against black consciousness politics which seek african american collective uplift because he literally kills his own people. consequently, in addition to the afore-mentioned message of the film, new jack city expresses its views on accountability, and, from this vantage point, insists on african american cohesion grounded in higher ideals, namely social betterment not just for one, but for all its constituents. as with the blaxploitation era, the hood film phenomenon was short-lived (from the beginning of the s to the mid- s) and filmmakers that made such films often moved away from this genre in later works. . . higher learning released in early , higher learning was written, directed and co-produced by john singleton and marked his third major feature following boyz n the hood and poetic justice ( ). reluctant to repeat the settings and plot of the hugely successful boyz n the hood, which had become the prototype of the hood film genre, yet still eager to depict the effects of racist structures of power on african american lives, singleton sought to portray alternative african american experiences with the object of forwarding his black consciousness agenda. in an interview with roger ebert for the chicago sun-times, singleton stated: [after] the success of boyz n the hood, everybody was trying to make another boyz. . . . i wanted to do all of los angeles – to do l.a. the same way woody allen has new york or spike lee has brooklyn . . . after all the other movies came out, i said i’m going to have to change all the way up. i’m going to have to do something different (ebert ). furthermore, in another interview by aldore collier for ebony magazine’s april issue, singleton is quoted stating that “traditionally, black men in the movies were always emasculated. they took their manhood away. hollywood didn’t want to see strong black men” (collier , ). the outcome of this creative conundrum was thus higher learning, which tracks the experiences of three freshman students around whom the narrative is built. professor phipps. one’s primary purpose at university level should be to learn how to think. ( : : minutes) the diegesis of the film takes place on the campus of columbus university, which, as signified by the full frame of the us american flag in the first scene, is arguably to be viewed as a microcosm of the united states. congruently, the film’s overarching theme is focused on african american survival and struggles for individual and collective betterment within such a context. oscillating between a black power rhetoric which insists on physical responses to racist confrontations which are seen to be part of the mechanisms that continue to oppress african americans, and a conservative afrocentrist approach which insists on personal agency as a means of transcending subject statuses, the film’s primary concern is turning the audience’s attention to the pervasiveness of “white power,” which is constantly depicted and literally vocalised in several parts of the narrative. this is particularly noticeable in a scene which takes place late in the film, when the neo-nazi gang have re-grouped at their leader scott moss’s (cole hauser) home after the campus shooting scenes. they chant, hollywood favoured supporting stories like these as evidenced by the emergence and proliferation of hood films. massood writes that was a year “in which more than nineteen films directed by african american directors were released,” a phenomena that previously characterised the blaxploitation era of filmmaking ( : ). “white power!” in an effort to revive their spirits after one of them dies ( : : to : : minutes). concurrently, and making full use of the university analogy, singleton encourages the audience to formulate their own opinions on black empowerment based on the scenarios he sets up. accordingly, it is suggested that the manner in which these opinions are formulated and expressed should follow the structural expectations of an academic essay. fulfilling his function in the continuation of this conceptual tool, professor phipps, the “politics ” lecturer, directs the task for the students (and the audience): professor phipps. your assignment for the semester is as follows: to formulate your own political ideology. ( : : minutes) as such, and in keeping with expected associations of a university setting, singleton impresses upon the viewer that akin to writing an essay or engaging in a debate or discussion, differing opinions or views on how individuals express their political leanings within this context are encouraged, as is detectable in the way he chooses to develop some of his characters. his characters, like his audience are thus compelled to “learn . . . to think” about their identities and its relation to their specific socio-political influence and agency. however, though this may have been singleton’s intention, the strength of his personal opinion, which is informed especially from the perspective of african american masculinities as is alluded to in both the cited interviews, still overwhelms the presented scenarios, meaning that the plot is chiefly fixated on the nature of “the game” and the intensity of the odds in it for african american men. in choosing “columbus” as the name of the university and including shots in the opening sequences which focus on his statue on campus, singleton reminds the viewer that this university setting (i.e., the united states with inherently racist institutions that actively maintain a white hegemonic state and its systems of power) is a representation of the world created by white men. this world, he states repeatedly through the film, constitutes a game which is rigged in favour of white us americans. singleton finds several ways to restate this point, employing the responses of campus security as his most unambiguous examples. at see ( ) the party break-up scene from : : to : : minutes, ( ) a scene featuring campus security being called by the fraternity house boys : : to : : minutes, ( ) a scene in which security are responding to reports of a gun threat : : to : : minutes, and ( ) in a final scene involving the film’s anti-hero, remy : : to : : minutes. each incident that campus security has been called to attend to, which also always pits white against african american students, security sides with the white students, finding cause to mock, bully or beat the african american students. stark polarisations and simplified causalities for character attitudes, preferences, actions and opinions are a constant feature in higher learning, which effectively amplifies the didactic tone of its narrative. furthermore, though much could also be said about the basic character stereotypes and their predictability as constructed in the film, it could be argued that again, this makes the narrative more receptive to the ideas that this film is seeking to transport. the lead character, malik williams (omar epps) is enrolled at columbus on an athletics scholarship; singleton hereby referencing an obvious stereotype of many african americans who are only able to attend higher education because of their sporting talents. through this facet of malik’s character construction, the plot highlights that though he is confident about his athletic talents and assumes that it is an innate quality in him that requires little nurturing in the form of training, he is mistaken in believing that he controls the rights to his skills in running. for the purposes of elucidating this assertion in the film’s narrative, coach davis (john walton smith jr) promptly checks malik’s apparently misguided illusions and simultaneously highlights the concomitant relationship between these and the conditions of his university enrolment, by changing the terms of his scholarship from “full” to “partial,” thereby preventing malik from attending classes at the institution until the rest of the fees are paid up. he has been bought by the university because of his physical attributes and while he is there, must behave according to their stipulated conditions. what the film almost immediately asserts then is that the potential of malik’s physical capacities have, like a slave’s, been “sold” to the university in the form of the scholarship, and unless he performs in the way the university expects him to, permission for him to be at columbus will be revoked. malik himself draws correlations between his scholarship and the conditions of it with being a slave. for instance, in a scene where he is venting his frustrations at his girlfriend, deja (tyra banks), he exclaims, “i’m tired of running and studying. it’s too hard to do both. i feel like a slave” ( : : minutes). in addition, malik is told by his coach that, contrary to his own beliefs, he is not the fastest runner, which is exemplified by the fact that he is chosen to run as second in his relay team, a position traditionally not left to the fastest member. impressing on this point, though as keith gilyard writes of higher learning, “nothing is subtle in this collage of racialized metaphors and ironies” ( ). malik’s relay team are in the lead at the start of their race at an athletics meet, his performance ultimately costs them the win. it is thus made apparent that athletics cannot remain a reliable source of malik’s progression in the world. he comes to the realisation that running can only serve as a temporary means to an end and that he must therefore find other routes for self-improvement, which the narrative suggests begins through education. singleton is subsequently echoing aspects of afrocentrist and black power thought which make the contention that the us comprises institutions that are deeply and actively engaged in maintaining historically unchanged power structures that work for the interests of preserving a white hegemony, and that acknowledging this claim and using such knowledge to one’s advantage without losing one’s sense of self, will eventually lead to a true emancipation. as such, the film illustrates that malik’s education is ultimately about grasping how the world (which is referred to as “the system,” and “the real word”) in which they live works. references to “the system” are made throughout the film, though only later in the story is it vocally pronounced. malik, in a conversation with professor phipps and fudge, expresses his irritation at the futility of any actions taken to counter the racist confrontations he has experienced: “ . . . the more you learn about this system the more upset you get” ( : : minutes). hinting at the power and pervasiveness of “the system,” singleton enlists his paragons of black power and conservatist politics, fudge and professor phipps to expound on its extent. fudge, in a scene following a fight involving his group of friends and the neo- nazi’s, tempers the energised gathering by angrily stating, “they still won! look around you man, they own this shit” ( : : minutes). in another example, after dismissing the students who have not paid their tuition fees from his class and making a double reference to both the reasons for this happening and to the subject of his class, “politics ,” professor phipps says, “welcome to the real world,” alluding to the existence of a world with rules and conditions which the young students may not be aware of, but which has a direct and profound impact their lives ( : : minutes). parallel to the above-cited messages, there is added emphasis on ideas of citizenship and belonging articulated through the use of flags and the repeated requests of campus security, the foot soldiers that maintain “the system,” for the african american male students to produce their identification documents (ids). not only is the us flag representative of the interests of the white hegemonic “system” that the african american characters are fighting against in this film, it is also the flag under which the audience is first introduced to the neo- nazi men. though they also use flags branded with swastikas, it is suggested via their positioning under the us flag, that it too represents their political interests. moreover, in a method characteristic of the film’s doubly-articulated message delivery style, scott moss voices the symbolism of the scene by saying, “i mean we’re white, we’re in america, what more do you need, right?” ( : : minutes). considering all these afore-mentioned factors, it follows that the african american characters cannot therefore be shown to stand under the flag which acts as a symbol of their experienced oppression. consequently, they unite under the black power flag, with its raised black fist, superimposed on a map of africa and its red, black and green colours, which hangs on the living room wall of fudge’s flat. fashioned by the universal negro improvement association and african communities league (unia), the pan-african flag, from which the black power one is inspired, was allegedly conceived as a means of uniting black people in an effort to counter contemporary racist propaganda (peddie ). fittingly, the first time the audience sees the flag in its entirety is when monet (regina king) seeks fudge’s support after being subjected to billy’s (jay r. ferguson) racial slurs, following his rape of her roommate, kristen connor (kristy swanson). though his flat is a common meeting place for the african american students on campus who make use of his books, computer and printer, this scene marks the first moment that fudge and his compatriots come together as a unified group in defence of one member of their collective. fudge is sitting authoritatively at the centre of a semi-circle of men who are flanked around him. the flag looms large behind him. at his command, the group stands up with dramatic purpose, and are shown entering with an air of defiant determination, the fraternity house where billy is lying sullen and broody on the couch. singleton also makes a fleeting reference in higher learning to arguments about whether or not african american males or females experience the same degree of racism, which developed tangentially from arguments about the misogyny and sexism, amongst other deficiencies, in black nationalist rhetoric. by way of malik’s egoistical ownership of african american suffering as expressed in a discussion he has with deja, and without a constructive resolution, singleton raises and then just as quickly drops the contention that african american males suffer more in this regard. he thus constructs but then fails to capitalise on the opportunity to directly address the misconception. for as angela davis finds it necessary the conception of the african american students as a “collective” and separate from other groupings in the university is established at the start of the film when fudge explains to the freshman the social divisions crudely developed and maintained out of perceived ethnic and/or skin colour differences ( : : to : : minutes). to write, albeit in the context of slavery, “. . . black women were equal to their men in the oppression they suffered ( ),” a point which it seems singleton is unwilling to accept: if blacks were exposed to the richness of their heritage, black-on-black crime would probably be a lot lower and, above all, their battered self-esteem would be much higher. (collier ). as is subsequently expressed through higher learning, the only incident where one black man physically threatens another is depicted in a silhouetted frame in a scene following malik’s lost race at the athletics meet. the track anchor (i.e., the athlete who runs the final leg of a relay) is frustrated and is voicing his anger toward malik. track anchor. you the only weak link on this team bra! you listening to me man? malik. fool all you is, all you’re ever gon’ be is a runner . . . you’re just a slave too ignorant to know it. ( : : to : : minutes) a third athlete steps in to break up the ensuing threat of a fight: “we gotta stick together black men,” which brings this scene to its close. in the following sequences, the track anchor is leaning on his sports car, kissing a blonde-haired, white woman, which malik comments on in a conversation with deja. what is implied by depicting the track anchor in this way, is that he is not a man aware of the “richness of [his] heritage.” in other words, it is thus suggested that if he were, it would be unlikely that he would chose to be with a white woman, and most importantly, would not have found cause to square up to malik, and vice- versa. what singleton therefore reiterates by way of this scene and in the above-referenced interview statement, is that it is important and necessary to embrace an africa-centric cultural identity, as displayed through fudge’s character. he asserts that african americans show an active interest in an africa-centric history and of the black consciousness philosophies and movements that lead to the educational and employment opportunities made possible through them, which the contemporary african american society depicted in the film enjoy. as a contrasting example to the track anchor, fudge is clearly aware of the “richness” of his african american heritage, as singleton has termed it. for in considering the methods that singleton consistently employs as a means of introducing the identities and qualities of his characters, namely, via their choice of music, decorative posters, photographs or stickers, fudge’s african-inspired art, his marcus garvey sticker, his musical choices (al green, nina simone, curtis mayfield, aretha franklin and others), or collection of books (which includes the biography of fredrick douglass) serve as evidence of his political consciousness. moreover, it is demonstrated that it is this knowledge that has given fudge the confidence to be as indomitable as he is and to stand up to the racist-motivated challenges he is faced with. synchronously, it is also posited that it is necessary to pursue any educational opportunities diligently and with excellence in order to not just continue to compete and therefore participate in the contemporary “system,” but to do so to one’s advantage or, as singleton puts it: “black people really need to hear about using their minds. we need to make sure kids know it’s cool to achieve” (collier ). professor phipps represents conservative elements of black consciousness philosophies in the film. visually, he is the classic stereotype of a professor or well-read, scholarly enthusiast. smoking a pipe, wearing a bow tie and a beard, professor phipps becomes an inadvertent second mentor to malik. fudge acts as the other mentor. this association is confirmed when, for example, at different points of malik’s character development, both present him with a hypothetical story as a lesson in response to his confessed confusion or frustration about how to handle his latest racist-motivated experience. after they have narrated it, they ask him what he would do. as part of singleton’s conservatively-rooted principles and mirroring his own thoughts on the matter of self-empowerment, as discernible in his interview for ebony magazine, professor phipps is seemingly only interested in the academic merit of his students, alluding to the fact that hard work is rewarded with good grades, and by default, leads to a better choice of opportunities for the future. this is further emphasised in the conversation had between professor phipps, malik and fudge about information and the possession of it. professor phipps. oh my dear mr williams, information is power. if you don’t have the information, one cannot seize power. you need to think about becoming mentally competitive. being black does not free you from being a responsible individual. for malik’s conversation with professor phipps, see higher learning : : to : : minutes. for the conversation he has with fudge, see higher learning : : to : : minutes. malik. yeah, but being a responsible individual don’t free you from being a black now do it? professor phipps. poor, misguided soul. you have to learn the rules of this game. fudge: he will. malik: i don’t want to. see, i’m smart enough to know it’s not my game to play. i’m just a pawn like everybody else. professor phipps. used intelligently, a pawn can create a checkmate mr williams. or become a very powerful player himself. don’t you understand? this is all a game . . . you play it and you play it to win because in the real world, no one wants to hear excuses or empty rhetoric [pointing at fudge with his pipe before returning his attention to malik]. ( : : to : : minutes) the messages in the film correlate with the aspiration singleton cumulatively articulated in the interviews he gave. these are to portray positive examples of african americans on screen, (such as phipps and fudge), to prove how knowledge (of african american heritage and the fact of “the system”) can elevate and empower, and that the lived experiences of african americans (though more acutely felt by males) can be challenged by this (re)education. professor phipps, through which singleton’s black power preferences seep through, is the example of a middle-class african american “integrationist” that hamilton and ture cite in their chapter in black power and student rebellion: conflict on the american campus. i quote this piece at length because singleton’s construction of professor phipps is the visual composition of what hamilton and ture voice their opinions against in their chapter. moreover, it references the “colour-blind racism” that hill collins discusses in her work, from black power to hip hop. white people must be made to understand that they must stop messing with black people, or the black will fight back! . . . next, we must deal with the term “integration.” according to its advocates, social justice will be accomplished by “integrating the negro into the mainstream institutions of the society from which he has been traditionally excluded.” . . . the goals of integrationists are middle-class goals, articulated primarily by a small group of negroes with middle-class aspirations or status. . . . such people will state that they would prefer to be treated “only as individuals, not as negroes”; that they “are not and should not be preoccupied with race.” this is a totally unrealistic position . . . helping individual black people to solve their problems on an individual basis does little to alleviate the mass of black people. secondly, while color blindness may be a sound goal ultimately, we must realize that race is an overwhelming fact of life . . . there is no black man in this country who can live “simply as a man.” his blackness is an ever- present fact of this racist society, whether he recognizes it or not (hamilton and ture ). with the benefit of hindsight though, and with the experience of the “new racism” that hill collins describes, it is not as straightforward to deal with oppressive mechanisms. this could arguably be singleton’s reasons for “leaving it up to us.” he insists that the audience decide independently about which expression of black consciousness presented in the film best suits their unique circumstances and requirements. for in the final frame of the film singleton again displays a shot of the us flag. on this occasion however, the word “unlearn” is typed onto the image in the foregrounded depth-of- field. using the courier font (which is standard script format requirement) suggests in an overtly extra-diegetic sense, that the writer is addressing the audience directly. . contextualisation and understanding spectator expectations as is discernible in each of the films discussed, there exists a necessary relationship of cross-pollination between contemporary black consciousness politics, narrative and character constructions, and the messages embedded within them. working parallel to these attributes is the representation of africa and africans. reading the employment of african elements in the films involves more than just contextualisation, however. it insists on an understanding of cinema’s basic operating mechanisms and codes. this includes being familiar with standard filmic conventions, which include how cinema can manipulate space (i.e., by lighting, camera angles and framing, settings, depth of field, focus – the technical, literal aspects) and time (i.e., the abstract aspects as elucidated in the plot/script). it also includes other salient mechanisms, like understanding that the audience may be privy to information that the characters are not, by way of slates, soliloquies or other types of revelations. depending on how well this is executed, a film can lock the audience in their diegesis, where they can then engage them with the messages, lessons and sensations they wish to inspire. watching a film is thus a multifaceted, communicative gazing and refracting from both sides of the screen. what i have chosen to articulate briefly here are only a few factors a viewer is expected to be cognisant of while watching a film, and i do so in order to illustrate how context and the extra-diegetic societal conventions that inform the reading or meaning- making processes of any film, affects the spectator’s understanding (and appreciation) of it. in the proceeding chapter, i will concentrate on assessing potential associations of the spectator to what is presented on the screen, and the correlation of this with the constitutive identity-making processes inherently involved in watching a film. . a reading of the african elements having established a contextual framework with which to read the african elements in the selected films by analysing the permutations of black consciousness movements in us america, and the socio-political conditions that necessitated them, as well as by assessing the messages in the narratives and their objectives, what remains is an examination of the african elements themselves and thus, a rendering of how they can be seen as an extension and reflection of the afore-mentioned contexts. in various scholarly texts, film has been characterised as a system of signs with relations to the subject/object (or “the signified”), mediated by cinematic (e.g., scene composition, framing or editing) and non-cinematic codes (e.g., dialogue and costuming), thus implying a need for them to be translated, without which their raison d’être is made redundant. born out of semiotics, the theories used to explicate how film produces meaning converge on the understanding that at its core, the signs must go through a transformative process from which the content in these systems of signs and coding are released. in order to do so, the film must have a spectator. in short, meaning is made possible by spectator interaction. from this conceptual perspective, the presented african elements operate as signs which function alongside several other codes to construct and produce meaning in the selected films. as they are conceived of in this thesis, for the varied purposes of their plots, the discussed films need to transmit settings (i.e., diegetic environments) and/or characterisations (i.e., of people and spirituality) that are inferred and are to be immediately read as africa and african (in actuality or in the implied form via décor, clothing, art, hair, language or sonically) to, primarily, us americans, from which african americans are the target audience. for in constructing implicit subject matter by selecting signs for specific functions based on decisions for what to emphasise in the story, the films principle producers do so with the added cognisance of what they must assume their primary audience would understand from their production. this speaks to the assertion in chapter one, that because these films are either by african americans, are black-cast, and addresses african american socio-political experiences, it therefore follows that the target audience is african american. more than just decoding the presented signs, the spectator must also understand the context, for without contextualisation, there is an implicit limit to the production of meaning. see wollen, silverman, miller and stam, lapsley and westlake. signifying elements in cultural industries like film rely on a contextualisation rooted in dominant societal practice. as a result, as both a constitutive and constituted form of expression, these signs thus have the potential to produce many interpretations with infinite repercussions, as they are dependent on individual readings of them. at the same time however, social convention (by virtue of its ordering mechanisms) influences the multiplicit potential of their readings and thus can also reduce the scope of a signs interpretation by an individual, and hence its meaning. so though they may read as being representationally true and thus ingenuous, filmic signs inevitably impose a highly selective political, social or spiritual outlook on the viewer. for, the reasons for choices of shots, music, props, etc., are not simply due to the fact that the filmmakers want to simply say something, they also want the audience to understand that something, and at the same time be able to contextualise or relate to it. what is meant by “relating to it,” includes the occasions of a negative-relation, namely, that the viewer consociates to the divergent or opposite of what is presented. thus, as an alternate result of the same constitutive elements that elicited positive associations, a film and its signs can also be an exclusionary medium of expression which thereby serves as a demonstration of power by the privileging of one perspective over another. for example, the presence of women’s “asses” in barbershop may resonate differently when viewed by an individual who does not comply with the scopophilic expectation tacitly implied by the totality of the use of women in the film. because the close- up, slow-motion framing of these buttocks does not serve a practical function in the unfolding of the plot, they present as a kind of narrative drifting which ultimately acts as a projection of the heteronormative, male-dominant parlance of the film, and which is in turn tied to the construction in it of a masculine ideal. presence of female identities in barbershop therefore interrupt this stress in its plot, and so are promptly employed in a way that enhances it at the expense of a more fully developed female characterisation, as per the demands of the patriarchal framework of the film’s narrative. compelling the viewer to recognise and participate by way of a negative-relation process, births, as manthia diawara formulates a “resistant spectator” ( : ). the reading of these particular frames are intended to provoke a response which i argue the viewer is consciously aware of, given the repeated, displayed diegetic reactions to women’s buttocks. i therefore borrow the phrase and by it, the adjective, “resistant,” because cognisant of this, any viewer who does not share the diegetic and, thus, inferred response to these frames as per the generally-assumed societal convention of expressed heterosexuality, is then “resistant,” as the word implies an active, conscious disassociation. thereupon, as part of the spectrum of “resisting spectatorship,” i emphasise the conscious spectator who becomes impassive in their “active criticism,” which allows the occasion for that critique to potentially transform similar renderings in future (diawara : ). thus, in addition to diawara’s formulation, i stress that such a viewing experience can also simultaneously transform the position of the spectator to one which is empowered. in such instances, film, as a cultural medium for individual and collective identity construction, which simultaneously either reflects and maintains, or refracts expressions of these, can then function as a persuasive, galvanising tool. moreover, i apply this position to any scene, in any film that inspires such a response from a spectator. what the former discussion also reveals, is that, crucially, the processes of reading a film encourages observations through either paradigmatic or syntagmatic inference from the viewer. consequently, the spectator goes through the imperative procedure of “relating” to what is being shown, because through this form of interpretation, they inject “themselves” into the task, therewith recognising aspects of their own identities in what they see represented in the film. lastly, depending on what they identify with (or not with) from the scenes and/or plot, the spectator’s readings are then usually either confirmed or denied in other, and often, increasingly obvious ways. given that the afore-mentioned “reading-interpreting-reacting” spectator processes necessarily induces differing viewing experiences derived from the same, presented material, this chapter will thus engage a cognitive or psychoanalytical approach to the reading of the african elements in the films. for while watching, the spectator is continually developing an architecture for understanding the diegesis based on what is deemed to be the intended message behind the film’s cinematic codes. as the plot evolves and more information is given to the spectator, so too does their contextual framework of understanding. in addition, as suggested earlier, this also necessarily includes the viewer’s own identity and its relation to what is shown. further, this approach will best explicate how, if reading their signifying qualities from the position as a “conscious” spectator, making meaning from the african elements may generate the requisite conscientising premised in chapter one. for examples, see the analysis of john singleton’s higher learning in chapter three. as can be read in stephen prince’s contribution in post-theory: reconstructing film studies, it could be argued that analysing viewing experiences of films in connection with (what is essentially assumed) detected narrative messages would be enriched by an empirical contribution. i will, however, forego such an addition to my analyses in this regard, because the scope of this thesis is not concerned with, for example, the viewing behaviours of the spectators. my interest is with the overall resonances of the messages in relation to the african elements. . an outline diverging from the conceptual framework used up to this point in the chapter, the african elements will be divided and grouped into corresponding areas of resemblance in application and utilisation, in order to better elucidate their functions in the films. this subsection will thus constitute a stepping-stone to the more in-depth analyses which follows. as has been previously explicated, they derive meaning from interpretive processes which implicate the spectator and the producers of the film. the makers of the film provide the signs (which transport their messages, which in turn are reflective of contemporaneous contexts) that guide the spectator’s readings according to the contexts alluded to. explanations of their employment will also overlap. summarised into two broad renderings, the african elements in some of the films can be seen to draw on both contemporary and historical facts pertaining to africa and african american heritage for the purposes of demonstrating that such an engagement contributes to strengthened and empowered african american identities. in others, they fulfil the ignoble functions of contributing to the comedy of the narratives, and, by way of their overlap into references of supposed sexual natures of africans, an even more controversial narrative duty. to refresh, the african elements and their employment are expressed in six basic categorisations. with the purpose of accentuating their representations, i will first map them strictly by the forms they take. i then address them within the divisions that draw out their meanings, namely, in the contextualisations evinced in chapters two and three, as these are the sites in which they transcend their statuses as mere “signs.” the first of the six conceptual categories is noted in regard to the settings. while it serves as the location from which john shaft’s mission begins, parts of the narrative in shaft in africa are set in ethiopia. a second use of diegetic locations filmed in contemporary african countries can be distinguished by the inclusion of elmina, the fort in cape coast, ghana, where mona in sankofa experiences her spiritual retrospection. the third representative mise-en-scène in this category is shown in coming to america in the portrayal of the “african” kingdom of zamunda. the next category refers to the attire or costuming of characters, including hairstyle choices. as such, the concoction of diegetic african visualisation in coming to america extends to the costuming of its african characters, which showcases the film’s incorporation of various examples of real and imagined african fashions as worn by all members of the zamundan kingdom. in barbershop, dinka is always seen wearing his signature nigerian fila hat in combination with a leather necklace of the map of africa, with a cowry shell at its centre. he also wears a beaded band around his wrist. he is clothed in these items again in the sequel, which was released two years later. in order for john shaft to pass as an ethiopian in shaft in africa, as the other men in the rural setting, he is shown wearing white short breeches and a shirt, with a thin blanket thrown around his shoulders. he accessorises this outfit with a “fighting stick.” osiat (frank mcrae) who is part of the ethiopian delegation that hires shaft, is also dressed in an all- white outfit, though with the distinction of a sarong, a nehru-style jacket, completed with a necklace of large beads, a kufi cap and his “fighting stick.” as featured in sankofa, as with new jack city and as such, keeping up with the afrocentric fashions of the time, mona is shown wearing outfits with the popular inclusion of kente-cloth print on her kufi cap, caftan and wrapper draped over her shoulders, as well as a yellow-coloured zebra-print bathing suit in the modelling scenes. sankofa is in a white cloth which is wrapped around his body, and displays white-painted feet and ankles. he also holds a staff with a sculpture of the sankofa spirit bird and wears a kufi cap. mona’s hair is cropped and therefore “natural” while shola’s is in cornrowed plaits. similar in aesthetic intentions to the characters in sankofa, the characters in daughters of the dust wear their hair in its natural state: nana peazant keeps her hair in dreadlocks, eula’s is in twists and the others have simply let their hair grow out, tying it up in plaits or knots. in the spook who sat by the door, dan freeman and some of the cobras dress in african-print dashikis, while the dahomey queen (paula kelly) sports a short afro (which is sometimes tied in a head-wrap), in combination with flowing african-print caftans. new jack city’s, nino brown has a leather pendent of the african continent, as does scotty. furthermore, when scotty is off-duty, he too wears a leather pendent, but adds to it a dashiki and/or tam hats (in order to accommodate his dreadlocked hair) adorned with kente-cloth print. the familiar use of kente-cloth print is also featured in higher learning, as seen worn by the black student in the lab where remy reveals his emerging neo-nazi leanings. with regards to the third category, namely, that of décor and props, as is seen in higher learning, deja and malik choose to wear african masks for halloween which conversely marks their (and the film’s) hybrid black power and afrocentric politics. the flag with a map of africa in fudge’s living room, as well as the carved book divider, ankh, masks and posters thus constitute the film’s decorative african elements. for the spook, the masks and sculptures as well as their framing in the opening credits fulfil the film’s contribution to this category. carrying over into that of representations of african-based spiritualities, daughters of the dust presents a first example via the adorned river sculpture and diegetically-referred “bottle” tree. these are featured alongside verbal references to the ancestors in the depiction of the gullah islanders’ african-based spirituality and religious practices. another example is observable in sankofa’s focus on the repeated images of the sankofa spirit bird initiated and guided by the griot. the performance and presentation of an “african,” or “africans,” is employed extensively in coming to america, given the setting and narrative outline and thus comprises the fifth category. dinka in barbershop, john shaft and the ethiopian delegation in shaft in africa (with the exception of the mr amafi’s side-kick, wassa), and bilal in daughters of the dust also signify “africans” in their respective films. from sankofa, i also include nunu and sankofa, for though the actors are african themselves, their ascribed roles insist on a performance which signifies to the audience, the mystical african typecast. finally, in terms of auditory signifiers which are synonymous with africa, films like daughters of the dust and sankofa abound with hand and percussive drumming, accompanying ululations, grioting, a-capella chorusing, or chanting throughout. this is further extended to the use of twi, a ghanaian language of the akan linguistic group, in sankofa. hand-drumming accents the fight scenes in shaft in africa, higher learning and new jack city. added to these is the reliance on names to transport the idea of africans or africanness. coming to america also incorporates percussive aural signatures, occasionally accented by horns and trumpets to mark the presence of the king and queen. dinka’s humming in barbershop, is similar in rhythm and melody to the mbube soundtrack heard in the opening sequences of coming to america. the onomatopoeically “african” or muslim names (with african american pronunciations) in all the films also serve the function of producing an african aesthetic. as has been previously explicated, the cited african elements derive meaning from interpretive processes which implicate the spectator and the producers of the film. the makers of the film provide the signs that will guide the spectator to reading them based on the alluded contexts, which are usually contemporaneous or if historical, generally well-known. on the matter of hair, as grada kilomba notes in plantation memories, “ . . . during the enslavement period . . . hair . . . became a symbol of ‘primitivity,’ disorder, inferiority and “dinka” are a linguistically nilotic people who make up the majority ethnicity of southern sudan. un-civilisation” ( ). ownership of black hair in its natural state is thus not only a resistant stance against eurocentric valuations of beauty and civility, it is an acknowledgement and a pride in that acknowledgement of the black body. it follows then that in narratives of african american empowerment, keeping ones hair in its natural state are an integral part of that defiance. . drawing on historical facts manifesting in correlation to the spirituality depicted in daughters of the dust and sankofa, the african elements featured in these films ultimately connect the represented african american characters to an african-based historiography by way of their spiritual engagements. in so doing, they reinforce the idea that a more strengthened african american identity begins with learning about, acknowledging and incorporating an africa-centric cultural base into the fabric of one’s lived experiences. consequently, such an individual will be better prepared to confront the many social and political obstacles faced by african american body politic. . . daughters of the dust from the beginning, the african elements employed in daughters of the dust (daughters) form an integral and important part of the viewer’s impression. for example, throughout, with varying degrees of intensity, the accompanying soundtrack is comprised of africa-centric hand-drums and percussive instruments, as well as vocals with ululation and rhythmic choral singing. this has the effect of setting in the minds of the audience, the necessary resonances of the african-based, spiritual content in the plot. it is important for the viewer to be conditioned in this manner so that they can be receptive to the non-linear, metaphysical message the film carries. for the soundtrack of daughters of the dust, john assembled an impressive collection of musicians and styles to evoke the film’s magic and mystery . . . we wanted to depict various religions . . . through musical expression (dash in martin, ed. : ). the impact of these aural cues on the spectator correlate with the intention dash had in including them in her film. besides the direct references in the various dialogues to africa, dash includes short frames or scenes of actions or activities that are instantly identifiable as african, such as one from the introductory sequences in which two women are shown pounding in the way it is done in many west african countries. for example, making fufu (a ghanaian staple) in this way usually requires two people to rhythmically pound a mix of boiled cassava and plantain in turn. there are several other food products or popular dishes which are prepared in such a fashion, like gari or egusi, which makes this method of food preparation a common sight across west africa. thus, from the outset, the film pronounces its africa-centric tone by way of the rhythmic undulations of hand-beaten drums and accompanying percussion, and with sequences that correlate with its echoes of african cultural practices. what has been visually presented to the viewer so far, are the film’s factual pieces of information in the form of production credits (i.e., names of the crew and cast), and dash’s interpretations of enduring africa-centric cultures in contemporary african american lives. consequently, when in the frame which announces the diegesis, a slate with an historical account of the gullah islands is presented, the audience must make the syntagmatically- informed assumption that what is written, is, like the preceding sequences, also factually- based, and therefore truth. julie dash affirms this contention in her text, indicating the source from which this filmic information was derived: the sea islands of the coast of the carolinas and georgia became the main drop-off point for africans brought to north america as slaves in the days of the translatlantic slave trade. it became the ellis island for the africans, the processing center for the forced immigration of millions. it also became the region with the strongest retention of african culture, although even to this day the influences of african culture are visible everywhere in america ( : ). when the makers of a film wish to communicate what they perceive to be necessary contextual information that they need the audience to be aware of when watching, the slate of information can be an invaluable visual. it produces a context for understanding the diegesis of a film, and is employed so that relevant up-coming scenes or dialogue objectives are not lost on the audience. given its frequent use, filmmakers are arguably confident that the spectators will interpret the objectives behind this stylistic choice correctly, namely, in this case, that the plot is based on “truth,” which is important for a better reception of the narrative. in daughters, the slate text communicates that the people living on the gullah islands “created and maintained a distinct, imaginative and original african american see dash’s contribution in cinemas of the black diaspora, . culture,” because the african descendants living there had been “isolated from the mainland of south carolina and georgia” ( : : minutes). the characters living on the island therefore have an indisputable, direct connection to africa. the slate text further informs the audience that “gullah communities recalled, remembered and recollected much of what their ancestors brought with them from africa . . . “ (daughters : minutes). the isolation of these sea islands is very relevant to the narrative in that it asserts an authenticity to it. in other words, because the community had remained relatively untouched by the outside world from the moment it was formed (i.e., when slave ships brought the african people to the islands), dash demonstrates that the africanist cultural practices and the collective memory of the islanders shared by the chain of storytellers, and shown in the film, have been preserved. thus, a few minutes in, julie dash’s film has set a precedent for the audience of how to read this story. the soundtrack informs the viewer that what is about to be watched is africa-centric, while the slate maintains that the story’s setting is grounded in factual information about aspects of african american cultural origins. additionally, it sets in the mind of the viewer a pre-emptive assumption that the represented african-based spiritual practices in the film are authentic, given the timelessness of the islanders’ way of life. as the plot develops, dash depicts glimpses of life on these islands including in them, sequences which illustrate how the islanders “recalled and remembered” not just their ancestors whom they connect with africa and the ibo of nigeria specifically, but also via their records of births and deaths. this is portrayed through the use of artefacts like the lock of nana peazant’s african mother’s hair, which she carries along with other objects in a tin, and via the bottle tree which acts as a kind of ossuary for members of their community who have passed on. their religious practices and rituals as shown by way of bilal’s, eli’s, eula’s and nana’s ritualised spiritual observations are other ways in which the objective of recalling and remembering is expressed. nana’s tin box is the portable, tangible signifier of the afore-mentioned narrative objectives, as she has it with her throughout the film. when some of the women on the beach are making fun of nana peazant’s tin box, viola reprimands them saying that what nana’s carries in the box are “just scraps of memories;” that there is nothing “wrong or harmful” in it. her dismissal of the value nana puts on the box and its contents is further illustrated by what she says after: she advises that nana put her life in the hands of the lord. viola peazant. she’s old and she’s frightened. what does nana know about the world outside? nothin’! nana was never educated. all she knows are simple things. things people told her long time ago. ( : : minutes) here, the film thereby highlights another classic dichotomy, namely the credibility of african american cultural history, as passed on through stories or folk customs, versus that of western or white american education. succinctly, nana’s “ignorance” versus viola’s “enlightenment.” the audience, however, knows that nana’s belief system has credence because they are privy to the narration of the unborn child (who is a spirit and who was called by nana through prayer) and can see her. dash, by including these factors, thus ensures that the audience are rather in the position to see the misguidedness of viola’s point of view, and subsequently judge her on her “ignorance.” viola and haagar are, in this moment in the story, the bastions of relinquishing all the rituals and belief system that the community has followed up to now, with nana peazant as its guardian. as this particular conversation develops, haagar states, “i’m an educated person and i’m tired of these old stories – watching her make those root potions and how she washes with her clothes on just like those soft-water folks used to do. my children aint gon’ be like those old africans fresh off the boat. my god, i still remember” ( : : minutes). fulfilling the double function of being subject to the inferred extra-diegetic reproach, through haagar’s statement, the film once again reinforces the notion of the preserved state of the islands’ african-based cultures. in a film whose narrative takes pains in establishing the preserved authenticity of the african-based practices, the character of bilal is a paragon of this. to reiterate the assertion, as a result of his enquiries about the ways of the islanders, daddy mack suggests that mr snead speak to bilal: “if you wan’ know about dem africa people, you need to talk to bilal” ( : : minutes). bilal muhammad came on the last slave ship as a young boy and is referred to as a “salt-water negra” and a “heathen” who prays to the sun and moon by some of the islanders. as has already been explained in chapter three, bilal is a practicing muslim, born in africa and brought to the islands as a boy. the intercutting edits of his and nana’s prayer scenes during sunrise or sunset connect with haagar’s verbal framing of islam as a religion in which one prays to “the sun and moon.” saliently, the effect of this visual and verbal concomitance insists that his direct connection with africa and therefore both his and nana’s religious observations, can be viewed as representative of antiquated belief systems, associated with a closer, more integral relationship to the earth. further, they act as an oblique reference to the film’s apparent contention that their beliefs are also older than the former slave-owner’s, eurocentric (as opposed to ethiopian) christianity, and subsequently a spiritual practice of their choosing. rather than being deterred by the comments the islanders make about bilal, mr snead appears more eager to seek out and talk to him, displaying a comparable hunger for knowledge to what dash described in her chapter in cinemas of the black diaspora. mr snead who, like the audience of this film comes from outside the community and certainly outside of the time period it reflects, knows little or nothing of the ways and stories of these islands. everything he gleans of the islands is directly connected to what he sees and hears. moreover, while he learns, he simultaneously documents the community and their historic crossing to the mainland with his camera. speaking to his captive audience on the boat as they near ibo landing, mr snead is explaining the mechanics of the kaleidoscope that yellow mary is looking through. mr. snead. kalos, “beautiful.” eidos, “form.” skopeîn, “to view.” ( : : minutes) he does not have an attentive audience while talking about the mechanics of his kaleidoscope; viola is lost in thought, looking off over the water, while yellow mary and trula, with their heads turned to face each other, are amusing themselves with the kaleidoscope, as indicated by their laughter. however, as he is the feature of these particular scenes in that his speech and explanation is foregrounded, he has an audience by way of the extra-diegetic spectator(s). he begins his explanation of the origins of its name and how it operates, though seems to miss the joy or emotional pleasure that can be derived from the object itself, as yellow mary and trula are showing, because he does not respond to their laughter or inattention. he keeps up with his explaining, indifferent to his absent diegetic audience. the scientific breakdown of the kaleidoscope’s function emphasise his emotional disconnect from the power it has with regard to human emotion. his anaesthetised approach to the lens undergoes a change however, as towards the close of the film, before taking a final, group picture of the community, he exclaims emotionally, “look! look up and remember ibo landing!” ( : : minutes). this is perhaps the point at which mr. snead may have embraced the ways of the island and found solace in it. at the same time, this phrase could be read as a direction from dash herself for the audience to “remember,” an evident, strong subtext in the film’s narrative. the seemingly cursory (though arguably intense) focus on the camera also alludes to its potential storytelling qualities. for in its intra-diegetic capacity, it documents with the inferred intention of later telling the story of the community’s migration. extra-diegetically, it serves the function of telling the story of slavery and migration to yet broader audiences. the theme of storytelling as a means of preservation is also taken up literally through the characters of the male elder, nana peazant and eula, who educate the viewer on the importance of remembering, as well as the tools that were used by the islanders to maintain these recollections. the male elder gives an account of the history of how they came to be on those islands. after opening with “we’re here today . . . to honour the old souls,” he speaks of how history and memory were kept by the enslaved people. he tells the group that their history began with: “ . . . those first captured africans . . . and nana, she carried them with her through generations of peazants. and we must carry them with us wherever we go” ( : : to : : minutes). nana’s contribution follows as she recalls the slave days. she narrates that because the slave-owners only kept records of those who died, it fell upon the enslaved people to chronicle births, marriages and deaths. after her explications of why this was necessary, she concludes by reiterating the necessity of such an accounting, which she likens to the roles of african griots. the scene is brought to a close with her stating, “those th century africans, the watch us, they keep us – they ancestors” ( : : minutes). they therefore demonstrate by their recounting, the power and necessity of storytelling in living memory, thereby drawing in the part of the film itself in this undertaking, as another means of disseminating these histories. dash brings into the spectrum of storytelling, the matter of mythologised histories by way of the version of the community’s recollection of the last ibo enslaved people brought to the sea islands. eula speaks of how “the minute those ibo was brought ashore, they just stop and take a look ‘round. not saying a word. just studying the place real good. and they seen things that day that you and i don’t have the power for see” ( : : minutes). she tells of see daughters, : : to : : minutes. how they saw the future, “even seen you and me.” (while she narrates, eli emerges from behind her and wades into the water towards the sinking water shrine). according to eula, when they had all seen, they turned – “all of them, and walked back in the water. every last man, woman and child.” she continues, relating how they walked, with their chains, on water as if it were “solid ground,” and when they reached the ship, walked passed it “ . . . cuz they was going home” ( : : minutes). the effect of ythologizing historical events is that the factual details of what transpired are subsumed by the overall reason for why it has been altered in this way in the first place, which in this instance, is to highlight the defiance of the enslaved people. the reference by way of this story to their valour is an example of and for empowered black identities. she says with a smile which one reads as pride “ . . . chain didn’t stop those ibo none” ( : : minutes). moreover, the fact that eli walks on water towards the sinking sculpture, directly connects him with the story and thus his indomitable ibo ancestors ( : : minutes). as inferred by this accounting of events, their fortitude was so admirable that the governing laws of physics colluded on their behalf, allowing them to walk to freedom by walking on water. they are also thereby freed from a history of storytelling which sees them bound and enslaved. their literal and figurative freedom as notable in this mythologised version of events thus has an empowering effect on the community. bilal, in a conversation with mr snead later on in the film, disclaims this myth. he tells him of how he came on the ship called “the wanderer” with the ibo. “some say the ibo fly back home to africa. some say [. . .] they walk on top de water [. . .] when they down in the water, they aint never come [come] back. aint nobody can walk on water” ( : : minutes). so although he doesn’t completely disregard the story, he does however make the distinction that instead of walking home on water, the likely explanation is that they may have committed mass suicide, going “home” to the join the ancestors in death. as has been explained, eula’s end to the block of recollection dash has provided, is a mythologised version of the gullah island history, which is legitimated in a way by the depiction of eli reproducing the miracle. however, as if dash was demonstrating the difference between truth and fiction, she employs bilal to verbally disprove this in his conversation with mr snead. this leaves the element of truth in, namely, that the ibo were brought to the islands as enslaved people and committed mass suicide, hence the island’s name. see daughters : : to : : minutes for the whole scene. . . sankofa in discussing sankofa and daughters and pointing out further aesthetic and narrative overlaps, sandra m. grayson in her book, symbolizing the past, notes that [t]hese narratives are positioned as always already tied to beliefs about and roles of women in traditional west african societies. as extensions of the oral tradition, the texts indicate the relevance of the past to the present and the future ( ). similar in its employment of strong female characters to transport the idea of resilience in connection with an african spirituality, sankofa, through its main character, mona, introduces its resistant matriarch in nunu. nunu, played by a ghanaian actress, is the person on the plantation who, as shola states is, close to her “african past” and is buttressed by this communion. demonstrating the significance of storytelling as a commemorative tool, in one scene for example, a woman is recounting to a group of eager listeners an incident involving nunu. according to the story, and with the use of an introductory narration from shola, nunu caused the demise of an overseer. shola, on her way back to the house at the plantation, pulls back some sugarcane to reveal a group of enslaved people eating and listening to a report by another. during parts of this retelling gerima provides frames of a reposed nunu before cutting back to the ebullient narrator. according to the story, while nunu was “mumbling and chanting” along with others who were mysteriously incorporated into the act, the white overseer with his eyes “rolling back in his head,” died a convulsive, supernaturally-induced death, which the lady attributes to nunu’s power and which is “where [their] people come from” (sankofa : : to : : minutes). thus, nunu connects the enslaved people to a potent, spiritual past, which helps them defeat an enemy in their present. intercut into this sequence are shola’s flashbacks to her rape at the hands of the slave- owner. visibly upset, she holds her hand over her mouth, suppressing her emotions so as not to be detected by the group she is eavesdropping on beyond the sugarcane. when the story of nunu’s alchemy is complete, shola in a voiceover, expresses her desire to enlist nunu’s spiritual power to kill her rapist. as has been explained in chapter three, nunu does eventually help her achieve this, in that her death inspires in shola the strength to fight back and kill him, which consequently releases her from her slave life by way of death and entry into the spirit world. thus, through nunu, she is truly set free from the shackles of slavery and all its attendant horrors. in another scene which displays nunu’s confidence and power, a pregnant woman, kuta (alditz mckenzie), has been lynched. kuta may die taking the life of the baby she is carrying with her. nunu implores the spirits to help. “warriors, saviours of nations, one of us is suffering . . . warriors stand firmly behind me . . . ” she takes the woman down, off the contraption despite the several guns trained on her by both black and white overseers who appear to be unable to stop this process. the other enslaved people encircle her and the recently deceased pregnant woman, their cane knifes held high and braced for defence. nunu delivers the baby, protected still by those encircling her. “oh almighty spirit, i thank you . . . ” she holds up him up. “you delivered this child safely unto me. i name him kwame, the witness” (sankofa : : to : : minutes). as sankofa does at the start of the film, nunu speaks in twi. in effect then, all the spiritual scenes in the film are mediated in twi, which contributes to the sense of authenticity of nunu’s african spirituality in the viewer’s mind. intertwined with storytelling from the “home country” (as referred to by shola), gatherings with nunu are also linked to whisperings of a planned revolt or an escape to freedom. in a narrative double-articulation, haile gerima thus demonstrates how enslaved people communicated with each other and how news was carried from plantation to plantation, making revolts possible and co-ordinated. he captures this in the non-verbal signals, such as nods and eye contact and secret meetings at night, under the cover of trees and bushes a little way away from the plantation sites. resonating with many historical accounts of slave rebellions, in sankofa, the revolt on the lafayette plantation is suppressed and some of the enslaved people caught are sold away, while others are made an example of and are hung and left for the vultures. this unromanticised end to the revolt (i.e., that it fails and is followed by yet more atrocity) references the innumerable, unsuccessful slave rebellions dotted throughout the timeline of the transatlantic slave trade, thus adding to the body of non-fictional truths established by the film. in addition to this is the use of twi, which is an existing language from a region on an important coastline in the atlantic slave history. further, the journey gerima takes the viewer on begins not just at a principle slave port shown in both its current and former states (i.e., as a tourist site and as a slave site), but is initiated by a sage (i.e., sankofa) named after a contemporarily-acknowledged adinkra symbol whose meaning correlates with its use in the film. thus, inarguably correct in these associations, for the viewer, more so than in daughters, the africa referred to in the narrative in these various ways is real and present. in short, the african cultural references here are not imaginary. with the dialogue nunu is scripted, the sum of all the reactions and responses to her by the other characters, the audience can only infer that she is the physical embodiment of defiance and the source of her strength is her active african spiritualism. as part of the film’s representations of west african spiritualism, grayson attributes the use of birds in a metaphysical capacity to their conceptions in ifa systems of belief. explaining the history, influence and concepts of reincarnation in ifa belief systems, grayson suggests that from these, the transformative spiritual qualities inscribed within some of its tenets are the aspects that sankofa concentrates on by way of its bird imagery (grayson - ). intercuts between the observing vulture (a bird which feeds off dead flesh), sankofa and the close-up shots of a sankofa spirit bird sculpture, work together in precipitating mona’s spiritual journey. the vulture symbolises the corporeality of the millions of dead african and african american enslaved people, while the sankofa spirit bird symbolises their enduring spiritual presence. as a method of giving a trajectory of how far mona’s journey has gone, the film begins with her fashion photoshoot in elmina, ghana, featuring aesthetics (in the form of kente-cloth print) that originate there. exemplary of contemporary trends, these scenes comment on the increasingly vacuous use of africa-centric fashions, whose emergence had formerly reflected a pride in the african heritage of african americans. the commercialisation of africa-centric clothing is articulated through this shoot by way of mona’s initial inability to see the significance of where she has been sent to model and the connection her clothes have to the location. in an allegorical sense, mona in these opening scenes can be seen as representative of the trendy african americans who may not necessarily have known (or wanted to know) anything about, or be associated with africa itself. mona literally verbalises this when she exclaims that she is not african. gerima’s commentary here is thus about the depoliticisation of these fashions, as well as the lost meanings of kente symbolism. mona thus travels from a point of ignorance, in terms of awareness of her heritage and of the black consciousness politics that inspired the designs she models, to full consciousness where she sits reflectively in the presence of ancestors. the theme of recalling is present in every aspect of the film, most notably in its opening sequences. the intercutting frames of west-african print designs, the spirit bird symbolism, combined with auditory cues of the kpanlogo drums that the griot plays (a drum that can be heard over long distances), calls out to the film’s potential audiences, beseeching them to remember. having been taken with mona on this retrospective experience, if not just temporarily through watching the film, the audience, like her, has thereby been re- conscientised. . . the spook who sat by the door the framing of two wooden sculptures with a hand-drummed, percussive soundtrack underscores the african cultural, historical and contemporary references that influence the motivations of characters like dan freeman, and scenes where african american empowerment is asserted. the slate accompanying the percussive track and image of the sculptures, informs the audience of the fact that this is a “bokari” production. the aggregation of the onomatopoeic pronunciation of this title, the exhibited sculptures and the extra-diegetic music, reveal the film’s african-inspired expression of the black power which informs its narrative developments. in an affirmation of this premise, the percussive aural cue is introduced for a second time when freeman unambiguously marks the moment the film becomes openly expressive of its black power politics for the first time, by his rhetorical question and statement, “you really wanna mess with whitey? i can show you how. i can show you how” ( : : minutes). this pronouncement follows a brief display of freeman’s fighting skills through which he finally wins the attention of the cobras. consequently, he can thus begin the process of training and re-education. this music continues over scenes of him teaching the cobras judo, how to make bombs – everything he has gleaned from his training in the cia, which the audience was presented with through the film’s establishing scenes. as such, any doubts about freeman’s militarism or that he might be an “uncle tom” are laid to rest. he has infiltrated the cia and is now exhibiting the execution of the ultimate guerrilla tactic – using what was available and accessible to him in order to build his weapon against white us america. he has learnt how the law works, how to assemble a bomb, and how to shoot. most importantly, he has received this education from the top us spy agency at the time, with its state-of-the-art methods, equipment and psychological tactics. in a pedagogical manner, the film, through freeman’s lessons to the group, informs the audience on the ways in which an african american revolt against white america would succeed. in one such example, algeria, kenya, korea and vietnam are used as models of successful guerrilla warfare tactics when pretty willie (likening the bomb-making exercise that freeman is giving to a high school chemistry class), expresses his doubts about what they are doing there (in this instance making bombs using locally and easily obtainable products). furthermore, the association of africa with the film’s brand of black nationalism is reiterated in a conversation he has with dahomey queen in their first encounter. he tells her that she reminds him of a queen from dahomey, which he saw in a book and which he says was a great nation in africa. she seems unimpressed with the african reference, which he obviously means as a compliment because he later says, “you’d look good like that” when suggesting she wears her hair natural like the said queen. before the scene ends, however, the audience knows that she is starting to accept and appreciate the compliment because she asks, “you really got a picture in a book of a queen that look like me?” ( : : to : : minutes). what is revealed through this conversation is that dan freeman not only possesses the characteristics of a top spy, he also endorses a black power politics that is accented by pan-african, cultural black nationalist philosophies. this is demonstrated by his awareness of and interest in african american connections with africa and its diaspora beyond the example of freedom and the methods with which to achieve this that decolonisation has set. from when she is next featured to her final scene, dahomey queen is represented either sporting a short afro, an african-print caftan, a head-wrap and beaded jewellery, in combination with each other or separately on different occasions. in this way the viewer is literally shown that freeman’s words had made an impression on her. in another example which reveals his pan-africanist/black power outlook, freeman suggests a west indian restaurant when he and his girlfriend, joy (janet league), are discussing potential places to dine. he thereby displays his desire to support black-owned businesses and organisations, which as previously posited connect with the asserted cultural black nationalist agenda. furthermore, dan freeman is discreet about his real political leanings and is so good at masking them even the cia are unable to detect his true political agenda. for example, according to one of the agents, in terms of security (i.e., the chances of him being their much-feared “black nationalist agitator”), he “checks out” because he is found to be “a-political” ( : : minutes). thus, the viewer eventually comes to know that in addition to his displayed qualities (via either verbal or visual depictions in the film), freeman is aware and informed about african contemporary and historical references, which the cia is unaware of, and is supportive of black enterprise. the african american association with the conditions of being a colonised nation are again affirmed when in the scenes which mark the rebellion, freeman and his team hijack a see the spook : : minutes. local radio station where he ends his broadcast by announcing “the beginning of our war of liberation” ( : : minutes). the message underscoring this war is “. . . whitey go home. we don’t want you in our neighbourhood either. we will control our nation” ( : : minutes). in keeping with the conceptualisation of african americans being a nation within a nation (i.e., a “colonised people”), pretty willie is assigned the role of “minister of information” when freeman lets him know that the group needs a “propagandist.” it is fitting that freeman chooses him because besides the revelation that he often writes and publishes black empowerment texts, he is always wearing west-african print dashikis and beads, with a hat in the black power colours. in other words, he is already visually propagating black nationalist philosophies by choosing to wear such fashions. his home also reflects a cultural black nationalist disposition. there is a black power flag hanging on his wall, some african masks and an ashtray sporting the black power colours. there are pictures of black faces around too. his living space and body therefore epitomise his new role, namely, being a visual embodiment of what it means to be “conscious,” and as articulated by the contemporary james brown, to be “black and proud.” in the final scenes, it is made apparent that freeman’s cover has been blown and his former university mate-turned-police officer, dawson (j. a. preston) lies in wait for him at his apartment. after a verbal confrontation, they fight and dawson is killed. freeman does not emerge unscathed however, and it becomes clear a short while later that he has sustained a gunshot wound. when the rest of the cobras come to help him remove dawson’s body, freeman has put on an african print dashiki whose colours and design disguise the blood from his wound, which the others do not seem to have noticed. as this is the last outfit we see him in and also the first time he wears africa-centric attire, it seems the film is for a final time boldly stating its brand of black nationalism, symbolising too the potentially inevitable convergence of shed blood and sacrifice with these politics. moreover, by way of asserting this and reasoning away the scene’s ultimate display of “black-on-black” violence which has resulted in death, the film simultaneously articulates the degree of freeman’s militancy and dedication to the cause of african american liberation. for he declares that, “anybody that gets between us and freedom has got to go – now that’s anybody. now remember, don’t quit. until you either win or you die” ( : : mins). as he starts to succumb to his bullet injury, in the extra-diegetic audio, the audience hears reports of how there are eight more uprisings across north american cities. “the president has declared a state of national emergency,” it announces ( : : minutes). after this, the focus is now a close-up of freeman holding his drink, looking pensively out of the window. he lifts his glass in a toast to what one assumes is the city outside, but when the shot changes to show his point of view, the audience is instead shown the two carvings featured in the opening frame of the film on his coffee table. chicago is in the background and the credits roll. it is not clear whether or not he dies, but his toast has a sense of finality and judging by his expression, he seemed to be in pain. although he may die from the injury, greenlee has made sure that his audience knows that the “revolution” could continue for much longer since the fighting units all over the country have been trained to replace leadership in order to sustain the fight, and to use guerrilla warfare tactics. dan freeman (a man whose surname is by no coincidence one which was commonly used by manumitted enslaved people) and his form of resistance is a powerful, armed african american response to the “colonising” institutions of white us america. the presence of african elements to these ends makes it a useful contributor to the quality of this variety of black empowerment. . . shaft in africa making references to contemporary africa by way of featuring ethiopia and ethiopian actors and actresses in the film, shaft in africa presents another function of african elements, namely, one which contributes to the diegetic authenticity of the film. that being said however, the construction of the leading african characters discloses the moment such attention to authenticity becomes compromised. for the performers chosen to play the roles of africans in the film are either us american or british. frank mcrae, who plays osiat, is an african american actor playing an african. cy grant, who plays emir ramila is of british extraction, as is marne maitland, who plays the part of colonel gonder, and thomas baptiste who plays kopo, shafts bodyguard in ethiopia. vonetta mcgee, an african american, plays aleme. in order for these black actors to successfully impersonate black people culturally different from their own origins, the filmmakers have chosen to lay emphasis on creating the otherness of the black people they are intended to impersonate, through elements like accent, mannerisms and clothes. for example, at the start of the film, the audience is introduced to the first of the africans that the car attendant reports to john shaft when he arrives at his office. following this brief dialogue, shaft calls the lift, but before entering, takes in the large man occupying it. although he is a little surprised or intimidated (because he hesitates) he resumes his nonchalant, confident physicality and joins him in the lift. while he is “taking the man in,” the audience is too and by way of a syntagmatic reading of what the man signifies, the viewer must conclude, as shaft does, that this one of the africans the car attendant spoke of. the construction of this impression is executed by the fact that osiat is wearing an all-white outfit with a nehru-style jacket, a kufi hat, large yellow beads and is carrying a stick. when he speaks a short while later, his accent, stilted cadence and corresponding formality in language and mannerism seal this association. thus, in defining the characteristics of being african in the way that the film does through the character of osiat for example, shaft in africa introduces into its representational processes the concept of performing “african.” john shaft will later employ the same methods of passing as african (though the audience is made overtly aware of this). on the flight to addis ababa, via paris, shaft is already in character and the success at his passing is affirmed by the man sat next to him by way of their brief exchange. the man tries to strike up a conversation and when shaft responds in manta, the man declares, “oh you don’t speak english. you must be african!” ( : : minutes). in addition, the film sets up further occasions in which shaft passes as african to africans. for example, when on a bus in ethiopia, the woman who is sat next to him reiterates this premise by speaking to him in manta, which is based on the fact that she must see him as ethiopian, like her. he responds in turn and the conversation continues without her suspicions being raised ( : : minutes). he passes with apparent success as his being foreign is not detected by the locals on the bus and in the villages he comes upon, due to his is attire, to how he holds his fighting stick, and by virtue of his proficiency in the language. as such, though similar in execution, shaft is playing a role, while, for example, osiat is meant to be understood as african by both the audience and within the film’s diegesis, thereby highlighting the stock characterisation of these performances. for these actors (the use of the term also includes vonetta mcgee), performing “african” in this film thus necessitates a reliance on clothing, accent and a degree of formality in social interactions, in order to create this distinction. the latter is especially observable in the interactions between shaft and the emir, the colonel and to some degree, aleme. as posited in chapter three, in addition to the above-mentioned engagement of african elements in shaft in africa, in this film they also serve the purpose of acknowledging a little later on, the audience is informed that this is osiat, the emir’s security guard, which he describes as his “strong right arm” ( : : minutes). the audience is compelled to assume as much, since it has been inferred that he cannot begin his mission without learning it to a passable degree. see : : minutes. the contemporary african american popular culture rhetoric as espoused in black power politics, which referenced the power and prestige of ancient african kingdoms. in this regard, aleme’s version of the manta people’s history that she shares with shaft reflects the idealised variant of african history which focuses on the glory of the ancient kingdoms, and which would have been taught in the independent black schools established by black power groups, like maulana karenga’s organization us. however, unlike in the era which reinvigorated this discourse (i.e., the period when du bois’s “star of ethiopia” was touring the united states), when shaft in africa was produced, it was possible to actually go to ethiopia, whence this idealised image is thus confronted. shot in part in ethiopia and featuring ethiopian actors and extras (namely, debebe eshetu and zenebch tadesse), shaft in africa gives a literal, visual impression of the term “ethiopia,” because it situates the diegesis in an existing location. from what is portrayed, ethiopia is evidently not a wealthy country in the sense that the ethiopianism narratives had cultivated. this is exemplified by the ironic fact that the men who are eventually subjected to this modern-day slave trade are poor and need desperately to find work, clamouring over and fighting each other to be recruited by the slave traders. moreover, the popular african american perception of islam as an authentically black religion, as is notable through characters like kunta kinte of roots, or bilal in sankofa who were depicted as practicing muslims, is apparent here too because the ethiopian people shaft has encountered, who have been educated to a high level and who have power and wealth, are represented by the emir and his entourage. “emir” is a title given to a man of high office in a muslim monarchy, which when the film was made, ethiopia was not. in ethiopia the largest population that practices islam are the oromos, and although haile selassie, the ruler at the time, was partly of oromo heritage, he was not muslim (mekonnen - ). ethiopia is defined in part by its christianity and by the fact that the oldest practiced form of the religion is from that region. whether or not this indicates a projection of contemporary african american popular culture politics which sought to identify and promote islam as the religion for black people, is up for debate. the matter is raised here however, because it signifies another example of an unreconciled version of the ethiopia constructed in the film versus contemporary ethiopia. nevertheless, as a consequence of the narrative being filmed in part in ethiopia, shaft, like the contemporary audience, must negotiate concepts of ethiopia with the current ethiopia. the film approaches this confrontation in the following ways: shortly after his assenting comment regarding her noble ethiopian heritage, aleme tells shaft she will go through an initiation which will involve her getting a “clitoridectomy.” following his positive response with a stunted dialogue about female genital mutilation therefore sets up the first contradictory encounter of this romanticised history. according to aleme, for her people, sex is performed not for pleasure but for procreative purposes. shaft pauses his actions and seems momentarily astonished before recovering and making a characteristic joke. here then, the process of demystification begins because it hints at a non- progressive country and people who, besides inferring a nonchalant participation in a harsh brand of extraneous brutality, do not associate sex with pleasure as was very current at the time, given that north america was experiencing the reverberations of the sexual revolution. although shaft does not disparage it, he indicates that he thinks what she described is a bizarre practice, though typical to his character, mostly because it takes the pleasure away from having sex: “how in the hell you gon’ know what you missing unless you give it a little wear and tear before they take it away?” ( : : minutes). his concern then, is not about the morality of the practice, it seems. rather, he convinces her that she should enjoy having a clitoris before it is disposed of. the second confrontation of the concept and contemporary ethiopia comes a little later in the film when shaft has finally been embedded into the country and is passing as an african. the africa that he (and the audience) is exposed to, transports a primal version with shots of a landscape with wide, open spaces, where combative men are never seen without their fighting sticks, and where women scream with excitement at the prospect of keeping sexual company with men who have just come into their town. during these sequences, shaft and his bodyguard, kopo, pass through a village where they meet with a village elder who makes an ominous prediction: “when the sun stands two more times above our heads two men will die” ( : : minutes). this is an antiquated way of saying that “in two days, two men will die.” the notion alone of an elder speaking an omen about a pre-destined future, adds a folkloric undercurrent to shaft’s ethiopian experience. the sense, ultimately, is that he has gone back in time to a place where such occurrences are the norm and indeed where a slave trade still exists. in these ways, the film’s narrative is again directing attention to the differences between african americans and africans and maintaining that distance. its manner of reconciling historical, popular african see shaft in africa : : to : : minutes. see kelly . see shaft in africa : : to : : minutes and : : minutes for the scenes of the women. american perceptions of the country, with what is applicable to its contemporary state is haphazard at best. in spite of the weightiness of the narrative subtext, shaft in africa as a blaxploitation film spoke to the predominantly young, urban demographic that patronised the cinemas (as other films in this genre did) in other ways (massood : ). one of the signifying elements of such films was that the principal male characters were not only tough and street- smart, but were alluring to women. as such, the female characters in the film are all, without exception, aggressively oversexed, and as epitomised by the character of jazar (neda aneric), oversexed to the point of absurdity. further, when she is introduced to the viewer, it is announced that aleme is to teach shaft the manta language and brief him on their “tribal ways.” consequently, he would then be able to pass as african, which would lead to the eventual success of the mission ( : : minutes). the sultry, extra-diegetic auditory cue in the scene indicates that the moment they meet, there is an instant attraction, with shaft standing and taking a long look at her, maintaining an approving, desirous half-smile. so, though aleme’s historical reference to ethiopia’s past greatness is the singular part in the totality of female dialogues which does not allude to, and is not inspired by sexual motivations, the rest of her contribution in the film is. because of her role as the manta cultural educator, she is therefore also connected to sex, as the conversation is set up as a consequence of a “cultural” discussion which references clitoridectomies. as expected, aleme fully succumbs to his sexual prowess (even risking dodging her bodyguard, osiat, to meet him on his journey in ethiopia), and further, as a consequence of shaft’s sexual performance, decides against going through with her scheduled clitoridectomy. he therefore saves her from a lifetime of suggested misery brought on by unpleasurable sexual intercourse, which appears to be an important factor in this film’s female characterisation. without digressing too much by presenting the varied ways in which the sexual availability of the women is expressed, the inventory of african encounters in the film thus also includes shafts sexual experiences of african women, including the prostitute at the brothel, whom he meets in a town in ethiopia where the slave recruits have been deposited. on this occasion, while singing, the prostitute undresses for him, revealing her breasts, which see shaft in africa : : to : : minutes. according to aleme, he is celebrating the birth of his sixth child, which allows her to escape undetected. though a fleeting comment, it serves as testament to the stereotype of the unfettered fecundity of african men. see shaft in africa : : to : : minutes. prompts his retort, “no wonder they call africa the mother country” ( : : minutes). though this is a way in which shaft doubly-articulates his humour and his sexuality, the out- of-context use of this contemporarily politicised phrase implies that he is either conceiving of his ethiopian experience in such terms, or is re-affirming his muted politics or unwillingness to engage in the contemporary black consciousness ardour. the sexual use of the african women’s bodies also extends to the men, though only in a brief excurses, which is really for the benefit of expounding on the degree of jazar’s carnality. jazar and mr amafi pass a troop of men working by the roadside when she asks that the car be slowed down in order for her to take in the scene of black men labouring and sweating. she is visibly aroused by this, as indicated by her suddenly heavy, slowed breathing, by her licking her lips, loosening her jacket and rubbing her body ( : : to : : minutes). sex and the women presented are both the relievers of tensions brought on by the challenges faced by the leading men in the story (shaft and mr. amafi), and are intended by the writers, it would seem, to serve as distractions or light interludes for the men (and the viewers too) from the real drama at hand. both are interchangeable elements of the narrative in this regard, and both are as bluntly dismissed as they are introduced. . sexualising african bodies: coming to america homologous to its brand of sexism and faithful to the bent of eddie murphy’s humour, the representation of african women as sexual objects whose primary function is to serve men in coming to america is established from the outset of the film, as the audience is presented with a bevy of women who are employed to give prince akeem his morning bath and throw petals at his feet. it is always insinuated that, for example, even though it is part of the protocol to bathe him, the unquestioning, mechanical manner in which they do this implies that they would be willing to provide any other service if he so wished. their scantily clad bodies indicate that this service could very well include sexual favours too. this contention is confirmed a short while later in the film when king jaffe joffer (james earl jones), akeem’s father, suggests that sex is always available in the kingdom, not least in the form of the bathers with whom he has apparently had trysts. this advice comes in an attempt to address what the king believes is akeem’s angst about marriage, and, as per conventional expectation, having to consequently remain monogamous. the african women presented in zamunda, with the exception of queen aoleon (madge sinclair), are like robots, programmed to please men, as epitomised by akeem’s betrothed, imani izzi (vanessa bell calloway). as it is akeem’s st birthday, the viewer is informed by way of a conversation between the prince and his parents that this is the day he will meet his future wife – a woman who has been trained from birth to attend to his needs in such a capacity. consequently, a short while later, the audience is presented with a rendering of a ceremony which is meant to introduce akeem to imani. from within a big hall in the palace, brimming with what one assumes are members of the royal court and their entourages, colonel izzi (calvin lockhart), the father of akeem’s betrothed, announces her imminent entrance. the court does not wait too long in anticipation because a few moments after that, a troop of dancers with an accompaniment of hand-drumming, ululations and shrieks, dressed in bejewelled or beaded underwear and elaborate, feathered headgear, styled in the manner of brazilian carnival dancers, rush into the centre of the hall. at the climax of this scene imani emerges from within the suddenly stilled dancers. when the dancing comes to its dramatic end, as if mirroring a potential extra-diegetic audience response, the court gasps in approval when imani is revealed. everyone seems pleased with what they see except the prince. breaking another taboo (which one must assume is happening, judging by the horrified, hushed whispering and looks), he takes her into another room hoping that they would “get to know each other” ( : minutes). at the end of this conversation, she is seen hopping out of the room on one leg barking, because akeem, in his frustration, has commanded her to do so. this scene highlights her submissiveness and in her, the absolute absence of personhood. the issues in such a characterisation are further compounded in light of the subject of arranged marriage, which, as an extension of the african female archetype presented in coming to america, is herewith brought to the audience’s attention. as presented in the previous chapter, the plot of the film is developed out of akeem’s unhappiness at the prospect of marrying a woman he has not yet met. in a break with protocol, sitting by his parents at their end of the table at breakfast, he laments about not being allowed to do anything for himself, and is especially troubled by the fact that this also includes his not having a hand in choosing his wife. his parents, using their own marriage as see coming to america : : minutes. a discussion of these and the other african elements in this scene will be presented shortly. an example of successful betrothals, try to convince him that his fears are unnecessary. what is not addressed however is the fact that the “robotic” quality of imani’s personality also calls into question her consent to this marriage and all its attendant requirements (i.e., sex and potentially, children). the moral question behind this arrangement would therefore be: without consent, how can any marriage be called “a marriage”? the filmmakers have thus ensured that any audience member who may have been ambivalent about the idea of arranged marriages cannot now with any integrity say that this arrangement would be suitable or fair for both parties. still, in accordance to the comedic function of the plot, imani’s degradation at the hands of akeem (directly) and of the kingdom and its practices (indirectly) is also to facilitate the comedy of the scene. the transported idea thus being that “her submissiveness, like the social conventions of zamunda are so extreme, it is laughable.” disheartened by his encounter with imani, akeem is taken outside by the king to work out a solution to what his father perceives is anxiety stemming from the prospect of monogamous sex. the king suggests he “sow [his] royal oats,” believing that what would alleviate this anxiety would be that akeem have as many sexual relations with whomever he likes before he settles down in matrimony ( : : minutes). it is ultimately decided and confirmed that akeem will travel to queens in new york where, undisclosed to his father, he will seek and find a more suitable wife. prince akeem. i want a woman who will arouse my intellect as well as my loins. semmi. where will you find such a woman? prince akeem. in america! ( : : minutes) this brief dialogue confirms the role women have played in prince akeem’s life so far. what it also elucidates is the opinion that finding a woman with the added value of being able to think is not possible in africa. it is precisely this suggested nescience that leads prince akeem to look for his future bride in queens, new york. furthermore, the “man-to-man” conversations between akeem, his father and his friend and aide, semmi are a part of the film’s constitutive devices (besides its portrayal of women in general), employed to establish the patriarchal heteronormativity in the narrative of its diegesis. this corresponds with the ideal wife described by eddie murphy in his stand-up routine, raw ( ), in which he affirms this inference of african women and the availability of their bodies and labour, which, as exemplified in the above dialogue between prince akeem and his aide, is invariably linked to their benighted natures. the very submissive, attractive women who seem to abound in the kingdom do not exist in the united states presented in coming to america. the contrast between the film’s constructed “types of women” available in the us (i.e., opinionated and corrupted) and the vacuous africans, is explicitly demonstrated in a scene in which akeem and semmi are shown interviewing a variety of women of hackneyed characterisation in a club ( : : to : : minutes). also included in this interview scene is a transsexual woman who is obtusely (and obviously) played by arsenio hall (i.e., recognisably, semmi), and who, in combination with her scripted line, is presented for the humour implied in the delivery of her actions and speech. she especially does not fit the pre-determined “future wife” model, thereby reifying the entrenched heteronormative turn in the narrative, again constructed through a process of presenting and humiliating deviants or unfavourable examples of such a space. the viewer (and akeem) is thus presented with an onslaught of ridiculous, laughable women who do not fit the “wife material” construct as already prefigured by the prince, and who ultimately add to the misanthropic flavour of the film’s chauvinist leanings. as if applying for a job, these women are introduced in an interview format, reinforcing further (at the risk of belabouring the point), the subject role female characters play in the film and the dominance of the male characters in the narrative patriarchy. the interview process inherently encourages a judgmental approach to the individual concerned due to the fact that the expected outcome is either the approval or rejection of the person being interviewed. the subject positioning of the women in the frame so that the viewer is almost looking at them directly, as per from the point-of-view of the men, and the fact that there are no scenes before or after they appear which show how they came to be sat there, denies them a background or a place from which the audience can relate to, or be able to take a sympathetic view of them. consequently, the audience is placed in a position of complicity in akeem and semmi’s (and the film’s) transparent critiques of the women. what is instead offered to the viewer is a quick successions of unsuitable wifely candidates for akeem, who, as was the case in zamunda, are extreme in their characterisation and thus can again only be primarily perceived in a comical capacity. furthermore, the men are never shown verbally communicating back. they do so by means of their facial expressions, which this allusion to what the film perceives as the objectionable qualities of african american women, had already been raised in eddie murphy’s stand-up routine, raw, where he rails against such women and constructs their antithesis in his description of african women. the viewer knows what prince akeem is looking for in a wife because he is shown explicating this in a few examples at the start of the film (i.e. the conversation he has with imani, with his father and with semmi). indicate their shock or horror, and which establishes and corroborates an implied audience response. ultimately, the audience relates to what the men experience because the scene has been set up to produce this effect. as such, the viewer is once again implicated in the exploitation of female characters for laughs, which coming to america persistently effectuates. lisa mcdowell meets the required standards set up throughout the film’s narrative of a woman who befits the role of “akeem’s wife.” in the first place, her intelligence is demonstrated by the fact that she does the books for her father’s restaurant. in addition to this necessary quality, she is charitable, as displayed by her church activities, and is independent and strong-willed, as is exemplified by her rejection of darryl jenks. significantly, and as a final positive character attribute, it is made clear that she falls in love with akeem for his personal qualities and not his princely pedigree. in a conversation they have lisa indicates, by way of her compliments, that free from the influence of knowing his royal background, she is taken by akeem’s manner and temperament, thereby falling for him and thus his character. these feelings convince her to agree to the courtship that the audience subsequently witnesses, and their eventual marriage. thus, in effect, akeem has verbally defined his desired woman to the viewer via his statement to semmi, and she is correspondingly constructed again by the filmmakers through the character of lisa. the audience is thereby made a part of this process when laughing off or dismissing the women in the bar, as well as imani and all the other submissive and available african women presented in the film. preserving the fairy tale narrative construct that insists that the female interest is dependent on the male lead for acknowledgement, love, protection, or for rescuing, the film culminates in his saving her from her previous existence, by way of their marriage and thus, as stated in chapter three, ensuring their “happily ever after” future in zamunda. accordingly, though lisa challenges him she must eventually succumb to his charms. she therefore becomes subject to his power and although she may have been feisty and rebellious, which is part of what has attracted her to him (i.e., a shared rebelliousness, as notable in the fact that both are against “forced marriages”), she submits to his “world.” though she hesitates about continuing their young relationship after finding out that he is a prince, couched in the akeem’s position as the prince, affords him the privilege of enjoying a life of leisure and having his pick of the kingdom’s beautiful women, who can be present or absent at his behest. lisa presents a challenge for him in that he literally had to work to get her – a foreign concept to him – and was forced to chase her in an attempt to win back her affections. as portrayed by her rejection of darryl, and later akeem – both by dating him; a man she ironically believed to be beneath her social status, and by briefly breaking up with him when she finds she has been misled. intimation of true love, she accepts this happenstance in her life and marries him, indicating in their final conversation that she may just enjoy the pomp and opulence his world promises. cleo mcdowell (john amos) is thrilled with the discovery of akeem’s royal position and attendant wealth, and contrary to his original feelings on the matter, is then subsequently eager to ensure that his daughter’s and akeem’s relationship endures. as advised by the barber in the beginning of his experiences in new york, akeem has thus won the good graces of lisa’s father (first, after he defeats the armed robber and now with the revelation of his vast wealth), and so by the barber’s logic, should “get in good” with an american girl, which is affirmed by their marriage ( : : minutes). thus, in the us, notwithstanding the fact that they follow the bidding of the male characters around them, the female characters are imbued with an agency almost entirely absent in the world of the zamundan women, with the exception of the queen who has a small degree of freedom to express her thoughts. . contributing to the comedy: coming to america and barbershop by way of its overlap into references to the generation of humour at the expense of perceived african characters and cultural practices in coming to america, i return to the start of the film, where the diegesis of zamunda is produced, and the comedic tone of the film is set. the soft, rhythmic, a-cappella harmonies of ladysmith black mambazo’s “’wimoweh” (or mbube as the track is formally known) serve as an accompaniment to the opening sequence of coming to america, which introduce the african kingdom of zamunda. mirroring this tender choral soundtrack, the audience is gently transported into visuals of zamunda’s lush, jungle valley, enveloped by snow-capped mountains. just to the right of the frame, a white palace surrounded by palm trees comes into view. the opulent structure is the royal residence and the seat of zamundan power. as the shot continues to descend towards the palace, there is a trumpeting of elephants, which in all likelihood is coming from the troop the viewer sees in the foreground of the shot. this “africa,” like the sensory effect of the combination of the gentle, rhythmic music and sweeping camera movement, is a tranquil place of unimaginable wealth, where humans peacefully coexist with the nature around them. this introductory imagery seems like a bizarre and implausible combination of elements: elephants, snow-capped mountains, jungle and palm trees, a palace with domes and towers with an eastern aesthetic make it a setting that fails to meet anything anyone has seen or exists. for, in effect, the viewers have been swept into a magical setting, which, with its rich, fantastical landscape, promises adventure. these sequences thus become a visual articulation of the start of a fairy tale romance: “once upon a time, in a far off kingdom...” in addition to its thematic connection to the romantically-centred fairy tale genre, coming to america in this regard also functions as a comedy. as andrew horton notes in his introduction in comedy/cinema/theory, “ . . . comedies are interlocking sequences of jokes and gags that place narrative in the foreground, in which case the comedy leans in varying degrees toward some dimension of the noncomic (realism, romance, fantasy) . . . ” (horton ). for the purposes of fulfilling a comedic style which plays on the latent eccentric edge in the grandeur of royalty, the film employs a bombastic humour, which inherently allows for “beyond real” explorations. the dual and important consequence of this is that the viewer will know that the representational quality of the scenes and characters are not to be unquestioningly taken as “truth.” at the same time however, the narrative incorporates, for example, the idea of african princes, and kings and queens, which do exist on the african continent, and which can therefore be said to be representationally true. what is more, just as it is true that jungles, elephants, giraffes and zebras are animals found in africa, the issue of arranged marriages raised in the plot is a prevalent cultural practice in many of its countries. non-fictional elements like these are thus injected into the sequences which contextualise the humour in the scenes so that the laughs are given the depth required to keep the audience engaged throughout. in addition to these, other non-fictional features of the film can be noted in the costumes worn by the african characters. for example, king jaffe joffer is dressed like a combination of various african dictators, complete with flywhisk and, as seen when he arrives in queens, with a lion stole draped over his shoulders. at the time the film was produced ( / ), images and reports of powerful african men could be seen on contemporary broadcast news mediums because the leadership of many of them was being more openly questioned both locally and internationally. central to the discredit of these leaders were accompanying literary or visual imagery of their lavish lifestyles, which served as evidence of the exploitation of national resources and the embezzlement they were allegedly committing. their choice of dress and the pomp that surrounded many of their public appearances can be seen reflected in the costumes of the royal characters and the scenes set in zamunda. the men in the royal court are seen wearing tuxedos and suits, sometimes with a sash, see, for example, articles like this from new york times by james brooke on mobutu sese seko, mobutu’s village basks in his glory, published on september , . (which also mirrors the style shown by the formal dress of european royal families) finished with a nigerian-styled fila hat, or a variant of those worn by african dictators in their varied public presentations, particularly like that worn by mobutu sese seko. the women in the royal court wear bright, voluminous dresses of west african print and prodigious head-wraps in a style which mirrors the way these are worn by yoruba women in nigeria (i.e., the gele). the guards wear a uniform which looks like those of british colonial soldiers, while the small orchestra that wakes the prince are wearing nigerian-style (yoruba) bubas and, again, fila hats. the three flower women are very minimally clad in west african print cloth and head-wraps. the bathers wear beads in the styling of the popularly conceived ancient egyptian aesthetic, which are arranged around their necks and shoulders as well as on their heads. the way in which people in zamunda are dressed seems to therefore be a mash-up of various african historical and cultural references, with obvious european imperialist influences. thus, although as a comedy the film plays on the extreme or bizarre, it ties these attributes to existing images and practices. the fact that these costumes are modelled on african dictators like mobutu and on colonial army attire, is another problematic area in the film’s african representational quality because it undermines the magnitude or seriousness of what these elements mean in african history and experiences. maintaining the film’s play on mixing what could be read as fiction versus fantasy, the prince and his aide semmi assume the role, as akeem words it, of “ordinary african students.” as there are and have been african students travelling to the us to obtain their degrees, this is a fact that resonates as “truth” both diegetically and extra-diegetically. when they arrive in queens, semmi and akeem find some accommodation in a seedy establishment because, in keeping with their new identities as humble students, akeem feels they should live in less affluent lodgings than they are accustomed to. when it is indicated to their future landlord that they have the money to pay the rent, he responds by saying, “obviously you gentlemen came in on another boat,” as a comparison to the african americans from around the area who apparently do not have money ( : : minutes). this reference, arguably to the slave ships that the african americans in the neighbourhood are descended from, therefore adds to the list another “truth” that cannot be disputed. as has been explicated in chapter three, there are also a series of intra-diegetic statements in the film that present the dichotomy of fictive and non-fictive, which places the prince akeem’s first outfit is a polo uniform, which although is worn by anyone who plays polo, is also, for example, as captured in numerous photos, famously worn by the princes of the british royal family. viewer in the position of being able to see misinformed stereotypes of africans in use, whilst at the same time generating some of its own. consequently, in these circumstances, the producers consciously or subconsciously invert the aspect of the films’ reading which would have compelled most african viewers (or a person knowledgeable about africa), to dismiss the authenticity of the africa represented by zamunda, and co-opts those for whom africa remains an unexplored region, in the formation of a unified voice which would likely take exception to the intra-diegetic fictions or “untruths” that have informed the landlord’s and darryl’s comments about africans and flies and primitiveness, respectively. this is especially noteworthy given the fact that their comments are said at the expense of the character whom, as a consequence of the plot development, the audience has been groomed to identify with from the start. ultimately then, any audience watching this film would be in mutual agreement, albeit from potentially differing vantage points, that cleo, the landlord or darryl’s intra-diegetic stereotyping is not only rooted in misinformation, but can also be read as potentially offensive to akeem and semmi in their misguidedness. the reciprocal effect of such remarks thus also contributes to the devaluation of the respective us american characters and, by default, to the simultaneous elevation of akeem’s and semmi’s, with whom the spectator has come to sympathise. this subversive act in the plot of coming to america (i.e., exhibiting the ignorance of the three african americans in this way) is, however, only temporary. for just as subtly, the deconstructive perspective pivots back towards the position the filmmakers took at the start of the film’s plot with regard to clichéd impressions of africa (i.e., one that projects the extra-diegetic view commonly taken of the continent and its people), as detectable in lisa’s question to akeem: “does everyone in africa talk like you?” ( : : minutes). as the audience has been presented with prince akeem’s background, the extra-diegetic answer would be “yes.” further, to confirm the viewer’s internal answer to her question, akeem appears worried, hoping she is not put off by this apparently ingrained and therefore undisguisable feature. in this situation, lisa is referencing his eloquence and use of a varied vocabulary. dinka in barbershop, and the emir and his retinue in shaft in africa, are correlating examples of such renderings taken from the films discussed in this thesis, though there are several others with similar depictions in contemporary films and television series. the film later re-emphasises this element of akeem’s characterisation in the robbery scene, where hold-up man is confounded by his diction and can only finally respond with “what?” to akeem’s request that he “ . . . refrain from using any further obscenities . . . ” ( : : minutes). to cite an earlier example, in his first conversation with the landlord, akeem states that both he and semmi “seek meagre accommodations” which has a similar effect on the african american character, who responds with, “’xcuse me?” ( : : minutes). the cumulative effect of scenes in which all the zamundans use sophisticated language or vocabulary, constructs an impression in the viewer that theirs is a manner of speech that typifies an african. furthermore, as akeem has been shown to speak in this way in zamunda and privately with semmi, the audience can therefore also confirm that this is indeed his manner of speech, and by default, “how africans speak.” the allusion to the diegetic truth in her question is unambiguously cemented again when she queries, “i bet where you’re from women throw themselves at your feet . . . you have an inner glow like you’re above anything petty. it’s almost regal” ( : : minutes). in terms of the characterisation of africans in coming to america, formal and well- enunciated language when speaking are thus the audiences auditory cues, which, as exemplified in some of the films discussed here, are popular and synonymous with depictions of africans by african american, black british or caribbean actors. speech cadence, accent and tone forms part of the distinctions these actors adopt in order to separate their own identities from the africans they are portraying. correspondingly, all the zamundan characters from the king to the bathers, display highly formal mannerisms, interactions, syntax and vocabulary when communicating with each other, and faithfully observe constricting traditions (at least, in opposition to the presented north american ones). finally, as stated above, an important element to the successful execution of this difference-making, is that other characters within the film remark on these features, as lisa and the others have done. thus, in addition to the social and cultural distinguishing done in the form of the statements darryl, cleo or the landlord make, the fact that akeem and semmi are never mistaken for anything other than “african” by the african american characters in the film, is maintained by the way in which they interact. for example, when the barber refers to akeem as “kunta kinte,” amongst the other previously presented instances. using names like “akeem,” “jaffe joffer,” “semmi,” “oha” and “imani” for the featured africans, contribute further to the methods with which the film establishes the africanness of the characters. while names like “akeem” and “imani” are variants of the popularly used muslim names, “hakim” or “iman,” names like “oha” or “jaffe joffer,” i use the term “african” here and not “zamundan” because zamunda is arguably representative of africa as a whole in this diegesis. moreover, because other african american characterisations of africans (e.g., dinka’s) employ the same representational tools when it comes to “african speech.” without the necessity of delving into a mostly hypothetically-informed exploration of their possible origins, are phonetically associated with ideas of “african-sounding” words, (like the phrasal lyric “wimboweh”). fixing the spectator in the position that they are constantly being furnished with scenes or scenarios where they are actively or passively defining what africa is and is not, what africans are and are not as coming to america does, compels the audience to relate, primarily, to the version being represented in the film. the setback of this is that unfortunately, as a consequence, the diegetic africa makes use of questionable representations which the viewer is likely to accept as true, given that the focus is not on the authenticity in the construction of africa via zamunda, but on akeem, with whom the audience has come to relate. in other words, the reproduction of africa and africans forms a backdrop to the foregrounded story of akeem and his fairytale quest of “finding true love.” conversely however, knowing that it is a comedy and thus understanding the implications of the genre, frames the way in which the spectator deduces what is seen or shown, which means necessarily accommodating the expectation that what is watched may, after all, not be representationally “true.” for, in this case, the african cultural practices and lifestyle that the viewer is presented with are so excessive and therefore impossible for the average cinema-goer to be able to relate to, that the single unifying reading of these scenes for the audience is through the humour implied within them. in trying to portray a positive african idyll in the form of zamunda, the film irresponsibly appropriates thorny features of african history through the use of their costumes, as well as pre-colonial and colonial impressions of a jungly africa in which humans and safari animals coexist in close and peaceful proximity. . . barbershop notwithstanding the shared feature that coming to america and barbershop engage in similar methods of african character constructions, both films are both heavily centred on african american homosocial fraternity, within which there is a requisite contextualising of women in terms of sexual objectification and a corresponding production of masculine and feminine ideals. in addition to these two narrative stresses, in the wrestle for recognition within the hegemonic masculine environment that barbershop constructs, dinka, the diegetic african, emerges as a marginal masculinity who is actively controlled by the african american characters, and who, if not constantly being told how to do things, is only ever seen reacting to what the other characters do to him. the film employs several devices by which to effectuate this premise, and central to these methods is the way in which the other characters show what little regard they have of him and his voice. a cheery dinka walks jauntily into the narrative humming a tune similar in its rhythm and sound to “wimoweh” and before long is caught up in a discussion in the shop upon entering, which ultimately marks him as the cultural other. when he comes into the shop, a customer teases him about his weight. as articulated in chapter one, this distancing between him and the other black male identities in the barbershop and concurrent humiliation, is always for the benefit of their pleasure and for the narrative purposes of film whose object, as a comedy, is to construct the humour in it. in consequence, the conversation, which was precipitated by a negative comment on his weight, simultaneously distances him from the represented african americans, and inaugurates the diminished value of his masculinity in the hierarchy of hegemonic male identities in the barbershop. accordingly, dinka endures a series of discomfiting scenes in which his contribution to the world of the barbershop always seems to land outside the invisible boundaries that encompass that space. one such example can be noted in the scene of the conversation calvin and his wife jennifer (jazsmin lewis) are having on the matter of lester wallace’s borrowed money. while they are arguing about the fate of the barbershop, dinka, with his ear pressed to the door, is eavesdropping on behalf of the rest of the shop. the audience is privy to what is being discussed when dinka is asked about what he hears. thus, when he responds with, “[something] about a monkey coming back but his arse has too much pressure,” the intended humour of his feedback is obvious, not least because of the baffled expressions of the others and the audience’s knowledge of the actual conversation ( : : minutes). the others in the shop are frustrated because although dinka has apparently not managed to detect that what he thinks he hears may be wrong, they are able to distinguish that what is reported back is implausible and cannot be what is being discussed. consequently, ricky joins him at the door, signifying the loss of faith in dinka as a reliable source. rather than confessing as ricky does a short while later (i.e., “still couldn’t hear nothin’”), dinka has repeated what he believes he hears, making the idiocy in his characterisation more palpable ( : : minutes). the abasing narrative mechanisms, however, are most clearly exhibited by way of his relationship and interactions with terri, his love-interest. when dinka first appears, he is in a buoyant mood, carrying roses for her. having recently discovered her boyfriend’s infidelity, terri, by contrast, storms into the barbershop where she promptly notices that her juice has been tampered with. in her compounded anger, she picks up the roses and chooses to throw them onto the barbershop floor, where dinka, whose job it is to clean the floors and dust, has to clear them up. much later in the film terri apologises to him for destroying the flowers he gave her and thanks him for the accompanying card. surprised that she is even addressing him directly and with a sympathetic, attentive air, and followed by a sequence of frames which indicate ricky’s further coaching, dinka works up the courage to ask her out on a date. unfortunately though, dinka’s romantic advances are interrupted by kevin (lahmard j. tate), who walks in to try and win terri back. he physically occupies the space between the two and in a short time, has directed his attentions to dinka, hammering him with a barrage of racist insults. kevin. yo, supersize me mandela, you wanna get up off my neck? terri. kevin . . .” kevin. wait, hold on a second baby. (to dinka:) what, you don’t understand english? (starts making clicking noises at him). terri. stop. kevin. be gone mandingo . . . terri “kevin – ” kevin. . . . i’m talking to my lady. (to no one in particular:) “can you believe shaka zulu?” ( : : to : : minutes) in response, and faithful to the film’s diminutive masculine construction of his character, dinka walks away, dejected and with his head slightly bowed. because kevin’s infidelity is positioned against dinka’s earnest and more sincere love interest in terri, the audience (and the other characters in the shop) would in all probability side with dinka in any confrontation between the two. so, when he is repeatedly insulted by kevin in the monologue cited above, though none come to his defence, the solemn expressions and silence of the men in the shop indicate their support. when it looks like kevin is about to physically attack terri, dinka, following ricky’s advice earlier about defending a woman’s honour under such circumstances steps between them and punches kevin. a fight ensues, which the others, though first allowing dinka to get in another punch, eventually try to break up. during this fight one of the men shouts, “that’s some safari punch!” and “boma ye,” a reference to the famous fight between muhammad ali and george foreman in the rumble in the jungle event that took place in kinshasa in . as such, the film is still connecting random african references to dinka through its script, albeit this time in his support and not with the intention of insulting him, as kevin has done. by again distinguishing his actions with the “safari punch” and “boma ye” retorts, the film effectively diffuses the universality of dinka’s anger and the reasons for the fight because these comments once again make him a point of humour ( : : minutes). the processes involved with deriding and laughing at dinka at the cost of his esteem, constitutes a kind of comedic bullying which makes him (along with the two slapstick thieves) the butt of a series of jokes that empower the african american characters, and simultaneously alienate him, including viewers who watch this scene and identify as african, and/or another who identifies with his character traits. dinka, with his happy-go-lucky, innocent characterisation is thus depicted as marginal and other in the barbershop through several devices because of his african identity. this is detectable in the type of language he uses, his ascribed manner and the derision that both incites, in terri’s very public and harsh rejection of him, in the tasks he is seen doing in the shop, in his isolation as signified by the uncharacteristic silence that follows the insults directed at him by kevin, in his involvement in the violence which none of the others are ever shown participating in, in their respective character developments, and finally in his failure at winning the romantic attentions of his love interest. thus, in addition to his menial role in the evolution of the plot and in the shop, the employment of dinka for these comic purposes exposes a level of coarseness in the humour employed in barbershop, because in an apparent contradiction of the maturity that the film tries to animate through its construction of the ideal man, the laughter it generates demeans by making fun of things that are innate characteristics in him, that he can neither change nor intends to be funny. . symbolism: black consciousness political references in higher learning and new jack city similar to the objectives in their utilisation as illustrated in especially sankofa, the spook and daughters, the african elements in higher learning and new jack city and their connected utilisation with black power politics, depict the assertion that a cultural black nationalist-based knowledge of african american heritage will contribute to durable african american identities. as indexes of a black nationalist state of mind which speak to this contention, fudge’s flat décor explains the source of his apparent political conviction. as he is sure of who he is, he is always ready to fight to keep his place, which he is shown doing on many occasions throughout the film. he is emboldened by the consequences of his cultural black nationalist education. fudge, like scotty in new jack city, is thus a character who displays his black consciousness politics in the clothes he chooses to wear (including his hairstyle), and in the way that he adorns his home. scotty appleton in new jack city, is also driven by black nationalist passions which are affiliated very strongly with the interest he noticeably has in the improvement of his neighbourhood, which he does not want to see degrading further. as the hero (though old man may also be seen in this capacity), he is the medium through which the narrative employs its african elements. in all the scenes in which he is not undercover, scotty is seen dressed in all-black outfits, with some, on occasion, displaying the distinctive, orange kente- cloth print. with these outfits, he also wears a pendant with a map of africa in the black power colours. the combination of these features in his fashion choice amounts to the hallmarks of the blank panther uniform (i.e., generally, all-black outfits and a representation of the black power colours and/or panther somewhere on them). in addition to these, scotty also has dreadlocks, thereby showing his preference for expressively “natural” hairstyles. though he may or may not be a member of the black panthers, the militancy of his black consciousness is thus implied, and is consequently expressed through his attitude towards and approach to those who are depicted in the narrative as destroying the african american community he is a part of. nino brown (who throughout the film is wearing heavy gold chains) is pointedly shown wearing a leather pendant similar to that of scotty’s in the scene in which he is arrested, which incenses scotty, prompting the rhetorical question he eventually raises. the one nino wears however, does not have the black power colours but is still indexical of a black consciousness which would consequently presuppose an active interest in the betterment of his community though, ironically he is doing the opposite, as old man and scotty articulate. higher learning's homage to blaxploitation films and popular black consciousness rhetoric of the s begins with its opening credits and choice of opening music, with its noticeable funk accents. the funk guitar twang is present throughout the film, used at points as referenced in chapters one and three, see new jack city : : minutes. of elucidation for the characters. john singleton is arguably enlisting these codes in order to signal his departure from that point in african american cultural and political history, which is especially demonstrated in the black power sensibility of the film. it exhibits its affinities to a militaristic black power, which is a significant part of the promoted black cultural nationalist agenda coursing through it, via malik and fudge. as such, the narrative therefore asserts the premise that fortitude is derived from an african american re-education encouraged in black power and afrocentrist discourses as exemplified by the scripting of fudge. the boldly displayed black power colours on the flag in his home, the afro he wears, his taste in music, and the sense that is transmitted by way of his candid interactions that reveal his combative and self-assured spirit, are thereby attributed to his pro-african american erudition. additionally, in the moment in the film when malik is centering in on his black consciousness voice and thus the expression of his self- empowerment, he wears a black panther t-shirt which triggers a reaction from remy, the neo-nazi freshman, which ultimately results in a violent, physical exchange. he is thus literally compelled to fight for his power as a black person against the film’s crude personification of white power. though malik, fudge and their group win this physical fight, the question that singleton poses to the audience by the untethered close to the film is whether or not malik will win against the figurative representation of white power in the form of the “game” or “system” that is us america. malik’s character development necessarily involves a progression of “unlearning” and edification from a black consciousness perspective. the point which marks the moment of his realisation of this for the viewer, is notable at the halloween party when both he and deja wear african masks. fudge’s friend, dreads (busta rhymes) says in response to seeing them “warrior representation yes” and thus vocalises for the viewer the politicised nature of this choice of costuming ( : : minutes). in correlation with other moments, the audience is presented with cumulative scenes which shows malik’s increasing awareness of the pervasiveness of the frameworks of oppression that steer him towards a more militaristic black consciousness stance (signified by his wearing of a black panther shirt and by the fight he takes part in). simultaneously, the more he learns, the more he seems to be directed away from the conservative position of professor phipps. thus, articulated in these ways, these films include african elements as signifiers of a matured consciousness by the african americans who are associated with them, and the implication of them in the self-empowerment of those characters. another twin device in the films is the choice of a rhythmic, hand-drummed track in the extra-diegetic sound accompanying the fight scenes between scotty and nino in new jack city, and in the one between the neo-nazis and fudge’s group in higher learning. used to indicate the climax of the confrontation of the black power politics and opposing politics or ethics in both, the tracks suggest a buttressing of spirit necessary for them to win their fights by referencing in this way the enduring, and to use dreads’ word, inner “warriors.” . conclusions an important part of defining african identities in these films is in its affirmation by other characters in the diegesis through actions, and/or statements, which also include those which are meant to demean, and those which are meant respectfully. “you must be african!” is thus stated figuratively or literally on such occasions. consent to either the negative or positive outcome of these affirmations is also produced in the spectator, who by virtue of the filmic codes, is in a constant and fluctuating relational state with one or more of characters or settings. when they are not concerned with constructing an african person, the films incorporate allusions to the continent for the purposes of articulating or outlining a particular black nationalist cause or as an exotic mise-en-scène. in the former, the african elements shape definitions of african american political empowerment, inducing the statement, “you must be african american,” in a black cultural nationalist sense. in other words, within this context, the african american character would be identifying themselves in this way as a sign of their political rejection of eurocentric frames of reference. in the latter, the concern is in presenting an alternate other and is thus usually diametrically opposite to the contrasted us setting. as the title infers, the challenge of this thesis has been to assess the construction of africa and africans in the films discussed. subsequently, in the assessments presented throughout, it has been shown that whether or not these engagements are positive in their intention, in each of these circumstances, neither african element resonates with a suitable contemporary representation, which makes resisting and/or conscious spectators from within the films broad viewership. the conscious viewer is thus compelled to unpack selective or exploitative approaches to the african continent and people, whilst simultaneously identifying with and supporting the self-determination of the african american characters and storyline as per the dictates of the spectator/film relationship. the unsustainable dynamics of connecting and distancing that results, has created tensions within relations between africans and african americans, which is supported by the empirical experiences referenced by, for example, chimamanda ngozi adichie. . conscious/cursory approaches the comprehensive presentation here of black nationalist activity in us america, considered the promises and pitfalls of the black consciousness movements and contextualised them with the films’ messages. an added depth to the readings of the signs was thus incorporated as the metanarratives of the films were more fully exposed. additionally, the filmmakers’ practical requirements of fulfilling the commercial objectives of their films, influence which signs are chosen, their aesthetic positioning and apportioned weight in the task of anchoring the plot. this directly impacts what the spectator is presented with. noticeably, the films which comprise the independent film category focus on an ethos of a cultural black nationalism that empowers by constructing stories from a position of defiance and pride, while those which are focused on less defined forms of collective resistance, are hollywood-backed. there is a correlation between contemporary socio-political contexts, and why and for what purpose an african element was selected and utilised in each film. these factors also have an impact on the attention paid to the depth of that representation, which would answer questions about what each symbolised, or how they enriched the character they were associated with, or the narrative as a whole. for example, in the spook, the african elements affirm the authenticity or strength of the articulated black power message. how dan freeman engages with the elements, says more about him and the value he places in his politics than about the continent they refer to. in new jack city and higher learning the links are tertiary, having been sourced from the black cultural nationalisms of black power, the civil rights movement, and as a result of afrocentrist practices, like the initiation ceremonies which insist on african names and dress. though this may be so, the references in both these films announced a militant political position, which, like the spook, revealed the quality of the black nationalisms espoused by the lead characters. higher learning, however, occupies a more ambiguous position with regard to expressions of black consciousness, as singleton’s omnipresent pedagogical methods ironically obstruct his intentions of creating an objective space in which the spectator can view what is presented from a critical position, and decide what suits their political leanings. his hints at a conservatist, male-oriented black consciousness is the most prevalent of a few key limitations. exposing the incompatibility of the macho representation of black consciousness displayed in the above films, daughters and sankofa are female-focused narratives whose engagement with african elements and their expressed black cultural nationalisms is therefore noticeably different. heavily spiritual with an emphasis on drawing strength from places of pain, the african elements are tied to self-determinist, empowering objectives, which subsequently incorporate them in a mythic or allegorical sense. all of the above-mentioned films strongly propose that in accepting and taking pride in an african american identity which acknowledges a connection with an african past and/or incorporates an african syncretism into daily experiences, will grow resilient or, at the very least, will be able to resist the systematic attempt at erasing that past. african elements in shaft in africa, coming to america and barbershop take on less solemnly-presented forms, as their representations are either loose and cursory, or are engaged to fulfill comedic roles and/or to contribute to the amusement of the potential audience or characters by way of sexual objectification. their utilisation in shaft in africa suggests that the film, unable to ignore the black power ethos of the early s, thus draws from easily-recognisable sections of contemporary black consciousness rhetoric (i.e., great african kingdoms) and eurocentric, african presentations (i.e., in the depictions of the ethiopian people and villages). the careless incorporation of negative african historical references as illustrated in coming to america’s use of colonial costumes and allusions to african dictators betray a complete separation from the conscientious approaches evident in films like daughters or sankofa. finally, although the latest of the films discussed, barbershop’s rendering of dinka is astonishingly unprogressive. the film makes full use of popularly-denounced archetypal impressions of africans, which are disturbingly similar in execution to historically racist, white us american portrayals of african americans. . broad receptions notwithstanding their entertainment values, these films and their african representations should be paid closer and more critical attention because in an age where they are more readily and easily accessible, the inadequate imagery of africa and africans shape problematic perceptions in the minds of an even wider public. excepting the independent ones, namely, daughters, sankofa and the spook, all the other films have distribution deals with commercial giants of the industry, such as metro- goldwyn-meyer, warner brothers, paramount pictures, united international pictures and columbia pictures, which ensured their global reach. today, in addition to those distribution networks, there are new avenues for accessing these films, with sites like netflix internationally, or kinox, or maxdome in germany. as such, the films continue to reach growing audiences who may not care to be critical of their complicity in reifying stock characterisation or demeaning representations. for example, on various online sources (e.g., vibe, billboard, buzzfeed, e!-online) it was reported that in , the musical icon, alicia keys, celebrated her husband’s birthday by throwing him a “coming to america-themed” party. in it, the highlight was a reproduction of the scene in which imani is introduced and revealed to prince akeem. with a readership of millions, the imagery of coming to america was once again projected to a new generation of people who may not have known of the film. judging by the responses and comments to this party by keys’ fans and general readership, most are unaware of the problematic african references, and repost, re-blog or retweet the visuals, thereby cementing the flawed representations. furthermore, eddie murphy films are re-run regularly and continue to enjoy prime- time film spots on a vast amount of television channels all over the world. like keys’ party, the repetition of their messages about africa and africans are uncritically reproduced and commented on by most of the television viewers. in one such example, the famous performer, azealia banks, known for her impassioned and often intelligently-infused confrontation with another successful performer, confessed on december to over half a million followers on twitter: “i wish i (sic) had an african accent (sic) and a huge house with giraffes and gazelles and roosters . . . ” (banks ). though the source of this imagery is not made explicit, it resonates with the imagery of africa transported through coming to america. though much has been made in this chapter about the films’ resonances in the changing media sphere, they do comprise the dominant arena of global visual exchange and thus have a profound effect on the constructions of identity. if similar representations of african americans in the historic filmic record were rightly pronounced as unacceptable, the blinkered suppositions about africa and africans are equally so. closer attention should be paid to constructions of any identity, as its inherently abstract and elusive components will always avoid a true definition. thus, failing such a grasping, it is hoped that whatever filmic representation is at least fair. videography coming to america. dir. john landis. perf. eddie murphy, arsenio hall and james earl jones. paramount pictures and eddie murphy productions, . barbershop. dir. tim story. perf. ice cube, cedric the entertainer and eve. metro-goldwyn- mayer pictures, state street pictures and cube vision, . beverly hills cop. dir. martin brest. perf. eddie murphy, judge reinhold, john ashton. paramount pictures, eddie murphy productions and don simpson/ jerry bruckheimer films, . boyz n the hood. dir. john singleton. perf. cuba gooding jr., laurence fishburne, hudhai al-amir. columbia pictures corporation, . daughters of the dust. dir. julie dash. perf. cora lee day, alva rogers and barbara-o. american playhouse, geechee girls and wmg film, . district . dir. neill blomkamp. perf. sharito copley, david james, jason cope. tristar pictures, block/hansen, wingnut films . friday. dir. f. gary gray. perf. ice cube, chris tucker, nia long. new line cinema and priority films (i), . higher learning. dir. john singleton. perf. omar epps, kristy swanson and michael rapaport. columbia pictures corporation and new deal productions. . jungle fever. dir. spike lee. perf. wesley snipes, annabella sciorra, spike lee. universal pictures, acres and a mule filmworks, . living single. creator yvette lee bowser. perf. queen latifah, kim coles, erika alexander. sister lee productions, warner bros. television, - . malcolm x. dir. spike lee. perf. denzel washington, angela bassett, delroy lindo. largo international n.v., jvc entertainment networks, acres & a mule filmworks, . new jack city. dir. mario van peebles. perf. wesley snipes, ice-t and allen payne. warner bros., the jackson/ mchenry company and jacmac films, . raw. dir. robert townsend. eddie murphy, tatyana ali, birdie allen. eddie murphy productions, paramount pictures, . roots. by alex haley. adapt. william blinn, m. charles cohen, alex haley, ernest kinoy, james lee. perf. levar burton, robert reed, john amos. episodes. david l. wolver productions, warner bros. television, . precious. dir. lee daniels. perf. gabourey sidibe, mo’nique, paula patton. lionsgate, lee daniels entertainment, smokewood entertainment group, . sankofa. dir. haile gerima. perf. kofi ghanaba, oyafunmike ogunlano and alexandra duah. channel four films, diproci, ghana national commission on culture, myoheduh films, negod-gwad productions, norddeutscher rundfunk and westdeutscher rundfunk, . shaft in africa. dir. john guillermin. perf. richard roundtree, frank finlay and vonetta mcgee. metro-goldwyn-mayer pictures and shaft productions, inc., . the best man. dir. malcom d. lee. perf. taye diggs, nia long, morris chestnut. acres & a mule filmworks, . the spook who sat by the door. dir. ivan dixon. perf. lawrence cook, janet league and paula kelly. bokari, . trading places. dir. john landis. perf. eddie murphy, dan ackroyd, ralph bellamy. cinema group ventures 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contextualising 	 . black empowerment philosophies, ideologies and movements 	 . from civil rights to black power 	 . . civil rights 	 . . black power 	 . afrocentrism 	 . emergent pitfalls 	 . . repercussions 	 . narrative messages in the selected films 	 . blaxploitation and beyond: the politics of the spook and shaft in africa 	 . new black cinema, independent films, crossover stars 	 . . daughters of the dust 	 . . sankofa 	 . . coming to america 	 . . barbershop 	 . the influence of hood films: new jack city 	 . . higher learning 	 . contextualisation and understanding spectator expectations 	 . a reading of the african elements 	 . an outline 	 . drawing on historical facts 	 . . daughters of the dust 	 . . sankofa 	 . . the spook who sat by the door 	 . . shaft in africa 	 . sexualising african bodies: coming to america 	 . contributing to the comedy: coming to america and barbershop 	 . . barbershop 	 . symbolism: black consciousness political references in higher learning and new jack city 	 . conclusions 	 . conscious/cursory approaches 	 . broad receptions 	videography 	works cited caliban‟s victorian children: racial negotiations from emancipation to jubilee a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy by tony paxton williams august examining committee members: peter logan, advisory chair, english department joyce joyce, english department lewis gordon, philosophy department sally mitchell, english department benjamin talton, external member, history department ii © copyright by tony paxton williams iii abstract this dissertation examines the various discursive expressions of black agency that formed the stereotypical representations of african descendants found in victorian racial discourse. it is, therefore, an analysis of the discursive practices of peoples of african descent and not of the actual stereotypes frequently associated with victorian racial discourse. i believe that a close reading and analysis of the discursive practices of peoples of african descent subject to british influence will offer a more focused and contextualized narrative of the fantasies that plagued the british imagination well into the twentieth century. this study also suggests that we start looking at victorian racial discourse as an active dialogue and conversation with the other, rather than a description of the psychology of power. iv dedication for adrienne, always v acknowledgements it is difficult to fully express the gratitude i feel toward the scholars who served as committee members. i will give it a try. i am very grateful for all of the encouragement and support i have received from my dissertation chair and advisor, dr. peter logan. his insistence on focused contextualization (a process i have yet to master) directed me from the moment of conceptualization to the final act of composition. his guidance has been invaluable and greatly appreciated. i am also thankful for my committee members at temple university: professors joyce joyce, sally mitchell and lewis gordon. it was the questions they asked, and the diverse insights these amazing scholars expressed, during the early stages that actually supplied the building blocks for this dissertation. my outside reader, dr. ben talton, was always able to direct me toward the most unexpected sources. i have benefitted greatly from our brief in transit conversations. i must also acknowledge my most heart-felt appreciation to sharon logan and belinda wilson. without the help of these two gladiators of the graduate department, my years at temple university would not have been pleasant and very little would have been submitted on time. finally, my warmest appreciation is extended to my wife, adrienne paxton. during every step of this long and grueling process, she gave me the strength to carry on. vi table of contents page abstract ....................................................................................................................... iii dedication ................................................................................................................... iv acknowledgments ...................................................................................................v table of contents ................................................................................................... vi introduction ............................................................................................................ vii carlyle‟s quashee, dickens‟s (ig)noble savage, and the birth of caliban‟s victorian children ........................................................ autobiographical negotiations in the wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands................................................... robert campbell and the discursive ecology of african space ............................................................................................................................... edward w. blyden‟s providence and the empire of the melanin imagination .......................................................................................... by way of conclusion, j.j. thomas and the froudacity of the myth of haiti .................................................................................................. bibliography ............................................................................................................ vii introduction caliban’s vcitorian children: racial negotiations from emancipation to jubilee the idea for this project grew out of a slight dissatisfaction with much of the literary scholarship done on the racialized representations of peoples of african descent. in much of this scholarship, critics have not only overlooked the discursive influence of the counter-voice, those who argued against established policy and popular representations, but there is hardly any mention of an africanist reaction to the racial discourse of the nineteenth-century. many critics of victorian literary production merely treat the african as an object on whom fixed and atavistic images and tendencies were projected onto. although great and useful work has come out of the research and interpretations of the victorian gaze vis-à-vis the african, the danger i perceive in these approaches is that they may suggest that all of victorian england spoke with one voice in regards to the destiny and condition of contemporary blacks. furthermore, the present state of this branch of victorian scholarship suggests that black writing and black lives had no effect on the transformations of racial representations. regardless of some of the brilliant insights victorian scholarship has revealed to us, it still seems to reiterate the erroneous suspicion that there were no africans or west indians present to intellectually, artistically and politically challenge contemporary notions of blackness and articulate their desire to represent themselves. in regards to subjects categorized as members of the african race, most of the recent victorian literary scholarship has been limited and thematic. that is, the concerns of the critics have consistently revolved around gothic imagery, race displaced to viii highlight feminist cultural desires, slavery and the literary responses to slavery, the influences of the natural sciences on racial representations in literature, and the ideological imperatives of imperialism and empire. for example, in rules of darkness: british literature and imperialism, - , patrick brantlinger chronicles and analyzes the ways victorian anthropology, travel writing and popular fiction formed racialized thinking. he even mentions the morant bay rebellion ( ) and the contemporary responses to conflict in the west indies but, even in this great work of victorian scholarship, the critical rationale for the rebellion and how it may have influenced black discursive practices goes ignored. nor are the conflicts alluded to in the west indies or india fully analyzed in terms of acts of agency and self-representation. h.l. malchow's gothic images of race in nineteenth-century britain takes a loosely psychoanalytic approach that non-europeans were projections of british anxieties and used as rationalizations for and instruments of its economic and political power. he goes on to show how the language of the gothic appropriated imagined characteristics of the other to construct evil and fictionalized monsters. how these gothic constructions affected the other remains elusive. susan myer, in imperialism at home: race and victorian woman's fiction, employs race as a metaphor for the condition of the victorian woman. therefore, her study is more about the lived existence of the victorian woman, thus suggesting that race and the lives of non-westerners were perceived, by the women writers in her study, as nothing more than literary devices. although jennifer devere brody, in her impossible purities: blackness, femininity, and victorian culture, brilliantly unpacks the stigma of contamination projected onto the creole and mulatto woman, the details of mary seacole's discursive strategy never really takes the stage. two ix other recent studies seem to merely synthesize the seminal work done by the four major scholars mentioned in this paragraph. for instance, in deciphering race: white anxiety, racial conflict, and the turn to fiction in mid-victorian prose, laura callanan argues that racial encounters caused victorian writers to turn to the aesthetics in attempts to make sense of themselves and the racial other. and in white skins/black masks: representations and colonialism, gail ching-liang low, clearly playing on the title of franz fanon's black skin, white masks as well as fanon's assertion that the black man's soul is the white man's artifact, addresses the power of imperial myth-making in the works of haggard and kipling. the object of her study is the psychic investment of colonial fantasy. although these studies, and many others, give some illuminating insights into the psychology of racial dominance, our representations of this discourse is clearly limited and incomplete. what is lacking, or dismissed, is the voice of the subject of this discourse. this voice, i argue, was very active in the debates about race.moreover, black writing and black people, especially in the second half of the nineteenth-century, influenced the representations of peoples of african descent. the aim of this essay is not merely to place the nineteenth-century african and west indian writers and intellectuals in the racial debates of the times. more specifically, it is to position the sundry africanist responses as forms of literary and cultural criticism that individually, collectively and strategically engaged the sources that informed the racialized representations found in the victorian novel and challenged the issues coded in victorian literary products. standing in the wings, and frequently taking center stage, of my analysis of the black presence in victorian racial discourse is the image of the caliban. i will be arguing that at the end of the s and the beginning of the s the x image of the noble savage was supplanted by a more sinister african figure, and that this figure shares all of the qualities invented for it in william shakespeare's the tempest. although victorians, black and white, do not mention caliban in colonial and racial debates (the one exception seems to be daniel wilson's caliban: the missing link ( )), the attributes of caliban were the raw materials of political and scientific discussion. these allusions to caliban in my study are influenced by my reading of paget henry's caliban's reason: introducing afro-caribbean philosophy. in caliban's reason, henry argues that the writings of nineteenth-century afro-british subjects should be seen as "attempts at destroying euro-caribbean hegemony through the delegitmating of their colonial projects" ( ). these colonial projects were the constraints imposed by colonial rule as well as temporal ramifications of racialized representation. therefore, the literary product of the black victorian writer consciously sought to undermine traditional conceptions of the african which produced what henry calls "discursive deviations" ( ). these discursive deviations functioned not only as criticisms of british power, but they are also always representations of the self that consciously positioned to challenge racial stereotypes and british textual reality and authority. moreover, these writers disrupt contemporary understandings of the other by presenting to the individual consciousness of individual readers capabilities denied and masked in shakespeare's creation: reason, intellect, compassion, humanity, and agency. in logics of history: social theory and social transformation, william sewell reminds us to always be mindful of the fact that documents are produced by agents. he emphasized the importance of recognizing the human subject as an agent, rather than an inert stock character as we usually do in our critical treatment of the other. agents xi recognize that they are human beings and, however destitute and oppressed, conceive of themselves as "empowered by access to resources of one kind or another" ( ). according to sewell, "[t]o be an agent means to be capable of exerting some degree of control over the social relations in which one is enmeshed, which in turn implies the ability to transform those social relations to some degree"( ). this suggests that "agency arises from the actor's knowledge of schemas, which means the ability to apply them to new contexts" ( ). forms of agency not only vary and are culturally and historically determined, but an act of agency is always a social and conscious act. in this study i will explore and analyze the discursive practices of various black nineteenth century cultural actors and communities to victorian racial discourse. the various individual and collective discursive strategies are also addressed. chapter one carlyle’s quashee, dickens’s (ig)noble savage, and the birth of calibn’s victorian children introducing caliban’s victorian children between and , thomas carlyle and charles dickens set into motion discursive strategies that contributed to the eventual destruction of one legendary racial trope and replaced it with another. these discursive maneuvers were in response to their individual and culturally biased misreadings of the language of agency manifested in the movements and behavior patterns in the british west indies of england‟s ex-slave population. although they were responding to different racial relations, they both were able to make problematic the social acceptance of what was loosely regarded as a prototypical noble savage for a more diabolical and grotesque racialized figuration that resembled characteristics attributed to shakespeare‟s caliban. relying on their literary and cultural credentials as capital, carlyle and dickens created for the victorian reader a template of the african that survived the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries. it is this dangerous and "diabolical" african figuration that occupied the british imagination after the abolition of slavery in the british west indies in . the characteristics carlyle and dickens painted onto this african figure functioned as the lens through which the racial other was to remain contained. that is, the racial paradigm both writers participated in creating made it imperative for the british to limit the agency of the african, and to have african agency directed to fulfill england's material and ideological desires. furthermore, their representations of black agency were rendered as modes of behavior and thought that could only do harm to the victorian community. although other commentators participated in the construction of this new (or rehashed) racial trope, the productions of carlyle and dickens revealed the broader cultural ramifications implicit in victorian racialist thinking. the discursive representations of carlyle, dickens, and many other observers of the west indian scene were, in fact, responses to a language peculiar to the newly evolved black british subjects after emancipation. this particular language manifested by the ex-slave took the form of a critique of british character as well as a very loudly heard non-verbal statement of black desire. since all racial discourse is about relationships, the non-verbal critique behaviorally articulated through the former british slave not only actively opposed the expectations made clear through victorian racial discourse, but they also gave voice to what they themselves expected and anticipated about future relationships with the anglo-west indian community. the behavior patterns and trends that concerned the victorian observer at mid-century were, in fact, acts of agency that challenged traditional relationships of power between whites and blacks initiated during the contact zone. these acts of agency, i argue, can be interpreted and should be interpreted as a nonverbal language which represents a critique of the dominant race. the importance of recognizing post-emancipation black agency as language is central, because at this point in black british discourse action was the only and the most noticeable equivalent to a discursive strategy they had at their disposal. the vast majority of ex-slaves were unable to write. moreover, it was the manifestation of agency that the likes of carlyle and dickens translated into the language of innate inferiority and essential difference. these acts of black agency, wherever they appeared, challenged and questioned the racial hierarchy accepted by many victorians and problematized what the british imagined as the appropriate parameters of interracial interaction. this anxiety-inspiring figure of african descent replaced what was loosely bantered about early in the nineteenth century as derivative of the noble savage. a high point in the victorians‟ discussion of the noble savage may have surfaced in - with the british reception of harriet beecher stowe‟s uncle tom’s cabin. we will, however, later discuss the significance of stowe‟s uncle tom through our analysis of dickens‟s place in mid-nineteenth century racial discourse. the disposition and characteristics of the noble savage as a racial paradigm are important to our understanding of the trajectory of the transformations that occurred during this period. the idea of the noble savage adopted by the victorians is derivative of rousseau‟s man in a state of nature paradigm. though rousseau himself never uses the term noble savage, his contribution of the primitive and savage is foundational. according to hoxie neale fairchild, who seems to employ an eighteenth century and early nineteenth century definition derived from rousseau‟s man in a state of nature, "a noble savage is any free and wild being who draws directly from nature virtues which raises doubts as to the value of civilization"( ). the noble savage, however, is problematic because it was aeuropean cultural invention designed to humanize and provide a discursive vehicle in which the non-european native was able to enter the fold of humanity. still, the nature of its creation placed it in important ways spiritually above its creator. for here was a creation free of the corruption contemporary man had acquired as a result of his advancement up the ladder of progress. by the mid-nineteenth century, many victorians saw that this pedestal was unacceptable because it made the dynamics and conditions of domination problematic. placement onto this imaginative pedestal had the potential of modifying what may have been perceived as the inhumane treatment of natives and calling into question the enslavement of africans. it also meant that the racial other, the african and indian, were capable of progress similar to that of europeans. such positions destabilized the assumption that racial superiority was essential. since the discovery of the new world, it was generally argued that native populations had virtuous and noble qualities that ought to be nurtured. it was believed that christianity was to be introduced for the benefit of non-european populations and for humanity at large. the protection, nurturing and development of the noble savage were, then, an evangelical‟s dream and the putative motive behind england's civilizing mission. in the myth of the noble savage, ter ellingson identifies three primary and broad characteristics that constituted a noble savage: ( ) it posited an essentialist vision of the “savage” as being “noble by nature” ( ) this nobility, in general, was ascribed to the entire “nation” or “race.” and finally,( ) the “noble savage" was imagined as being more innocent and morally superior to the european ( ). this means that many proponents of the noble savage trope argued that native peoples could be elevated to the level of western civilization, if placed under the guardianship of western instructors. capability and capacity for progress, therefore, placed the non-european within the fold of humanity as well as made his welfare a matter of christian responsibility. but because of the haitian revolution ( - ) which established the first black republic, the outlawing of the atlantic slave trade in , the abolition of slavery in british territories in , and the end of apprenticeship in , the character of the african as noble savage came under aggressive scrutiny and, by mid-century, discredited and replaced by a racial trope whose humanity and capacity for the imperatives of progress were questioned. these historical moments in the caribbean served to loosen european control over a once servant race, threaten racial dynamics originally established during the contact zone, and imposed restrictions on the once superior group while it contributed to the autonomy and sense of personhood to the once socially dead. in other words, the historical anxieties accompanying loss of authority contributed to the reification of a racial type to position as the cause of concern. i call the figure that carlyle and dickens bring into being the “victorian caliban,” and he is based on the character created by william shakespeare in the tempest. as suggested above, at the end of the s and by the middle of the s the noble savage paradigm was supplanted by this much more threatening and less problematic african stereotype. this particular racial figuration possessed all the monstrous qualities invented for him by shakespeare. in the original play, caliban is all but grateful for what his master and self-appointed benefactor prospero has bestowed. as caliban says in the first act of the tempest, "you taught me language; and my profit on't/ is, i know how to curse. the red plague rid you/ for learning me your language!" ( . . - ). obedience and servitude are elements of the language caliban was taught and it was this language he cursed. it is the same language carlyle and dickens thought desirable to have imprinted onto the african's obstinate personality and limited intellect. in the play, caliban's appropriation of prospero's gifts takes the form of threats and curses. caliban, then, is ungrateful for all that has been done for its benefit and enlightenment. shakespeare's caliban displays the same kind of imagined ingratitude attributed to the newly manumitted slaves after who refused to work for their betters in the british west indies. in the reality of shakespeare's play, curses, lewdness, barbarism and deception characterize the formless brute. in varying degrees, even by the professed friends of the negro, similar characterizations filled the pages of victorian racial discourse in regards to peoples of african descent. although neither carlyle nor dickens credited the tempest as the ur-text of their mid-nineteenth century invention, the relationship between caliban and prospero in shakespeare's allegory was a mirror of victorian racial desires and political anxieties. the peoples of african descent, like the fictive caliban, were symbols of a historically barbaric world that needed, for the sake of civilization and for the sake of non-european native populations, to be tamed and taught the essentials of progress. for victorians, the will to subdue and regulate nature geographically and within man was of moral, theological and political importance. in caliban's reason, paget henry notices that the tempest" dramaticized the new vision of existence as the global conquest of nature and history. to imperial prospero, native caliban (the carib) was identical with nature -- a cannibal, a child, a monster without language, and hence a potential slave to be subdued and domesticated along with nature and history" ( ). by mid-century, the victorian practitioners of racial representation took it as a given that people of african descent were inferior children of nature and, even after sustained contact with the west, subject to lapses into barbarism, laziness and insolence. many victorians attributed these moral lapses and imagined signs of regression as the result of emancipation. because these particular imaginary qualities generated in the african behaviors constantly at odds with british commercial desires, the idea of a noble savage was erased almost overnight. in chapter four of this study, in which we address edward wilmot blyden, we also see that even the attitudes of many english missionaries had generated an image of african character that did not resemble the noble type. according to douglass lorimer, these representational shifts were because “[t]he british rarely found that their schemes for black advancement fulfilled their exaggerated expectations and, rather than question their own vision, they revived the question of the negro‟s racial inheritance and often found it wanting” ( ). the african, according to the narrative attached to this new racial type, was constitutionally incapable of progress or participating in ascribed modes of behavior agreeable to the maintenance of civilization. even the most liberal of racialist commentators dismissed the africans' present condition (which for some appeared to be frustratingly fixed, natural and eternal) as unsuitable for the exigencies of civilization. in short, very few actually argued (or were ready to argue other than as a possibility in the remote future) that the african had arrived at the point where he could make use of and profit from what he had learned from his former masters and philanthropic benefactors. paradoxically, the mid-nineteenth century stereotype of the black west indian was the result of emancipation and his appropriation of the strange new condition called freedom. that is, emancipation made it theoretically possible for members of the historically servant race to not merely engage their former masters as equals but to also determine the conditions of their relationship. therefore, the ex-slave now felt he or she had control over their anatomy and autonomy, which in the british west indies translated into deciding on the type of work they would do, the wages they would accept, and (of major importance to planters and former masters) the times of year and the conditions in which that work could and would get done. without the fear of corporal punishment, the ex-slave was able to exercise what he perceived as autonomy and independence. in other words: while caliban now saw himself as an agent and adopted british subject, the british descendants of prospero imagined a recalcitrant and savage child unwilling and incapable of fulfilling a role they perceived as essential for the enrichment of the community. this attitude of the former slave, many planters and observers of the west indian scene argued, was not conducive to the material progress that the optimistic architects of emancipation had anticipated. because emancipation did not produce the kind of fruits observers had hoped for, attempts to explain what was perceived as the failure of the emancipation experiment came in the form of stereotypes about the nature and capacities of former slaves. these stereotypes of the black west indian were created to explain current conditions and black behavior patterns. but since investigations were restricted to the post-emancipated black subject's failure to improve the material and emotional conditions of his former masters, rather than analyzing what blacks were doing for themselves in a language conducive to looking for signs of progress rather than retrogression, these stereotypes were successful in masking and distorting character traits blacks were reported to not have yet acquired. this discursive mask was generated through preconceived economic, political and cultural scripts about the nature of what it meant to be a responsible and independent british subject. generally, within these cultural scripts was the idea that certain free and independent subjects had a function, and (because historically the color of their skin had in the imaginations of the british associated blacks with slavery and subservience) the peoples of african descent were expected to continue playing the same but (because they were free from force and received a salary) modified role. the critics of emancipation saw the ex-slave‟s appropriation of freedom as cultural and moral deviations from their script, and therefore a danger to the economic well-being of the west indies. according to frederick cooper, it was in "the nonconformity of the former slaves to imperial notions [that] shaped the subsequent coding of their behavior in racial terms and the defining of them as outside the bounds of 'citizen'" ( - ). in this period of crisis and change, the victorians used "rhetorical tropes" that "must be understood as more than merely literary and philosophical; they are the tropes that come into play with establishment and maintenance of colonial authority, or, as sometimes happens, those that register the loss of such authority" ( ). through contextualizing these stereotypes, as well as many of the humorous and not so flattering anecdotes circulating about the former slave, the nature and function of victorian racial representation is revealed. we, in short, will see that the quashee's "pumpkin," innate laziness and unwillingness to do the work required for generating the wealth of former masters, as reported throughout the post-emancipation era by many of britain's most credible and respectable literary talents, were actually strategically masking productive acts of black agency. therefore, the stereotyping processes that carlyle and dickens participated in with the fervor of a “moral panic,” however unorchestrated formally, were attempts to reassemble historical racial roles. by "moral panic" i mean "[a] condition, episode, person or group of persons emerged to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized and stereotypical fashion by the mass media; the moral barricades are manned by editors, bishops, politicians and other right thinking people" ( thompson ). as a result of this moral panic, the form of stereotyping practiced by many mid-century victorians was, in the words of stuart hall, "part of the maintenance of social and symbolic order. it sets up a symbolic frontier between the 'normal' and the 'pathological,' the 'acceptable' and the 'unacceptable', what belongs and what does not or is 'other,' between 'insiders' and 'outsiders', us and them. it facilitates the 'binding' or bonding together of all of us who are 'normal' into one 'imagined community'; and it sends into symbolic exile all of them - 'the others' - who are in some way different - 'beyond the pale'" ("the spectacle" ). this discursive masking successfully disguised the realization that many former slaves had their own concept of self and the desire to cultivate their own vision of social space. this new social space, to a great extent a response to the abuses slaves had experienced under slavery and apprenticeship, proved itself to be independent of the influence of planters, policymakers and, in some cases, missionaries. according to thomas holt, "there was the quiet reality of the ex-slave's refusal to follow the script envisioned by either planters or policymakers. while planters preferred coercion, and policymakers voluntary wage labor neither accepted the right of the freed people to choose an alternative path" (xxiii). charles taylor calls the vision of this space, or what holt calls an "alternate path," the "social imaginary." by the social imaginary taylor "means something much broader and deeper than the intellectual schemes people may entertain when they think about social reality in a disengaged mode" ( ). it is "the ways people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others, how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations" ( ). by consciously pursuing their own social space, and acting on their own social imaginary, the emancipated black became a historical agent. "to be an agent," writes william sewell, "means to be capable of exerting some degree of control over the social relations in which one is enmeshed, which in turn implies the ability to transform those relations to some degree" ( ). according to mustafa emirbayer and ann mische, agency is "a temporally constructed engagement by actors of different structural environments -- the temporal-relational contexts of action -- which, through the interplay of habit, imagination and judgment, both reproduces and transforms those structures in interactive response to the problems posed by changing historical situations" ( - ). although no written narrative from the black british subjects during this crucial period exists, we can still analyze their actions against what was being written about them to see that the conflict between the ex-slave and the ruling classes was that both had contrary expectations and visions of what this new relationship entailed. in other words, two ideas of how to use one's freedom, and not freedom per se, were at work and in conflict with one another. for one, a vision of autonomy free from the whip, the treadmill, forced servitude, insults and the unpredictable whims of another. for the other, however, a relationship that required and demanded from his erstwhile "property" servitude and submission to traditional work and social relationships. for this latter group, the planter class and for their sympathizers in england, a racial hierarchy was expected to remain intact for this new mode of existence to function properly and to be considered acceptable. thomas carlyle from “the negro question” ( ) to “the nigger question” ( ) in “occasional discourse on the negro question,” which originally appeared in fraser's magazine in december , thomas carlyle passionately expressed his unpopular positions that ) blacks should be compelled to work, ) the emancipation of former slaves in the british west indies was deleterious to blacks, whites, the future of the region and ) that present conditions threatened the natural and traditional racial hierarchy. perhaps in response to his critics, it was later revised and in was reprinted and positioned as the "precursor" to his collection of essays called latter-day pamphlets. the revised essay was given an additional twenty-three paragraphs and a slightly altered title: "occasional discourse on the nigger question."carlyle, whom david levy calls "the theorist of hierarchical obedience" ( ), certainly had enemies on victorian england's discursive battlefield. that is because there was no room in carlyle's cosmos for liberal reforms, the rhetoric of the rights of man, and he definitely had no space in his consciousness for the consideration of the rights of blacks. with religious zeal, he believed that civilization was held together because of the master/man relationship, and that the ending of such a relationship leads to the type of chaotic society in which no one knows his place and where man does not respect man. as far as the legal rights of blacks in british west indies were concerned, carlyle envisioned the murderous pandemonium of a new haiti, with "black peter exterminating black paul, and where a garden of the hesperides might be, nothing but a tropical dog-kennel and pestiferous jungle" ( ). however controversial, carlyle greatly influenced victorian thought and, even after the circulation of the unpopular comments in “occasional discourse,” a far from disinterested following. catherine hall says that the unpopular and backward- looking comments in “occasional discourse” were the expression of “words that others would not speak” ( ). at his most absurd, carlyle‟s enemies recognized that he was a literary force whose influence on the minds of contemporaries at home and abroad needed to be taken seriously. john stuart mill, in his offensive against the views expressed in “occasional discourse,” sheds light on the weight of carlyle‟s opinions when he writes that “[t]he words of writers of celebrity are words of power on the other side of the ocean” ( ). according to mill, “circulated as [carlyle‟s] dissertation will probably be, by those whose interest profit by it, from one end of the american union to the other, i hardly know of an act by which one person could have done so much mischief as this may possibly do; and i hold that by thus acting, he has made himself an instrument of what an able writer of the inquirer justly calls „a true work of the devil‟” ( ). as an indication of carlyle‟s influence on the victorians, george eliot writes that “there is hardly a superior or active mind of this generation that has not been modified by carlyle‟s writings; there has hardly been an english book written for the last ten or twelve years that would not have been different if carlyle had not lived” ( - ). in the “occasional discourse,” carlyle argued that any talk about the “rights of negroes,” in light of what impoverished and unemployed whites in england and ireland were experiencing, was “a jumble of human nonsenses” ( ). he represented blacks (whom he called “quashee”) as abnormal and subhuman by arguing that blacks in the west indian islands have violated three major tenets of human nature: the divine law of man's natural instinct to work; that servitude and dependence were the natural conditions of the african; and the willingness to trade and exchange were the staples of civilization in which blacks refused to participate. in making these claims, carlyle actually decontextualizes the significance of reports that many blacks actually sold and profited from products they had grown on their own lands. black labor as represented by carlyle does not contribute to the community, and therefore does not have the exchange value that makes their output any value to civilization and culture. in the body economic, catherine gallagher writes that although early victorians “extolled work as the source of well-being and spiritual grandeur” ( ), “almost all other victorians” subscribed “to the proposition that value derives from labor, that works make the wealth of nations” ( ). if it does not contribute to the wealth and cultural enrichment of the community then it fails to meet carlyle‟s criteria of work and labor. from where carlyle sat, these acts of self-employment expressed by blacks in the west indies were re-drawn into caricatures representing the pumpkin eating ex-slave as happy and content with doing very little work. when the black did work, according to carlyle‟s line of thinking, it was only for subsistence or for a short unproductive period of time. carlyle does acknowledge that the black west indian grew his own food, but what he perceived as merely subsistence cultivation does not constitute work or labor. the cultivation of pumpkins gets translated by carlyle as another example of how the lazy, selfishly anti- social and happy negro received everything gratis and at the expense and discomfort of his white neighbor. in the words of carlyle, supply and demand, which, science says, should be brought to bear on him, have an uphill task of it with such a man. strong sun supplies itself gratis, rich soil in those unpeopled or half-peopled regions almost gratis; these are his 'supply;' and half an hour a-day, directed upon these, will produce pumpkin which is his 'demand.' the fortunate black man, very swiftly does he settle his account with supply and demand: - not so swiftly the less fortunate white man of these tropical localities. he himself cannot work: and his black neighbor, rich in pumpkin, is in no haste to help him. ( ) throughout "occasional discourse," it was the imagined calibanistic trope and the seemingly diminished sense of racial hierarchy that really occupied carlyle‟s thinking. it was, in fact, the traditional racial hierarchy that carlyle represented as threatened. registered, as a result of the black's newly granted autonomy and emancipation's destabilizing potential, he suggested that the material welfare of whites in the west indies was at the mercy of blacks. "sunk to the ears in pumpkin, imbibing saccharine juices, and much at his ease in the creation, he can listen to the less fortunate white man's 'demand,' and take his own time in supplying it" ( ). what is interesting about this passage is that he writes as if he knows that his contemporary reader will detect what is unnatural in the relationship he has described. here, for carlyle, is the other‟s unnatural denial of white authority. even if carlyle and his imagined reader had no qualms with a black man "at his ease in the creation," this "ease" is in conflict with the "white man's 'demands.'" yesterday's servant now decided the conditions in which those demands were to be negotiated. furthermore, carlyle strategically aligns the white man‟s demands to his food supply, which in this caricature of the relationship is now controlled totally by the former slave. the dynamics of this relationship flew in the face of everything carlyle and many contemporary middle-class victorians found acceptable. it is also, in microcosm, a fair picture of the post-emancipation problem that the planter class and many white observers faced, and of the new sense of agency and autonomy that blacks discovered. black agency, here, then comes across as an ignoble act because it undermines the needs and exigencies of the white community. nowhere is it even suggested that individual members of the black population in the west indies engaged in the form of cultivation that leads towards commerce, exchange and contribute to the demands of culture and civilization. for carlyle, west india islands, still full of wasted fertility, produce abundant pumpkins; pumpkins, however, you will please to observe, are not the sole requisite for human wellbeing.... the islands are good withal for pepper, for sugar, for sago, arrowroot, for coffee, perhaps for cinnamon and precious spices; things far nobler than pumpkins; and leading towards commerce, arts, polities, and social developments, which alone are the noble product, where men (and not pigs with pumpkins) are the parties concerned! well, all this fruit too, fruit spicy and commercial, fruit spiritual and celestial, so far beyond the merely pumpkinish and grossly terrene, lies in the west india lands: and the ultimate 'proprietorship of them,- why, i suppose, it will vest in him who can best educe from them whatever of noble produce they were created fit for yielding. he, i compute, is the real 'vicegerent of the maker' there: in him, better and better chosen, and not in another, is the 'property' vested by decree of heaven's chancery itself! ( ) carlyle, in fact, denied the black any aptitude for cultivation and beyond satisfying the desires of their former masters. as carlyle presented it, blacks nomadically roamed the islands (for they do nothing that leads to “social developments”), filling themselves on the productions of nature and the work of others. blacks consume rather than produce and exchange, which places them on the same level as children and animals. the suggestion of the black as producer is nowhere rendered. moreover, the cultivation of these desired nobler spices in the west indian islands were not possible until the appearance of carlyle's prospero-like "white enchanter" ( ). favoring particular commodities as “noble,” as carlyle does, clearly suggest that value is appointed only if it contributes to the taste and material needs of a particular class of man. according to carlyle, the islands' "noble elements of cinnamon, sugar, coffee, pepper black and grey, [were] lying all asleep, waiting for the white enchanter who would say to them, awake!" ( - ). carlyle believed that "[t]ill the end of human history and the sounding of the trump of doom, they might have lain so, had quashee and the like of him been the only artists in the game" ( ). since, in carlyle‟s representation of current events, the blacks refused to work, "will not honestly aid in bringing out those sugars, cinnamons, and nobler products of the west indian islands, for the benefit of all mankind" ( ), which is the law of nature, then they must be compelled and enslaved. "quashee, if he will not help in bringing out the spices, will get himself made a slave again (which state will be a little less ugly than his present one), and with beneficent whip, since other methods avail not, will be compelled to work" ( ). in other words, not only should blacks be discouraged from living freely in the islands "except on terms that are fair toward britain" ( ), but the englishman‟s attitude must be that of a stern parent. thus, for carlyle, the best possible world is one resembling that of parentage. this racial hierarchy is "the law of the world," one of "heaven's laws" ( ), trans-historical and unalterable by man. nature created the master/slave relationship for the good of both white and black, and defying nature will lead to social catastrophe. "[n]o well-being, and in the end no being at all, will be possible for you or us, if the law of heaven is not complied with" ( ). the unregulated and independent black, then, posed a threat to civilization as a whole. in framing black/white relations in such terms, carlyle naturalized the racial hierarchy. in a nutshell, the carlylean racialized strategy, his mode of discursive masking, ran as follows. it is to fix the african condition in nature. as a form of discursive masking, it decontextualized the social and economic functions of black labor experienced in the evolution of the black community by emphasizing the deteriorated racial hierarchy and reduction in wealth of whites. the tropological turn of his racial thinking reified and posited as natural a politically and economically motivated relationship. for carlyle, writes spurr, "nature has already determined a hierarchy of humanity which government, in the case of the west indies, would be wise to act upon. in this ideal view of things, power follows reason, history follows nature" ( ).the carlylean form of racial discourse, as well as colonial discourse in general, "naturalizes the process of domination: it finds a natural justification for the conquest of nature and primitive peoples, those 'children of nature'" (spurr ). stuart hall ( ) writes that this form of racist discourse "dehistoricizes - translating historically specific structures into a timeless language of nature" ( ). in "the spectacle of the 'other'," hall posits that "naturalization is thus a representational strategy designed to fix 'difference', and thus secure it forever. it is an attempt to halt the inevitable 'slide' of meaning, to secure discursive and ideological 'closure' ( ). carlyle's is the type of discursive strategy that occurs during social change and imagined and real social crisis. for carlyle, the idea of "rights of negroes" and the rhetoric of equality were contributors to the sense of moral panic registered in "occasional discourse." he, in short, imagined the defacement of a god-given hierarchy. according to michael taussig, "[w]hen the human body, a nation's flag, money, or a public statue is defaced, a strange surplus of negative energy is likely to be aroused from within the defaced thing itself. it is now in a state of desecration, the closest many of us are going to get to the sacred in this modern world" ( ). in poisoning the lower order, don herzog writes that "[c]ontempt grows angrier not despite visions of equality but because of them. if social hierarchy is under attack, it calls for vivid new emotional investments that always betray the fear that hierarchy is doomed, or at least it will never again be what it used to be" ( ). since this threat to the hierarchy has perceived cultural and material ramifications, it had the force of a historical event whose momentum must be confronted and curtailed. because the ideas behind the myth of the noble savage open the way for racial representations that can destabilize the racial hierarchy (for the noble savage is perceived as a potential equal), the meaning attached to the other must be altered for a less problematic one. we can see what hall means when he argues that racial meaning floats, which seems to suggest the importance of particular racialized representations to remedy social change and social crisis. the racial trope that gets privileged is contingent on the demands of the historical moment and it serves political agendas and ideological imperatives. hall writes that "[m]eaning 'floats'. it cannot be finally fixed. however, attempting to 'fix' it is the work of a representational practice, which intervenes in the many potential meanings of an image in an attempt to privilege one" ("spectacle" ). according to laura callanan, mid-victorian racial discourse was often "tropological." this means that a series of rhetorical figures developed, with which writers conveyed shorthand allusions to complex social negotiations taking place within the culture. these figures took a variety of forms, including symbols, narrative patterns, historical events, and geographical locations ( ). carlyle's caliban-like figure answered the questions that plagued the contemporary british imagination about the character of blacks in the british west indies. the caliban trope fixed the african in a position that availed for many victorians easy solutions, and more direct and heavy- handed approaches to conduct business in the colonies. by the time carlyle reprinted "occasional discourse" in his latter-day pamphlets in , england was in the midst of "negro-mania" and "uncle tom-mania," thus inspiring him to discard the acceptable "negro" in the title for the more derogatory and demeaning "nigger." according to audrey fisch, “[w]hether to purchase narratives written by escaped american slaves in england, to hear speeches, or to see authentic scars of slavery on a black man‟s back, victorians eagerly paid money and queued up” ( ). harriet beecher stowe's uncle tom's cabin was perhaps for the majority of victorians the most important and recognized product of american slavery. for many british critics of emancipation, the popularity of the novel may have been the cause of anxiety. marcus wood correctly describes "[t]he second publication [of “occasional discourse” as] a strategic anti-abolition intervention, and the substantial alterations had two main aims. first, it was explicitly designed as an assault on the popularity of stowe's uncle tom's cabin. secondly, it was designed to create an image of carlyle himself as martyr to the pro-slavery cause, a figure 'crucified' by the philanthropists" ( ). wood's assessment that stowe's uncle tom's cabin was a major incentive for the appearance of the revised "occasional discourse" is only partly accurate. what is really important about the "nigger question" was its placement as the "precursor" to the volume of essays in which it appeared. whereas "occasional discourses" was a topical response to the labor problems in the west indies, as well as a corrective against the overturning of the traditional racial hierarchy, "nigger question" was positioned to remind middle-class readers swept up by negro-- and uncle tom-- mania of the nature of the fiction that stowe, philanthropists, abolitionists, and visiting fugitive american slaves with the popularity of fredrick douglass and william wells brown propagated. for one, by changing from the more polite "negro" to the derogatory "nigger" in the title, carlyle announced his intention to comment on an unambiguously degraded presence. he wanted his reader to know that he was not writing about the noble-hearted, heroic, virtuous, and inhumanly abused negro slave of sentimental fiction, but of an actual threat to british well-being. he wanted to remind his reader that the "nigger," unlike stowe's uncle tom, was not a product of the imagination, but a destructive and dangerous essence within the british kingdom. secondly, by positioning the "nigger question" as a "precursor" (or prelude), as an unnumbered chapter in a volume of essays essentially denouncing philanthropists and humanitarian principles, carlyle created the equivalent of a cautionary tale. he, in short, positioned his counter-narrative against the romantic, popular, and sentimental sideshow visiting from across the atlantic. charles dickens and the ignoble savage charles dickens‟s “the noble savage” appears in household words the same year that thomas carlyle published his latter-day pamphlets. like carlyle‟s text, its purpose was to re-draw for the british reader an alternate vision of the other than what was generally being displayed and paraded throughout great britain at the time. although bernth lindfors describes "the noble savage" merely as dickens's "hilarious" example "of the ignobility of uncivilized man," and that "there can be no doubt that dickens, with his incomparable flair for comic exaggeration, achieved his aim of debunking the romantic myth of the 'noble savage'" ( ), the function and intention of this "hilarious" essay had social ramifications far broader than mere entertainment. it was the last of three attempts in non-fiction in which dickens demonizes the african personality. although dickens, unlike carlyle, does not express concern for the labor problems in the west indies, he does posit that white lives are in danger in the tropics and ignored at home because of the desired nature of england‟s contact and uncritical and romantic obsession with the nobility of african. although carlyle specifically limits his concerns to the west indies, dickens imagines an essential antagonism between white and non-white races that cannot be ameliorated through christianity and well-wishing. dickens, in “the noble savage,” goes so far as to position the benighted "native" and people of african descent as the source of inattention to the problems of poverty in england. in this way, for dickens, the african becomes the scapegoat whose final disappearance will be his only true service to humanity. as a result of the “savages” extermination, all talk about his nobility will come to an end and all efforts toward giving form and structure to that nobility, at the expense of those starving at home, will cease. moreover, in his writings about the african, the indian, and non-whites, dickens's representations always showed his contemporary reader that what was at work was a relationship which potentially leads to a fatal and material imbalance that does not always favor whites. much of his commentary about relationships between races was of the order of keeping groups apart, or of limited contact. this distancing would be, of course, beneficial for the physical well-being of whites, which in turn suggested that blacks had a diseased quality which could only do harm to the anglo saxon's body politic. this tendency of dickens's racialist thinking that favored physical and geographic distancing from the african shows up in "the niger expedition”, which is a review of captain william allen's narrative of the expedition sent by her majesty's government to the river niger in and "north american slavery", which is a response to harriet beecher stowe's uncle tom's cabin. furthermore, though dickens, unlike carlyle, never takes the overt leap of advocating slavery, he does adopt a wait and see attitude that favored the pockets of planters in the american south. however, in “the noble savage” dickens does side with carlyle on the "diabolical" and unstable character of the african and non-european races, the detrimental influence of "savages" on anglo saxon lives, and inthe diseased thinking of philanthropists. “the noble savage,” in the end, is indirectly an attack on stowe‟s portrayal of the black as having any of the virtuous qualities she endowed them with in uncle tom’s cabin. in other words, though dickens's writings may have registered some racial ambiguity early in his career, between and his views on black humanity were set and in "the noble savage" his views were carved in stone. while some scholars have commented on what may be racial ambiguity in dickens's published writing, others have pointed to the hold of carlyle on his racial and political thought. for instance, in "dickens on american slavery: a carlylean slant", arthur adrian writes that although he "did not go all the way in embracing carlyle's argument for the white man's supremacy," dickens "did see eye to eye with the essayist on certain aspects of the subject" ( ). according to michael goldberg, "carlyle remained a hero to dickens throughout his life" ( ) and that "[l]ike carlyle, the tone and temper of his social satire acquired a new astringency after , and the subjects he chose to satirize gave frequent offense to liberal opinion" ( ). in "charles dickens and the zulus," lindfors argues that dickens did not advocate genocide in "the noble savage" essay. lindfors writes that "he [dickens] was very much the victorian pragmatist striving to puncture an inflated romantic conception of the dignity of 'primitive' peoples. the zulus were simply a convenient case in point, a group so far removed from europe in custom and culture that they could easily be held up as examples of an underdeveloped race obviously in need of moral improvement and mental refinement. dickens did not suggest that such peoples be exterminated; rather, he wanted them 'civilized off the face of the earth.' he believed in cultural, not literal, genocide"( - ). in dickens and empire, grace moore rightly recognizes that imperial territories and britain's domestic socioeconomic troubles were "inextricably linked in dickens's imagination" ( ). according to moore, "[d]espite his humanitarian principles, when dickens was afraid of the slave moving above his station he sought to return him to his place through drawing upon what we would consider today a racist discourse" ( ). in dark victorians, vanessa dickerson claims that "dickens's propensity to mock in american notes the victims of the system he would denounce foreshadows the shift in his attitude toward blacks that would occur over the next twenty or so years. as michael goldberg has observed, 'whereas in dickens felt an unequivocal horror for the "accursed and detested system" of slavery and was glad to turn his back on the states that practiced it, by he was confessing himself a 'southern sympathizer to this extent – that i more believe in the northern love of the black man, or in the northern horror of slavery having anything to do' with the beginnings of the civil war" ( ). as far as dickens's racial attitudes are concerned, many critics of victorian racial discourse seem to have overlooked (or under-emphasized) the importance of "race" as a relational concept. dickens's racialist thinking, and the stereotypes he contributed to making, were both implicitly and explicitly couched in relational modes. therefore, these racial representations were the manifestations of a relationship between groups. in difference and pathology, sander gilman writes that "[t]he complexity of the stereotype resulted from the social context in which it is to be found" ( ). this was particularly the case when it comes to nineteenth century england and the cultures they sought to dominate. neither carlyle, dickens, nor any participant in victorian racial discourse engaged the representation of race as if it were in isolation from the cultural self, national identity and national desires. the nature of this relation was usually one of power, control, temporal and ideological stability. according to gordon k. lewis, "the essence of ideology is perceived self-image, how any societal group sees it function within the general matrix of the social structure, how it sees other groups, and what particular arguments it produces as a means of self-justification" ( ). gilman writes that, "[o]ur self-image not only reflects our representations of the external world, but, by influencing our perceptions of objects and their integration into that mental representation, shapes it as well. the objects exist, we interact with them, they respond to (or ignore)our demands upon them. but when we relate to them, we relate to them through the filter of our internalized representation of the world. this representation centers around our sense of control" ( ). therefore, the type of stereotyped representations generated by victorians must be analyzed in terms of the nature of england's material relationship to the other as well as how they imagined the relationship between white and non-white. the questions to be asked when engaging victorian racial discourses are: what material and psychological investments are registered in the construction of the other? and, what is the context of these investments? this means that you cannot thoroughly deal with the racial attitudes of thomas carlyle, charles dickens and their contemporaries without taking into account the type of racial relationship they had envisioned and imagined and the type of relationship they believed would be of benefit to the whites of england. dickens's questionable sympathies for blacks and the instability he had imagined resulting from relations with non-european peoples had been registered before . for instance, in "the niger expedition," dickens used captain allen's report of the ill-fated expedition as a narrative of the dangers and futility of contact with a people as dishonest and dangerous as the africans had proven themselves to be. the aim of the expedition was the establishment of treaties with various west african nations in an attempt to eradicate the slave trade at its source. as a result, england would contribute to civilizing indigenous peoples through the introduction of christianity and increased commerce. commerce was to come in the form exchanging native products for british goods and the terms of these treaties were determined by england. dickens's main point in this review was that the african was constitutionally unfit and unprepared for civilization. dickens opens "the niger expedition" with a stab, as carlyle would do a year later in "occasional discourse," at the philanthropists of exeter hall. "it might be laid down as a very good general rule of social and political guidance, that whatever exeter hall champions, is the thing by no means to be done" ( ). when considering the implications of this statement, it is important to remember that exeter hall championed the protection of aboriginal cultures. even in this piece of sarcasm about of small group of philanthropists, dickens has supplied an indication of where victorians should not address attention. he warned his reading public that if they were foolish enough to transport civilization to africa, it must be done "by other means than the exposure of inestimable british lives to certain destruction by an enemy against which no gallantry can contend" ( ). dickens is never explicit as to why the african was an "enemy," but this "enemy... which no gallantry can content" must be of the scope of a monster to resists british gallantry. this enemy could be environmental, for he does call the entrance to the niger “the gate of the cemetery” ( - ), as well as referring to the englishman‟s “perfect impotency in opposition to their climate, their falsehood, and deceit” ( ). this "enemy," that the philanthropists of exeter hall sought to elevate, was for dickens the source of disease and death. contact with blacks, then, was fatal for whites. he suggests the vast difference between black and white, and the infeasibility of them occupying the same space, when he writes that "[t]he air that brings life to the latter brings death to the former" ( ). although he suggested the then conventional belief in the unhealthiness of the tropical climate on the european body, he was also suggesting that both groups are warring ("enemy") and different species. he makes clear his belief that a tremendous moral and intellectual gulf exist between the white man and the black man. in the words of dickens, "between the civilized european and the barbarous african there is a great gulf set" ( ). his use of "enemy" makes this "gulf" more than a mere cultural one. the african, for dickens, is represented as diabolical and unable to engage in honest relations with civilized nations. throughout "the niger expedition," he described the african's dishonesty when it comes to honoring treaties drawn by british missionaries. the treaties presented to african leaders stated the terms in which africans were to conduct their external and domestic affairs. among the concerns in the treaties was that the african would cease the selling of slaves to western nations. for dickens, the civilizing of the african, and desire to make him christian, what he called "the railroad christianisation of africa" ( ),were dangerous and self-destructive acts of folly. this was the context that dickens wanted to get across. the energy, material resources and the humanitarian enthusiasm expressed by the architects of the niger expedition should have been redirected toward ameliorating the conditions of the poor at home, rather than toward the menacing peoples abroad. "believe it," dickens writes at the end of "the niger expedition," "african civilisation, church of england missionary, and all other missionary societies! the work at home must be completed thoroughly, or there is no hope abroad" ( - ). dickens concludes by suggesting that if it was possible to elevate the african from his degraded state (for dickens, blacks were always in a degraded state), christian and european wisdom must be in the form of a black man to a black man, as others had also argued. according to dickens, "there is sound wisdom in his idea of approaching the black man through the black man" and that "he can only be successfully approached by a studied reference to the current of his own opinions and customs instead of ours" ( ). black mediation, then, seems to serve as protection against contact with black persons and the african climate. dickens, in "north american slavery," which he wrote with henry morley ( - ), uses stowe's uncle tom’s cabin as the medium through which his personal commentary is made on the moral and intellectual character and constitutions of the african. this is a highly problematic essay only because the message, at times, seems forced and the reader is able to sense the presence of two hands. still, he once again draws attention to the african's persona and to how well-meaning whites had misinterpreted the african psyche. in the first paragraph, dickens writes that uncle tom's cabin with all its faults (and it is not free from the fault of overstrained conclusions and violent extremes) is a noble work; full of high power; lofty humanity; the gentlest, sweetest, and yet boldest, writing. its authoress, harriet beecher stowe, is an honour to the time that has produced her, and will take her place among the best writers of fiction, inspired by the best and noblest purpose. uncle tom and aunt chloe, george harris, and the other negroes with whom mrs. stowe has by this time made most of us acquainted, are, no doubt, rare specimens of slaves. ( ) a little further in the article he clarified what was meant by the vague "rare specimens of slaves" with "rare specimens of negro character" ( ).therefore, for dickens, the glowing "faults" of the novel are the noble and virtuous qualities stowe has written into her principle black characters. these qualities, which he avoids to elaborate on in "north american slavery," but which readers of the novel were able to perceive, make uncle tom, aunt chloe and george harris "rare specimens" of what slaves were like as human beings. as far as slavery as an institution was concerned, dickens believed that the practice (which he believed should eventually be abolished) in north america was more humane than slavery in other countries. however, his solution had a peculiar carlylean ring because it suggested that abolition must come with as little inconvenience to whites as possible. therefore, what was morally right takes back seat to what was materially convenient, and racially and ideologically appropriate. dickens wrote that "a right thing may be done in the wrong way; slaves may be made wretched, as well as holders ruined, by an act which, being only just and merciful in its own essence, might be so done as to become a gain and blessing to all men whose lives are influenced by its effects" ( ). other than suggesting that the lives of blacks under slavery at that moment were not "wretched," dickens sounds like a practical observer. and if slavery was not as wretched as abolitionists, fugitive slaves in england, and the annoying self-righteous pundits of exeter hall had claimed, then north american slaves lived within a certain level of protection and contentment. this particular essay has peculiar pro-slavery connotations, for it seems to suggests that the material needs of whites must out-weigh the lived conditions of blacks, who are strangely better off once their masters started treating them like valuable live- stock. but while the contraband traffic in slaves is essential to the working of the slave system on its present footing in the spanish antilles, among the anglo-americans importation has entirely ceased. the bodily conditions of slaves under our cousins in america - we speak only of their bodily condition, rating them not as men, but as so much live stock – is good. they are, on the whole, fed as amply, and are as well treated as the upper class of european horses. they have therefore thriven and their stock is multiplied in the land; their inherent power of reproduction more than balances the amount of physical decay. ( ) dickens's description of the well-fed and productive slave framed for his contemporary reader (some of whom were aware that he had visited north american in the early s) the image of american blacks as nothing more than animal-like. it was the virtue of the american system of slavery to treat their slaves like "the upper class of european horses." thanks to the slaves' powerful sex drive, or "their inherent power of reproduction," american slave holders were able to withdraw from participation in the atlantic slave trade. moreover, it proved beneficial to the american system that the slaves' animal nature and strong sexual appetites have been able to compensate for those slaves worked to the level of "physical decay." in short, he has constructed an image of the antithesis of the chaste victorian community. blacks were rendered as animalistic beings ("live stock," "horses")who cannot, as most middle class victorians can, control his and her impulses. according to dickens's representation of the behavior of slaves, they have no sense of restraint and they have a natural inclination to breed. dickens goes on to argue that most slaves are content with their position, and look forward to being treated like the slave holder's favorite pet. the purpose of this line of thought is an attempt to reiterate the older notion of the black as a natural servant to white. born to the system, bred to the system, degraded by being set to labour in sight of a whip, like the brutes, so working on a motive against which even a well-bred brute comes to rebel – thousands of negroes are content to be well fed and housed, occasionally patted on the head or played with, and, when the master finds it needful to reduce his stock, part with a mere transitory brutish pang from a contented wife in maryland, perhaps, to lie down content with a new wife in a new stall in tennessee. ( ) and, it is pleasanter to think of slaves in cuba flying before bloodhounds, than to know that the slaves of north america learn to identify themselves with their masters, and to lie down contented with their place among farm animals, because they are well fed; and that in the year , out of three million slaves only a thousand fled away in search of liberty: the greater part even of that thousand seeking not liberty for its own sake, but as a means of escape from the punishment incurred by theft and other crimes. ( ) dickens, even before "the noble savage," does not represent blacks as rational agents. the only act of agency he allowed his construction of blacks to have comes in the form of flight to "escape from the punishment incurred by theft and other crimes." dickens's representation of what i see as an example of agency seems to correspond to what james scott ( ) means with the observation that "[r]ebels and revolutionaries are labeled bandits, criminals , hooligans in a way that diverts attention from their political claims"( ).their acts of agency were decontextualized as crime and theft. among the acts of theft was the willingness to steal "liberty," for legally they were the property of others. nowhere in his interpretations of the african character does dickens remotely suggest that peoples of african descent had a shadow of nobility. as he said in the passage above: "even a well-bred brute comes to rebel." they were all described as being child-like or devious, questionably worthy of protection. the african, for dickens, was concerned only with satisfying his baser and lower instincts. his ability to seemingly praise the american system of slavery and denounce slavery in the abstract was rendered through the amplification of what he imagined as the african‟s anti-social and animalistic qualities and negation of african humanity. the racial trope he wanted the middle class victorian to accept as real was, in short, the exact opposite of the myth and romanticized noble savage. "the noble savage" ( ) can be seen as charles dickens's summary on the essential nature of africans and non-white peoples. moreover, he offered his final solution on how to handle this racial trope that had been for him and for other british commentators of racial difference, at home and abroad, a "nuisance." "the noble savage" is far less complex and has none of the nuances that are present in "the niger expedition" and "north american slavery." it is a straightforward denunciation of the myth of the noble savage and all of the qualities that attached to its referents. the most important of these qualities, and the one that had influenced many europeans for centuries, was the belief that natives can be elevated and made equal to (if not better than) whites. the idea of a noble savage, therefore, threatened and insulted dickens's perception of himself as an anglo saxon member in the racial hierarchy. with the only weapons he had at his command, his pen and the credibility attached to his name, he sought to create a portrait of a species of man that must be isolated, controlled and, in the final scheme of things, exterminated. for dickens, the "noble savage" was a romantic construct, "superstition," and “nuisance” that many of his contemporaries had inherited. this construct was a “nuisance” because the virtues and essential innocence projected onto the putative noble savage entitled him to the respect afforded equals, near equals, and it made him worthy of attention and valuable resources. as an evolving member of the modern human family, this uncorrupted and unspoiled child of nature was the perfect vessel not only of christianity but also of christian charity. as the adult member of the modern human family, many victorians perceived it as their duty to spiritually and intellectually elevate the less capable member. it was perhaps this self-imposed position of protector, teacher, guide and benefactor, which fostered the sense of superiority. the obsession with him, as well as the obsession with the putative moral obligation in relation to the indigenous non- european, however, took attention away from conditions (like the london poor) closer to home. the virtuous and malleable nature of the romanticized subject of this stereotype distorted the vision of englishmen and caused many britons to try to bring savages into the folds of civilization. dickens had no confidence that the characteristics revolving around the noble savage myth existed in the nature of the native. dickens‟s point was that neither virtue nor potential for development existed in the moral and mental constitution of indigenous peoples. although this may appear to be somewhat of a turnaround in his thoughts about non-whites, it is really an evolution in his racial thinking that was inspired by personal forces outside of his control. his friend, lord thomas denman ( - ), had published a series of articles in which he compared dickens's treatment of slavery and the slave trade in bleak house with that of harriet beecher stowe‟s uncle tom's cabin. according to denman, dickens was among “our most popular and influential writers” whose literary productions in regard to slavery was “calculated to mislead”(iv). denman, once a close friend of dickens, identified mrs. jellybee in bleak house and “some papers in the „houeshold words’” as having been written for the taste of slaveholders only” ( ). therefore, the "nuisance" that he mentioned early in "the noble savage" can be seen also as a personal one, for it caused him to respond in a less elusive and much more defining way. he was now able to give his conclusive thoughts. dickens introduced the reader of household words to what he perceived as the true nature of the caliban-like native by opening "the noble savage" with these unambiguous words: “to come to the point at once, i beg to say that i have not the least belief in the noble savage. i consider him a prodigious nuisance and an enormous superstition. his calling rum fire-water, and me a pale face, wholly fails to reconcile me to him. i don't care what he calls me. i call him a savage, and i call a savage something highly desirable to be civilized off the face of the earth” ( ). although, by referencing "pale face" and fire-"water," he appeared to be writing about the indians in north american, his opening includes all non-white races. when he does get to peoples of african descent, he warns his reader of the noble savage's warlike and diabolical nature. "the noble savage," writes dickens, sets a king to reign over him, to whom he submits his life and limbs without a murmur or question, and whose whole life is passed chin deep in a lake of blood; but who, after killing incessantly, is in his turn killed by his relations and friends, the moment a gray hair appears on his head. all the noble savage wars are with his fellow-savages (and he takes no pleasure in anything else) are wars of extermination - which is the best thing i know of him, and the most comfortable to my mind when i look at him. he has no moral feelings of any kind, sort, or description; and his "mission" may be summed up as simply diabolical. ( ) dickens concludes this short character study where he began: my position is, that if we have anything to learn from this noble savage, it is what to avoid. his virtues are a fable; his happiness a delusion; his nobility, nonsense. we have no greater justification for being cruel to the miserable object, than for being cruel to a william shakespeare or an isaac newton; but he passes away before an immeasurably better and higher power than ever ran wild in any earthly woods, and the world will be all the better when his place knows him no more. ( ) considering the almost universal praise of uncle tom's cabin, which at that moment rivaled dickens‟s very own bleak house, these words prepared the reader for an alternate rendering of stowe's popular negro-type. the noble and sentimentalized negro of stowe's uncle tom's cabin was recognized as a fiction through charles dickens's "the noble savage." although dickens neither directly addresses the pressing situation in the british west indies nor social problems at home in this essay, he participated in the carlylean racial project indirectly by ending that "the world will be all the better when his place knows him no more." this is a rewording of the beginning of "the noble savage" and the conclusion of "the niger expedition." the world, for dickens, will be a better place when the dark "nuisance" is no more. only then will then english government be able to attend to issues at home and aspirations abroad. dickens was much more concerned that attention gets placed on domestic affairs. this was indicated at the end of "the niger expedition," and was another reason why native peoples were regarded as a nuisance. according to moore, "he also came to conceive of the other worlds of victorian penury, like london's east end, as areas in need of the type of missionary activity that he regarded as misplaced in the distant colonies when there was still so much work to be done at home" ( ). dickens‟s attitude toward misusing valuable resources aboard is satirized in the character of mrs. jellyby in bleak house ( - ). with her attention overseas, mrs. jellybee doesn‟t notice that her own children are unfed, uneducated and unhappy. this, for dickens, is an allegory of what concern for the dark other has brought england. according to grace moore, by the time of bleak house ( - ) dickens's frustration with the policy of domestic laissez-faire - in his view a euphemism for downright negligence - had become so overwhelming that he could only envisage the british nation as mrs. jellyby's home, and the dispossessed as analogous to her disregarded children. the disorder of the jellyby household is, of course, equivalent to the delapidated state of the nation, and caddy jellyby identifies its ruin as resulting from her mother's exertions overseas when she laments, 'ma and africa, together, upset the whole house directly... ma's ruinous to everything'. ( ) but dickens's interpretation did have a much broader function: he, as with carlyle, provided the materials for an alternate interpretation of an entire race that were used in analyzing england's problems in the west indies and later in africa. within the lens that dickens and carlyle had constructed are acts of agency reconfigured as racial flaws and dangerous anti-social short-comings. ignobility versus agency: the language of the silent negro in this chapter i have been arguing that the interpretations of post-emancipation black social and political negotiations in the british west indies that many midcentury victorians circulated, implicitly and explicitly, unintentionally and by design, masked acts of agency. in the process of masking the agency of people of african descent, the victorian commentator of race was able to discursively erase evidence of black consciousness and replace it with essentialist notions mapping the limits and nature of black progress. by doing this, many victorian policy makers and officials were able to drawthe desired parameters of cross-cultural and interracial relations that favored white leadership and dominance. although dickens did not directly address the behavior of black british subjects, his racial repertory greatly contributed to the templates by which the african personality was fixed and measured. by his measurement, the african was ill-suited for the exigencies of progress and his innately subhuman constitution placed him beneath the consideration showered upon him by england‟s philanthropists and humanitarians. for him, the african (as represented in his evaluation of the master/slave relationship in the american south) was either contented with his servitude or, as evidenced by the reports of the niger expedition, he was selfish, morally and intellectually stunted, and an untrustworthy liar. therefore, the functions of the discursive strategies expressed in carlyle and dickens were designed to limit and contain the african within a dependent relationship or a distanced and carefully monitored relationship which would serve british interests. very few observers seem to have bothered to seriously analyze the motives of black actions. this omission in itself sheds light on whether the ex-slave‟s interpretation and desire held any weight in post- emancipation social and political negotiations. even the paternalistic strategies of british missionaries, which we will analyze through the writings of edward blyden in chapter four, were merely polite arguments for african containment. what their discursive practices had achieved in masking was the fact that many of what was presented as flaws and forms of lack in blacks were creative, productive and conscious acts of agency and, as we will later see in the west african situation (chapter three), a strong desire for autonomy. however, these acts of black agency were responses to new found freedom and independence, the history of abuses africans had experienced under slavery and apprenticeship, and they were directed toward a future if not completely free of british influence, then at least of a life greater autonomy and independence. the conflict, then, as a result of emancipation, can be seen as a power struggle to determine the proper uses of freedom. in the problem of freedom ( ), thomas holt writes that "the struggle to define the content of freedom was at bottom a contest for social power, a struggle at once intellectual and political, social and economic" (xxi). since these acts of agency were also relational, they must be interpreted as responses to and critiques of the structures peoples of african descent found themselves negotiating. not all observers of england's emancipation experiment interpreted black modes of agency and reactions to independence as regressive movements toward barbarism or the "quashee syndrome." some of these observers realized, in the words of cooper, that "[w]hat some called savage sloth was in fact an alternative vision of economic life, based on small plots and that slaves had been able to use even before emancipation.... slaves did not flee from the plantations but sought to determine the timing and conditions of their labor; they marketed produce in local markets, but not necessarily the produce officials wanted to see" ( ). although mill may have thought that the african was still among those races unprepared for self-governance, he regarded carlyle‟s “great ethical doctrine” a “damnable” literary performance because it professed “that one kind of human being are born servants to another kind” ( ). in his response to carlyle a month later in "the negro question"( ), mill places great value in the performance of west indian blacks as homo economus. mill wrote that "the negro, whom [carlyle] despises, still do earn by labour the 'pumpkins' they consume and the finery they wear" ( ). the black had also made use of his freedom by making his presence tantamount to the functioning of the region and the economy. the ex-slave, therefore, through emancipation was able to recognize his labor as a valued commodity used according to his own inclinations rather than at the beck and call of another. the blacks, writes mill, “freed from the despotism of their fellow beings, were left to themselves, and to the chances which the arrangements of existing society provide for those who have no resource but their labour. these chances proved favourable to them, and, for the last ten years, they afford the unusual spectacle of a laboring class whose labour bears so high a price that they can exist in comfort on the wages of a comparatively small quantity of work. this, to the ex-slave-owners, is an inconvenience”( ). part of the “inconvenience” involves the type of resources that the ex-slave is willing to make a profit from. it is not the luxury items that carlyle and the planters held in high regard. what was profitable for the ex-slave was not exactly the same products favored by carlyle and the planters. mill points out that the objects and commodities that carlyle values are “spices,” “cinnamon,” “sugar,” “coffee,” and “peppers” rather than the “pumpkins” grown by the former slaves. these objects are considered, mocks mill, “noble objects” ( ). but pumpkins are not noble objects. whatever supports life seems to be less dignified than commodities that advance and elevate culture. “why so?” asks mill, “is what supports life, inferior in dignity to what merely gratifies the sense of taste?” spices contribute to “‟commerce, arts, polities, and social developments‟. perhaps so; but of what sort?”( ). when the american journalist john bigelow ( - ) visited jamaica in , he "was surprised to find how general the desire among the negroes to become possessed of a little land, and upon what sound principles that desire was based" ( ). he discovered that "[u]pon their little tracts they raised not only what they required for their own consumption, but a surplus which they take to market, usually in small pannies upon donkies, or upon their heads" ( ). in jamaica in , bigelow not only contrasted the present condition and attitude from that of life under slavery and apprenticeship, but he implicitly suggested that these blacks were in essence destabilizing a traditional relationship and hierarchy : one of the most interesting spectacles to be witnessed about kingston, is presented on the highroad through which the market people, with their donkies, in the cool of the morning, pour into the city from the back country. they form an almost uninterrupted procession four or five miles in length; and what strikes the eye of an american at once, is their perfect freedom from care. neither anxiety, nor poverty, nor desire of gain, has written a line upon their faces, and they could not show less concern at the result of their trip if they were going to a festival. one may readily perceive how strong and universal must be the desire of the poor laborers to exchange their servile drudgery, on the lands of others, for this life of comparative ease and independence. ( ) bigelow's use of "this life," which had once been the property of planters, suggested that the former slave was operating within a space of his own making; and "independence" indicated the severing of the natural bond carlyle saw as important. bigelow further suggested how the traditional racial hierarchy had been challenged by the agency of ex- slaves: "he is driven by necessity to the purchase and cultivation of land for himself, and he finds such labor, so much better rewarded than that bestowed upon the land of others, that he very naturally takes care of his own first, and gives his leisure to the properties of others, when he feels inclined; in that particular acting very much as if he were a white man" ( ). as a result of black west indian agency, in the british educated african american minister alexander crummell was able to deliver the following words in bristol on behalf of the ladies negro education society: "[t]he black population, on the whole, is rising,... in some places, rising on the ruins of the planters, yet it is also a sad fact, that, in some places, they are going down to ruin with the proprietors " ( ); and "the black population, generally, are advancing, to the disadvantage of the planters" (n. ). however, black british subjects were measured by their contribution to the material needs of the anglo-british rather than by what they were able to accomplish or not accomplish for themselves. the decline in sugar production and other profitable species was seen as evidence of laziness and innate deficiencies. according to curtin, many planters believed that wages would cause no trouble, if only labor could be made 'continuous.' the demand for 'continuous labor' came up constantly in their discussions and has to be understood in its full meaning. it was not a question of the negroes' refusing to work on plantations all year round. they no doubt would have refused, if asked, but full time work was not being offered all year round. sugar and coffee being seasonal crops, the problem was to meet the special labor demands of the planting and 'crop' seasons. on sugar estates, these periods tended to coincide with the planting and harvest seasons on the provision grounds.... the planters' demand for continuous labor, therefore, was the desire for control, other than wage payments, that would ensure a full working force in seasons of special needs. taken in the jamaican context, it was a soft word for peonage. ( ) therefore, it was imperative that the black laboring population recognized and conducted themselves within the constraints of the traditional racial hierarchy. this, however, for the ex-slave meant that he did not own his freedom. abiding to the traditional script would only have meant that their freedom was, in essence, still regulated by the needs of the white planters. they were expected to fall in line with their ascribed status as an inferior and subservient race of man. "when considering the 'negro race,'" writes lorimer, "commentators lost sight of individual diversity and simply assumed all blacks were inferior to all whites. their assumptions about the characteristics of the negro race made them less willing to recognize the abilities of individual blacks, and some suggested that even 'a self-improved negro' could not rise to the elevated status of a gentleman" ( ). according to catherine hall, "if the period from the early s to the early s was the high moment for abolitionists in britain, when the universal family of man looked as if it might be an achievable reality, the period from the mid- s to the mid- s saw a sharp shift in the discursive terrain: a loss of confidence in the language of negro brotherhood and sisterhood, though those values were upheld by the stalwarts, and an increasing turn to the language of race to explain and justify the inequalities and persistent differences between peoples"( ). when i talk about agency, i am referring to the black british subject's willingness to construct his or her own social space and become conscious actors in their own destinies. this means that their actions, always self-conscious, were movements towards personal and social independence within resistant social structures. emirbayer and mische writes that "[v]iewed internally, agency entails different ways of experiencing the world, although even here, just as consciousness is always conscious of something..., so too is agency always agency toward something, by means of which actors enter into relationships with surrounding persons, places, meanings, and events” ( ). and, emirbayer and mische argue, “[v]iewed externally, agency entails actual interactions with its contexts, in something like an ongoing conversation" ( ). this “ongoing conversation” constitutive of emirbayer and mische‟s conception of agency was, before emancipation, absent from the relationship between master and slave. after emancipation, the desire and willingness to enter into the conversation directed toward the avoidance and remedying of past abuses structured all black/white relations in the british west indies. this is what harrison white means when he writes that "[a]gency is social, not personal, both in its roots and in its main realization. chickens in the pecking order of a flock do have agency even though they do not have personhood. agency is about relations. agency is the dynamic face of networks"( ). the black actors appropriated the legal and philosophical rules of these social structures to avoid the nature of past relations and to accommodate their present and future needs. even though they had been granted freedom, there was no indication that they would receive the type of respect given to a freeman or woman. the past and present behavior of the planters assured the black west indians that many of the abuses, though no longer protected by law, were in danger of resurfacing. the spurts of abuse experienced at the hands of planters may have contributed to the continued resistance to working on the estates after apprenticeship. according to donald wood, “[t]he majority of those who had left the estates [in trinidad] after the ending of apprenticeship did so not to escape hard work but for fear that the indignities of the slave system would be perpetuated in a new guise”( ). rather than the recalcitrant quashee of carlyle, wood assures us that the ex-slave was “quite willing to work on them, but only when they chose and on their own terms” ( ). in a narrative of events, since the first of august, , the apprentice james williams supplied an example of the feelings toward freed blacks and on the treatment some freed blacks had encountered: i have been ill treated by mr. senior and the magistrates since the new law came in. apprentices get a great deal more punishment now than they did when they was slaves; the master take spite, and do all he can to hurt them before the free come;- i have heard my master say, 'those english devils say we to be free, but if we is to free, he will pretty well weaken we, before the six and four years done; we shall be no use to ourselves afterwards.' ( ) in the west indies: their social and religious condition, the baptist missionary edward bean underhill ( - )reports on a conversation he had with a ranger in jamaica: the old ranger then explained how, in his judgment, this state of things had been brought about. when the slaves were made free, they were a 'little obstinate' about wages and their provision grounds, which belonged to the estates; the overseers were a 'little obstinate' too, and wished to do what they had been accustomed during slavery. so the overseers pulled down the people's houses, and discharged them. the people having thus become quite free, went to the mountains, obtained land, made themselves independent, and now they won't come back; they do better on their own land than at estate work. a man with three acres of ground can make £ a week by his provisions, if he is totally industrious. ( ) and in another parish on the island, underhill informed a gathering of freed blacks of the carlylean lens through which they were perceived in england: as a number of persons gathered around us, we began to ask questions about their willingness to work. we told them that we had heard in england that they were idle; that they were content to lie all day under the shade of the mango tree, and to suck its luscious fruit; that, in fact, only the whip would make them work. they became very excited, and for a time we could hardly be heard. they loudly complained of the treatment they experienced. ( - ) according to emirbayer and mische,"[a]lthough ...all experience takes place in the present, this present is permeated by the conditioning quality of the past" ( ). since black british agency was a response to past and current racial relations as well as their hopes for the future, we should look at agency as a conversation and a cultural critique. in other words, we need to look at the type of agency being expressed at this point in british colonial history as a language, especially since the freemen at this brief period in time had not themselves committed their motives and thoughts in print. walter benjamin advises us that "[e]very expression of human mental life can be understood as a kind of language, and this understanding, in the manner of a true method, everywhere raise new questions" ( ). according to benjamin, "there is no event or thing in either animate or inanimate nature that does not in some way partake of language, for it is in the nature of all to communicate their mental meanings" ( ). by looking at black british agency in the west indies as a language that questions the ethics and integrity of the guardians of the colonial social structures, we may better be able to interpret the full semiotic value of thomas carlyle's "pumpkin." that is, what were cast as signs of obstinate ignobility and laziness were in fact the ex-slaves‟ nonverbal articulation of agency and protest. conclusion in a way, the black british subject's appropriation of freedom was a kind of theft. they were granted freedom with the expectation that they would contribute to the material wealth of the british government and to that of the planters. however, according to roger chartier, "[t]he determination to impose cultural modes on the people does not guarantee the way in which they are used, adapted, understood" ( ). ex-slaves robbed planters of the realization of those expectations and the social conflicts that ensued revealed that the free black's conception and utilization of freedom were in conflict with envisioned expectations. therefore, the mechanism on which many englishmen had put their hopes was taken but did not circulate in the agreed form: wealth and progress for the dominant class. this is what michel de certeau means when he writes that "users make... innumerable and infinitesimal transformations of and within the dominant cultural economy in order to adapt it to their own interest and their own rules" (xiii). in this sense ex-slaves poached [de certeau's term] the exigencies of freedom from their former masters and used it to create and manipulate evolving and transformed social relations. although their motives were interpreted and misinterpreted through the discursive practices of writers and observers of the dominant race, the black british writers presented in the following chapters articulated the ramifications of this theft and of the trajectory of black british agency. chapter two autobiographical negotiations in the wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands introduction this essay argues that mary seacole's wonderful adventures in many lands participates in and articulates the political and cultural desires of the colored/ brown populations in the nineteenth century british west indian colonies. the articulation of the colored subject's cultural desires presses upon seacole's discursive strategy and thus forms the veiled historical content of her narrative. through mrs. seacole, i also argue, we get a picture of a subjectivity that seems to be absent in much victorian scholarship pertaining to nineteenth century racial discourse. because of how seacole and the colored community racially positioned themselves in the victorian colonial social structure, we need to look at the autobiographical negotiations in wonderful adventures as what ross chambers has called an "oppositional narrative." the discursive practices of this community advocated, because of shared self-interest with the dominant group, the cultivation of relations rather than a revolution which threatens the overthrow of existing political and economic structures. oppositional narratives and behaviors, as practiced by the nineteenth century colored colonial community in the british west indies, were not radically resistant to structures of colonial society as much as they were opposed to the mentality that excluded themfrom full participation in that structure. seacole personifies herself as an exemplar of progress and transition in england's age of transition, with the aim of being accepted as a member of the british family. this desire is no different from the desires of the rest of the educated members of the colored community. the personal experiences rendered in wonderful adventures, therefore, have very political referential implications. that is, wonderful adventures is the porthole through which appears the political, social and economic desires of a larger community. mary seacole ( - ) was born and raised during a period of contested change for the colored population of jamaica. if people in england, during the first half of the nineteenth century, can be said to have experienced a period of transition, many members of mary seacole's generation in the colored community in the british west indies were also able to make similar claims. she was part of a generation of colored british subjects who had gone from positions of limited political agency when she was born to that of full legal citizenship by the time she reached twenty-five years of age in . in jamaica: past and present state, the baptist missionary james m. phillippo ( - ) described the events and repercussions of the privilege act of (which gave free coloreds full civil rights) in terms that may have been useful to mary seacole : relieved from these proscriptions by which they had been enthralled and bowed down, they as a body immediately began to advance in the scale of civilization, intelligence, and virtue, so that at the present time they discover a renovation of character and a degree of improvement in manners, customs, and knowledge, of which history, in a similar space of time, scarcely affords a parallel. in their houses, dress, personal appearance (complexion excepted), general deportment, wealth, morals, and religion, many of them are on an equality with the most respectable of whites. ( ) and in the west indies and the spanish main, anthony trollope ( - ), no friend of peoples of color or of african descent, begrudgingly conceded that the coloreds' conception of self had improved with their legal status and that they "look on themselves as the ascendant race. i look upon those of color as being so, or at any rate as about to become so" ( ). by , trollope, the lifelong disciple of thomas carlyle, was able to bear witness that members of the colored community had gained access to places they had been denied thirty years ago: in jamaica one does come in contact with coloured men. they are to be met at the governor's table; they sit in the house of assembly; they cannot be refused admittance to state parties, or even to large assemblies; they have forced themselves forward, and must be recognized as being in the van. individuals decry them - will not have them within their doors - affect to despise them. but in effect the coloured men of jamaica cannot be despised much longer. ( ) perhaps it was the shifts in political status of the coloreds, occurring alongside the self- congratulatory and anxiety ridden era of progress and transition written about in the mother country, that made it possible in (the year she composed wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands ) for her to appropriate the narrative and rhetoric of the day, look back, reflect, and align herself to what she perceived as progress in herself, the colored people of jamaica, and the british citizens on both sides of the atlantic when she writes "that the century and myself were both young together, and that we have grown side by side into age and consequence" ( ). in the victorian frame of mind, - , walter e. houghton writes that the british acutely felt that they were "living in an age of transition" ( ). according to houghton, "[t]his is the basic and almost universal conception of the period. and it is peculiarly victorian. for although all ages are ages of transition, never before had men thought of their own time as an era of change from the past to the future. indeed, in england that idea and the victorian period began together" ( ). for seacole, change and the call for change were all around her. she was from a community of people that had publically argued for inclusion and equality with the whites of jamaica. in other words, the colored population of jamaica not only felt that complete civil rights and privileges were their birth right because they had white blood in their veins, but that they had mastered and were mastering the requisite credentials for equality. much of the significant recent scholarship on mary seacole addresses her negotiations of gender and the maintenance of her creole identity. and while a few scholars have rigorously analyzed the significance of "englishness" in her wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands, others have treated the text as if it was written from the vantage point of a of colonial and diaspora subject who had considered herself "black" or who had shared and expressed a "black" subjectivity. this latter approach, however, seems a little anachronistic and shortsighted, for it suggests a subjectivity that she (and most of the people like her) may never have embraced. it may also suggests that even non-whites, as a whole, perceived mixed-race peoples in the same light as they did pure blooded peoples of african descent. what complicates this position is the historical fact that throughout nineteenth century england , newspaper articles, chapter titles in travelogues of the west indies, plays on the british stage, diary entries as well as works of fiction all expressly represented mary seacole's caste as a distinct group with access to resources denied "black" colonial subjects. still, most scholars frequently and unavoidably allude to her "creole," "hybrid," and" liminal" statuses without fully unpacking the cultural implications of seacole's interpretation and construction of her discursive world. this tendency suggests that the ramifications of seacole's narrative discourse is limited to gender issues and desires peculiar to her (and, perhaps, other woman of color) as a colonial subject. this means that the actual historical forces, which most scholars have recognized as being in the margins or entirely dismissed from her narrative, are to some extent taken for granted. even when the social energies or cultural discourses beyond the margins are mentioned or alluded to, the full weight of the margins does not seem to be given serious critical consideration. what we tend to miss is the existence of the nuanced and, at times, self-contradictory network of political and cultural discourses with which seacole skillfully wrestled. most of this is due, however, to what little seacole leaves today's critics to work with. most importantly, as we properly praise mary seacole for her uniqueness, we may fail to see how her narrative strategies mirror (and in some ways it is a convex and concave mirror) the political and social desires of the particular group (the free coloreds or "browns") of which she was a member. what adds to the complexities of wonderful adventures are the culturally embedded genre constraints of the autobiography peculiar to a woman of color in mid- nineteenth century england. these genre constraints work to bring to the anterior the multifarious and interrelated discourses in the margins. that is, the form, the subject's representation of self within this cultural form, influences the presentation of the subject's performance in the content. as a form of self-representation that follows an author through the decisive moments of her or his life, autobiography not only shows the contributing forces in the author's development, but it also shows the author as a site of progress and development moving through history . the conspicuous absence of those forces and historical moments, as some of the scholars in the following section have noticed, haunts seacole's autobiographical narrative and begs for attention. autobiographies, more than other literary genres, are implicitly committed to the author showing how she or he has developed through a limited period in time. "autobiography is about change," writes carolyn a. barros, and "it narrates a series of transformations" ( ). during the victorian period, notions of change, transition, and progress, were not only essential for the construction of an autobiographical self, but these ideas were equally essential for england's sense of itself as a nation. in all autobiographies an identity is presented to the reader. this identity is contingent on the autobiographer's imagined or interpreted relationship to her/his reader. if harrison white is correct in his belief that "identities are triggered by contingencies" ( ), then the constraints on mary seacole were not the same as those that may have formed a john stuart mill or a harriet martineau. mrs. seacole occupied a particular and profoundly complicated space in the victorian imagination. she was an entirely different sort of historical agent whose writing consciously and unconsciously served completely different functions. she was not regarded as "white," she did not see herself as "black," nor was she from a respected class or caste in the eyes of the black and white communities in the environment that she was bred. since she was neither a slave nor had she ever experienced the conditions of slavery except as an observer, seacole, as a member of the free colored population, was not only writing something new and different from what was by then conventional of the popular slave narratives circulating throughout england but her culturally generated subjectivity complicates our traditional binary reading of racial and colonial discourses. when considering the history of race relations in the west indies, seacole was very cognizant that many of her white middle class readers in england would have approached her autobiography (if not with suspicion) with certain unflattering political, sexual and racialized assumptions. according to george landow, "[l]ike all writings about the self, victorian autobiographies embody the question of how the individual relates to what is outside himself; and what makes autobiography as a literary mode so representative of its time - in a word, so 'victorian' - is that a concern with this problematic relationship lies close to the heart of all literature, all culture, of the age" (xiii). the construction of her autobiographical narrative, then, must always have in mind the tropes that have been ascribed and imposed on her not only as a member of the colored caste but also as a woman of color. she was, as one scholar has said, "doubly othered." as a discursively strategic responses to the prejudices of her time, she represented herself as the antithesis of most ascriptions projected onto creole and african peoples. to appeal to her reader, her self-representation was done without explicating racial tropes as products of imperial power, and especially the powers that have limited the agency of her and her kind, but as transformable products of nature. she was an outsider who wanted access both literally and metaphorically into wholesome victorian homes. therefore, she needed to present herself as a "non-white" british subject and citizen completely different from the "indolent" and static figure that was often read about in newspapers and travel books. to gain the access into white middle-class homes, and to receive the approval that she so much desired, she had to read her reader as she wrote, as well as incorporate what the reader knew about her exploits as "mother seacole" and a heroine of the crimean war. in other words, for seacole, england was what raymond williams ( ) calls a "knowable community" because she had to assess her position vis-à-vis her reader in england to construct her persona. according to williams, it is always important to assess the position of the observer in and towards the community, "a position which is part of a community being known" ( ). in orientalism, edward said proposes a similar methodology, though in a different context and having a different trajectory, for analyzing an "author's position in a text" which is applicable to the position occupied by seacole. said suggests that we look at the author's "strategic location," which is a way to describe the author's relation and position to the material she or he writes about ( ). so what we partially get in wonderful adventures is her interpretation of what the victorian reader (who not only had knowledge of seacole's celebrity but who may have also held many of the prejudices against peoples of african descent) may find acceptable. this is perhaps what pierre bourdieu means when he writes that "[a] player who is involved and caught up in the game adjusts not to what he sees but to what he fore-sees, sees in advance in the directly perceived present" ( ). she had to construct a persona within a positive rather than a negative relationship to the victorian community. in other words, seacole's autobiographical negotiations involved highlighting and emphasizing those qualities and values that she and the reader shared, presenting testimonials and examples of how different she was from what they may have expected, as well as giving an account of her life which would make it easier for the reader to accept her as a member of the national family. it is also to be remembered that this was being done in a period of high patriotism and nationalism, for england had just come out of a war. but because of the cultural baggage attached to members of hybrid races, she coded her narrative to show that she was among those who had developed and progressed beyond those she left behind. to accomplish this, a certain amount of self-censorship was employed by mrs. seacole. when i say self-censorship i do not mean squashing her inner-most feelings, but rather eliding those social forces that contributed to her inner-most feelings and subjectivity. in wonderful adventures, she attempted to separate the personal (which she believes her reader is interested in) from the political (which may call into question the moral integrity of her community of readers). this strategy, of course, is in itself a political practice and points to a political awareness of the psychology of power and race relations on the part of the non-white nineteenth century writer who is trying to appeal to her imagined reader in england. through this strategy of self-censorship the pressures from the margins of seacole's narrative assume very peculiar discursive shapes and becomes "metacommentary." fredric jameson's idea of metacommentary is intricately related to seacole's reading her reader and her autobiographical negotiations. according to jameson, "every individual interpretation must include an interpretation of its own existence, must show its own credentials and justify itself: every commentary must be at the same time a metacommentary as well" ( ). metacommentary is unavoidable in an autobiography by a nineteenth century free woman of color who paradoxically identifies and embraces as her own the interests of the dominant community and long-time oppressor. therefore, in the words of jameson, metacommentary performed in the autobiographical negotiations of wonderful adventures finds itself "tracing the logic of the censorship itself and of the situation from which it springs: a language that hides what it displays beneath its own reality as language, a glance that designates, through the very process of avoiding, the object forbidden" ( ). this does not mean that seacole intended completely to avoid the political; she only uses the genre restrictions imposed on her by the mid-century victorian autobiography (peculiar to her present social and political position at the time) to construct a persona that will contribute to her getting what she wants. this is what james scott means when he writes that "we must above all recognize that the creation of disguises depends on agile, firm grasp of the codes of meaning being manipulated. it is impossible to overestimate the subtlety of this manipulation" ( ). we should then see these genre constraints more as the appropriation of genre constraints. therefore, self-censorship as a characteristic of the appropriation of genre constraints of the autobiography is a kind of disguise rather than a deceptive mask. for seacole, this discursive disguise is a thin veil: the face of the veiled subject is perceptible but not all of the details that make up its features. this appropriation contributes to wonderful adventures being looked at in terms of what ross chambers has called an "oppositional narrative," especially since mary seacole seems to have no animus toward the mother country. that is, though she is in opposition to the social and cultural relationships that generated her as an image and personification of the other, and because this relationship strongly influenced the mode of self-censorship that she employed, she paradoxically presents herself as being at one with the members of the society that has excluded her. according to chambers, “no oppositional behavior can be fully acknowledged, in any society, as a challenge to the structures of power that are in place" ( ). we can, then, see wonderful adventures as an attempt to ameliorate her sense of personal alienation that is also reflected in the cultural agenda of colored population. in fact, rhetorically, her status as an excluded subject is displaced as abnormal through much of her narrative. in turn, her discursive strategy involves some form of nation building which includes her as the major actor. the biography of a persona on the surface, wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands (originally published by blackwood in ) can be flatly read as the story of one mixed raced woman's voyage from obscurity in her native jamaica to become what biographer jane robinson has hailed as "the most famous black woman of the victorian age." she was born mary jane grant in in kingston, jamaica. her father was a scottish soldier and her mother a woman of african descent. seacole attributes her love for adventure and camp life to her father's blood and her skills as a doctress to her mother, who, according to seacole, distinguished herself as a healer. however, seacole was raised by another woman and perhaps functioned as the woman's servant and as the companion of that woman's children. mary grant had visited england on several occasions, and upon her return she seems to have evolved into a more enterprising person. she moved back into her mother's home after her "patroness" dies and there perfects her skills in creole healing arts. she later marries edwin seacole who, within a year, dies. there is no mention of children from this union. at the request of her brother edmund, she goes to panama to start her own business. it is in panama, a place rendered as the site of chaos and lawlessness, that she employs her medical skills and seemingly single-handedly battles and defeats a cholera epidemic. she then returns to jamaica, combats yellow fever, and later turns her attentions to the news of war in the crimea. inspired by patriotic zeal, she goes through all of the proper channels in which she would be able to put her medical knowledge to the service of british soldiers, only to get rejected. she, however, is not to be hindered and, with a relative of her dead husband, thomas day, goes to the crimea as a "sutler" and sets up the "british hotel." it is during the crimean war that she becomes famously known throughout england as "mother seacole" and , along with florence nightingale, as a heroine of the crimean war. these are the major events that make up the content of mary seacole's autobiography. what is apparent to any reader of wonderful adventures is that seacole seems to have conspicuously left out some important political and cultural background about the world that contributed to her life and world view. this is noticeable once we have considered that her autobiography radiates with vivid details and commentary pertaining to her life beyond kingston, jamaica. that is, seacole seems to have intentionally avoided the cultural and colonial forces that inform her subjectivity. what we, as scholars committed to highlighting ethnic identity and multiculturalism, have failed to acknowledge is the possibility that seacole's discursive strategies may be a reflection of her appropriation of creole cultural and political strategies and desires, however great the pains she employs to distance herself from the stereotypes projected onto the creole and colored population. i hesitate to say "unconscious" because i believe that most of the self-censorship in wonderful adventures is intentional. she is parsimonious, allusive, silent and protectively subtle only when the narrative turns toward her inner self and the social climate of her british dominated jamaica. this climate had, during the decades preceding the crimean war, a well-reported and controversial history of which many of her readers would have been aware. in contrast to her characteristically un-detailed sketch of jamaica, seacole does offer to her reader vivid portraits of her travels, and she even makes a seemingly strong commentary on north american slavery, but it is rendered without indication or reference to the lived conditions that inform her opinions. her tone suggests a common intimacy with the reader. it is this sympathetic tone that brings seacole and her reader closer together. that is, she writes as if there is little difference between herself and her white middle class english reader because she does not seem to perceive of herself as qualitatively other. when wonderful adventures is looked at in this light, her attitude towards blacks and slavery, as well as the peculiar uniqueness of the persona she creates, will seem less bothersome. and it is this very elision that makes wonderful adventures such a complicated text. we see who mary seacole wants us to see, a sympathetic persona, but she skillfully and playfully veils from view the larger and, perhaps, disturbing circumstances that makes the persona of "mother seacole," for her, necessary. in short, she is intentionally trying to keep publically acknowledged colonial discourses out of her readers' living-rooms, and in this way she avoids what we seem to have uncritically accepted as "alienating" her reader. the analogy of the "living-room" is a good way to view the personal and political implications and trajectory of mrs. seacole's narrative. traditionally, the living-room is the one location in which the family gathers. this location, for victorians, is the place of warmth and it is free of the concerns of the outside world. it is the center of the home, the domestic sphere. this place of safely, our scholarship tells us, is heavily protected from the intrusion of politics and all other worldly evils and moral impurities that the patriarch of the home must face on a daily basis. standing in the open door, at the threshold, is mary seacole and all that a mary seacole represents. for this middle class victorian family, this liminal figure may have provoked what h.l. malchow sees as an "intense awareness of the 'natural' in human relationships - that is, of sexual perversion and 'miscegenation,' which often implied the subversion or even reversal of the assumed-to- be natural power relationships of class, gender, and race" ( ). she faces the living- room, and may have on occasion been allowed temporary and conditional entrance. this living-room is where she desires to be and she sees that living-room as her birthright. at her back, completely out the view of those sitting in the living-room, are pure (or full) blooded peoples of african descent, former slaves who may have not only contributed to the luxury that the occupants of the room value but also to the privileges that have made it possible for free coloreds like mary seacole to occupy the threshold. the figure at the threshold identifies and sympathizes with the desires of those before her. according to this figure at the threshold, the interests of those in the room are not dissimilar from her interests. but she knows that the only thing that prevents her from having full access and movement to this space is her distant affinity to those to whom she shows her back. at most, she may consider them, depending on the particular historical moment, with more than an anxious anthropological glance over her shoulder. but to completely embrace them, and to claim allegiance with them, can be interpreted as a movement backward in time, especially during a period which considered african agency as a regressive march to barbarism. moreover, she is of a caste of people that does not perceive the blacks at her back as constitutionally morally or intellectually like her. they are the children of nature, while she is the product of progress. in short, these are not her people. in character and all that is essential for the maintenance of the living-room, she is like those within her gaze. the irony of nineteenth century british west indian colonial ironies is that the figure in the threshold is not exactly the familial and political ally caliban had anticipated in william shakespeare's the tempest. in caliban's vision, the island, now populated by the offspring gendered from fantasized sexual union with miranda, would have honored the native and formerly enslaved father rather than dismiss him as a ghost of the past. nor, for shakespeare's caliban, would there have been any ambiguity in regards to political and racial allegiances. liminal figures, such as seacole, desiring entrance into the living-room as an accepted and autonomous member of the british family recognize themselves as british. for mary seacole and many of the colored folks of the british west indies, it is the good blood of prospero's descendants that courses through their veins and is the criteria that should be used to define them. however, what makes her still a child and spokesperson of caliban is the desire to break the constraints imposed upon peoples of african descent by the dominant culture. in general, for those in the dominant culture both the coloreds and the darker former slave are threats on multiple levels. racially, economically, and morally (that is, ideologically and materially) the mixed- raced descendents of caliban are sites of disturbance and discomfort. during the first half of the nineteenth century, it was the coloreds, more than the former black slaves, who made strong claims that they, rather than the transient whites, were the true native sons of the west indies. the figure at the threshold, the liminal west indian figure of which mary seacole was a product, was not altogether radically opposed to the living-room or what it represented. throughout mary seacole's childhood and young adult life, the colored population petitioned for legal access to what they saw as their birthright. they saw the structure as legitimate but not the logic that excluded them from participating in the upkeep and profits absorbed by the structure. as a representative of this liminal caste, mary seacole's wonderful adventures can broadly be called an "oppositional narrative," because her personal desires and the desires of the group she is a part of and in many inadvertent ways resemble, honors the structure she discursively assaults. therefore, seacole's personal "oppositional narrative" functions also as a "meta-commentary" on creole-anglo saxon colonial relations. cultural and discursive background of mary seacole’s free coloreds as i have already stated, mary seacole participated in a network of historical and cultural codes when she composed wonderful adventures. that is, the social and historical codes that she inherited formed her discursive practices we find embedded in her text. this is perhaps what karl marx meant when he wrote in the eighteenth brumaire that men do not make history “under circumstances chosen by themselves, but under circumstances directly found, given and transmitted from the past" ( ). when reading wonderful adventures one ought to be cognizant of the social history that formed her subjectivity and of how the particular social history of the coloreds in the british colonies may have informed the interpretative practices of her audience in england. however much mary seacole may have painted herself as an independent historical agent, her discursive persona and rhetorical strategies were also reflections of the broader political and social desires of other colored persons. the colored community‟s political and cultural discourses piggybacked the discursive strategies of seacole's wonderful adventures. in other words, as a product of a specific kind of racial self-awareness, her self-interpretation proves to be a reflection of the concerns of the subgroup from which she comes. thus, embedded in seacole's discursive negotiations are the cultural desires of the free coloreds of her generation in response to the modes of exclusion in the british west indies. the free colored communities in the british west indies came into being as a result of widespread abuses of power and exclusionary practices on the part of the colonial government. the members of the colored community (sometimes called "brown") were the offspring of white male fathers and freed and enslaved women of african descent. miscegenation in the colonies began as the result of a scarcity of white women and the abuse of the master/slave relationship in the british colonies. the response to this scarcity ultimately revealed, for the colonial government, an embarrassing public misuse of power and a violation of the idea of freedom. for many single and married white males who stayed in the colonies there were plenty woman of african descent available as outlets for their sexual pleasures. these women were black and mix blooded slaves and, as slaves, vulnerable to the whims of white masters and of those acting on the behalf of absentee plantation owners. since slave status passed from mother to child, the offspring of black/white sexual relations were also born slaves. many slave women and offspring were, according to historians, given preferential treatment and, in many cases, eventually freed long before slavery was abolished in the british colonies in . unlike the general population of slaves, these "brown slaves," writes historian gad j. heuman, also "had a greater opportunity to learn skills, and many worked as house slaves" ( ). the more liberal or generous planters, however, may have had bouts of conscience and, unable to bear the thought that their own blood (also recognized as such by many members of the white community) was in bondage and publicly vulnerable to abuse and exploitation, manumitted their illegitimate offspring. the failure or unwillingness to free one's illegitimate children and not provide some form of education and financial support also opened delinquent white males (married and unmarried) to public ridicule. m.k. bacchus writes that "[w]hile children born to slave mothers were also slaves, some social stigma was usually attached to those fathers who could afford to purchase their children's freedom and did not do so" ( ). many coloreds, mostly the males, who received education at home or in england, later entered various professions and were taken on in minor administrative positions. "women in this category," which includes mary seacole and her mother, writes heuman," became shopkeepers and sold provisions, millinery, confectionery, and preserves. they usually had two or three slaves who traveled into the interior of the island to sell commodities on the estates. in addition, freewomen owned and managed lodging houses throughout the island" ( ). "but," heuman reminds us, "whatever their parentage, freedmen did not become legal equals of whites; for them manumission only meant a release from ownership and was not a grant of full civil rights" ( ). for the free coloreds, full legal civil rights was not to come until the end of the s, when seacole was in her mid- twenties. a) the “fallen” woman of color because of the pseudo-taboo that impregnated the image of the woman of color, mary seacole was born into a discourse that shadowed her as being among the “fallen” and morally tainted. this representation of mulatto and colored women was altered and magnified when more married and marriageable white women established themselves in the colonies in the late s. it was, in fact, the increased presence of white european women that seemed to have transformed the colonial social scene into a possible place of domesticity rather than adventure. although established modes of impropriety were no longer easily shrugged off, respectable white women were still more inclined to indict the low moral character of the colored woman as the cause of the illicit encounters. it became a conventional practice for observers of the colonial scene to suggestively throw light on the stereotyped carnal inclinations of women of like mary seacole rather than on uneven relationships of power, and abuses of freedom, that shaped colonial social life and the sexual interaction between white men and colored women. therefore, in terms of race relations, the rhetoric of the “fallen woman” as applied to the woman of color was a discursive attempt to keep women like mary seacole on the margins of respectable community or beyond the pale of victorian domesticity. the writings of this period suggest that the woman of color was a child of her erotic and primitive nature. the colored woman's primal psychological and moral limitations, unformed by education, christianity and the tools of proper feminine deportment, placed her near or at the level of the victorian fallen women. like the nineteenth century discourse of the prostitute analyzed in anderson's tainted souls and painted faces: the rhetoric of falleness in victorian culture, the woman of color is essentially in a fallen condition. her moral character is always in question and thus falleness is inseparable from perceptions of her as a social agent. the forces that caused a woman to "fall" were suspected of being peculiar to the non-white female subject, and her fate and choices, therefore, cannot fully be attributed to the environment. in the fiction and non-fiction of the first half of the nineteenth century, colored women were alternately represented as always inclined to gain favor by making themselves sexually available to white men and more appealing than white women. in other words, the creole woman of color was often described as willing to employ whatever means available to gain access into the broader respectable white community and into a white man's heart. these behavioral practices attributed to the woman of color were not presented as maneuvers in response to the environment. for instance, in the anonymously published the woman of colour, the colored female protagonist, olivia fairfield, is presented as an eligible bride to her white first cousin only because her deceased slaveholder father has left a desirable dowry. in this early nineteenth century novel, it is olivia's dowry, and not her exemplary and chase character, that many of the secondary characters find appealing. through the dowry, olivia may be able to pay for entrance into the community. in journal of a west indian proprietor, matthew “monk” lewis describes women of african descent, his very own slaves included, as always ready vessels of procreation. colored women, writes lewis, "lay themselves out to captivate some white person, who takes them for mistresses, under the appellation of housekeepers" ( ). the beautiful mulatto house servant in hamel, the obeah man is not merely consumed with lust for the protagonist of the novel, but is presented as representative of all mixed race women. the following dialogue from hamel enacts the discourse concerning the sexual nature of the mulatto woman: "there is love at the bottom of all this," said the obeah man in a whisper. "these mulattoes and mustees think of nothing else, from the hour in which they are weaned from their mothers' breast until time has wasted away every trace of their beauty; and then they console themselves with the recollection of all the transports they have enjoyed." "from the mother's breast?" "yes, master, yes; their mothers breathe it into their very souls with every kiss which they impart on them, fill their heads with the anticipation of the charms they will possess, and the conquest they will make, and the riches they will acquire, by their connection with some great buckra planter." ( - ) characterizations in these texts all seem to reflect the representations of free women of color that mrs. seacole attempted to write against and negotiate. very often we rely on and repeat the idea that the mode of sexual interaction between white men and non-white women was accepted without controversy and contest. this is because we rely on sources very similar to the ones i have used above. however, for mrs. seacole and many free colored this issue hit home and some representatives of the colored community recognized the broader cultural significance of what was going on. for instance, john campbell, the second colored man to sit in the assembly, questioned the systems of power that places the free colored woman on the level of the prostitute. for campbell and other members of the colored community, without civil rights and equal protections and privileges, the less favored group is at the mercy of the more powerful. for campbell, full civil rights has the ability of self-empowerment and thus can contribute to one's self-worth. in his petition to the colonial minister in which he requests the lifting of disabilities for free coloreds, campbell also implicates the delinquent conduct and abuses of freedom in the colonies. among campbell's grievances was a passionate reminder to the colonial minister "of the peculiar social conditions relative to the women of his class in the colony. colored men had no safeguards against the seduction of their wives and daughters; 'for however great may be the merits and deserts of single colored females, they are only looked upon and considered as the prey and the prostitutes of the white males.' he thought that the repeal of the laws against them would help these females to develop self respect" (mavis campbell ). years later, the political ramifications around the female mulatto's virtue was still being addressed. richard hill, a colored stipendiary magistrate, saw the unstable predicament of many colored women and illegitimate children as a manifestation of power that seemed to pervert the ideas of freedom and liberty. in his history of jamaica called lights and shadows, hill argued that an emancipated colony‟s total “disregard for social morality” was antagonistic to the purposes of liberty. the imbalance of power, for hill, has caused a particular type of humiliation which has created situations similar to slavery in which the “family state in which the ordinances of nature is not sanctified as the ordinances of god.” the politically and economically weaker, hill is suggesting, is the most vulnerable. “freedom,” hill writes, suffers no violation greater than the frail confidence by which the weaker sex is drawn into the power of the stronger ( ). under law, the stronger member of the arrangement is under no obligation to the weaker. therefore, what white colonials reported and what we uncritically have accept as accepted was an emotionally charged and explicitly political issue for free coloreds. it is also the type of subject that mary seacole, in her attempts to acquire entrance into victorian homes, would elide from her narrative. falleness questions purity and dignity, and a woman like mrs. seacole did not want to participate in making a topic of this nature an ingredient of her persona or connected to her name and story. a more thorough analysis of this particular phenomenon may throw further light on the meaning and psychological ramifications of freedom in the british west indies. such an investigation may suggest that, for many women of color, relationships with white males were more than an accepted financial arrangement. i believe it was the emotional resonance surrounding interracial sexual interaction in jamaica that caused seacole to avoid the issue. b) on the free colored community however, even in an unstable political climate, the colored community gradually presented themselves as willing competitors and actors on the social stage in the colonies. the restrictions on the colored communities, however, varied from colony to colony. for much of the first quarter of the nineteenth century, free coloreds, however well-off, were not allowed to give testimony against whites and could not serve on a jury; they were forbidden legal action against wrongs perpetuated by whites; they were not allowed to sit with whites in church; they had no vote, were forbidden from occupying political office, even though many free coloreds owned slaves and possessed considerable property. the position they resentfully occupied in the colonial scene was a space between that of the whites above them and the blacks at the bottom of the social scale. a social buffer is not an equal. the cultural agenda of the free coloreds was, as expressed through mrs. seacole‟s text, assimilationist. in the petitions submitted by coloreds were the acknowledgements of shared interests and ancestry with the white population and they often made strong patriotic claims in support of the british constitution. according to duncker, "fundamental to all free coloreds was a desire to be measured by the same yardstick as those used for people in similar positions who were white" (heuman ). the presence of european blood coursing through their veins, which mrs. seacole emphasizes early in her narrative as character forming, constituted consideration for legal status equal to that of whites in the british west indies. in other words, many free coloreds of mary seacole's generation saw themselves as equal to whites in all that was regarded as essential for full civil rights. the wealth and social advancements that they had achieved marked them as different from the darker and “pure blooded” blacks who occupied the bottom of the colonial social structure. they were not so much antagonistic toward the structure of colonial and slave society than they were toward being excluded from protections and participations within that structure which they claimed as their birthright. we must not assume that seacole's middle class white british reader was a naive and uniformed reader. many members of britain's reading public were aware of the stereotypes attached to the mixed race population in the west indies, and others knew (through various newspapers, journals, and travel books about the west indies, personal experience and from friends and associates who had visited the colonies) of the struggles which had been going on between the planter class and their colored offspring. many of wonderful adventures' original readers were able to appreciate and detect that mrs. seacole expressed civility and good taste by keeping the unpleasant details of life in the british colonies in the margins of her narrative. therefore, it was not merely her role in the crimean war that made her a celebrity; it was also the cultural connotations attached to her as a woman of color that added to their interests in what she had to say about herself. it is doubtful that anyone picking up a copy of wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands did not know that the author was a woman of color. when we read and analyze seacole's narrative, the various degrees of racial and colonial knowledge among england's readership must be kept in mind. the narrative and the text:wonderful adventures of mrs. seacole in many lands in wonderful adventures, mary seacole performs what amounts to her appropriation of england's narrative of progress. her narrative of progress is rendered in three stages. it is important to remember that mrs. seacole, and the educated members of the colored population in the british west indies, felt that they were products and participants of progress. this trait and the evidence of their social practices made it possible for them to argue that they were no different to their white relatives and contemporaries, and far more advanced than the uneducated and degraded blacks. they believed that they had proven their value as social agents, even within unfair legal constraints. these cultural and personal concerns are the generative forces underlining mary seacole's autobiographical travel narrative. according to david parker, behind any autobiographical act is a self for whom certain things matter and are given priority over others. some of these things are not merely objects of desire or interest, but command the writer's admiration or respect. these are the key 'goods' the writer lives by, shaping her acts of ethical deliberation and choice. such goods may include ideals of self- realization, social justice, equality of respect, or care for certain others. we can say that commitment to these goods orients her morally, or,... constitute her as a self in moral space. such goods inevitably shape the stories she tells when she projects her future or construes her past or present. in short, these goods are at the heart of life narrative, necessary constituents of it. ( ) thus, being able to prove that they were on the same level of intellectual and moral development as their white relatives, and that they shared a common bloodline with their white neighbors, they felt that they were in essence the same. the first stage, where seacole's discursive persona and desired relationship to the reader are developed, is the less the seemingly simple description of her early life in jamaica and trip to england. this early stage of her narrative establishes a persona who is eager to engage and embrace the exigencies of progress. the self-image of the colored community of her generation and becomes significant in the later stages. the second stage is the hellish and chaotic landscape of central america, where she shows herself as the embodiment of western culture and victorian values. and the third stage, where she achieves fame as a heroine and the embodiment of victorian domestic and cultural values, is on the battlefields of the crimean war. it is in this final stage that she shows herself as the maternal and patriotic embodiment of good scotch blood. throughout these performative moments, seacole's tone suggests sympathy with the reader. i mean sympathy loosely in the sense foucault suggests in the order of things as a discursive means of rendering sameness. for foucault, the "play of sympathies" is a form of "resemblance" ( ). as a discursive posture, sympathy is and has a gravitational force that attracts and draws objects together. according to foucault, "[s]ympathy is an instance of the same so strong and so insistent that it will not rest content to be merely one of the forms of likeness; it has the dangerous power of assimilating, of rendering things identical to one another, of mingling them, of causing their individuality to disappear – and thus of rendering them foreign to what they were before" ( - ). the rendering of sameness, rather than putative cultural or racial differences, generates the opening of seacole's narrative and establishes her identity vis-à-vis her white targeted audience. a) stage one the sympathetic tone and seacole's rhetoric of sameness confronts the reader in the first paragraph. mary seacole presents herself as an active and developing subject of historical events. she writes that she was born in kingston, jamaica, "some time in the present century." her introductory paragraph suggests that she (as well as her reader) is a benefactor of progress and its consequences. "but i do not mind confessing that the century and myself were both young together, and that we have both grown side by side into age and consequence" ( ). within this brief space, she embeds herself ("we have both grown")within the dialogue of progress, thus making herself constitutionally no different from her reader. within the following passage, she strategically goes on to blur contemporary notions of racial distinctions between coloreds and whites with the power she attributes to biology and the ambiguity of her use of the term "creole." i am a creole, and have good scotch blood coursing in my veins. my father was a soldier, of an old scotch family: and in him i often trace my affection for a camp-life, and my sympathy with what i have heard my friends call 'the pomp, pride, and circumstances of glorious war.' many people have traced to my scotch blood that energy and activity which are not always found in the creole race, and which have carried me to so many varied scenes: perhaps they are right. i have often heard the term 'lazy creole' applied to my country people; but i am sure i do know what it is to be indolent. all my life long i have followed the impulse that led me to be up and doing; and so far from resting idle anywhere, i have never wanted inclination to rove, nor will powerful enough to find a way to carry out my wishes. ( - ) in general, both whites and coloreds in the british west indies were considered creole. although today we may assume that the term only signified degrees of racial and cultural mixture among non-whites, creole was used also to designate white subjects who were born in the west indies or who had lived and worked in the colonies for long periods of time. although she later may suggests that by "creole" she is referring to the free coloreds, the ambiguity of the term in the first paragraph is her act of miming the reader and infiltrating white consciousness with the language of sameness. as regenia gagnier has argued, "[d]iscursive production must be understood in terms of the multifarious purposes and projects of specific individuals or groups in specific material circumstances" ( ). in an attempt to move herself closer to her white reader, she goes on to the importance of biology. she writes that she has "good scotch blood coursing" through her veins and, by proxy, she is from "an old scotch family." through these devices seacole makes claim to a british heritage and psychological constitution. but it is not any heritage: the qualifying term is "good," which already suggests, deterministically, that she may have inherited those "good" qualities of this "old scotch family." thus, her initial self-introduction appears to be that of an autobiographical narrative of a white woman, whose distinguishing personality trait is that some people have called her a "female ulysses" ( ). in the following paragraph there appears to be some tension in seacole's narrative and it involves her mother. the idea of "good scotch blood," "old scotch family," and the illegitimate circumstances of her birth are indeed incongruous and not easily dismissed. to circumvent the vulgar cultural, political and moral significance of the union that created her, seacole begins this paragraph with "it is not my intention to dwell at any length upon the recollections of my childhood" ( ). although the mother is mentioned more often than her father, seacole starts this curious paragraph as though it is a small matter that may bear no reflection on her own personality. her mother, she tells us, “kept a boarding house in kingston, and was, like very many of the creole women, an admirable doctress.” seacole wants to emphasize for the reader that her mother had a position of respectability by “the officers of both services, and their wives” ( ) in the city of kingston. “it was very natural that i should inherit her tastes; and so i had from early youth a yearning for medical knowledge and practice which has never deserted me”( ). mrs. seacole avoids the obvious suggestion of sexual impropriety by placing her mother as the source of purity, respectability, colonial health and distributor medical knowledge. perhaps it is because her mother's relationship to her father is one that her middle class british audience certainly did not approve of. dwelling on her childhood, the background of which was given in the previous section, conjures up images of moral impropriety, domination and abuses. it also opens the characterization of her mother as among the fallen and sexualized women of color, and tarnishes the noble potential of the good scotch heritage that seems to motivate the psyche of her autobiographical persona. seacole's unwillingness to "dwell" on the social contexts that formed childhood memories functions as an overt desire to avoid discourses that she, and perhaps her white middle-class reader in england, may have found disagreeable and alienating. but though marginalized, these unpleasant discourses paradoxically contribute to the writing and enjoyment of seacole's subtle narrative of progress. what gets dismissed from the text belongs to an unjust and morally tarnished age, the century still in its youth (a political and historical age aligned with childhood development). that is, this period that she will not "dwell" upon refers back to a social relationship both she and many of her middle class readers have outgrown. moreover, to evoke a detailed description of her childhood would have involved an acknowledgement of the political and social differences she is trying to avoid. although seacole seems to not have been raised by her mother, she was put under the care of an old lady whom she describes as "my kind patroness" ( ). the nature of the old woman's patronage is left unuttered, but young mary was brought "up in her household among her own grandchildren, and who could scarcely have shown me more kindness had i been one of them" ( ). even here, seacole refuses to apply to herself a concrete employment that may suggests difference and subservience. she paints herself as companion rather than as hired help. to add onto these suggestions of sameness is the ambiguous fantasy of home. it is during her contact with the family of her unnamed patroness that she starts envisioning england as home and destination. she writes that "i was never weary of tracing upon an old map the rout to england; and never followed with my gaze the stately ships homeward bound without longing to be in them, and see the blue hills of jamaica fade into the distance" ( ). while the idea of england seems to have a metaphysical attraction, the "blue hills of jamaica" are rendered as a place from which she wishes to escape. these visions of england seem to become more pronounced as she develops into a woman. her use of "homeward bound" has split connotations: it can suggests that the ships are taking its european passengers home as well as mean that england is her desired home. but england as destination functions more than a form of mere flattery for her reader: england had always been seen as the center of civilization, the site of progress. it is also where many members of the colored community, usually the males, went for education. for seacole, transport from tropical jamaica to england is an indication of her own personal development and of her own progress. her first visit to england, in the company of "some relatives" ( ), is also couched subtly in transitional terms which will have relevance later in her narrative. i shall never forget my first impressions of london. of course, i am not going to bore the reader with them; but they are as vivid now as though the year - (i had very nearly let my age slip then) had not been long ago numbered with the past. strangely enough, some of the most vivid of my recollections are the efforts of the london street-boys to poke fun at my and my companion's complexion. i am only a little brown - a few shades duskier than the brunettes whom you all admire so much; but my companion was very dark, and a fair (if i can apply the term to her) subject to her rude wit. she was hot-tempered, poor thing! and as there were no policemen to awe the boys and turn our servants' head in those days, our progress through the london streets was sometimes a rather chequered one ( ). the important phrases in this passage are "numbered with the past" and "strangely enough." the former phrase situates the incident in developmental terms, during "those days," while the latter suggests that what follows was not indicative of british character even then. this brief episode, an example of what i had said earlier about her ability to read the reader, is designed to flatter the sensibility and self-image of seacole's present- day audience. however, though she critiques prejudices based on the complexion of skin, it is arranged in terms appealing to the imagined reader's sense of self as tolerant and educated. she locates the mentality that generates the incident in the form of undeveloped thinkers like little boys (especially "street-boy," whose level of education and sophistication are held in doubt). this "strangely enough" is worded as if her modern day reader has evolved from childish modes of thinking and may not sympathize with this uneducated and intellectually undeveloped class of people. after all, these are street boys. the use of street boys as models of racialized thinkers can be seen as her commentary on the intellectual development of prejudiced minds. she distances herself from her darker companion by highlighting the other's emotional nature ("rude wit," "hot tempered"), which seems to suggests that her companion is subject to violent emotions that may be the result of the degree of her race mixture. her companion, then, is in comparison positioned as less emotionally, developmentally, and intellectually suited than young mary to meet the cool and logical thinking required for success in a civilized culture. the comparison between seacole and her companion suggests that mary, at this age and even before setting foot in london, had already evolved emotionally and intellectually and that she has tamed violent emotions. she is not like the stereotype of the hot tempered and emotional mulatto. that is to say, through this comparison, that the volatile companion is subtly made into the other. although the reason for her stay in london is unspecified, she, like many colored men of her generation, seemed to have received some form of education which may have contributed to the apparent elevation in her activities and perception of self. on her first visit, which lasted for about a year, she is with relatives. her exact occupation in england is never mentioned: was she there as a servant, which is likely; or was she taken to england to learn a trade? if the latter was the case, then mrs. seacole certainly would have elaborated on this blessing which was not experienced by most colored women. the central point is that mrs. seacole is very strategic and selective of the information she is willing to give to her reader. however, when she returns to jamaica she seems to now have acquired the instincts, aspirations, and talents of a merchant, thus enabling her to drape her persona in the garb of an independent merchant. she writes: "before long i started again for london, bringing with me a large stock of west indian preserves and pickles for sale. after remaining two years here, i started for home "( ). she offers no insight into what may have caused this elevation from passive companion and dependent to business woman. moreover, she couches the nature of her later journeys in terms of commercial progress and gain. she writes that "before i had been long in jamaica i started upon other trips, many of them undertaken with a view to gain" ( ). these are the actions of a young woman with a sense of self and direction originally not indicated in her native land. in short, she has presented herself as productive and contributing member of great britain with signs of independence which may have been much appreciated by her middle class reader. moreover, her budding entrepreneurial spirit is performed as an indication of commercial energy not attributed to either the indolent colonial whites or the reported lazy and feeble coloreds. this transformation, as seacole presents it, is the result of coming into contact with england and acquired on english soil. after mrs. seacole has discursively made inroads placing her as a participant in the commercial community, an activity which serves as her bridge between england and jamaica, she sets into motion the elements of caretaker that later in life brought her fame. these elements are brought into play through the marriage and death of her husband edmund seacole. even here, the information she offers is strategic and selective and arranged to show and emphasize her domestic and saintly virtues. edmund is presented as sickly. the lack of any indication that there was sexual and emotional attraction and contact (resulting in pregnancy and children) may suggests that she and edmund was an asexual couple. the likelihood that their union was asexual is enigmatic because of the way she originally renders their involvement with one another: "i couldn't find a way to say 'no' to a certain arrangement timidly proposed by mr. seacole, but married him" ( ). although the idea of her having had a pre-matrimonial sexual relation is alluded to, it is quickly punctuated by the establishment of marriage, which occurred in the church of england. mary seacole was aware of the stigma attached to many women of color. she also knew the social stigma attached to mixed marriages, and by not mentioning mr. seacole's race she avoids receiving the condemnation of some readers in england. edmund, however, may have been white, which accounts for silencing his pedigree. according to seacole's biographer jane robinson, edmund's grandfather served with admiral nelson and he was from prominent family in the west indies. her position as caretaker and nurse in this arrangement desexualizes her. moreover, by making clear to the reader that she has turned away subsequent suitors further removes her from the idea of mulatto woman as fallen woman. throughout this interlude with her edmund, only her desires to nurse and serve are presented. mary seacole‟s narrative suggests that between the kingston fire of and the cholera epidemic that swept through jamaica in , the mature and industrious foundation of “mother seacole” had developed. these events prepare her for stage two of her adventures. she paints herself further as a woman of action and value, not given to despair, even after her home and business, along with much of kingston, had been burnt to the ground. she writes that she had “set to work again in a humbler way, and rebuilt my house by degrees.” moreover, she says that her “reputation as a skillful nurse and doctress, for my house was always full of invalid officers and their wives from newcastle, or the adjacent up-park camp. sometimes i had a naval or military surgeon under my roof, from whom i never failed to glean instruction, given, when they learned my love for their profession” ( ).her education in the medical arts is further developed when a cholera epidemic swept through jamaica in . "while the cholera raged," she writes," i had but too many opportunities of watching its nature, and from a dr. b-----, who was then lodging in my house, received many hints as to its treatment which i afterwards found invaluable" ( ). after the jamaican cholera epidemic, she prepares for the second stage of her narrative: the journey to the isthmus of panama to assist her brother who has established a store and hotel. b) stage two in stage two of her narrative, mrs. seacole represents herself as vessel and image of british culture. during this stage in her narrative, she sets out to impress onto the mind of the reader her desire and ability to transport british values to a world of corruption and chaos. seacole's career in central america recalls marlowe's gothic journey through joseph conrad's heart of darkness. she attempted to establish businesses there on two separate occasions. during both of her journeys, the climate, terrain and most of its inhabitants are described in terms of evil and otherness. what she confronts is the antithesis of western civilization. it is described as a difficult journey in hostile territory that is resistant to progress , "as if nature had determined to throw every conceivable obstacle in the way of those who would seek to join the two great oceans of the world" ( ). however, she says that "not yet... does civilization rule at panama. the weak sway of the new granada republic, despised by lawless men, and respected by none, is powerless to control the refuse of every nation which meet together upon its soil. whenever they feel inclined now they overpower the law easily"( ). new granada, then, is a lawless and chaotic hell-hole, seemingly impregnated by pirates, with a disease infested climate that alters the constitutions of its inhabitants. unlike the gradual transformation that conrad's hero undergoes as he advanced further into the african jungle , and unlike the altered physical and moral states undergone by his idol kurtz, the persona of mother seacole is presented to her british reader as being strongly determined to uphold the civilized standards and values that have bred her. she represents her moral constitution as being impervious to the morally corrupting and physically deteriorating effects of the tropics. only her clothes are stained by the effects of the environment but not her sense of self as representative of a civilized nation. and as with that due regard for personal appearance, which i have always deemed a duty as well as a pleasure to study, i had, before leaving navy bay, attired myself in a delicate light blue dress, a white bonnet prettily trimmed, and an equally chased shawl, the reader can sympathize with my distress. however, i gained the summit, and after an arduous descent, of a few minutes duration, reached the river-side; in a most piteous plight, however, for my pretty dress, from its contact with gatun clay, looked as red as if, in the pursuit of science, i had passed through a strong solution of muriatic acid. ( ) as she paints herself as the image and source of british dignity, the prominent characters she encounters resembles a gallery of inept and corrupt officials, racist and arrogant americans, and convicts. among the characters sharing the tropical stage with mother seacole are "a coarse black priest" and his "stupid worshippers" ( ), a "soldier- police" force incline to taking bribes ( ); she "found the spanish indians treacherous, passionate, and indolent, with no higher aim or object but simply to enjoy the present after their own torpid, useless fashion" ( ). other than the very pretty and honorable white wife of a black judge (clearly a union her nineteenth-century middle class white reader would not approve), most of the women she sets her eyes on, especially the young american women, are far from candidates for angels in the house. she writes that although many of the women on their way to california showed clearly enough that the life of license they sought would not be altogether unfamiliar to them, they still retained some appearance of decency in their attire and manner; but in many cases... the female companions of the successful gold-diggers appeared in no hurry to resume the dress or obligations of their sex. many were clothed as the men were, in flannel shirt and boots; rode their mules in unfeminine fashion, but with much ease and courage; and in their conversation successfully rivalled the coarseness of their lords. i think, on the whole, that those french lady writers who desire to enjoy the privileges of man, with the irresponsibility of the other sex, would have delighted with the disciples who were carrying their principles into practice in the streets of cruces. ( ) but they, too, may be victims of the transformative effects of the climate or an indication of the lack of moral development found across the atlantic. what is important is that mrs. seacole represents herself maintaining western (at least british) standards of manners and appearances. although her contemporary reader may have empathized with seacole's comic plight, it is important for us today to take into consideration that the moral sentiments that she gives expression to are antagonistic and incongruous to the popularly imagined personality ascribed to the typical colored woman. the stereotype of the period suggests that seacole should have been at home in such a sexually free, promiscuous, and lawless place. by setting herself apart from other women in the tropics of central america, she has also continued the process whereby she desexualizes herself before the reader. the self-characterization we get is that of an intrepid and unprotected victorian widow dropped into the wilds of alien panama, who carries the torch of virtue and righteousness. her persona, once again illustrating the development of her moral subjectivity, is explicitly sympathetic towards her reader‟s concern for rules of propriety. as she takes advantage of these moral concerns, mrs. seacole simultaneously challenges contemporaneous assumptions pertaining to the colored women's sexual and moral nature. a landscape as filthy, murky, and damp as the one seacole has described invites her to further showcase her strength of character and knowledge of modern medicine. in this crucial scene, cholera has broken out, and mrs. seacole is the only person available with the knowledge and courage to do battle against the disease. without the aid of a bona fide medical doctor, she contributed to saving many lives and it appears as if she accomplished this feat almost single-handedly. she writes that "[t]here was no doctor in cruces; the nearest approach to one was a little timid dentist, who was there by accident, and who refused to prescribe for the sufferer, and i was obliged to do my best" ( ). even the "spanish doctor, who was sent for from panama, became nervous and frightened at the horrors around him," could not relieve the fears of the people of cruces, who "saw that he was not familiar with the terrible disease that he was called upon to do battle with, and preferred trusting to the one who was" ( ). thus mary seacole became known to the people of cruces as "the yellow woman from jamaica with the cholera medicine" ( ). seacole, however, knows that humility is an important feminine virtue. she is very aware that a show of humility (combined with a representation of her sense duty) is a quality her victorian reader will admire. therefore, to safeguard against charges of grandstanding, she writes: and here i must pause to set myself right with my kind reader. he or she will not, i hope, think that, in narrating these incidences, i am exalting my poor part in them unduly. i do not deny (it is the only thing indeed that i have to be proud of) that i am pleased and gratified when i look upon my past life, and see times now and then, and places here and there, when and where i have been enabled to benefit my fellow-creatures suffering from ills my skills could often remedy. nor do i think the kind reader will consider this feeling an unworthy one. if it be so, and if, in the following pages, the account of what providence has given me strength to do on larger fields of action be considered vain and egotistical, still i cannot help narrating them, for my share in them seems to be the one and only claim i have to interest the public ear…. i am not ashamed to confess - that i love to be of service to those who need a woman's help. and where ever the need arises - on whatever distant shore - i ask no greater or higher privilege than to minister to it. ( - ) as the embodiment of british manners, morals, feminine sacrifice and victorian liberal thought, she offers her opinions of americans and the institution of slavery and race prejudice that are still practiced in north america. what is important, however, about her comments about slavery in north america, is her desire to resist rhetorically establishing connections that may suggest the kind of sameness she expresses towards whites. my experience of travel had not failed to teach me that americans (even from the northern states) are always uncomfortable in the company of coloured people, and very often show this feeling in stronger ways than by sour looks and rude words. i think, if i have a little prejudice against our cousins across the atlantic - and i do confess to a little - it is not unreasonable. i have a few shades of deeper brown upon my skin which shows me related - and i am proud of the relationship- to those poor mortals whom you once held enslaved, and whose bodies america still owns. and having this bond, and knowing what slavery is; having seen with my eyes and heard with my ears proof positive enough of its horrors - let others effect to doubt them if they will - is it surprising that i should be somewhat impatient of the airs of superiority which many americans have endeavoured to assume over me. ( ) this relatedness to the blacks and escaped slaves that she observes is rendered in a rhetorical mode similar to that of the american "cousin." that is, the cultural distance that separates north americans from the modern day englishmen perhaps equals the distance between seacole and the blacks she claims a relationship to. the "atlantic" serves as a duel metaphor, for it refers to space and temporality. that is, americans and blacks are situated as inhabiting an underdeveloped mentality in an undeveloped space. both seemingly are in a state of intellectual underdevelopment. the americans, separated by the great atlantic gulf from the mother-source of liberal thought, are not what the english have evolved into today. they have not developed and have not progressed ethically any further than the juvenile street-boys of london. they still own human bodies, while the historical and morally progressive actions of the english suggest that slavery is inconsistent with cultural advancement, not to mention good manners. as suggested above, however liberal she wants to appear, to maintain the illusion of sameness with her white british reader she must distance herself from blacks. her mode of observation suggests that she perceives them as not of her caste and as a race completely distinct from her own. this perception of distinctions is consistent with the racial categorizations followed at that time in her native jamaica. at times her language even assumes an air of disconnected superiority. for instance, near the end of chapter three, her critique of american manners involves the appropriation of yankee racial language to describe the demand for "the excited nigger cooks to make haste with the slapjacks " ( ). later in her narrative, during a returned excursion to panama for the purposes of gold-mining, she even goes as far as to compare black babies to monkeys: "with what pleasure... could one foreign to their [panama natives] tastes and habits dine off a roasted monkey, whose grilled head bore a strong resemblance to a negro baby's?" and "it was positively frightful to dip your ladle in unsuspectingly, and bring up what closely resembled a brown baby's limb" ( ). seacole is clearly writing about blacks and not about her own people. she is resentful, like many members of her colored community in jamaica and the british west indies, toward those who conflate the pure black people with the coloreds, and who present her liminal status as a social disability. for instance, at a farewell gathering in which many americans were preparing to depart, seacole responds to a racial slur that may have offended many coloreds throughout the british west indies. this incident is famous for many of those who have read and studied wonderful adventures. well, gentleman, i expect you all will support me in a drinking of this toast that i du ---- . aunty seacole, gentlemen; i give you, aunty seacole - --. we can't du less for her, after what she's done for us ---, when the cholera was among us, gentlemen ---, not many months ago ---. so, i say, god bless the best yeller woman he ever made, from jamaica, gentlemen - --, from the isle of springs --- well, gentlemen, i expect there are only tu things we're vexed for ---; and the first is, that she ain't one of us ---, a citizen of the great united states ---; and the other thing is, gentlemen ---, that providence made her a yeller women. i calculate, gentlemen, you're all as vexed as i am that she's not wholly white ---, but i du reckon on your rejoicing with me that she's many shades removed from being entirely black ---; and i guess, if we could bleach her by any means we would ---, and thus make her as acceptable in any company as she deserves to be ---. gentlemen, i give you aunty seacole! ( ). this toast, for seacole, goes deeper than emphasizing that it is her african heritage that excludes her, even though the services she had rendered were appreciated: it suggests that, whatever valuable and noble qualities she may possess, she is forever a slave to an inferior status. although seacole tries to present her response as distain for intolerance, the humor within the toast reiterates the space of exclusion that she and the members of her hybrid community were trying to overcome. since she is "not wholly white," she, for these american white men, may not be fully developed and lacks an essential valued humanity. ideologically, such a notion is the antithesis of what the coloreds of her generation had argued against and of how she saw herself. moreover, seacole is being reminded that she is still a member of the black race, which, as we have seen, she and many members of the colored community would have denied. seacole's response to this toast is just as famous, but i believe misinterpreted and not seen in the context of a colored woman formed by the cultural discourses of nineteenth century jamaica. but, i must say, that i don't altogether appreciate your friend's kind wishes with respect to my complexion. if it had been as dark as any nigger's, i should have been just as happy and as useful, and as much respected by those whose respect i value; and as to his offer of bleaching me, i should, even if it was practicable, decline it without any thanks. as to the society which the process might gain me admission to, all i can say is, that, judging from the specimens i have met with here and elsewhere, i don't think i shall lose much by being excluded from it. so, gentlemen, i drink to you and the general reformation of american manners. ( ) it is seacole's sense of self, her integrity as a proud woman of color, rather than an african connection which she may not have favored with the label of a heritage, that is being defended here. the phrase the she emphasizes, ”as dark as any nigger‟s,” is her pronouncement of difference from blacks. the idea of "heritage" may have suggested essential qualities passed from one generation to the next, thus making problematic the coloreds‟ identification with whites. seacole need not explain the difference between coloreds and blacks to her english reader, because she assumes that they know that there are profound qualitative differences between the groups. for seacole, it may be the primitive nature of american thinking which prevents them from distinguishing between blacks and coloreds. this "general reformation of american manners" may spark some form of moral and intellectual advancement that seacole had not witnessed in whites on the other side of the atlantic. c) stage three stages one and two of mrs. seacole‟s adventures are suggested by her characterization of events as the acquisition of useful and sturdy victorian tools and virtues. the two previous stages on which mary seacole performed these acts of sacrifice and daring are, when we look closer at her text, inferred in the letters of praise she has strategically distributed throughout wonderful adventures. the sacrifices she had made in the crimea, however, are widely documented, and there were credible witnesses to attest to her bravery and willingness to use her skills for the good of her british "sons." the nature of these documents symbolically brought the name and persona of mother seacole into english homes. england and the english people were, for mary seacole, what benedict anderson calls an "imagined community." according to anderson, an imagined community exits where "the nation is always conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. ultimately it is this fraternity that makes it possible... for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willingly to die for such limited imaginings" ( ). this is to say that, "regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation" seacole may have witnessed in her lifetime in jamaica and the cases of prejudice that she encountered in london, her allegiances (like many members of the colored community) were to the mother country and its interests. the motherly persona expressed by mrs. seacole about her life with british soldiers symbolizes the putative bond of interest that was being claimed by the colored community. her discursive maneuvers during this stage were aimed at demolishing the doubts of whites who saw her as an outsider. the third stage of wonderful adventures is the longest and most significant stage of her narrative and her life. up to this point, her discursive practices have been constructed as performances aimed at eliding alterity and in the representation of herself as a medium which had contributed to the advancement of british ideals in the wilds of panama and the ideological battlefields of jamaica. however, as paquet has claimed, "[t]he public and political event that gives her written life meaning is the crimean war, not the crisis of community that afflicted jamaica" ( ). as she continues these discursive practices in stage three, the tropes she makes use of places her firmly as a member of the british community. for the english reader, the essentials of "mother seacole" were an open book. punch magazine had immortalized her in print and cartoon in and respectively. the poem entitled “a stir for seacole” appeared on december, , announcing her bankruptcy, and in the may , issue of punch is a cartoon of mother seacole at the bedside of a wounded soldier. william russell, the first to bring her to public attention, and others had described her heroic exploits in the british press. in the preface to wonderful adventures, william russell suggests that she had become a household word when he writes that "i should have thought that no preface would have been required to introduce mary seacole" (vii). as england had been a part of her personal identity, mary seacole had become an accepted figure in the british imagination. this means that an image and an idea of mary seacole were circulating at least a year before wonderful adventures was written. moreover, it was known and well publicized that she had returned from the war bankrupt. although profit was one of the reasons she had gone to the crimea, most of her narrative emphasizes patriotic motives. news of her bankruptcy, which she does allude to later in her narrative, only served to highlight her persona as a woman willing to sacrifice everything for her sons. according to barbara herrnstein smith, "[a]ny narrator's behavior will be constrained in part by various assumptions he will have made concerning his present or assumed audience's motives for listening to him. although these assumptions will usually be formed on the basis of the narrator's prior knowledge of that audience, they may also be re-formed on the basis of feedback from the listener during the transaction itself" ( ). with smith‟s insight in mind, it is apparent that in her text seacole is able market “mother seacole‟s” seemingly innate sense of self- sacrifice to her advantage. seacole's job, then, was to supplya personal touch to the stories that england had already known about her. most importantly, it was imperative for her to address the doubts as to her motives for going to the crimea without offending the post-war sensibilities of her readers. in the words of paquet, "[t]he preexisting public image of seacole as crimean heroine shapes her autobiographical self-consciousness. her life story is skewed to public approval and public patronage" ( ). seacole‟s discursive currency lies in the continuous tropes of "mother" and "son," and allusions to family, that she seductively rendered to demolish "doubts" that may have been attached to her racialized personality and motives. furthermore, allusion to the mother/son relationship contributes to seacole's desire to privilege a biological connection and sameness rather than difference. her written positions vis-à-vis british soldiers are familial ones. by favoring these tropes she shows the arbitrary nature of the significance attached to her own complexion. her eight mouth stay in jamaica in prepares the reader for the last stage of her wonderful adventures, for it is a brief account of the yellow fever that struck the island and what she claims to be the natural bond between creoles and whites. her rhetoric suggests something close to a family relationship between jamaican creoles and europeans. this sentiment is also a persona publically expressed by members of the british colored community for most of the nineteenth century. the cause of this affinity, the result of shared bloodlines, is not elaborated upon. to explicate on the sexual misconduct and the abuses of power that gave birth to the colored community was an uncomfortable subject for coloreds and whites. therefore, the feelings towards white europeans had to be presented as something in nature. according to seacole, nature has instilled “in the hearts of the creoles an affection for english people and an anxiety for their welfare, which shows itself warmest when they are sick and suffering” ( ).the natural bond that coloreds supposedly have for europeans reiterates the argument that they have common interests with whites. this statement of affinity, therefore, has historical and political implications. it also suggests the natural affection for a family member. what she has done is converted a relationship built on power and animosity into one of family affection. in her effort to flatter and seduce her readers‟ sense of themselves as tolerant, she describes the rebuffs, discouragements, and obstacles that stood in her way under the ambiguous term "doubts." seacole felt that she was well qualified to serve, for the prevalent diseases in the crimean were "cholera, diarrhoea, and dysentery, all of them more or less known in tropical climate; and with which, as the reader will remember, my panama experience had made me tolerably familiar" ( ). but her requests to serve were ignored by all to whom she approached: the war office, the quartermaster general's department and then to the medical department. she is also turned down as a recruit by one of florence nightingale's nurses. she says of an interview with one of nightingale's companions that she "read in her face the fact, that had there been a vacancy, i should not have been chosen to fill it" ( ). although she had presented written testimony of her expertise and letters of introduction, mrs. seacole does not present herself as one to complain. the blame seems to be on her foolishness in thinking anyone will take her seriously. these nice people may have never met any colored women from jamaica, and may therefore be unfamiliar with their skills in treating tropical diseases, especially the three prevalent ones. she writes that she is "not for a single instant going to blame the authorities who would not listen to the offer of a motherly yellow woman to go to the crimea and nurse her 'sons' there, suffering from cholera, diarrhoea, and a host of lesser ills” ( ). this is because “in my country, where people know our use, it would have been different; but here it was natural enough - although i had references, and other voices spoke for me - that they should laugh, good-naturedly enough, at my offer" ( ). the following is another one of her ways of letting british prejudices off the hook, however disingenuous. "doubts and suspicions arose in my heart for the first and last time, thank heaven,” she writes. “was it possible that american prejudices against colour had some root here? did these ladies shrink from accepting my aid because my blood flowed beneath a somewhat duskier skin than theirs? " ( ). seacole presents the ludicrous idea of english racism as a fleeting thought, "the first and last time, thank heaven," with the same dismissive tone of her "strangely enough"( ) encounter with the street-boys during her first visit to london. moreover, she seems grateful to realize that her "doubts and suspicions" were not true. paravisini-gebert correctly observes that "[t]he rhetorical nature of the question she poses in the english episode only serves as a fairly transparent strategy to address the racism she identifies with life in london throughout her narrative while evading a direct accusation that would have alienated potential readers. ... the performance of the despair occasioned by the doubt allows her nonetheless to instill in the minds of the readers the destructive power of racism" ( ). even with letters of introduction, these doubts of others do not have the anticipated effect. in most cases, letters of introduction assured entrance into places one may never had been allowed. the author of the letter believes that the holder of such a letter deserves an audience. according to robinson, letters of introduction, the remote equivalent of verbal introductions, played a significant part in the fabric of nineteenth-century social life. they operated, as did everything else, along strictly hierarchal lines and their purpose was to open doors which would otherwise remain intractably shut. person a would approach person b for a letter of introduction to person c (or be offered one, like mary). generally c's social rank was equal to or higher than a's, and b was never of lower rank than c. any solecism caused great offence. failure to produce such a letter when seeking to meet someone of higher rank to whom one had not formally or formerly been introduced usually resulted in suspicion and disappointment. the letters were networking tools, which when properly used, like a passport ... smoothed the path of progress. when abused or neglected, they could destroy one's social credibility. ( ) mrs. seacole makes a point of scattering letters of this type throughout her narrative and bringing them to the reader‟s attention. for her, these letters have three functions. first of all, they are devices employed to market her value to the british reading community. this, in other words, is their discursive function. these letters contribute to putting the reader in her corner. within the text, they are testimonials to her character and ability to treat tropical diseases and, in the hands of this particular woman of color, they may also have a flattening effect on the hierarchy robinson alludes to. this flattening may have been what occurred between seacole and nightingale. while in malta, a doctor she had known in kingston had given her a letter of introduction to florence nightingale. nightingale, however, was not pleased to see seacole. the tone of this encounter suggests that seacole seems to have faced mrs. b. and then florence nightingale with an air of equality, for at this point there is nothing of value nightingale can give her that she has not decided on doing herself. the significance of the letter during this scene would not have escaped many of her readers in jamaica. seacole uses the letter to subtlely present herself as equal to the great florence nightingale. for seacole, nightingale is now powerless to impede her progress. and nightingale may have feared that to refuse an audience with the colored woman from jamaica may been perceived as an insult by dr. f, her superior. seacole writes that "she has read dr. f---'s letter, which lies on the table by her side, and asks, in her gentle but eminently practical and business-like way, 'what do you want, mrs. seacole - anything that we can do for you? if it lies in my power, i shall be very happy'" ( ). since seacole has committed herself to continuing her journey to the crimean without nightingale, she ask merely for place to rest for the night. and she offers "to nurse the sick for the night" ( ). at this moment, mrs. seacole seems to be modestly requesting a curtsy granted to equals; but in presenting her case to the reader in such a way, she is indirectly claiming equal status not only with nightingale but with the reader. seacole had asked only to be put up for the night, and during her stay she offered her assistance rather than empower her counter-part with the request to serve under her. seacole does not have to explain her credentials, she is not sitting across from nightingale looking for employment, for her expertise has been authorized by a white male member of the british community. sandra gunning has pointed out that "[a]s evidence of the numerous testimonials in wonderful adventures that celebrate her ability to cure the sick, seacole marshals the approval of the same white soldiers whom nightingale and her nurses vowed to serve, and thus she deauthorizes white women as her judges" ( ). she does not ask to be taken on as a nurse, for she has her own plans to enter the crimea as a doctress. nor does nightingale ask seacole, with her obvious expertise, to join them. nightingale tells seacole that the only available bed is in the hospital washerwomen's quarters, which she accepts without protest. as she done through most of wonderful adventures, without overtly charging florence nightingale with racial prejudice, seacole has left that verdict up to the british reading public and the court of public opinion. for seacole‟s discursive purposes, patriotism comes in the form of assuming the role of the figurative mother to british soldiers. she presents the role and title of "mother" as one that was not only given to her by friends and soldiers, but also because it is a role suited to her nature. this mother/son relationship is reciprocated between seacole and the british troops, and it is one she wishes to impress on the imaginations of her readers. she says that every place she had gone, she was met with cries of "mother seacole" from soldiers and officers she had known and cared for in jamaica. for instance, while in gibraltar, she is welcomed by two soldiers who call her "good old mother seacole!" ( ) and, as with most of her references to british troops, she calls these men her "sons." a request from one soldier begins: "my dear mamma" ( ). her tone is indeed motherly and caring, allowing the reader to know that she was there to perform the womanly functions that circumstance had precluded for the biological parents in england: had you been fortunate enough to have visited the british hotel upon rice- pudding day, i warrant you would have ridden back to your hut with kind thoughts of mother seacole's endeavours to give you a taste of home. if i had nothing else to be proud of, i think my rice-puddings, made without milk, upon the high road of sebastopol, would have gained me a reputation. what a shout there used to be when i came out of my little caboose, hot and flurried, and called out, 'rice-pudding day, my sons.' some of them were baked in large shallow pans, for the men and the sick, who always said that it reminded them of home. ( ) appealing to the imaginations of her british readers, mrs. seacole is very conscious of the importance of rendering the british hotel at spring hill as the site of stability with manifestations of home life in england. she wants her reader to use their imaginations and envision mother seacole transporting the comforts and warmth of english domesticity to the battlefields of crimea. in other words, the british hotel is represented as the domestic sphere where the men, temporarily relieved from combat, came to rest and rejuvenate themselves. seacole writes: of course, i had nothing to do with what occurred in the camp, although i could not help hearing a great deal about it. mismanagement and privation there might have been, but my business was to make things right in my sphere, and whatever confusion and disorder existed elsewhere, comfort and order were always to be found at spring hill. when there was no sun elsewhere, some few gleams - so its grateful visitors said – always seemed to have stayed behind, to cheer the weary soldiers that gathered in the british hotel. ( ) seacole emphasizes that her position at the british hotel was that of "doctress, nurse, and 'mother'" ( ). the desire to serve and to save lives are represented as coming natural to her. seacole's appropriation of the discourse of domesticity has personal and cultural functions. that is, they serve a desired purpose. seacole is not merely reporting how she embraced her role as mother seacole in the crimea, but she also wants the post-war reader to see that she has proven herself a willing and valued member of the british community, someone the reader may gladly accept into their own homes and as one of them. according to roger chartier, "the appropriation of discourse is not something that happens without rules or limits. writing deploys strategies that are meant to produce effects, dictate a posture, and obligate the reader. it lays traps, which the reader falls into without really knowing it, because the traps are taylored to the measure of a rebel inventiveness he or she is always presumed to possess" ( ). moreover, in emphasizing her role as “mother,” she challenges and upstages the current stereotypes of the colored woman as sexual being. according to poon, "[f]or the most part though, she downplays the potential sexual implications of her independent peregrinations and her friendly association with british soldiers by glossing over references to her own sexuality. claiming motherhood and deploying the attendant rhetoric of care and domestic confront also becomes another way of defusing more problematic questions about sexuality" (poon ). in other words, the slightest suggestion that her persona is a sexual agent would elide her persona a “mother.” however, for seacole, transporting the idea of "home" to the british soldiers whom she appropriates as her "sons" seems less problematic than identifying the location of her own home. as a young girl, she envisioned england as her castle in the sky. moreover, the trajectory of her address is england rather than jamaica. although i can only use this reference for its symbolic value, even the writer of the letter from jamaica seems to light-heartedly scold mrs. seacole for not writing to them. "although you will not write to us," says the author," we see your name frequently in the newspapers, from which we judge that you are strong and hearty" ( ). still, at the end of the war, seacole alludes to having no home to which to return. according to poon, this is the point where seacole "seizes on her rootlessness to grant greater legitimacy to her desired identity as an english women and mother. indeed, seacole is reticent about any feelings she might harbor towards her place of origin and it is significant that the reader gets no distinct or memorable impression of jamaica throughout her narrative. she studiously avoids providing a serious and viable alternative to england in jamaica, attempting thus to facilitate her entry into the land of her 'sons', by diminishing the land of her birth" ( ). her allusions to rootlessness and poverty are, of course, appeals to the english reader for patronage. she compares her feelings and fate to that of a lone soldier who she encounters during the departure from the crimea: "for he, as well as i, clearly had no home to return to" ( ). seacole predicts that the only form of existence she has to look forward to may be that of poverty. she writes that "it was pretty sure that i should go to england poorer than i left it, and although i am not ashamed of poverty; beginning life again in the autumn - i mean late in the summer of life - is hard up-hill work" ( - ). the very structure of her published narrative fulfills the desires of her autobiographical negotiations: russell's preface introduces her to the english community and the list of prominent names at the end of her text authorizes her right to patronage. she writes that wherever she goes in london, she is met by old friends and kind salutations. thus she describes herself as a familiar member of the community: "for wherever i go i am sure to meet some smiling face; every step i take in the crowded london streets may bring me in contact with some friend, forgotten by me, perhaps, but who soon reminds me of our old life before sebastopol" ( ). conclusion my main point throughout is that mary seacole‟s displays of englishness, even the development and manifestations of her british values, are succeeded through travel and transit. moreover, through the tropes of transit and travel, which by extension suggest the exchange of values and ideas, she has discursively fashioned her persona as the embodiment of progress. my reading of wonderful adventures argues that the english values in mary seacole's persona were developed in jamaica and during her visits to london, and that her development between jamaica and london and back are culturally significant, for she is marked with the essentials of progress. therefore, i am arguing that what are recognized as seacole's manifestations of "englishness" were already present and that the wilds of panama and the battlefields of the crimea were the stages on which she was able to test and perform them. it was important for seacole not to present herself at any moment of her life as what may be considered in any form a "wild child," for such a consideration threatened to place her in comparison to the african rather than to the anglo saxon with whom she and other coloreds identified themselves. white blood was central to seacole's identity and she presents it as the motivating force of her personhood. furthermore, it was the comparison to whites, rather than to blacks, that the nineteenth century colored politics emphasized. however often seacole mentioned what might have been attributed to a "creole" temperament or mindset, it was never anything more inconsequential than manifestations of grief or hot-headedness. other than that, seacole tries to show "sameness" rather than difference; and those moments in which she turns attention to the complexion of her skin are there to emphasize the vanity, stunted dispositions, and the possible lack of moral and intellectual development of the individual persons who had discouraged her progress and, as a product of her autobiographical negotiations, to illustrate how far she, her friends, england as a nation and her english reader (the sympathetic person holding the text at that moment) have come. the paradox, however, is that history forces itself on her narrative, calling attention to itself through the modes of self-censorship that mrs. seacole employs. movement and transit are, of course, important for an understanding of wonderful adventures. through travel, she was able to transport and perform what her reader perceived as the performance of englishness and victorian domesticity. moreover, this discursive performance is synonymous to nation building in a post war era. travel and transit also connects seacole to the other writers of african descent in this study. travel and transit causes the circulation of ideas and values, and it contributed to the building of nations. the coloreds who had followed reports of mrs. seacole's wonderful adventures on the crimean stage, may have detected aspects of how they had envisioned themselves as individuals and as a community. moreover, many members of the jamaican colored community may have recognized in mary seacole's discursive maneuvers the cultural and political circumstances they had historically and daily found themselves negotiating. for many of them, mrs. seacole's behavior and discursive practices had on the british cultural stage the imagined moral and intellectual constitution of jamaica's colored community. chapter three robert campbell and the discursive ecology of african space (re)introducing robert campbell most analyses of nineteenth century racial discourse center on the psychological and ideological imperatives of the dominant gaze, in which the other is, simply put, perceived as what the observer is not. this frequently leaves many readers of victorian racial discourse with the impression that representations of race may have had little to do with the modes of resistance and politically conscious agency on the part of the observed body. it is this habit of thought, which seems to privilege and inadvertently validate the racialized imaginations of the dominant group, in scholarly investigation that inspired the victorian historian douglas lorimer to write that "[o]ur fascination with the stereotype of the other runs the risk of denying historical agency to the objects of the racist gaze" ( ). therefore, while we may acknowledge that nineteenth century racial discourse was a process that attempted to fix the character of the other as instinctual, we leave the political, social and cultural implications of the other's agency and discursive modes of response untouched as the generative motive of racial representations. furthermore, this habit of thought is carried over in our investigations into counter-discursive practices of the nineteenth century. when we do encounter the counter-discursive practices produced by the other, we often ignore that something is being said about the putative integrity, motives and objectivity of the nation generating the dominant discourse. our analysis of nineteenth century racial discourse, as a result of chiefly focusing on unpacking the practices and implications of the dominant group, seems to overlook the fact that the discourse is part of a conversation in response to real discursive and lived actions. robert campbell's ( - ) seemingly forgotten text, a pilgrimage to my motherland: an account of a journey among the egbas and yorubus of central africa, in - , and the cultural and racial significance of the motility of his own life, sheds critical light on what was perceived by peoples of african descent toward the anglo- victorian personality. the topography of campbell's own motility can be seen as a form of self-imposed exile and racial and national redefinition. he appeared to have been constantly in search of a place in which he could exercise autonomy without the racialized restrictions he had experienced and witnessed in the united states and the british colony of jamaica. his movements, therefore, resemble that of the newly freed west indian slaves we had discussed in chapter one who had sought to construct lives independent of the demands and needs of their former white masters. robert campbell was born in kingston, jamaica, of mulatto and white ancestry. by his own estimation, he was three-fourths white. according to howard bell, campbell "received a good education" and, for five years, worked as a printer‟s apprentice ( ). richard blackett writes that campbell had "entered a normal school for two years" and "then became a parish teacher in kingston" ( ). he later travelled to central america, immigrated to the united states in the s and became a science teacher at the institute for colored youth in philadelphia. by , campbell had joined martin r. delany as a member of the niger valley exploring party to find a location in what is now southern nigeria for an african american farming settlement. at the end of their journey in , both campbell and delany were invited to present their observations and agenda to the african aid society and to the royal geographical society of london. it is through his rocky relationship with delany (for they did not agree on principles that the latter regarded as fundamental to the integrity of a black-led mission) and the niger valley exploring party that robert campbell makes his brief, but critically ignored, mark on black intellectual history. very little has been written about robert campbell's life and work. he is usually given a foot-noted status. that is, although campbell's presence as a participant in the pan-africanist movement has been acknowledged by some contemporary scholars, he is usually positioned as the other guy (the member of the party willing to accept money from whites) who accompanied delany's exploration of the niger valley. moreover, his involvement in nineteenth-century trans-atlantic political thought is usually overshadowed by the reputations, literary outputs, and contributions of delany, alexander crummell, and edward wilmot blyden. no extensive discussion of a pilgrimage positions campbell's text as a serious and critical engagement with mid- victorian racial discourse and trans-atlantic political thought. a pilgrimage is usually written off as a descriptive travelogue, and its lack of overt militant-separatism (which resonates unambiguously in delany's "official report of the niger valley exploring party") may have contributed to its lackluster historical attention. however, a close analysis of a pilgrimage shows that campbell was much more engaged than delany and, with the exception of edward wilmot blyden, many of his contemporaries of african descent in challenging victorian representations of the african character. framed and embedded in campbell‟s descriptive narrative are the counter-hegemonic concerns of the nineteenth century native african and pan-africanist communities. therefore, campbell is among the first diasporic writers to participate in what paul gilroy calls "a new discursive economy" ( ), for a pilgrimage refuses "to subordinate the particularity" of the african's experiences "to the totalizing power of universal reason held exclusively by white hands, pens, or publishing houses" ( ). moreover, the creation of campbell's counter-narrative is not only a discursive intervention but it is also a profoundly symbolic act of racial self-fashioning. he was very conscious of the story the color of his white skin told to the native africans he encountered. unlike most members of british jamaica‟s colored caste, robert campbell came to envision africa as his home. what completely goes unnoticed about the discursive, personal and historical contexts of a pilgrimage to my motherland is that campbell moves in the opposite direction from that of mary seacole and many colored members of the british west indies and identified with the political and economic desires of his african kindred. as a self-consciously non-white participant in gilroy's "new discursive economy," campbell's text is therefore an example of what deleuze and guarttari call a "minor literature" whose expression tends to synthesize the diverse moral and political concerns of a subordinate group. according to deleuze and guarttari, "[t]he three characteristics of minor literature are the deterritorialization of language, the connection of the individual to a political immediacy, and the collective assemblage of enunciation" ( ). first, campbell "deterritorializes" the image of the african by positioning himself and the conscious demands of the african as authorizing agents. campbell, in other words, re-configures the contemporaneous stock character of the instinctive and non- reflective african into a clear-headed and forward thinking articulator of cultural and political desires. this is the type of representation that had been denied to the african by many nineteenth century british writers. his mode of representation is relational and the characteristics that he applies to europeans are not fixed in their nature. that is, while victorian racial discourse tends to render the other as a known and knowable object of investigation, campbell‟s text comments on the relationship among racial others, especially the effects of the alien over the weaker native. moreover, the derogatory claims, and figures of speech, which usually accompanied descriptions of african civilization to aid in structuring the western reader's interpretation of text, have been denied a place in campbell‟s narrative. terms like "barbarian" and "savage" often aided the mid-nineteenth century victorian reader about the essential and innate differences between themselves and the other. although the term "heathen" is often used by campbell, it is to indicate non-christian practices rather than an irredeemably fixed and innate psyche of the lower order of the species. in other words, the term "heathen" as employed by campbell is not interchangeable with "savage" and "barbarian." moreover, by referring to africa as "my motherland," a pilgrimage takes on the symbolic connotation of a return to the source of life and growth. africa, then, within the context of the title, is positioned as the spiritual source of development. symbolically, campbell's narrative locates africa as a beginning, a trans-atlantic black rebirth, rather than the dark continent or the putative "white man's grave." furthermore, throughout a pilgrimage, campbell shows that the social activities of the natives (religious, marital, commercial) are lived within established communities of laws and customs. nothing about the social practices he describes remotely resembles the representations of nomadic and ungoverned groups made popular in nineteenth century english writings. his descriptions of african life, free of european interpreted practices, do at times resemble descriptions pastoral life. campbell's african subjects are all involved in traditional and functional activities that contribute to the strength, well-being and growth of their communities. lastly, campbell's narrative is not "an individuated enunciation" (deleuze and guarttari ).that is, a pilgrimage constitutes the common political and cultural desires of both westernized and native africans, and this common desire for unhindered racialized autonomy of both parties resonates throughout his text. he is writing for the native and those displaced peoples of african descent, whom alexander crummell called the "now scattered children in distant lands" ( ). for campbell, all blacks have stakes in africa's commercial and technological progress, and these common aspirations inform the world he describes. in this chapter i argue that robert campbell's a pilgrimage to my motherland was not only an intervention in the victorian's discourse on the african, but within it he also suggested that there was something nefarious about the british racial personality (or, how the british performed their perceived function in relation to the other) which could only hinder native progress in africa. the british, however technologically advanced, were for campbell the potential source of political and cultural danger that may eventually lead to an unhealthy national and geographical space for the native. campbell and his pan-africanist colleagues argued that the only source of african progress and regeneration was through the black body and black agency, free of british intervention, active participation and influence. although campbell's model of cultural transformation was similar to england's "civilizing mission," he, delany and others were antagonistic to white influence and active participation. they believed that educated people of african descent possessed the intellectual and technological tools to materialize “civilization” in africa. although campbell and delany radically disagreed over accepting material and economic aid from whites, both felt that success rested on the active participation of blacks alone. for campbell and delany, whites in the united states and great britain had shown that their active hands-on participation in the lives of peoples of african descent had limited and limiting results. this ideology in which active white participation is suggested as the harbinger of cultural disruption and stagnation, i argue, informs the framing strategy of campbell's narrative. in using this ideology of white-exclusion, campbell in turn places himself in a position of authority equal to his british contemporaries while he authorizes the african as the sole and legitimate agent of his own destiny. that is, in the words of richard terdiman, campbell "competes" with anglo-british racial discourse with a "counter-dominant" strain which attempts to "challenge and subvert the appearance of inevitability" ( ). his discursive practice is resistant to euro-centric presentations of africa, which he claims to be distorted and motivated by circumstances beyond the subject being described. though campbell (and most pan-africanists of the nineteenth century) is complicit in holding western civilization up as a model to be followed, he is, however, advocating a model of a future africa that is built, controlled and ruled by enlightened native africans with the help of sympathetic and displaced brethren returning from across the atlantic. the trajectory of campbell's narrative is an attempt to separate both himself and the self-governing african from british hegemony. in other words, in robert campbell's vision of africa the only surviving european staples are its capacity for material production, commerce, and christianity. campbell's intervention is framed in what i call a discursive ecology of african space. in this discursive ecology, the distorting effects of the victorian's racial gaze are kept in the margins of the narrative. that is, the rhetorical and descriptive framing strategies of mid-nineteenth century british writers are kept in the borders of a pilgrimage but simultaneously alluded to as historical and potential threats. in fact, the distorting effects of the eurocentric gaze are strategically referenced in campbell's book. when the western discursive and figurative presence appears, they are positioned as the sources and manifestations of community distortion, disruption, and ill-health. this marginalization of the rhetoric of victorian racialized discursive practices is in itself a criticism of the british psyche and character. therefore, british prejudices are not allowed an influence of the images campbell evokes. in a derridaen sense, campbell's narrative intervenes on a previous invention of the other as limited and fixed, a non- progressive humanity, whose perfectibility as autonomous participants in the global community is questionable . according to derrida, "an invention always presupposes some illegality, the breaking of an implicit contract; it inserts a disorder into the peaceful ordering of things, it disregards the proprieties. showing apparently none of the patience of a preface - it is a new preface - it goes and frustrates expectations" ( ). campbell's invention, if we are to consider that all narrative representations are inventions, is an intervention. he attempted to marginalize the distorting psyche, or the fetishistic imagination, of the victorian commentator. through these narrative means, that can only be noticed if compared to other nineteenth-century texts about africa and the african, we can see that campbell cleanses the discursive landscape of what frantz fanon a century later calls the arbitrary and imposed " existential deviation on the negro" ( ). historical, discursive, and ideological contexts of campbell’s intervention the "existential deviations" referred to by fanon, and the conditions which generated the representations of the african's cultural and innate limitations, were not composed in a vacuum. pro and con representations or "descriptions" of the other's behavioral traits are, in the words of uday mehta, "seldom neutral. they effect moral and political sensibilities and therefore carry, even when intended innocently, a normative valency" ( ). these representations were discursive products of desired interactions between england and africa peculiar to the s and s. according to lorimer, "domestic as well as imperial influences shaped victorian racial attitudes" ( ). this was a time, according to kristin mann, "when the british in general were reluctant to acquire territory in africa" ( ). reluctance to expand, however, does not mean that england had no interest in exerting influence in the region that delany and campbell wanted to establish independent and self-governing settlements. while many british government officials wavered over the necessity and desire of colonial expansion, there were in fact a few independent merchants profiting in the region from the newly evolving palm oil trade. for strategic reasons of commerce, however, many british officials felt it was necessary to have at least a nominal naval presence in the niger valley area. this area was strategically central to the british as a site in which efforts could be made to end the movement of african slaves across the atlantic. not only had the commerce in human traffic continued long after the british had outlawed the trade and freed their own slaves, but slavery was still being practiced in many interior african nations. since the disastrous expedition up the niger in attempts had been made to encourage many african chiefs to honor treaties that called for the ending of domestic slavery and promised the advancement of commerce between england and africa. the frustrating continuation of the trade and its practice on the continent became one of the major topics of debate among missionaries, humanitarians, and anti-black discourse, and what evolved from this discourse were representations which naturalized the imagined inherent limits of the african character. during this period, the british government also debated not only whether expansion into west and central africa were profitable and practical, but healthy and safe. although the medical use of quinine had proven beneficial during the expedition up the niger (for fewer europeans had succumbed to the tropical illnesses that had devastated crews in earlier attempts up the niger), the idea of africa as the "white man's grave" remained. many victorians still imagined and had appropriated charles dickens's representation of africa (and the african) as the natural enemy of white men. the tropical climate alone, argued dickens, was a danger to the caucasian body. moreover, through dickens, comes the position that concern for the “savages” abroad is directly correlated to the lack of funds and attention to the suffering at home. throughout this time, humanitarians continued to counter anti-black and non- expansionist arguments with the belief that british missionaries were necessary for the spread of christianity and education to the natives. although education and the spreading of the gospel were major components of the project advocated by delany and campbell, some british missionaries felt that whites were constitutionally better equipped for achieving this task. only through spreading the gospel and adopting the practices of civilized european societies, they argued, could the african contribute to the end of slavery and raise themselves out of barbarism and poverty. this sense of responsibility was strong in the missionaries who followed david livingstone near the end of the s. these missionaries believed that christianity and commerce between england and african nations would contribute greatly to elevating africa from barbarism, contribute to england's economic and industrial growth, and lead to the end of the slave trade both in the americas and within africa. in missionary travels and researches in south africa, livingstone declared that "[w]e ought to encourage the africans to cultivate for our markets, as the most effectual means, next to the gospel, of their elevation" ( ). he hoped "for encouragement in every measure for either the development of commerce, the elevation of the natives, or abolition of the trade in slaves" ( ). although, as patrick brantlinger says in rule of darkness, "blatant economic motives were not what impelled livingstone and the horde of missionaries who imitated him" ( ), ideological imperatives caused missionaries to create a particular image of the african that served their institutional and personal desires. according to brantlinger, "missionaries were strongly tempted to exaggerate savagery and darkness to rationalize their presence in africa, to explain the frustrations they experienced in making converts, and to win support from mission societies at home" ( ). although both delany and campbell noticed this tendency in british missionaries, we will see in the next chapter that this was exactly the mode of engagement between natives and missionaries that edward blyden objects to in his essays to fraser’s magazine in the s. the african figure, then, was reduced to the status of humanity's wild-child, greatly in need of tutorage from and the protection of an advanced adult culture. this is what robinson and gallagher mean when they write that "[e]xpansion was not simply a necessity without which industrial growth might cease, but a moral duty to the rest of humanity" ( ). although they agreed on the importance of independent black colonies, the partnership of delany and campbell was not a smooth one. both men were fiercely independent and did not, especially on fund raising methods, see eye-to-eye. as early as , campbell had denounced delany to frederick douglass for using his name without his permission. moreover, he did not believe that delany‟s plan economically feasible. “although he supported the idea of an exploration party to the niger he made it clear that he disapproved of delany‟s operations. he called the plan premature as he saw little hope of financial support” (blackett ). at one point campbell even “announced the severing of ties with delany‟s niger party,” but rejoined under the condition that “he was to maintain an independence of action” (blackett ). the most important thing that they did not agree on was the place of white financial support for the expedition. as far as their companionship went, violating this cardinal rule of delany‟s was the deal-breaker. seeing the black community would not unite in support of emigration to africa (or anywhere beyond american borders), campbell was not against accepting financial support from whites. white support, writes blackett, “flew in the face of all that delany stood for and further strained the relationship between the two members of the expedition party” ( ). for delany and those of his way of thinking, accepting white support opened the doors to white influence and control. blackett writes that “delany was certain campbell‟s acceptance of support from both white americans and englishmen had jeopardized the independence of the expedition” ( ). moreover, and most importantly, for delany, white patronage suggested a lack of initiative and dignity on the part of blacks. campbell, however, was willing to recruit aid not only from american- based colonization societies suspected of wanting to cleanse the u.s. of the black population, but he also pursued support from british sources. after his arrival in england, and while delany was still in the u.s. unsuccessfully trying to raise funds, campbell had released a circular in which he asked for british support for his expedition. in this circular, campbell writes that the “enterprise is of importance in the evangelization and civilization of africa, and in affording an asylum in which the oppressed descendants of that country may find the means of developing their mental and moral faculties unimpeded by unjust restrictions, it is regarded as of still greater influence in facilitating the production of those staples, particularly cotton, which are now supplied to the world chiefly by slave labour” (blackett ). by the end of may campbell had raised £ for the exploration party (blackett ). as an indication of his success in england, campbell was given free passage from liverpool to lagos. by the fall of , news of the black-formed and led exploring party's project had already been known to concerned individuals and appeared in the british press. men of influence in england had known about the black-led project a year earlier. richard blackett cites a letter which has attached to it the names of delany and two others about the agenda of the exploring party. considering delany‟s aversion to white patronage at that time, it is not exactly clear why he would attach his name to this communication. this letter, originally sent to dr. joseph hobbins, an english history professor at wisconsin state university, was eventually transmitted to a member of the royal geographical society of london. according to hobbins, this group of black americans intended to “own, equip and to arm its own ships, [and] to man them exclusively with colored sailors”( ). according to brackett, “the geographical society‟s reply, written by dr. thomas hodgkins, very diplomatically opposed the establishment of a colony in any of the areas suggested, but commended the proposal as showing the power of blacks for independent action” ( ). the aims of this mission led by blacks received a polite response in the times, especially since the plan was to contribute to facilitating trade between england and africa, advance “civilization” on the continent, and undermine the continuation of the slave trade. in a september article entitled “african civilization society – a meeting,” the times reported on a meeting in which black americans were praised for their initiative to strike a blow against the slave-trade by encouraging africans to grow and supply their own cotton. thomas clegg, a wealthy manchester cotton manufacturer, who had received a copy of delany‟s letter to dr. hobbins a year earlier, is mentioned in the article. according to this article, a meeting was held yesterday at the mayor's parlour, townhall, manchester, of ladies and gentlemen, to hear from the rev. mr. bourne an expedition of the origin and object of a society which has sprung up in the united states, and it is promoted by the abolitionists and coloured people, for civilising africa by planting colonies in the central and other portions of the continent. mr. bourne pointed out the immense strength given to slavery in america by the growing of cotton for europe (and this country particularly), and dwelt upon the advantages of promoting the growth of cotton in africa, where the plant is indigenous, thereby promoting civilisation among the people, while the slave-trade will have to compete with free labour. mr. bourne gave a number of interesting details connected with the society, and its hopes and prospects, and mr. j. clegg and other gentlemen afterward addressed the meeting, and some resolutions approving the movement and pledging support for it were adopted. ( ) a few months later, henry venn ( - ), honorary secretary of the church missionary society from to , also acknowledged the wisdom of indigenous- grown cotton to undermine the slave-trade. venn, the single most influential force in making samuel crowther the first african bishop of the anglican church, and who would later play an important role in the life of liberian scholar edward blyden, wrote in the times that among the “various social advantages” of free-grown cotton in africa is that it will immediately contribute to “stopping the foreign slave trade.” ( ). a few observers, however, suspected that the delany and campbell‟s project had the potential to present problems of influence in the region. as blackett suggests earlier, in dr. hodgkins of the royal geographical society was against establishing a colony in the region. only after delany and campbell had begun to make their rounds through the region is there any indication of the racially exclusive nature of their project. in his letter to henry venn, dated feb. , the german missionary reverent gottlieb frederick buhler complained that "[t]he americans mr. campbell and dr. delany go ahead without us. they are indeed not the white man's friend though they will take his money.... they have greatly modified their plans but they don't ask us to assist them, they manage for themselves" (ajayi n. ). in response to delany and campbell‟s “geographical observations on west africa” ( ) delivered in london at the invitation of the royal geographical society in , a mr. hanson (described as “a gentleman of colour”) expresses subtle skepticism over the wisdom of an independent black colony or settlement. hanson was doubtful that delany and campbell would be able to transport enough educated and talented blacks from the united states to the continent. rather than establish settlements and “separate communities,” he proposed that black americans “incorporate themselves into the indigenous race, and seek to elevate them by their superior information and knowledge of the arts” (delany and campbell - ). although delany and campbell‟s humanitarian concerns over the future regeneration of africa is addressed in hanson‟s proposal, following such a suggestion undermines their desire for an new independent black nation. at the heart of the project lead by delany, and which campbell emphatically articulates in a pilgrimage, is that africa is to be left to africans and the peoples of african descent. delany looked upon the elevation of africa with a sense of protective entitlement, and scorned those who treated africa merely as a site for profit and the african natives and his descendants as children. he writes that africa is our fatherland and we its legitimate descendants, and we will never agree nor consent to see this - the first voluntary step that has ever been taken for her regeneration by her own descendants - blasted by a disinterested and renegade set, whose only object might be in the one case to get rid of a portion of the colored population, and in the other, make money, though it be done upon the destruction of every hope entertained and measure introduced for the accomplishment of this great and prospectively glorious undertaking. we cannot and will not permit or agree that the result of years of labor and anxiety shall be blasted at one reckless blow, by those who have never spent a day in the cause of our race, or know nothing about our wants and requirements. ( ) according to delany, in comments that seems to have been pointedly directed to his young travelling companion, "the black race should take its affairs in its own hands, instead of placing them in the hands of others" (delany ). therefore, self-reliance was the foundation of delany's nationalistic ideology. his adherence to the substance and implications of this ideology is what set him apart from campbell. the world, for delany, had to see that the african was able to form his own destiny without begging for help from whites. to gain the respect of other nations, delany called for the regeneration of africa by africans and the people of african descent alone: "africa for the african race, and black men to rule them. by black i mean, men of african descent who claim an identity with the race" ( ). in his "official report of the niger valley exploring party," delany writes that we desired to be dealt with as men, and not children. that we did not desire gratuities as such in the apportioning of their benevolence - nothing eleemosynary but means loaned to our people upon their personal obligations, to be paid in produce or otherwise. that we did not approve of restrictions as to where such persons went (so that it was to some country where the population was mainly colored, as that was our policy) letting each choose and decide for himself, that which was best for him. ( ) thus, the emigration movement (as conceived by delany) wanted no part of active white participation or intervention. as bell succinctly puts it, they wanted to be "unhampered by meddling whites" ( ). this desire to be free of white american and european intervention also addressed the function and influence of missionaries. although campbell does not mention british missionaries in a negative light, his travelling companion is explicit about the cultural, commercial and political limitations caused by those who carried the gospel to the africans. delany argued that the only good that missionaries have achieved concerning the african was the introduction of the gospel. however, these very missionaries, in delany's view, perceived africans as limited, thus incapable of further progress. this attitude toward the african could have limited and limiting effects, especially since the african may suspect that the tools of progress and growth, the very tools that many chiefs had asked for, were being intentionally withheld by someone who does not physically resemble them. the african native, argues delany, “sees and knows” that the european “is of an entirely different race to himself.” it is also recognized by the native that this representative of a different race and foreign land is in the position of dispersing knowledge of a much needed secular nature, especially in matters “law, government, commerce, military.” but these things of a “temporal and secular matter,” which english missionaries tell them are the “things he is not sent to teach” ( ) are exactly the forms of useful knowledge that delany, campbell, and other black emigrationists claimed that they were ready to share. because of the european‟s belief in the limitations of black capability, it is, for delany, imperative that africans and blacks work to uplift themselves. what is required to propel the african toward self-reliance and progress, even while maintaining the gospel, was a “new element.” for delany and campbell, the success of a progressive african civilization must be accomplished by contact with a people the native can identify as among their own. this is what delany calls a "new element." this element, which delany emphasizes, inversely suggests that white participation has detrimental and limited influence on african material and technological advancement. delany is suggesting that the nature and practice of british involvement can only maintain present conditions of dependence, which do not favor african success. to be successful, writes delany, the elevation of the african “must be carried out by proper agencies, and these agencies must have a new element introduced into their midst, possessing all the attainments, socially and politically, morally and religiously, adequate to so important an end” ( ). delany makes racial homogeneity central, for he believes that “natural characteristics, claims, sentiments, and sympathies” shared by members of the race ( ). furthermore, the most educated descendants of africa now living in america are prepared to return, facilitate “the establishment of social and historical settlements among” the natives, “in order at once to introduce, in an effective manner, all the well regulated pursuits of civilized life” ( ).thus, the racialized engine and political trajectory of the civilizing mission posed by delany and campbell flew in the face of england's imperialist imperatives as well as england‟s racial and nationalistic paradigm of self as the lone carriers of the light of civilization and progress. within the discourse of delany and campbell is the belief that england can do more harm than good, which is certainly a challenge to how the british felt about themselves as the proper facilitators of progress and their paternalistic interactions with the racial other. in other words, the subtext of delany's "proper agency" and "new element" is that white participation in the regeneration of africa is suspect and possibly mercenary. the inclusion of "proper agency" is, then, a back-handed attack on england's putative humanitarian idea of self in relation to the african, and the "new element" only supplements the belief that the agents of african transformation has been in the hands of a people historically ill-suited for such a project. although the representation of this point is the main aim of a pilgrimage, campbell knows that he needs to paint of portrait which presents the african as capable and conscious agents of their own destiny. a pilgrimage to my motherland as ecologically discursive intervention in a pilgrimage to my motherland, campbell endeavors to cleanse the discursive field of african representation of what abdul janmohamed calls the "manichean allegory" and what peter logan has identified as the "victorian fetish." both habitual processes of western thinking toward the african, whether subconsciously or unconsciously generated, have contributed substantially to the discursive framing of the policies and attitudes toward the other. according to janmohamed, the economy of the manichean allegory "is based on a transformation of racial difference into moral and even metaphysical difference (skin color, physical features, and such), [and] its allegorical extensions come to dominate every facet of the imperialist mentality" ( ). the discursive manifestations of this "mentality" tend to "demonstrate that the barbarism of the native is irrevocable, or at least very deeply engrained, so that the european's attempt to civilize him can continue indefinitely, the exploitation of his resources can proceed without hindrance, and the european can persist in enjoying a position of moral superiority" ( ). logan sees this allegorical tendency as an unconscious process that comes into play when the british enters contact with the west african other. according to logan, "[t]he victorian fetish projects feeling, desire, and belief onto the world, but does so unawares." these "projections are reflected back in alien form, as though originating in the external world" ( ). but since what gets projected back are manifestations of a defensive and self-serving imagination, logan is able to write that these artificially constructed projections "speak more about the assumptions of westerners than the practices of africans" ( ). in other words, these assumptions contribute to painting a portrait of african life based on feelings and desires about the observer's place in the world in relation to the african other. it is this allegorical and fetishistic process that fanon refers to when he writes "my body was given back to me and sprawled out, distorted, recolored, clad in mourning in that winter day. the negro is an animal, the negro is bad, the negro is mean, the negro is ugly" ( ). for campbell, these british feelings and desires (even held by those who purported to be friends of the african) are responsible for the cultural disruptions and representational distortions of native life and character. in response to british discursive practices he presents to his contemporaries a narrative that (though aggressive in intent) seems to be without aggressive commentary. although campbell is not writing a pastoral, a pilgrimage has the propensity of the pastoral “to elicit a variety of political and aesthetic adaptations” (james and tew ). the descriptive nature of a pilgrimage is in itself a form of cleansing as well as critique of victorian racial discourse. this act of cleansing by the seemingly innocent act of description is a cultural critique i call the discursive ecology of african space. in this critical space, the usual tropes and strategies of nineteenth century racial discourse are alluded to as dangerous specters in the margins. being in the margins, the historical significance is frequently alluded to in an effort to inform the reader about the importance of the author‟s project. in other words, in this discursive ecology the ramifications of cross-cultural contact and trans-atlantic history are present both as warning and remembrance. campbell‟s narrative suggests that european representations and physical presence are and have always been sources of disruption and distortion historically and discursively. embedded in the representations of many of campbell's encounters are allusions to the disastrous consequences of pratt's "contact zone." these are the consequences that delany and campbell endeavor to reverse and ameliorate through the exclusion of white participation. through his seemingly benign narrative strategy, which at times approaches the faux-innocence of pastoral, campbell is also able to parade his body as a result of cultural disruption and erasure (his african heritage and white skin) and present his eyes as the lens through which the reader gets a portrait of west african life. although campbell knows that he probably will not put an end to the racialized thinking of his white contemporaries, his narrative does make an attempt to suggest that racial fantasies are constructions of the mind. in his "preface," campbell briefly gives a nod to the general tradition of anthropological and ethnographic writing which had formed contemporaneous thoughts and attitudes toward the african. this nod initiates his discursive cleansing process. in response to euro-centric chronicles of the continent, campbell pits the veracity of his eye- witness narrative against what he sees as the a priori reasoning drawn from this body of knowledge. in doing this he is suggesting to his reader that what makes a pilgrimage different from present day accounts is that his "narrative is, as far as possible, confined to personal observations" ( ). although other writers have made similar claims of objectivity, the function of campbell's claim is to shed light on and to emphasize the jaundiced psychology at work in other observers of africa. his parenthetical phrase, "as far as possible," suggests an awareness of the influences of unconscious and subconscious energies in the construction of racial identities. it implies that there is a danger of undetected fantasy (especially in imaginations molded by western education) coming into play. furthermore, "confined to personal observation" may be an emphasis on his own conscious struggle to do what other observers of africa have not done, and that is to prevent the western fetishistic imagination from materializing what he calls "details otherwise interesting" ( ). in making these preliminary claims, campbell seems to be engaged in the same type of language of realist fiction posited by george levine as “a self-conscious effort, usually in the name of some moral effort of truth- telling and extending the limits of human sympathy, to make literature appear to be describing not some language but reality itself” ( ). like the realism that levine finds manifested in the victorian novel, campbell is essentially defining his narrative against the excesses he finds in white american and european narratives about africa. because he believes that many mid-nineteenth century western observers have given in to this impulse, campbell is able to state that "much error, particularly in reference to africa, has been propagated in consequence of writers generally not confining the subject of their books to their own observations" ( ). "propagate," for campbell, has multiple functions. on the one hand, propagate refers to communication, the transmission of ideas from person to person and from one generation to another. to “propagate,” then, in this sense is the reproduction of euro-centric assumptions and fantasy. on the other hand, propagate has the connotations of infection and corruption. the polite "much error," then, for campbell (the man of science), may also suggests a morbific process at work in the victorian's representations and attitudes towards the african. this dual discursive function of “propagate,” for campbell, seems to suggest the fetishizing tendency of the victorian imagination (when it encounters the other), to create, past down, reiterate and recreate fictitious black legends. these legends or racial figurations are produced, according to the nineteenth-century haitian anthropologist antenor firmin, by "certain extrinsic causes which are alien to science but which have such a stranglehold on the minds of the most intelligent men that they are intellectually paralyzed" ( ). by marginalizing anglo-victorian racial discourse, campbell's narrative suggests that firmin's "extrinsic causes" are products of the mind and material motives of white western observers. the discursive removal, marginalization, and erasure of extrinsic causes, or the feelings and desires logan argues as central to the victorian fetish, are essential to campbell‟ progressive narrative, for it reveals the character of a motivated african subject. the first contemporaneous misconception, representational error, or, as philip curtin puts it a century later, persistent "black legend," campbell subtly engages is the popular notion of the west african climate as the natural enemy of white european well- being. because of this belief, africa was given the name white man's grave. although it was true that many europeans suffered in tropical climates, in many cases fatally, there was no concrete evidence that the high white mortality rates were solely the results of race. however, it was commonly believed that european mortality in africa was racially based. according to curtin, this gothic image of africa as antagonistic to the integrity of the white body began to take form between and . by the mid-victorian era, "the image of the white man's grave was more and more firmly impressed" ( ). curtin writes that "[b]y the middle of the nineteenth century, the deadliness of the african climate to white men, while africans were apparently healthy there, had become enshrined at the very heart of pseudo-scientific racism" ( ). charles dickens, as shown in chapter one, not only believed that "between the civilized european and barbarous african there is a great gulf set," but that "the air that brings life to the latter brings death to the former" ( ). in his review of captains trotter and allen's narrative of the expedition sent by her majesty's government to the river niger in , dickens appropriates the legend of the white man's grave in the following terms: "at last, on the th of may , at half-past six in the morning, the line of battleships anchored in plymouth sound gave three cheers to the expedition as it streamed away, unknowing, for 'the gate of the cemetery.' such was the sailor's name, thereafter, for the entrance to the fatal river whither they were bound" ( ). it was important for dickens to illustrate african/english interaction in such terms because he wanted the government to redirect sympathies and resources to the condition of england question at home. later victorian writers, like richard burton who referred to the region as a "coffin-squadron" (vii), would continue to contribute to the legend, even after the benefits of quinine as a treatment against tropical ailments began to surface after . "quinine," writes curtin in death by migration ( ),"contributed to the decline of fever deaths everywhere. it was the first 'wonder drug' that could attack a specific disease, but its acceptance was neither universal nor simple" ( ). but even after the widespread recognition of the benefits of quinine were seemingly confirmed, after the successful pleiad expedition to the niger in , which resulted in no white fatalities, the image of africa as the white man's grave lingered well into the twentieth century. campbell uses, rather than dismiss as white fantasy, the health concerns which resulted from cross-cultural interaction. as a native of jamaica as well as a traveler through central america, he was cognizant of the impact of the tropics on the physical constitution of european foreigners. news of whites succumbing to yellow fever even at that time was a commonplace. nor would news that a native population had contracted smallpox been a surprise for the former director of science. however, campbell seems to have performed some sort of referential convergence early in chapter one, "liverpool to lagos," which suggests what he perceived as the opportune discursive moment to render the disruptive consequences of british/african interaction. that is, his presentation may seem to be an innocent and benign piece of reportage, but in fact the rhetorical convergence and imagery are critiques of the nature and consequence of this relationship. campbell writes that on the twelfth of july, after they had anchored at freetown, sierra leone, they discovered that affairs were in bad condition, the yellow fever, or as some say, a malignant form of bilious fever had appeared there, and swept off more than a third of the white inhabitants, while small pox was busy among the natives. during the two days that the ship continued in the port i had frequent opportunities of conversing with several of the natives, men of respectability, and in some instances of education; they complained bitterly of some of the europeans, on account of their laxity of morals and unblushing disregard of the demands of decency. it is fortunate that the number of this class of persons is small compared with the number of high-minded, worthy men who are deservedly much esteemed. ( ) rhetorically, campbell positions both diseases as weapons in a contest resulting from cross-cultural contact. the yellow fever "appeared" and "swept off" a substantial number of the "white inhabitants," "while" small pox is "busy" among the natives. although campbell avoids explicating causality, the passage enacts a spontaneous outbreak which symbolizes the political and meta-political nature of european/african interaction. what immediately follows is not an explanation of the possible environmental or biological factors constitutive of both diseases, but a description of behavioral and attitudinal traits of the foreigners which have disturbed the usual workings of the native community. that is, campbell seems to be symbolically linking competing illnesses as representations of his version of culture clash within the contact zone. therefore, at the very beginning of his narrative campbell is suggesting that a foreign presence threatens the physical and moral health of the african community. in the type of referential convergence campbell performs, the model of the putative white man's grave has been revised and reinvented. the european brings disorder with him. here, the european is not the only victim of the tropical contact zone, for his very presence (and what he morally and intellectually brings with him) causes the other's destruction. in campbell's post-quinine model, european attitudes toward the other can also contribute to the transformation of the region into a cross-cultural cemetery. the carriers of these disruptive attitudes are among the “[o]ffspring of the evangelical revival and the industrial revolution” who, according to george stocking ( ), “travelled in a period when the differential in sheer physical power between civilization and savagery was growing rapidly wider” ( ). the recognition of the technological distance (translated into the language of morality and natural intellect) between the european self and the other, contributed to the face-to-face interaction between blacks and whites. “sustained by that power and those values,” writes stocking, “british travelers overseas carried with them a powerful sense of personal self-confidence and cultural rectitude” ( ). in campbell‟s version of stocking‟s explanation of the victorian hermeneutic space, european hubris (or “self-confidence and cultural rectitude”) is not only the undertaker of white bodies but it is also the harbinger of african misery, disruption and discontent. it must also be noted that though the effects of unpleasant behavioral traits are not represented as epidemic among the majority of whites, those "high-minded, worthy men," this does not absolve them as carriers of cultural disturbance. it was perhaps the victorian's fetishistic perception of the african as naturally servile that gave birth to the paternalistic posture of many travelers. british writers, who imagined themselves at the peak of civilization, often depicted the african as occupying a child-like position in nature. in perceiving themselves as occupying the ideal space beyond the state of nature, victorians were able to control and frame the other both discursively and physically. firmin and other nineteenth-century writers of african descent were aware that this mode of cultural and ethnic consciousness "plays a role even in [the european‟s] assessment of issues, effecting their very reasoning. even when nothing is said about it, ethnic consciousness remains a strong, positive, and active force both in the unfolding of events and in the elaboration of theories" ( ). carlyle's west indian black as natural servant in need of a prospero-like englishman, dickens's north american slave who needs and desired to be cared for and petted, and mill's "backward states of society in which the race itself may be considered in its nonage," were all derivative of this type of thinking which placed the englishman, because of technological advances, as members of the adult of humanity and the other as child-like and closer to untamed nature. this way of thinking about the self in the world also functioned as convenient strategies that dismissed, diminished, or limited the intellectual potential and the agency of the other in relation to the group in power. what distinguishes mill from many other observers of the other is that for him, as he suggests in his response to carlyle, the african had proven himself in the post-emancipation west indies and in africa as having the capacity for progress. whereas mill envisioned a future in which the african in the west indies can hold his own, carlyle imagined a future in which the people of african descent will always serve whites. the trope of the child-like african was very much a part of the discourse of the period we are discussing. the africa as child-like and servile, as with most racial tropes, also functioned to fix interracial relations in a desirable state of nature. in the lake regions of central africa, richard burton argues that the african's barren cognitive processes are infantile and, like a spoiled and untamed child, adverse to the call of order and civilization. according to burton, in the african "there is no rich nature... for education to cultivate. he seems to belong to those childish races which, never rising to man's estate falls like worn-out links from the great chain of animated nature" ( ). burton further suggests that the african's horror of european architectural structures is symbolic of an aversion to permanency and the exigencies of civilization. in other words, the african is, because of his "vagabond instinct," innately averse to permanent structures. "the african," writes burton, "has a superstitious horror of stone walls; he is still semi-nomade, for the effects of the wandertrieb, or man's vagabond instinct, uncurbed by the habits of civilization" ( ). in the west indian situation described by carlyle and his contemporaries in the late s, this nomadic tendency of the african was proof of the reported march to barbarism. in the context of the labor problem in the british west indies, black behavior suggested the he was ill-fit for the demands of economic man and that he, according to carlyle, must be must be made into a worker. for burton and observers of africa in the s, this image suggested that on the continent existed fertile land awaiting development by the industrious european. winwood reade, in an attempt to lock the african into the place of eternal tutorage, pursues this trope in savage africa. according to reade, the african has the attention capacity similar to that of a child, "riveted by the least thing which is held before it"( ). among reade's concluding statements regarding the african's potential to advance above the level of savage is that "[t]hey do not merit to be called our brothers, but let us call them our children. let us educate them carefully, and in time we may elevate them, not to our level - that, i fear, can never be – but to the level of those from whom they have fallen" ( ). tropes of the child-like and servile african are important for purposes of domination. an infantile people who are incapable of taking care of themselves must be protected. that is the duty of the mature members of the human community to the rest of the world. in response to representations similar to the ones above, campbell presents a different type of african community. his, in light of what had been written, is a re- invention. in campbell's narrative, the west african native not only welcomes civilization, but has proven his capacity for progress. he employs recent history to show the native's capacity and industriousness and also brings to light the type of african community and nation both burton and reade try to keep in the dark. the recent formation of abbeokuta, the independent africa nation that burton, in abeokuta and the camaroons mountains, cited as adverse to the exigencies of civilization, is used by campbell as an illustration not only of the african's desire for limited contact with europeans, but also of their capacity to work, build, and govern themselves. i need to also note that campbell‟s description of the history of abbeokuta seems to be an illustration of the exploring party‟s agenda. before little if anything was known of abbeokuta. the yorubas and egbas recaptured and taken to sierra leone were sold away before any such place existed, and no travelers had before been in the neighborhood, but at this time, vague rumors began to be spread along the coast that the different tribes of the egbas had united themselves, and had built a new city, powerful from its natural defenses not less than from the brave hearts and strong arms of its people. these were joyful tidings indeed to the egbas at sierra leone, in the bosom of most of whom was immediately kindled the strongest desires, again to be united with their long lost relatives and friends. conquering a thousand difficulties, they eventually carried out the object of their desire” ( - ). in “the short time between and ,” says campbell, “no less than of them left sierra leone for their country” ( ).this exodus ("for their country") is a conscious movement away from white influence and control (the british colony of sierra leone) toward a homogenous and developing independent black nation they call their own. in other words, they were escaping a location constructed and influenced by white rule for a place and a people they could call their own. this exodus was not limited, according to campbell, to recaptured slaves, a mere . "simultaneously with these occurrences," writes campbell, the peoples of the brazils and of cuba, egbas, yorubas, and other aku tribes who had obtained freedom, began to return. from all sources there are scatterd throughout the country, but chiefly at lagos and abbeokuta, over five thousand of these people, semi-civilized generally, but in some instances highly cultivated, being engaged as teachers, catechists, clergymen, and merchants. industrious, enterprising, and carrying with them, one here and another there, a knowledge of some of the useful arts, they have doubtless been the means of inaugurating a mighty work, which, now that it has accomplished its utmost, must be continued in a higher form by the more civilized of the same race, who for a thousand reasons, are best adapted to its successful prosecution. ( ) this population, whom burton described as "artificialized" (abeokuta ) because they have the benefits of a westernized education, is for campbell the "means" who have successfully demonstrated inclination, potential and desire for progress and civilization. this group is also the native version of the delany‟s “proper element” that campbell wants to introduce into the african community. what campbell described in this brief history is, in other words, the “semi-civilized” version of what he and delany promises to transport from the u.s. a similar homogenous exodus, which british writers interpreted as a march to barbarism, occurred in the british west indies after emancipation. this was the phenomenon carlyle and his contemporaries responded to in the s and s. for burton, like the british writers who responded to the west indian labor crisis after emancipation and the brief period called "apprenticeship," this movement was evidence of a deeply engrained resistance to civilization and the tools of progress. campbell, however, suggests pragmatic agency at work rather than primal instincts. many africans, of course, for reasons of their own, stayed at sierra leone. but he shows that a large number of skilled africans, as skilled as the former west indian slave who sought to distance himself from englishman, en bloc and en masses, left the protection of a british colony for an incipient independent nation, a "new city," built by the "strong arms of its people." moreover, campbell takes the essentialist ingredient, which burton and others privileged and emphasized, of civilization out of the equation. that is, he argues that reaching the "higher form" is dependent on racial sympathies -the "same race"- rather than imagined culturally engrained qualities. to become what campbell sees as "civilized" is simply the competent acquisition of recognizably advanced intellectual and technological tools ("knowledge of the useful arts"), which the generality of the “semi- civilized” has yet to attain. by “semi-civilized” he is referring to the present level of competence rather than fixed cognitive condition (an essentialist position that campbell did not entertain). he reiterates the urgency of the exclusionary ideology of delany's "new element" when he writes that advancement and progress "must be continued in a higher form by the most civilized of the same race, who for a thousand reasons, are best adapted to its successful prosecution." these most adapted members of the same race are diasporic persons of african descent who have ironically been "artificialized" and therefore have incurred from western education an understanding of the mechanics of western culture. in what follows, campbell performs an unanticipated turn from an assumed anglo-european audience to a previously unacknowledged implied native reader. this very brief address to an implied african reader (the "semi-civilized" above, the chiefs who had signed treaties with the exploring party's, and the "men of respectability and [...] education" ( ) whom he had encountered throughout his narrative) comes in the form of warning and plea which encourages the natives to continue to safeguard themselves against an acknowledged but unmentioned enemy of their progress. "the hand of god is in the work," writes campbell, "and although many discouragements and impediments might intercept the path of you who would labor toward such an end, there is nothing to fear. persevere, and the power, which has already been a safeguard through so many dangers will aid your efforts in the end" ( ). the significance of the "discouragements," "impediments," and "dangers" which campbell mentions are directly referring to the relationships africa has had with the european world, and of what crummell identified as the cause of the "exaggerated barbarism" pouring from western discourse. in his lecture, "the progress and prospects of the republic of liberia," crummell states that for three hundred years the european has been traversing the coast of africa, engaged in trade and barter. but the history of his presence and influence there, is a history of rapine and murder, and wide-spread devastation to the families and the homes of its rude and simple inhabitants. the whole coast... have been ravished wherever his footsteps have fallen; and he has left little behind him but exaggerated barbarism, and a deeper depth of moral ruin. ( ) in a pilgrimage the most obvious manifestation of the cross-cultural disruption of the contact zone, and a sign of the "wide-spread devastation to the families and the homes" which crummell mentions above, is inscribed on campbell's body. by his own estimation, the author had "twenty-five percent negro blood" ( ).campbell's discursively strategic reference to his complexion has significance and emotional and cultural value for different audiences: it is, for his nonwhite reader, an indictment of the history the white world has had with peoples of african descent (he thus positions himself as a walking reminder of the abuse of power) ; and it is a sign, for the british reader, of the potential of whites to stray away from their purported benevolent mission. unlike many of his mixed race contemporaries in jamaica, he does not seem to present his hybridity as a badge of honor. campbell was well aware of the story that african/caucasian amalgamation told. moreover, the political and cultural story that campbell's body tells is not lost on the africans he encounters. rather than overtly comment on the cross-cultural phenomenon of miscegenation, he allows the natives to speak, respond and reiterate the nature of african/ european relations. for instance, he writes that while in abbeokuta, "[t]he natives generally at first regarded me as a white man, until i informed them of my connection with the negro. this announcement always gained me a warmer reception" ( ). he was, therefore, received with less suspicion than the general european. in regards to an interview with another african chief, he writes that on the occasion of my first visit to his highness, as usual he was informed of my african origin. 'from what part of africa,' he asked, 'did your grandmother come?' as this was a point on which i possessed no information, i could give him no satisfactory answer. he remained silent for a short time, and at last said: 'how can i but tell that you are of my own kindred, for many of my ancestors were taken and sold away.' from that day he called me relative, and of course as every other african had as good a claim to kindredship, i soon found myself generally greeted as such. ( ) campbell records that another african chief "took hold of my hand and shook it heartily; and drawing me toward him, he threw his arms about my neck, and pressed me with warmth" ( ). and his interview with king shita is described as "very interesting ," for the latter "quite unexpectedly [...] permitted us at this first interview to see his face, a privilege he never accorded publicly to any one who had before visited the place, at the same time informing us, that it was because he regarded us as his own people, descendants of native african" ( ). campbell thus presents his own body as, what joel williamson says of a different context, "the walking, talking, breathing indictment of the world the white man made" ( ). he, therefore, is the walking, talking, written record that symbolizes the disruptive and distorting ramifications of the contact zone. therefore, campbell has toured through west africa a product and in the flesh spectacle of the "natal alienation" that orlando patterson writes about in slavery and social death: he presents to the african observer a "genealogical isolate" who, because of the slave trade, is "culturally isolated from the social heritage of his ancestors" ( ). campbell's confessed ignorance of the full details of his family line can be seen as the ultimate symbolic warning of the native‟s fate. conclusion although contemporary victorian scholarship rarely analyzes the racial discourse of the nineteenth-century as a response to african agency, historical knowledge and cultural desire, a close reading of campbell's a pilgrimage reveals that the natives were not intellectually passive and unthinking observers. the behaviors and descriptions in his narrative suggest that africans, by the time he and delany had arrived, had been actively engaged in acquiring the tools and knowledge to reach what western nations called “civilization.” this conscious and unforced interest of the african in the tools and manifestations of progress, which campbell records throughout a pilgrimage, is lacking in other ethnographic writings of the times as well as in our present analysis of victorian racial discourse. campbell is not just interested in proving that the african capable of progress, but he also wants his reader to reevaluate white participation in african affairs, for it has historically proven to be detrimental to the needs and desires of the native. this relational component which i have analyzed in campbell suggests that the counter- narrative of the other is not only in the act of commenting on the european psyche, but that it also is a statement of native desire in relation to the dominant group. in a pilgrimage, robert campbell seems to say that the only result to be expected from the european world is cultural disruption rather that a smooth transformation to “civilization.” in employing this descriptive strategy, he is able to register the counter- hegemonic desires of a native and diasporic people as well as their attitudes towards their putative european benefactors. like all racial discourse, campbell is giving voice to a desire relationship. the european, in such a strategy, now becomes the other, for what he brings to the political and discursive table does not favor health. campbell is writing about relationships. but the major difference between campbell‟s discursive practice and those he criticizes is that he bases his representation of the european other on historical performance, while the european‟s racial subject is a fetish and a fantasy. chapter four edward w. blyden’s providence and the empire of the melanin imagination introduction although contemporary scholars tend in general to focus on his contribution to twentieth-century theories of black nationalism, edward wilmot blyden‟s ( - ) fame and original effectiveness came in the form of discursive assaults on american and victorian racial discourses. his responses to the nineteenth-century discussion of race were not limited to a small group of readers; rather, blyden‟s ideas were known to victorian thinkers, debated and challenged by his contemporaries, and, to some extent, accepted and formed discussions about british/african relations and peoples of african descent. from the late s until his death in , blyden, whom many contemporary scholars have credited as the father of pan-african nationalism and even as among the scholars who planted the seeds which contributed to the growth of the early twentieth- century negritude movement, made it his mission to vindicate the image of the african race to the english speaking world. “his voluminous writings,” says teshale tibebu in a recent resent critical biography on edward blyden, “laid the ground-work for some of the most important ideas of black intellectuals in the twentieth century” ( ). tibebu goes so far as to claim that “whatever variations of nationalist articulations prominent black intellectuals may have held since blyden‟s death, the overarching ideological and philosophical underpinnings were blydenian” ( ). during his lifetime, his untiring and ambitious discursive agenda was reported to sympathetic and antagonistic audiences in journals and newspapers throughout the english speaking world. in short, edward blyden was not unknown to the intellectual communities of the united states, great britain, and west africa. fundamental to the vindication of the african race was the establishment of what he perceived as the imperative social, psychological, and ideological requirements necessary for african progress. his major themes for the regeneration of african civilizations are grounded on his interpretation of divine providence and his appropriation of western european theories of progress, culture, and race. in other words, a close reading of blyden reveals that he not only was aware of contemporaneous theories of culture and development, but that he appropriated these thoughts into his own theory for his own purposes. moreover, this discursive performance is prominent in the five essays he published in london in fraser’s magazine between and . through the essays in fraser’s magazine, blyden incorporated not only his univocal critique of victorian and european racial discourse but he also indicated the modes of interaction necessary for his people to strive, progress, and culturally survive. the essays which appeared in fraser’s magazine brought to blyden much desired literary recognition in england. the controversial trajectory of his subject matter and the sophistication in which he presented his arguments circulated his name and concerns throughout the british intellectual community. these essays, some in modified form, and others which had appeared in various english language journals, were later reprinted in london in christianity, islam, and the negro race ( / ), recognized today as blyden‟s most significant body of work. although blyden was prolific, and his writings covered many topics, his major themes were how actions generated from the privileged representation of whiteness and the derogatory representation of the black person‟s personality militated detrimental influences on african progress and contributed to a violation of what he perceived as god‟s historical project. it was therefore the semiotics of whiteness imposed on the african imagination and social structure, and the effect of this imposition on the workings of providence, which concerned blyden the most. blyden recognized that color and complexion were representations of a cultural and nation building language. that is, he was very aware that the color of one‟s skin was perceived as having intrinsic meaning and value, and that white-skinned nations self- consciously weighed their intellectual and moral status in terms of skin color. this conflation of moral and intellectual value with the epidermal fact of racial diversity, for blyden, manifested itself in inter-racial relationships, mannerisms, and attitudes. blyden was concerned that the valorization of whiteness had infiltrated west africa, thus initiating undesirable and unnatural social and political transformations in the region. this semiotics of whiteness, or melanin imagination, was the measuring rod employed to not only determine one‟s capacity for progress but also the desired direction of progress. the closer one was to whiteness, and by extension to european values and potential for perfectibility, the nearer one was to “civilization.” the hierarchal vocabulary of this language suggested one‟s place in nature and in the particular cross-cultural relationship. the conscious and unconscious force of whiteness and the melanin imagination it inspired caused blyden to adopt (to coin a concept made by lola young) his own “melanin metanarrative” in which the racial ladder drawn from the traditional chain of being model is replaced by “groves” where the races of man (each to his own grove) moved in the same direction according to the pace assigned by god, and the color of one‟s skin is only an indication of ancestral origins and environmental conditions rather than essential inferiority or superiority. rather than adopt a model of racial distribution based on the belief that man had degenerated from the exemplary european type, blyden, through scripture as his authority, argued that the global distribution of man was part of god‟s purposeful design. blyden‟s melanin metanarrative is a theological and scientific explanation of race and human progress. the melanin metanarrative is not, however, merely a reading of current racial theories and an assessment of their cultural and political utility, but it is also, according to lola young, “constructed in opposition to discourse but displaying similar discursive strategies. the two key attributes of racialized science may be identified as, first, a belief in a biological definition of „race‟ which posits common phenotypical characteristics, and crucially, second, the construction of a hierarchy which places the different „races‟ in a relationship of inferiority or superiority (in terms of intellectual, moral and physical indicators of achievement) “ ( ). blyden‟s melanin metanarrative is therefore the simultaneous appropriation of current racial theories as well as a rewriting of those theories into the form of a subtle oppositional narrative. by appropriating well- known european thoughts about culture, race, and progress, blyden elides the conventional socially constructed hierarchal racial ladder for a grove in which all races are moving in the same direction. this strategy is effective because he has positioned the various racial members of the human family at the same level of existence, with all of them employing their peculiar gifts toward the materialization of a common goal. through this strategy of the groves, blyden recruits the major intellectual currents of western europe (chiefly ideas derived from herder, comte, taine, and spencer) to authorize his interpretation of providence. in other words, he skillfully aligns his thinking with accepted systems of thought and respected producers of knowledge. this appropriation is crucial, especially for non-european nineteenth-century scholars, writes philip zachernuk, for “[t]he predicament of the colonial intelligentsia was their need to work within the realm of european ideas in order to defeat some of its intentions; they had to transform ideas set in a largely inimical framework into something more congenial to their own needs” ( ). the aim of this study is to show that this melanin metanarrative, used by blyden, was in fact the generative strategy behind his most famous essays, those which appeared in fraser’s magazine. in the fraser’s essays, blyden presented to the british middle-class reader his critique of western racial attitudes, behaviors, and projects that he believed contributed to the abnormal development of africa and the “pure blooded” african. he therefore, in the fraser’s essays, was responsible for keeping under discussion elements of racial discourse and engagement that contributed to forming the trajectory of colonial practices. biography in brief of a west indian liberian edward wilmot blyden was born in in the dutch west indies. during this period, most blacks in the dutch west indies were still slaves. however, both of his parents were free “pure blood” blacks. his mother, who had contributed to most of his education, was a teacher and his father a tailor. in , rev. john p. knox, a white american, became pastor of the dutch reform church in st. thomas in virgin islands. according hollis lynch, “knox was impressed with the studious and pious boy of pious parents and became his mentor” ( ). this close association with knox may have inspired the young blyden to become a clergyman. to further the young man‟s education, blyden‟s parents allowed him to go with the knoxs to the united states and enroll into a seminary college. rutgers‟ seminary school, rev. knox‟s alma mater, and other american theological institutions of higher learning rejected blyden because of the color of his skin. because of the passing of the fugitive slave laws in , blyden realized that his movement was very limited and his freedom precarious. that is, the color of his skin marked him as potential bounty for slave-catchers. through connections with the american colonization society, which led a controversial campaign to return free blacks, and escaped and former slaves to africa, blyden secured passage to the republic of liberia. according to robert july, in liberia blyden “received his formal education” in the “mission schools, and was therefore early and often exposed to the doctrine of white superiority and the salvation of africa through the adoption of european values and institutions” ( ). this experience, the manifestations of white supremacy even from putative allies, was to have a formative impact on blyden‟s future thinking. in blyden was ordained a presbyterian pastor and appointed principle of alexander high school in liberia. this is the time in which he began to get public recognition as a man of letters and spokesman for african american and black west indian emigration to liberia. in he published his first collection of essays, liberia’s offering: being addresses, sermons, etc., which includes “vindication of the african race; being a brief examination of the arguments in favor of african inferiority.” “vindication” was originally published in liberia in and is clearly blyden‟s first major discursive assault and analysis of nineteen-century racial discourse. in , blyden stayed in england for two and a half weeks. during that time he sought out old acquaintances, brougham and gladstone, both of whom he had had correspondence with since the early s. his friendship with influential public figures made it possible for him to attend a session in the house of commons. details of this visit were recorded in his travel book, from west africa to palestine and his letters of the s suggest a close friendship with gladstone, who frequently sent books to the young scholar. as early as the mid- s his essays had begun to appear in various english language journals. although blyden had an obsessive distrusted of mulattoes, and was forced to flee liberia on may , , owning to derogatory statements against them that appeared in the united states, and temporarily settle in sierra leone, he had in married sarah yates, a mulatto woman and niece of the vice-president of liberia. his fame came with the publication of five controversial essays that originally appeared in fraser’s magazine: “mohammedanism and the negro race” (november ), “christianity and the negro race” (may ), “christian missions in west africa” (october ), “islam and race distinction” (november ), “africa and the africans” (august ). in these essays blyden presents the controversial arguments that muslim missionaries had been more effective than christian missionaries in the moral, intellectual, and commercial elevation of africans, and that much of what he perceived as european ineptitude is generated from their dependence on a tradition of inaccurate and unfair racial representation. from to he was appointed liberia‟s first ambassador to the court of st. james. this appointment made it possible for blyden to maintain and establish friendships in influential british circles. in july of blyden was given an audience with queen victoria and shortly after that he was elected as an honorary member of the athenaeum club. in a letter to his close friend and confidant, william coppinger (secretary of the american colonization society), blyden enthusiastically writes that “on the committee who elected me, are such men as sir john lubbock, lord carnarvon, herbert spencer, viscount cardwell, dean church, the marquis of salisbury” and that he considered this occasion “one of the chief triumphs of my literary life” (selected letters ). christianity, islam, and the negro race was published in london in and, after the first edition of five hundred copies “quickly sold out” (lynch ), reprinted in . the introduction to christianity, islam, and the negro race was written by sir samuel lewis, a distinguished sierra leonean lawyer and the first black man to ever be given a knighthood. blydenian appropritions and the exigencies of providence in context blyden positioned his argument of african continental and racial regeneration within the nineteenth-century discourse of progress. a sign of progress was perceived as one nation‟s ability, through commerce and the exchange of ideas, to advance and achieve what was regarded as “civilization.” blyden‟s own idea of progress is strongly based on his presbyterian convictions about the existence of the laws of providence. blyden, however, was also an extremely erudite scholar. many of the ideas that blyden encountered in his various studies contributed to the formation of his philosophy of progress, race, and providence. his adherence to the belief in divine design is responsible for much of what many twentieth-century scholars perceived as blyden‟s political shortcomings, inconsistencies and eccentric opinions. providence, for blyden, was the divine movement of man, man‟s performance of god‟s will, and the invisible guide and engine of african progress. man and history work within the limits of god‟s plan, within established constraints. the sufferings of a people, for blyden, are all part of this divine movement towards the betterment of humanity. this means, as blyden so controversially makes clear in “the call of providence to the descendants of africa in america,” that the many evils and sufferings experienced by the african race had spiritual and educational benefits, and that the ramifications of the slave trade, the black diaspora, and world events in general were parts of god‟s meaningful design. these events, for blyden, made possible the eventual return of the african to the “fatherland” which god had “reserve[d] for them in their absence” ( - ). this is the type of thinking lynch describes as blyden‟s “theocratic determinism.” for lynch, blyden‟s way of interpreting events stems “partly from his deeply religious nature and was partly a convenient rationale for the unhappy lot of his race. it possessed the supreme advantage of being able, theoretically at least, to salve the suffering and humiliation of the race in the past and in the present, while holding out to it the promise of a bright future” ( ). in “the origin and purpose of african colonization,” blyden gives an example of his mode of theocratic determinism or the poetics of providences when he writes that “there is not a thinking being, whatever his religious belief, who does not recognize the fact that everything in the physical and moral world proceeds according to some plan or order” and that “it is the belief of all healthy minds that that law or influence is always tending towards the highest and best results”(christianity ). through this statement, blyden is in fact partly referring to religious and secular intellectuals who seem to have constructed their own terminology for what he calls providence. he is therefore situating his way of thinking about the laws which govern the limits and trajectory of man within established european philosophical, historical, and scientific systems of thought. however deterministic, versions of what blyden called providence appear in the works of intellectuals as highly regarded as johann herder, whose outlines for a philosophy for a history of man was translated into english in , auguste comte‟s positive philosophy, hippolyte taine‟s theory of culture, and the social evolutionism of herbert spencer. therefore, many of the “laws” and theories of race and culture during the nineteenth-century, advanced by the century‟s most significant thinkers, had deterministic qualities or they posited that the movement of man is determined by specific “laws.” for instance, in history of english literature, taine argues that the “primitive disposition” and energy of all groups operate the same way and move in the same direction ( ). taine believed that however different national and racial personalities appear to be, they “all have ploughed over the same ground” ( ). and in the positive philosophy (which had a major influence on the ideas of many influential victorian thinkers), comte states that “all phenomena” are “subjected to invariable natural laws” ( ). herder, like blyden, believed in providence and man‟s limited conscious agency. in another philosophy of history, herder writes that man is “never other than a tool” ( ), and that human beings “have always been just a small, blind instrument, [used]almost against [his] will” ( ). furthermore, herder writes that “where the human species is concerned, god might have a greater overall plan than what an individual creature is able to comprehend; because nothing ever leads towards anything merely individual “( ). according to blyden‟s theory of providence, god has a unique plan for each individual human group. the various races of man have specific functions to perform in their struggle to serve humanity. progress is the eventual fulfillment of these individual national and racial functions. the phrase “peculiar work to perform” runs throughout most of blyden‟s writings. in imagined communities ( ), benedict anderson alludes to a nation‟s imagined function when he claims that “[i]t is the magic of nationalism to turn chance into destiny” ( ). in our origin, dangers, and duties ( ), blyden writes that “[e]very nation and every people has its peculiar work to perform, and each for itself must find out the work to be done and the best methods and instrumentalities of persecuting it” ( ). and in “the origin and purpose of african colonization,” which was delivered in january at the anniversary of the american colonization society, blyden, very cognizant of european activities which came to be known as the scramble for africa, says that “among the conclusions to which study and research are conducting philosophers, none is clearer than this – that each of the races of mankind has a specific character and a specific work” (christianity ). even racialized geographical locations were established by god‟s will. the “almighty,” blyden writes, “drove asunder the nations and assigned them their boundaries; and ours by physical adaptation” (“the call” ). in regards to the african‟s unique position among nations, herder, in outlines for a philosophy of the history of man ( ), argues that “nature took him in hand, and formed of him what was mo[s]t fit for his country, and the happine[s]s of his life. either no african [s]hould have been created, or it was requi[s]te, that negroes [s]hould be made to inhabit africa” ( ). the law of providence, for blyden, is forward moving. moreover, it evolves from gifts, values, systems of knowledge present in the culture and psychology already operating within individual groups. in the terms derived from comte‟s positivism, individual groups are equivalent to being specialists, possessing individuated gifts that may in the end serve the common good. the members of a nation have shared functional characteristic, and these characteristics suit each race, within its own environment, to perform a particular service. like most major victorian thinkers, blyden firmly believed that the exchange of ideas and knowledge contributed to the moral and intellectual development of a people. although he frequently argued that colonialism was in the service of providence, he was against practices that encouraged the aggressive imposition of one‟s cultural values and world view onto that of another national and racial group. this type of relational strategy was, for blyden, an enemy of providence because it did not recognize the unique gifts individual races were given in the service of humanity. blyden was, in other words, opposed to practices that worked to elide (rather than respect) differences. for blyden, once the african had further advanced along the road of progress (as a result of the acquisition of western knowledge), it was imperative that the african hold onto his own cultural values and praxis and not imitate the ways of the european or foreign mentor. it was just as important, blyden argued, for the representatives of european nations to resists the temptation of transforming indigenous nations into mirror images of themselves. this particular component of cross-cultural interaction was not only important for blyden but it seemed also to have been a contested issue of interest in the s among british missionaries in africa. blyden believed that the aggressive euro- centric practices of many british missionaries had a retarding effect on the african‟s development. in his public writings and private correspondences blyden had emphasized his resistance to the nurturing and creation of europeanized africans and african institutions constructed strictly along european models. in a letter to sir george berkeley, the governor of sierra leone, dated february , blyden wrote that “[t]o mould african institutions after the english model would be to give the people a garment, which not having been made for them, and of which they do not feel the necessity, would not only not fit them, but hang extremely awkwardly upon them … a sort of caricature which, alas, the examples are numerous on the coast” ( ). what he says to berkeley seems to echo what was suggested by herder at the turn of the century: “but look, your gown is, in turn, too long for the next person!” (another philosophy ). this line of reasoning is resumed a few years later in blyden‟s inaugural address as president of liberia college, reprinted in christianity, islam, and the negro race under the title “the aims and methods of a liberal education for africans,” in which he proposed an african curriculum that would “not to be organized according to foreign patterns, but will organize itself according to the nature of the people and the country” ( ). later in that same speech he elaborates by saying that “now in africa, where the colour of the majority is black, the fashion in personal matters is naturally suggested by the personal characteristics of the race, and we are free from the necessity of submitting to the use of „incongruous feathers awkwardly stuck on‟“( ). therefore, blyden is insisting that “the african must advance by methods of his own. he must possess a power distinct from that of the european” ( ). these national characteristics, racial peculiarities, are the group‟s distinctive hermeneutics essential for the advancement and betterment of humanity. in the words of judson lyon ( ), this strain of blyden‟s writings addressed the “overarching importance of cultural self-expression, and saw it as part of a broader movement for human improvement and world harmony” ( ). blyden believed that certain modes of homogeneity are required for the harmony and progress of a nation. for blyden, the nature of a nation‟s homogeneity is of two- fold: the intellectual developmental and the biological. with the intellectual- developmental component, blyden believed, like herder and contemporaries like herbert spencer, nations evolve and advance in accordance to the nature of its contact with other nations. through the acquisition and appropriation of foreign knowledge an indigenous community can further develop its own native material and cultural resources, but not all forms of cross-cultural dynamics are healthy. in both the original version and the edited version of “african and the africans” that appears in christianity, islam, and the negro race, blyden encourages british readers to see and accept that the african at home needs to be surrounded by influences from abroad, not that he may change his nature, but that he may improve his capacity. hereditary qualities are fundamental, not to be created or replaced by human agencies, but to be assisted and improved. nature determines the kind of tree, environments determine the quality and quantity of the fruit. we want the eye and ear of the negro to be trained by culture that he may see more clearly what he does see, and hear more distinctly what he does hear. we want him to be surrounded by influences from abroad to promote the development of his latent powers, and bring the potentiality of his being into practical or actual operation. he has capacities and aptitudes which the world needs, but which it will never enjoy until he is fairly and normally trained (christianity ). theoretically, the new will recognizes itself in the old. the intellect that is developed comes from native cultural roots and is therefore different from the culture from which a certain body of knowledge originated. through the acquisition of the useful knowledge of the more technologically and scientifically advanced country, the less advanced nation is able to develop within the system of understanding (world-view) peculiar to the natives. the group‟s ability to manipulate the environment and the conditions peculiar to them (and their racial talents) has been enhanced. homogeneity still exists, but in an advanced, complicated, and evolved state. spencer, whom blyden had met and conversed with during one of his stays in london, and often referred to and greatly admired, describes this form of education, which initiates progress, as the movement from the homogeneous to the heterogeneous, or from the simple to the complex. for spencer, foreign knowledge works internally on a culture. in “progress: its law and cause”, spencer writes that “actual progress consists of those internal modifications of which this increased knowledge is the expression” ( ). heterogeneity, in the way spencer here employs the term, is an indication of cultural evolution and social metamorphosis rather than biological transformation and institutional renovation. as a social group acquires more tools of knowledge, it also becomes culturally, self- reflectively, and intellectually more complex than it had been during an earlier stage. this form of heterogeneity suggests that social metamorphosis has occurred. blyden envisioned west african cultures going through a social metamorphosis peculiar to itself, expanding its cognitive faculties and systems of hermeneutics as a result of the acquisition of new knowledge, rather than having this new knowledge transform them into a completely different and unrecognizable african community. therefore, blyden was interested in how the acquisition of new ideas contributed to expanding the capability of members of a cultural community. blyden is therefore writing about building on ideas that the african already possess, and is used for him to negotiate conditions peculiar to his own history and his own environment. like taine, blyden believed that evolutionary force never confront a blank slate. dynamic cultural energies, already operating within the psyche of the native, influence the momentum and trajectory of new knowledge. “when natural character and surrounding circumstances operate,” writes taine, “it is not on a tabula rasa, but on one already bearing imprints. according as this tabula is taken at one or at another moment so is the imprint different, and this suffices to render the total effect different” ( ).this new knowledge gets appropriated by the native culture and used in accordance to the demands and needs of its own traditions. the appropriation of foreign knowledge, therefore, is a result of group‟s collective agency. they, in short, not only just take what they need, but consciously make known through the act of appropriation what is important for their development. heterogeneity, then, is really another way of indicating a culture‟s advanced intellectual, psychological, and cultural complexity. but while heterogeneity (in the form of knowledge) has the potential of leading to progress, hybridity, for blyden, hinders stability, progress, social metamorphosis and, by extension, muddies providence. hybridity, unlike the mode of intellectual heterogeneity considered here by blyden and spencer, is biological and, according to the logic of the time, racial. “like his european counterparts,” v.y. mudimbe accurately observes, “blyden did not doubt that a racial phenomenon must be the basis of nationalism and the foundation of the nation” ( ). “nothing,” herder had already written, “appears so directly opposite to the end of government as the unnatural enlargement of states, the wild mixture of various races and nations under one sceptre. a human sceptre is far too weak and slender for such incongruous parts to be engrafted upon it: glued together indeed they may be into a fragile machine, termed a machine of state, but destitute of internal vivification and sympathy of parts” (r. young ).although spencer believed that the mixture of closely related races may modify social arrangements, these social modifications are structural rather than degenerative biological cross-mixtures. this particular type of mixture of races goes under the heading of “social constitution,” or the types of policies enacted for the sake of order. in the principles of sociology spencer refers to this social constitution as “the relative homogeneity or heterogeneity of the units constituting the social aggregate” ( - ). this mixed social aggregate is desirable because, like england and france, it has “evolved from mixtures of nearly allied varieties of man, can assume stable structures, and have an advantageous modifiability”( ). spencer, blyden and most nineteenth century intellectuals held the common place assumption that the stability of a nation becomes complicated when blood mixture of disparate races enters the body politic. biologically disparately mixed-race nations, for spencer and most of his contemporaries, was undesirable and a source of social and political instability. blyden, therefore, had appropriated the race science and the theories of nationalism of the period. he firmly believed that, like spencer, “hybrid societies are imperfectly organizable” and that they “cannot grow into forms completely stable” ( ). as shown in the following section of this chapter, blyden had publicly made allusions concerning the importance of racial purity and the effects of hybridity on progress, providence and the destiny of the african race. references to unstable loyalties of hybrid subjects are present in blyden‟s “an address before the maine state colonization society” in , where he had accused mulattoes of being in opposition to african american emigration to liberia. i am not by any means blaming those who, availing themselves of their complexion, can escape the indignities in this land of caste. nature has given them that advantage, and they should use it. and those who are „blue-eyed‟ enough and „fair‟ enough with saxon blood, should go, as many have already done, altogether with the whites. they have a right to do so. but all we beg of them is, to let us alone. don‟t divide and distract the councils of coloured men. don‟t keep those whom providence is calling to do a great work in their fatherland, from responding to that call ( ). for the white middle-class british reader of fraser’s magazine, blyden‟s language seems a little less direct. blyden writes in the original version of “african and the africans” that “it is becoming more and more evident that for the efficient and successful work of the race, whatever that work may be, homogeneity is an indispensable element. one of the worst difficulties which can beset a nation, especially in the early periods of its existence, is a heterogeneous people. homogeneity is essential to harmony, and both are essential not only to effective working, but even to permanent national existence” ( ). enemies of providence and the fraser’s essays for blyden, any representational or discursive practice that portray, argues and suggests african capability as essentially limited or immutable, and which subsequently causes social actors to initiate and encourage projects that limit and control african agency, was regarded as a detriment, a hindrance to, and an enemy of providence. these practices, as blyden saw them, were injurious to african progress and detrimental to the workings of providence because the native was no longer perceived as the active agent of his own elevation and not on the same level of humanity as those who are culturally and phenotypically different. in terms advanced by comte, these practices violate positive laws which favored the nurturing of specialties (arts, sciences, knowledge) inherent in group differences. therefore, behaviors and practices that positioned and fixed difference within the inferiority/superiority binary were enemies of providence. we find what blyden sees as the performances of the enemies of providence and african progress suggested and explicated throughout the fraser’s essay in the s and in the essays reprinted in christianity, islam, and the negro race in . although the controversial statements that muslim missionary‟s conversion practices were far superior in elevating and educating the african than that of european missionaries was the overt aim of the fraser essays, the subtext was that the semiotics of whiteness (which blyden had imagined as essential to european missionaries) had proven a detriment to african progress and the african psyche. this semiotics of whiteness, for blyden, manifested itself in behaviors generated from the ethnocentricities of foreign teachers and the imagined racial and cultural self-hatred formed in the psyches of western educated native instructors and leaders. because of this semiotics of whiteness, material progress and spiritual regeneration are connected to and, in the mind of the practitioner and the observer, embodied in whiteness. this human (or nonhuman) intermediary, object of mediation (the source from which desired knowledge emanates), then, shapes the destiny of the african. this source is in the powerful position of retarding the natural development of the african by placing ethnocentric limits on the other‟s agency. in other words, the african subject becomes (based on the internalization of inaccurate and prejudiced knowledge)what alien forces have decided he is to become. these actions were antithetical, as blyden saw them, to the purposes of providence because man‟s ego- driven will gets imposed on the natural development of a people. it resulted in an artificial cultural community whose development is unsanctioned by what he imaged as the will of god. the african becomes what is desired by the mentor, or intermediary, rather than organically evolving through what had been engrafted within the african constitution by divine design. the road to this cultural retardation starts with the scientific and the artistic representation and mis-measurement of a people. this mis-measurement is initiated once the character traits and physical characteristics of one group of people become the yardstick against which all other groups are measured and evaluated. according to blyden, “[t]he standard of all physical and intellectual excellences in the present civilization being the white complexion, whatever deviates from that favoured colour is proportionally depreciated, until the black, which is the opposite, becomes not only the most unpopular but the most unprofitable colour” (christianity ). for blyden, prominent british writers and scholars were chiefly responsible for perpetuating the myths of black inferiority. the chief culprits of dishonest representations are partly drawn from the pens of the members of the anthropological society of london in particular and the scientific community in general, especially the likes of richard burton and james hunt, whom blyden had on several occasions throughout his life identified as the “typical representatives” of “the class of men” who “are untiring in their efforts to expel the negro… from the pale of humanity” (from west africa ). in blyden‟s eyes, these were the types that formed the parameters of racial and cultural discursive practices which fed the british public misrepresentations of weaker races under the disguise of science. in a letter to w.e. gladstone, dated april , , blyden had suggested the influence that british intellectuals have around the world, thus giving an indication of the dangers of misrepresentation on cross-cultural engagements. when i come to this country and see the people who are impressing themselves so wonderfully upon the people of all races and climes, sending their thoughts to influence the four corners of the earth, i fancy that i do not discover any indication in the people generally of a consciousness of their power. they do not seem to know the influence they are wielding over thousands in america, asia, africa and the isles of the sea. … this fact imposes serious responsibility upon british writers: their words for good or evil are wafted to the ends of the earth. the authors of the famous „essays and reviews‟ – which are being carried to all parts of the world unaccompanied, except by accident, by their reputations – certainly did not know the influence of the words they were penning (selected letters ). christian images and representations seem to frequently cast blacks in inferior roles. as part of the african‟s conversion and christian indoctrination is the internalization of an iconography suggestive of white superiority. these were the models newly converted black christians confronted and were expected to emulate and embrace. they were confronted by representations of heroism and transcendence that favored white skin, realities and motivations alien to their understanding of themselves and the world, thus having a demoralizing psycho-aesthetic effect on african consciousness. in “mohammedanism and the negro race,” the first of his essays to appear in fraser’s magazine, blyden complains that “the painting and sculpture of europe, as instruments of education, have been worse than failures” ( ). this use of art, for blyden, raises “barriers” that impede “normal development” because they establish for the black christian “models of imitation” and “canons of taste” which have impaired, “if not destroyed, his self-respect, and made him the weakling and creeper which he appears in christian lands” ( ). the emphasis on “imitation” and adopting a certain “canon of taste” suggest that what is aboriginal to the student is dismissed as unimportant. the native‟s entire moral and intellectual foundation, what makes him what he is, are sites of erasure; thus, the measure of his conversion is determined by his distance from what is seen as barbaric and african. moreover, writes blyden, “[t]he christian negro, abnormal in his development, pictures god and all things remarkable for their moral and intellectual qualities with the physical characteristics of the europeans, and deems it an honour if he could approximate – by a mixture of his blood, however irregularly achieved – in outward appearance, at least, to the ideal thus forced upon him of the physical accompaniments of all excellence” ( ). these representations favor a man-made racial hierarchy derived from the great chain of being, a ladder-like model nineteenth-century european scholars had inherited from their predecessors. this model, created by europeans to make sense of past political realities was adopted to explain the contemporary phenomena of human diversity. a model more in agreement to the exigencies of providence, thus sanctioned by scripture, comes in the form of parallel groves. the parallel groves of racial difference, favored by blyden, suggest moral and intellectual equality but highlights differences in the varying directions and functions of the races. according to blyden, europeans engaged in or even “considering questions” of the civilizing mission in africa very often assume that “the negro is the european in embryo” but “in the undeveloped stage,” and only after he has progressed up the ladder of civilization will he “become like the european.” the problem with this line of thought for blyden is the assumption “that the negro is on the same line of progress, in the same grove, with the european, but infinitely in the rear” (christianity ). blyden goes on at length to say that this view proceeds from the assumption that the two races are called to the same work and are alike in potentiality and ultimate development, the negro only needing the element of time, under certain circumstances, to become european. but to our mind it is not a question between the two races of superiority or inferiority. there is no absolute or essential superiority on the one side, nor absolute or essential inferiority on the other side. it is a question of difference of endowment and difference of destiny. no amount of training or culture will make the negro a european; on the other hand, no lack of training or deficiency of culture will make the european a negro. the two races are not moving in the same groove, with an immeasurable distance between them, but on parallel lines. they will never meet in the plane of their activities so as to coincide in capacity or performance. they are not identical, as some think, but unequal; they are distinct but equal; an idea that is in no way incompatible with the scriptural truth that god has made of one blood all nations of men. (christianity ) the two principle sites that blyden points to as enemies of providence are the attitudes and practices of missionaries and mulattoes in west africa. both the european missionary and the mulatto (most of the latter had migrated from the united states), internalized and appropriated contemporary racial hermeneutics into their respective social practices and interactions with the native communities. both groups, moreover, had considerable power and influence in west africa over aboriginal populations. in the fraser’s essays, blyden is suggesting that missionary attitudes toward african cultural praxis impede progress. he does this by showing why islam has been so successful in africa. therefore, the successes of islam are the vehicles he uses to criticize current and historical eurocentric practices and racial prejudices of european missionaries. the mulattoes, on the other hand, are positioned as bastardized performers of the reiteration of western racial hierarchy which excludes the native from the important materials needed for advancement. the behaviors of both groups maintained a language of separation that kept the african either excluded or dependent. the mis-measurements of the missionaries as enemies of providence blyden‟s ideas, founded on his understanding of providence, for the intellectual and moral development of a christian african resembled that of henry venn ( - ), the honorary secretary of the church missionary society (c.m.s) from until his death in . according to wilbert r. shenk, venn believed in providence and that christian missions were established to carry out god‟s plan. he writes that “[i]ntrinsic to venn‟s theological foundation was his belief that god is present and active in history, guiding human affairs according to his plan. christian mission interprets the acts of god and calls people to obedience” ( ). moreover, writes shenk, venn (similar to blyden‟s uses of biblical history) believed that “providential design could be discerned in history” and that the “missionary should understand that design and align himself with it” ( ). venn argued in favor of the creation of self-governing, self-supporting, and self- propagating native churches. under venn‟s plan, missionaries were to assist in establishing christian communities in africa, develop a native christian leadership within those communities, encourage native churches to appropriate christian teachings to their aboriginal habits and therefore express their own indigenous characteristics within a national church, and then move on and “repeat the process” (lynch ). in the words of venn‟s biographer and close friend, william knight, he encouraged, against persistent opposition and resistance from many missionaries, “the formation, wherever the gospel was proclaimed, of a native church, which should gradually be enfranchised from all supervision by a foreign body, and should become… self-supporting, self- governing, and self-extending” ( ). venn felt that racial distinctions and peculiarities were very important for a developing people and the spread of the gospel. under venn‟s policies and influence was it possible for samuel ajayi crowther ( - ) to become the first african bishop of west africa in . in , venn issued to the c.m.s “the native pastorate and organization of native churches” as a warning that “care must therefore be taken to guard native teachers from contracting habits of life too far removed from those of their countrymen” (knight ). he, like blyden, saw the danger of dismissing native characteristics and sympathies in misguided attempts to europeanize the native. both men seemed to have inherited the position suggested by herder that no institution or religion works exactly the same in other parts of the world, even under the same name. venn, then, was insightful enough to perceive the disadvantages of molding black christians into what blyden interpreted as caricatures detrimental to the evolution of african culture. he, in other words, distinguished “between missionary work carried on by foreigners” and what he called “christianity acclimatized” (knight ) in an attempt to construct an indigenous national church. for venn: the one was the means, the other the end; the one scaffolding, the other the building it leave behind when the scaffolding is removed; the other subject to constant changes and modifications, as fresh circumstances develop themselves, the other growing up to the measure of the stature of the perfect man, only changing by gradually putting away childish things and reliance on external help and control. (knight - ) this insight was the foundation of the guidelines, instructions and suggestions that venn presented to the members and missionaries of the c.m.s. on june , in an essay he titled “on nationality.” important for our discussion here are venn‟s suggestions that missionaries are to take “into account national distinctions” (knight ) and “race distinctions” and that missionaries should “study the national character of the people among whom you labour, and show the utmost respect for national peculiarities” (knight ). venn, as with blyden, felt that “distinctions of race are irrepressible” and that resentments and “long cherished but dormant prejudices” will present themselves (knight ). venn anticipated the culture clashes in west africa that welcomed blyden during his exile to sierra leone when he predicted that “these race distinctions will probably rise in intensity with the progress of the mission” (knight ). his continuous emphasis on the use and study of “national habits” and ”race distinctions” shows that the education of africans should aim beyond the copying stage and more toward a process of development that resembles organic growth. in “africa and the africans,” the very last of his last essays published in fraser’s, blyden seems to echo venn: it is owing, in a great measure, to the inadequate theories held by those who undertake to deal with the african, whether as friend or foe, that while in the colonies along the coast european influence and teaching furnish new elements of commercial and religious life, they are helpless to raise the people above the „mimetic‟ stage, and endow them with creative and reproductive power. what we want is, that the foreign information introduced should properly educate the people – that is, should be also assimilated as to develop, and be fertilized by, native energy. ( ) for blyden, however, the mis-measurement of the african had psycho-historical roots which survived in the current attitudes toward the african and the desired relationship between white christian teacher and african student. in “mohammedanism and the negro race,” blyden writes that unlike christianity, “mohammedanism found its negro converts at home in a state of freedom and independence of the teachers who brought it to them. when it was offered to them they were at liberty to choose for themselves” (christianity ). here he refers to the history and consequences of the slave trade. fear and forced alienation from cultural practices had always accompanied the african in the face of christianity. that is, force and punishment were the initial components of african conversion. that is to say that christianity was originally given to the african while in a state of captivity. captivity and christianity worked in tandem to structure the african‟s sense of his own agency, thus fear was always an ingredient of his conversion, indoctrination, and acceptance of a foreign creed. “along with christian teachings,” writes blyden, “he and his children received lessons of their utter and permanent inferiority and subordination to their instructors, to whom they stood in the relation of chattels” (christianity ).the imagined resulting psychological constitution is what makes it possible for blyden to begin his first essay for fraser’s magazine with the controversial statement that “[w]herever the negro is found in christian lands, his leading trait is not docility, as has been often alleged, but servility. he is slow and unprogressive. individuals here and there may be found of extraordinary intelligence, enterprise and energy, but there is no christian community of negroes anywhere which is self-reliant and independent” (christianity ). at the start, then, blyden presents the introduction of christianity as the inauguration of actions not only antithetical to the argued purposes of the civilizing mission, but also at odds with what he himself sees as the will of god. in other words, blyden blames the commercial and intellectual stagnation of the african on the fetishistic imaginations of british missionaries. although attempts during these early stages were not attempts to europeanize the african per se, the african‟s sense of himself as a man was being formed according to the type of relationship desired of those who had influence over him. he was being designed to fear, serve, and accept his position as servants of men rather than as self-motivating and independent agents in the service of god‟s providential design. historically, then, owing to the physical, mental and social pressure under which the africans received these influences of christianity, their development was necessarily partial and one-sided, cramped and abnormal. all tendencies to independent individuality were repressed and destroyed. their ideas and aspirations could be expressed only in conformity with the views and taste of those who held rule over them. all avenues of intellectual improvement were closed against them, and they were doomed to perpetual ignorance. (christianity ) these character traits that blyden imaged as limited intellectual initiative and apprehensiveness toward independence, were maintained even after the african was emancipated and settled by their british liberators in sierra leone. of the present day “negro christian” in sierra leone, blyden is of the opinion that “[t]he most enlightened native christians there look forward with serious apprehension – and, perhaps, not without good grounds – to the time when, if ever, the instructions and influence from london will be withheld” (christianity ). thus, what blyden had rendered as the historical forced dependence during captivity is, through the medium of christianity, transformed into a spiritual and material dependence during freedom. the current dynamic between native and foreign missionary participates in erasing the other‟s willingness to build from his own culturally generated cognitive resources, which is in violation of what blyden sees as the exigencies of providence. according to blyden‟s interpretation of providence, the conversion strategies of muslim missionaries seem more agreeable to maintaining and developing african minds and character. in contrast to the african‟s introduction to christianity, the native‟s first engagement with islam is during a state of freedom within the wholesome surroundings of his own home. therefore, blyden argues, african converts generally become muslims through their own actions and by their own choice. according to blyden, the native‟s own desires, and what he saw in the spirituality of this strange new religion, hastened conversion. the native, as an active agent in his own spiritual and intellectual development, saw that he had something to gain without the shadows of fear and force to motivate his choice. because of this interpretation of native/muslim dynamics, blyden is able to suggest that islamic practices are congruent with the imperatives of providence because it “strengthened and hastened certain tendencies to independence and self- reliance which were already at work. their local institutions were not destroyed by the arab influence introduced. they only assumed new forms, and adapted themselves to the new teachings” ( ). furthermore, writes blyden, “what really took place, when the arab met the negro in his own home, was a healthy amalgamation, and not an absorption or undue repression” ( ). the muslim convert, for blyden, because of this “healthy amalgamation,” then becomes a producer of knowledge rather than an imitator of behavior. finally, it is also easier for the native to accept the muslim as teacher because of the similarity in skin color. the vehicle to spiritual enlightenment, then, is represented through someone who looks like them and who has shown sympathy rather than distance. the christian african convert, according to blyden and suggested by the urgency of venn‟s continuous instructions to the c.m.s, had historically been encouraged to lose whatever was authentic within himself (his cognitive models of understanding the world) and uncritically copy and approximate the alien lessons taught him as well as assume for himself the outward appearances of the culture of his missionary instructor. that is, according to blyden, “he is taught from the beginning of his book-training… not to be himself, but somebody else” (christianity ). according to mary kingsley‟s testimony, disregard for native cultural habits were still being practiced by missionaries at the turn of the century. in her introduction to r.e. dennett‟s notes on the folklore of the fjort, kingsley writes that missionaries “have no interest in native customs and world view” and they believe that “[w]hat the native african thinks is irrelevant and useless” (v). therefore, imitation of a cultural script that requires the erasure and suppression of behavioral signs perceived as no-european, non-christian, and, by extension, uncivilized, were parts of an african convert‟s indoctrination. according to george stocking, missionary attempts to educate aborigines “were compromised somewhat by an aggressive ethnocentrism” whenever they confronted “people whose cultural values seemed at polar variance” from their own. many of these missionaries apparently did not weigh the power of the native‟s culture and therefore “they assumed that because they themselves had risen from ignorance and low estate by their own exertions and by embracing vital christianity, the natives to whom they offered education and the word of god would do likewise” ( - ). this type of education, as imagined by blyden, precluded intellectual growth in the native, for it inspired in the native a hesitancy to go beyond the walls of what he was taught. the intellectual inability to go beyond book learning, then, makes it impossible to become a producer and a builder. the convert, then, for blyden, even with the gospel, remains stagnant. in “christianity and the negro race,” the second of his essays published in fraser’s magazine, blyden suggests this psyche disposition when he writes that the mohammedan negro is a much better mohammedan than the christian negro is a christian, because the muslim negro, as a learner, is a disciple, not an imitator. a disciple, when freed from leading-strings, may become a producer; an imitator never rises above a mere copyist. with the disciple progress is from within; the imitator grows by accretion from without. the learning acquired by a disciple gives him capacity; that gained by an imitator terminates in itself. the one becomes a capable man; the other a mere sciolist. ( - ) this cultural figure, or caricature of a european, evolved, suggests blyden, because the missionary himself does not see the native as being very capable. this attitude is the result of what the european missionary had previously learned about the african and his own conviction of the other‟s moral and intellectual limitations. “with every wish,” writes blyden, …the european seldom or never gets over the feeling of distance, if not repulsion, which he experiences on first seeing the negro. while he joyfully admits the negro to be his brother, having the same nature in all its essential attributes, still, owing to the diversity in type and colour, he naturally concludes that the inferiority which to him appears on the surface must extend deeper than the skin, and effect the soul. therefore, very often in spite of himself, he stands off from his african convert, even when, under his training, he has made considerable advance in civilization and the arts. ( ) in “christian missions in west africa,” published in fraser’s in october , blyden again directly addresses the european‟s inability to let go of the sense of his superiority. “the christian world,” writes blyden trained for the last three hundred years to look upon the negro as made for the service of superior races, finds it difficult to shake off the notion of his absolute and permanent inferiority…. the influences of representations disparaging to his mental and moral character, which, during the days of his bondage, were persistently put forward without contradiction, is still strong in many minds. (christianity ) therefore, blyden seems to suggest that because of the european‟s difficulty and resistance to conceptualizing the “negro” beyond a state of bondage, essential difference and dependence contributes to structuring his humanitarian efforts in ways that reiterates the master/slave dynamic. even christian instruction, within this dynamic, repeats a relationship that limits african agency and separates (this time intellectually) the native from his original source of cultural identification. in other words, the natal alienation under which the african had experienced as a condition and product of the atlantic slave trade is replaced by a different sort of cultural erasure. this latter sort is what is desired by the european missionary for purposes of control. that is, it is easier to facilitate obedience and conformity after one hermeneutic narrative is eroded, called into doubt, and erased by a different understanding of the cosmos. the african mind thus becomes the imagined of a blank slate much touted, according to blyden, by missionaries. this, in regards to the african, blyden seems to suggest to his english reader, is the only behavioral language the european can speak. their lack of genuine understanding of african psychology and desire, which generates their “first and constant effort of the missionaries to europeanize them” and to “bring things to this new field as nearly as possible into conformity with the old” (christianity - ), precludes the manifestation of the type of communities perceived as being developed by muslim missionaries in west africa. the position that the europeanization of the african, for blyden, is in violation of god‟s will because “neither would the people themselves nor the outside world be any great gainers by it; for the african would then fail of the ability to perform his specific part in the world‟s work, as a distinct portion of the human race” (christianity ). in other words, the europeanization of the african prevents and distorts the development of the native community‟s natural gifts. the melanin mis-measurements of the mulatto as enemy of providence the jaundiced ideological yardstick used to measure racial, cultural, intellectual and moral superiority, which made it possible for missionaries to encourage and pursue the suppression of native cultural practices and to form their projects around the assumption of innate african inferiority, had its most detrimental manifestations in the behaviors blyden had witnessed in the mulattoes, or any person of african descent who overtly glorified in the privilege of having discernible caucasian blood. lynch writes that there existed in liberia, as in america, “a social stratifications based on colour – the mulattoes considering themselves superior to the black emigrants, while the colonist, generally speaking, believed the indigenous people inferior to them”( ). during his brief employment with the c.m.s., blyden, in a letter to venn, combined what he perceived as the active distancing practices established between missionaries and africans to the behaviors of the mulattoes he had encountered in and outside of liberia. in a letter dated april , , blyden elaborated on a comment he had made to venn in a previous correspondence ( october, ) regarding the “sensible refrigeration” (selected letters ) undergone by european missionaries “as soon as he comes into actual contact with the negro” (selected letters ). blyden‟s later letter to venn suggests the importance of enlisting sympathetic and educated black men, of the same color as those they would teach, as participants in the christianization and civilizing project. the importance of teachers being roughly of the same skin complexion as would-be native disciples partly contributed to the relationship and the advancement of the gospel in west africa, for blyden believed that phenotypic and epidermal similarities had less alienating repercussions on the consciousness of the receiver. he would allude to the necessity of this epidermal dynamic, for both parties, years later in “mohammedanism and the negro race,” when he suggests that part of islam‟s success in west africa is because the “arab missionary… often of the same complexion as his hearer, does not „require any long habit to reconcile the eye to him‟” (christianity ). the arab missionary, then, according to blyden, is less incline to recoil in dread at the sight of black skin. and on the other side of this communication dynamic, the would-be convert visually imbibes a shared family resemblance to the medium of this foreign religion. according to blyden‟s line of thinking, the desired guardian and shepherd of salvation is one of their own, perceived as being just like them and one of them, as a member of the other‟s genealogy rather than the other‟s negative. blyden‟s letter to the sympathetic rev. venn suggests that, even with the c.m.s., whiteness as the principle medium through which technological and spiritual knowledge gets imparted potentially produced an unstable foundation. “the people here [in sierra leone] need a little intercourse with the negroes of foreign training and culture – not mulattoes whom they have had several, who, they inform me, have kept the place in confusion as the few in liberia are now doing” (selected letters ). for blyden it was the mulattoes‟ imagined intellectual proximity to the white race, and the meaning attached to whiteness vis-à-vis blackness, that made them consciously want to distance themselves from the “pure” blooded african while at the same time exercise power and influence over their darker african american kin in the united states and liberia. according to james conyers ( ), blyden had seen in his own native st. thomas that mulattoes “were in no way considered black people,” had “occupied the middle position between the vast social distance that separated white from black,” and had “tried to maintain as much social distance between themselves and blacks as whites had maintained from them” ( ). it was this dislike for mulattoes that caused blyden to find himself fleeing liberia for sierra leone. blyden, who had married a mulatto woman, had early in his public addresses criticized mulatto leadership as damaging to the cause of emigration from the united states and ineffectual and exclusionary once they had settled in liberia. in , in “an address before the maine state colonization society,” blyden pointed out that all of the “bitter and unrelenting opposition [to black american emigration to liberia] comes from a few half-white men, who, glorifying in their honourable pedigree, have set themselves as representatives and leaders of the coloured people of this country” (black spokesman - ). these men, according to blyden, who “have no faith in negro ability to stand alone,” also “do all they can do to identify themselves with white people” (black spokesman - ). for blyden, the members of the mulatto community in the united states, who opposed emigration, worked against god‟s design because their influence threatened to prevent the most talented members of the african american community from transporting the gifts of the diaspora, their western education (even skills many had acquired during slavery) across the atlantic to contribute to the spiritual regeneration and intellectual restitution of the fatherland. in his speech before the maine state colonization society, blyden asked the mulattoes in the audience not to “keep those whom providence is calling to do a great work in their fatherland, from responding to that call” (black spokesman ). mulattoes, like their white american and european counterparts, were influenced not merely by the face in the mirror but also through a literature that was “anti-negro” and, therefore, seemed to add to their ego-rewarding desire to “cling to the side of their father” (black spokesman ) in attempts to distance themselves from charges of moral and intellectual inferiority putatively inherited from the side of their mothers. “we quite believe that,” wrote blyden in a description that seems to resemble what he says about liberal europeans and christian missionaries, “under the guise of all that plausible defense they sometimes make of the negro, there lurks a secret acquiescence in the slanders and exaggerations of the trollopes. we cannot blame them. believe what you please and do what you please, only keep from distracting the councils and deliberations of those who feel the sting of degradation, and have a consciousness of innate power, under fair opportunity to stand alone” (black spokesman ). by , in our origin, dangers, and duties, blyden seems to have reached the point of arguing for racial purity in the governance of liberia. in one of his attempts to recruit african americans to liberia, he writes: “here is a land adapted to us – given to us by providence – peculiarly ours, to the exclusion of alien races” ( ). and: and let us, in giving an impulse to civilization on this continent, take warnings from the examples of other nations, and so demean ourselves, that liberia may eventually take her stand among the foremost nations of the earth, „free from the blood of all men,‟ with laurals unspotted and pure, and with a prosperity untarnished by the tears and anguish and blood of weaker races. ( ) in , blyden‟s most personally damaging statement against mulattoes appeared in the smithsonian institute’s annual report under the title “on mixed races in liberia.” the commentary on liberia cultural and political affairs printed in the annual report were taken from an letter he had written to a member in the new york colonization board. it was apparently later sent by blyden‟s friend to professor joseph henry, the first president of the smithsonian institute, and, for scientific reasons, published in full without blyden‟s permission and knowledge. “by the use of statistics,” writes lynch ( ), blyden argued “that although mulattoes had occupied privileged positions in liberia, the death rates among them were significantly higher than among negro emigrants” ( ). “my dear sir: i send enclosed a catalogue of all of the students who have ever been in liberia college. it will be seen not only that they were not natives (aborigines), but more than three-fourth the number have been largely mixed with caucasian blood, and among these death and disease have made sad ravages” (black spokesman ). the science of the mulatto question, that is, their legendary inability or ability to survive in tropical climates, had been a matter of public and scientific debate for much of the first half of the nineteenth century. by starting his letter with information concerning mulatto mortality in liberia, blyden does seem to make it a matter of science rather than politics. however, it was the racial and political, rather than the merely ethnological, that really bothered blyden about the presence of mulattoes and their capacity as mediators of african progress. this was during a period in which blyden, alexander crummell, and other darker members of liberia college frustratingly argued for the inclusion of aborigines and the expansion of educational opportunities to the interior. much of “blyden‟s energies” at this time, according to lynch, “were consumed in a conflict between educated blacks and the mulatto ruling class” ( ). the basis of this conflict, and the context in which most of what blyden writes about mulattoes, is because the problem of the color line “had reproduced itself in liberia,” thus providing a “dividing and disrupting influence” ( ). “[n]ear-white,” writes lynch, “replaced white as the badge of the social elite,” making it possible for mulattoes to take “for granted that they were to be the rulers” (lynch ). blyden was more concerned that as leaders mulattoes were ineffective, and that most of the resources promised for the elevation of the african race and the functioning of the liberian government, which they had received from american benefactors, were going to the hybrid classes who were favored neither by providence nor the environment that god had reserved specifically for genuine members of the black family. he thus complained that “the attention of educators have been principally devoted to persons of feeble constitution” (black spokesman ). blyden insisted that “[t]he admixture of the caucasian and the negro are not favoured by providence in inter-tropical africa” and urgently requested that board members revisit the issue of transplanting mulattoes “before wasting any more thousands upon an impracticable scheme” (black spokesman - ). the resources, distributed under inaccurate racial premises, seemingly used solely for the frail and unfit mixed-breed, did not, for blyden, contribute to the development of the darker members of the group. in other words, the regeneration of africa and the african did not appear to have been a major component of the mulattoes‟ agenda and the environment (assigned by god as suggested in scripture) seemed to have made their assumed position as mediators of progress problematic. however, it was not just the mulatto‟s identification with whiteness, the power they were given over blacks, their separation into racial cliques and misuse of funds, that blyden found offensive and having a potentially lasting influence over policies toward the african race; it was, rather, the overall suggestion that the infusion of caucasian blood was the generative medium for black advancement. it was this idea of the empowering potential of caucasian blood that seems to have generated the exclusiveness mulattoes felt and profited from at the expense of aborigines. “the idea was that the presence of white blood imparted greater aptitude for learning, and such persons were to be fitted for teachers. black boys of hale and hearty physique were left to grow up unnoticed” (black spokesman ). this suggests that both whites and mulattoes, by virtue of blood, were considered by their benefactors as better fitted to rule and administer over darker members of the population. this latter element of the mulatto question, for blyden, seems to have greater potential in keeping the aborigine alienated from resources and the darker diasporic members of the black race in subordinate and dependent positions. although blyden had appropriated and approved of much that was written about mulatto stock and the progeny of miscegenation (as indicated by his use of “mongrel,” which parades throughout his private letters in regards mulattoes), he opposed the strain of magical thinking that argued that one drop of caucasian blood made african improvement feasible. in fact, he does adopt the popular and scientific notions that the mixture of european and african blood produced not only a new race, relatedbut distinct from both white and black, but also a psychologically unstable and degenerate subject. the myth of the improving qualities of caucasian blood also was part of the reinterpretation of noah‟s malediction that edith sanders and philip zachernuk call the “hamitic hypothesis.” blyden himself had employed the biblical authority of the hamitic tradition as the rationale for human diversity, for his belief that human races were formed in particular locations to do particular work, and that africa was the home chosen for blacks by god. he, however, opposed arguments that denied african participation in the formation of civilizations. according to zachernuk, before the s it was generally believed that ham was the father of the black races of africa, “and that all of his progeny were divinely cursed to a life of servitude” ( ). but europeans began to rework this tradition around the end of the eighteen-century and early nineteenth- century. “theological scholars and ethnographers,” writes zachernuk of this period, were now arguing “that ham and egypt were white, thus claiming the newly discovered glories of egypt for europe‟s racial forebears” ( ). when biblical ethnography was “superseded” later in the nineteenth-century, “hamites” (i.e. egyptians, phoenicians, ancient jews, whiter non-european groups) were still seen as the ones “who possessed the ability to inspire civilization in darker races” ( ). therefore, according to this view, black africans and their descendants “owed whatever progress and improvement they had known to foreign „hamites‟ rather than indigenous forces” ( ). in general, the hamitic theory from the sixteenth century up to the s regarded africans as savages and natural slaves. as a result of napolean‟s expedition to egypt in , a new conception of hamite began to take hold which transformed only ham‟s youngest son, cannan, into a servant of servants. “so it came to pass,” writes sanders, “that egyptians emerged as hamite, caucasiod, uncursed and capable of high civilization” ( ). through the hamitic hypothesis, says sanders, “the hamites were designated as the early culture-bearers in africa owing to the natural superiority of intellect and character of all caucasoids. such a view point had dual merit for european purpose: it maintained the image of the negro as an inferior being, and it pointed to the alleged fact that development could come to him only by mediation of the white race” ( - ). by mid- century, the influence of caucasian blood was generally accepted as among the major mediating forces responsible for examples of talent perceived in peoples of african descent. the praise for blyden‟s own collection of writing, christianity, islam, and the negro race, appears to have traces of the logic of the hamitic hypothesis, for some reviewers were astonished that such a work came from the pen of a “pure” african. the reviewer for the athenaeum, notes lynch, wrote that “the most immediately noteworthy fact about this volume… is that the author is a negro.” the reviewer of the c.m.s. intelligencer seems to divorce blyden from the general african and says that “if blyden‟s formal education stopped at high school, then „the teacher as well as the pupil could have been no ordinary man‟”; and, “finally,” writes lynch, “a correspondent of notes and queries questioned blyden‟s assertion that he was a „full-blooded negro‟; the name blyden suggested that he had at least „a strain of european blood‟”(lynch - ). others, in the united states and western europe, also seem to have had drawn from the logic of this interpretation of noah‟s malediction, which leads to the belief about the intellectual improvement generated by the infusion of white blood into the native. in the west indies, anthony trollope‟s use of the hamitic hypothesis indicates its acceptability. according to trollope, “providence has sent white and black men to these regions in order that from them may spring a race fitted by intellect for civilization; and fitted by physical organization for tropical labour”(r. young ). in other words, trollope believed that “when sufficient of our blood shall have been infused into the veins of the children of the sun; then… we may be ready, without stain to our patriotism, to take off our hats and bid farewell to the west indies” (r. young ). monogenesists employed the hamitic hypothesis because it supported the belief that all men evolved from the same parent. polygenesists made use of biblical authority for their arguments about the innate inferiority of africans. in the inequality of human races, a work that is considered among the pillars of nineteenth-century racial discourse, arthur de gobineau makes the claim that “no negro race is seen as the initiator of a civilization. only when it is mixed with some other can it even be initiated into one” ( ). gobineau thought it unrealistic for the european to “hope to civilize the negro”, and that the most he could manage was the transmission “to the mulatto [of] only a very few of his own characteristics” ( ). with the transmission of these characteristics the mulatto, who “cannot really understand anything better than a hybrid culture,” will find himself, especially if he were to marry a white woman, “a little nearer” to the ideas of the white race. in other words, intellectual capability improves with the addition of white blood. james hunt of the anthropological society of london, whom blyden had throughout his career positioned as the poster-boy of inaccurate and unfair racial representation, argues against the notion that education alone is responsible for the general improvement of blacks, and that central source generating african intellectual improvement could only come about through the infusion of white blood. in the negro’s place in nature, hunt writes that the many assumed cases of civilized negroes generally are not those of pure african blood. in the southern states of north america, in the west indies and other places, it has frequently observed that the negroes in place of trust have european features, and some writers have supposed that these changes have been due to a gradual improvement in the negro race which is taking place under favourable circumstances. it is assumed that great improvement has taken place in the intellect of the negro by education, but we believe such not to be the fact. it is simply the european blood in their veins which renders them fit for places of power, and they often use this power far more cruelly than either of the pure blooded races. ( ) according to armand de quatrefages, caucasian blood is the harbinger of civilization. that is to say that for quatrefages the amalgamated stock will be more closely allied to the european than the original indigenous group, thus making them more capable for the work of progress in tropical climates. in “the formation of mixed human races”, he argues that the progeny of european and indigenous parents “will receive at birth an aptitude for sustaining the operation of the most varied influences; they will become in advance, as it were, either wholly or partially acclimated” ( ). in other words, as a result of the europeans‟ inclination to emigrate and populate other countries, it is inevitable that “the future human races will be largely renovated with an infusion of white blood, that is to say, with the ethnological elements which thus far have carried to its highest degree the development of human intelligence” ( ). in his last essay for fraser’s magazine, “africa and the africans,” blyden authorizes african intelligence and right of self-expression over the “hear-say” and the “preconceived notions” of harbored by many of his middle-class reads with the statement that “[o]nly the negro will be able to explain the negro to the rest of mankind” (christianity ). what he does here is explain to his victorian reader that the african, contrary to claims passed down through western knowledge, is capable of speaking for himself, especially since what contemporary readers have inherited lacks accuracy and fairness. in this his final statement to a large british and international audience, blyden seems to be calling for recognition of african agency and intelligence. this assertion reappears in the version published in christianity, islam, and the negro race in and in the original article form . what is absent, however, from the version of “africa and the africans” is any reference to race mixture. this is probably because blyden saw it politically expedient at that moment of publication to edit comments about miscegenation and mulattoes that might harm his already unstable relationship with the liberian government. according to blyden in the original version of “africa and the africans,” among the elements “which seriously affects the problem and prevents a fair test of negro ability in christian lands” (“africa” ) are in fact the ramifications of caucasian blood. blyden argues that although the mixture of white blood artificially, uncritically and arbitrarily designates a person as “negro,” only the white element is singled out as contributing to his success and morality. to put it differently, white blood “is never considered as having any part in the production of the results deplored, but rather, at times, as imposing a salutary and restraining influence upon „negro barbarism‟” (“africa” ). belief in any derivative of the hamitic myth is, for blyden, contrary to the laws of progress and the exigencies of providence. white blood, for blyden, was one of the “powerful foreign forces” that interferes “to oppose primitive forces” referred to by taine. according to blyden‟s personal experiences and studies, miscegenation precluded nation building because it introduced and brought together what comte identified as “incoherent materials” ( ). because of these incoherent materials, “a radical contrariety existed between the materials he was endeavoring to combine” ( - ). to aid the african in his own improvement is not white blood, blyden counters, but the acquisition of knowledge through contact with other nations. the african, in other words, already has the capability, all that is needed are the tools. according to blyden the african at home needs to be surrounded by influences from abroad, not that he may change his nature, but that he may improve his capacity. hereditary qualities are fundamental, not to be created or replaced by human agencies, but to be assisted and improved. nature determines the kind of tree, environments determine the quality and quantity of the fruit. we want the eye and ear of the negro to be trained by culture that he may see more clearly what he does see, and hear more distinctly what he does hear. we want him to be surrounded by influences from abroad to promote the development of his latent powers, and bring the potentiality of his being into practical or actual operation. he has capacities and aptitudes which the world needs, but which it will never enjoy until he is fairly and normally trained. (christianity ) v.y. mudimbe is accurate when he says that “blyden uses his literary background to describe the african as a victim of a european ethnocentrism” ( ). to achieve what blyden had presented as his vision for africa and the african race, the african first “must have a fair opportunity for his development. misunderstood and often misrepresented even by his best friends, and persecuted and maligned by his enemies, he is, nevertheless, coming forward, gradually rising under the influences of agencies seen and unseen” (christianity ). as an act of providence, races are called upon to do particular work at particular times in the history of humanity. humanity, for blyden, has not reached its final stage, and every race of man, in its individual groove, is moving in god‟s time in the same direction. “the present practice of the friends of africa is to frame laws according to their own notions for the government and improvement of this people, whereas god has already enacted the laws governing in these affairs, which laws should be carefully ascertained, interpreted, and applied; for until they are found out and conformed to, all labour will be ineffective and resultless” (christianity ). chapter five by way of conclusion, j.j. thomas and the froudacity of the myth of haiti introduction(s): james anthony froude and john jacob thomas , the jubilee year of the emancipation of slaves in the british west indies, was ushered in by the publication of a text that participated in problematizing contemporaneous and future arguments concerning the nature and limits of black agency in relation to the centrality of british influence. the publication in question was the january release of james anthony froude‟s the english in the west indies; or, the bow of ulysses. the publication of this text, which may have been the most talked about and controversial travel narrative on the caribbean during that jubilee period, brought to the forefront and seemingly served to reify for many late-century observers of the west indian and african scenes an element of imperialist and racial discourse normalized by thomas carlyle and that survives even today in our discussions of globalization. this particular ingredient of imperialists and racial discourse positions the western european (or members of the caucasian race) as the sole generative source of civilization and progress, and the non-white subject as the eternal dependent. the english in the west indies, in which froude paints self-government as the harbinger of black domination which escorts in the destruction of western institutions and white lives, is in overall intent and purposes the caribbean equivalent to oceana; or england and her colonies. in oceana, froude argued that self-government was not merely injurious to the political reputation, military strength, and spiritual wellbeing of an acknowledged great mother country, but that it was also mortally precarious to the safety of the newly formed self-governing group. the territories that chiefly concerned froude, in oceana, were australia and new zealand. however, in his text on the west indies his argument against self-government is founded on the fear of racial upheaval. that is, during a period in which the sepoy rebellion of and the morant bay massacre were still topics of discussion, a closer inspection of the english in the west indies reveals froude‟s conscious manipulation of existing anglo-victorian anxieties toward imagined nationalistic and genocidal tendencies of the darker other. the sensational violence of both historical events may not have contributed to the construction to froude‟s unwavering stance against self-government, but they certainly formed his anxiety-ridden fantasies about the essential nature of black british subjects in the west indies. the manichean allegory generating the popular phantom of black brutality was in fact the trope froude employed in his attempt to influence opinions in england against advocating self-government in the west indies. in the words of c.s. salmon ( - ), froude presented a “black man draped out of all recognition as a warning to englishmen to avoid that unclean thing, local self-government” ( ). froude‟s text is clearly an expanded reiteration of carlyle‟s contention of the necessity of blacks realizing and accepting the laws of nature which had established the englishmen as the wiser of the two races, as well as the natural saviors and masters of the region. this way of seeing the relationship between white and black british subjects in the west indies carlyle had popularized and set into motion in his famous essay which appeared in fraser’s magazine. far too often, it seems, discussions of froude‟s the english in the west indies identify him merely as an outdated mouth-piece for the anglo-west indian planter class without seriously considering the fact that he arrived in the west indies with a cultural knapsack full of racial and political assumptions that had already been circulated and embedded as acceptable commonplaces throughout great britain. furthermore, all of the assumptions he brought with him were employed to validate responses to racial and nationalistic tensions in recent history, as well as the template of blackness he had inherited from the author of “occasional discourse on the negro [nigger] question.” john jacob thomas knew better than to completely ignore the influence of what many optimistic victorian commentators of his day may have perceived as froude‟s anachronistic opinions about race. “james anthony froude is,” writes thomas, beyond any doubt whatever, a very considerable figure in modern english literature” ( ). outdated or not, traces of the racial thoughts of carlyle and froude still had profound and observable influences on behaviors and colonial policy at the end of the nineteenth century and well into the twentieth-century. in “john jacob thomas: an estimate”, bridget brereton writes that “[o]ne should not underestimate the influence and power of these slave-holding types even in the later th century. there were several of them, at the time he wrote, entrenched in the trinidad legislative council... that the type was dying out, as thomas maintained, may have been true, but they were taking an unconscionable time about it” ( - ). i therefore agree with faith smiththat “it would be absurd to deny the impact of a text such as the english in the west indies had on british colonial policy, as well as its contribution to the prevailing metropolitan image of a caribbean inhabited by lazy negroes and well-meaning but beleaguered plantocracy” ( ). froude followed carlyle in the belief that self- government was the unavoidable prelude to the corrupt evils of democracy and independence, thus leading to the severing all ties and allegiances from the british crown. in oceana, froude was very straightforward about being “no believer in democracy as a form of government which can be of long continuance” ( ). similar to carlyle before him, froude argued that the idea of democracy “proceeds on the hypothesis that every individual citizen is entitled to an equal voice in the management of his country; and individuals of infinitely unequal- bad and good, wise and unwise – and as rights depend on fitness to make use of them, the assumption is untrue, and no institution can endure which rest upon illusions” ( - ).although, argued froude, public opinion seemingly favored allowing self-government in the colonies, oceana had still sold, as an indication that froude‟s “books commanded an impressive readership,” , copies in its first edition (maxwell ). it is safe to assume, then, that his thoughts on the west indian colonies also garnered interest and that a large body of england‟s middle class readership may have sympathized with the parameters his racial views (the conditions and limits of black/white relations), if not in his opinions on democracy, human rights and universal suffrage. the phantasmagoria of the african‟s innate emotional dependency and unconscious desire for savage expression, with a socially constructed image of haiti as the power of example, were the center-pieces of the english in the west indies. through froude, the mid-century “savage” of carlyle and dickens is embodied in the in late nineteenth century re-figuration of the atavistic haitian. according to rupert lewis, “in the nineteenth century haiti was held up as a symbol of the threat to white domination and cited as the prime example of what would happen if blacks were given civil and political rights” ( ). in response to the use of haiti as the template of african psychology, thomas would later that year write in his most famous work, froudacity: west indian fables by anthony froude, that “[w]ith regard to the perpetual reference to hayti, because of our oneness with its inhabitants in origin and complexion, as a criterion for the exact forecast of our future conduct under given circumstances, this appeared to us, looking at actual facts, perversity gone wild in the manufacture of analogies” ( ). the projection of what constituted a black haitian, therefore, became the template in which african psychology and capability was measured. froude positioned what was popularly argued about the black republic as a convex gothic mirror-image of the future of self-government in the british west indies. also vital to froude‟s argument against self-government in the british west indian colonies is the favoring of white blood and european influence as primary civilizing elements. this strategy was desired to keep those regarded as pure blooded blacks (the racial majority in the west indies) further removed form seats of influence. for froude, white blood was a defense against the african‟s predisposition towards the regressive march to barbarism. only a few members of the west indian community were fortunate enough to be endowed with european dna. this aspect of his argument illustrated, for froude, not only the ups-and-downs of haitian politics, but it would also shed light on why he had selected a modicum of blacks as examples of what members of the african race may eventually become. however, everything about thomas‟s life was a refutation of the deterministic racial ideology advocated by froude. j.j. thomas was, first of all, of pure african descent and the son of former slaves. there was, in other words, no observable trace of whiteness. although he was a product of trinidad‟s school system, thomas, who became a teacher and highly regarded scholar, was commonly referred to by peoples of african descent in the british west indies as a “self-made” man. this term, “self-made,” bestowed honor on those persons of african descent to whom it was applied. it suggested that with minimum assistance from whites, or no assistance from whites, or formal and institutional resistance from the dominant members of the colonial social structure, the person regarded as “self-made” rose to recognizable prominence in his community. this figure was not uncommon in the west indies. self-made meant that he was largely self-educated and respected in trinidad and london; and, according to bridget brereton and biographer faith smith, many trinidadians followed thomas‟s career with pride. brereton describes him as “[t]he outstanding teacher in this period” and “in thomas topped the list in the first competitive examinations for entry to the civil service, and came to port of spain to fill a minor post” ( ). in thomas completed and published the theory and practice of creole grammar, “a scholarly work on the creole patois spoken by the majority of trinidadians in the nineteenth century” ( ). the theory and practice of creole grammar received favorable reviews in england and established thomas‟s reputation as a scholar. according to brereton he had mastered not only patois, but also taught himself french, spanish, latin and greek, and was eventually recognized in london as an expert in philology. j.j. thomas was also, according to brereton, “the foremost literary trinidadian of his day” ( ). he had translated borde‟s histoire de la trinidad and wrote the introduction to a reprinted edition of j.b. philip‟s popular and controversial s novel the free mulatto. he started the trinidadian athenaeum, which was a literary and debating society whose membership was almost entirely black and mulatto. and he was also the editor of two short-lived periodicals, the trinidadian monthly and the weekly review. after reading a paper entitled “some peculiarities of the creole language” in london in , thomas was elected as a member to the london philological society. he became the symbol of all a “pure black” british subject could become. but “he was in some ways,” writes brereton, “a typical representative of the black and coloured middle class which was emerging in trinidad and the west indies in the years after emancipation. like most members of this class, he rose to middle-class status essentially through education and command of european culture”( ). for this particular caste of people of african descent that thomas represented, those who were “pure-blooded” african and those who showed no visible traces of european ancestry, the suggestion that whiteness was the generating source of their individual improvement, rather than individual agency and hard work, was an insult. it was a belief that generated ideas of the pure blooded blacks as having predetermined limitations on their potential and cognitive capability. the idea, as advanced by froude and many others, that the withdrawal of white influence may cause all that they had acquired to fall away and reveal a “true” savage african character thomas also found offensive. this encouraged the belief that white europeans were required as guides when, in fact, black social and cultural formations in the british west indies were created in spite of the white community. it was this publically observable characteristic of self-improvement that the rising black middle and educated classes used to distinguish themselves from their putative white betters. it was trinidad‟s black and colored middle class who had considered themselves more cultured and educated than the crassly materialistic whites on the island. it was, moreover, also this particular class of people (educated and professional blacks) who may have posed a problem for the current power structure, especially if froude‟s unlikely vision of self-government in the antilles were to take place. this historical fact of post emancipation, which was the observable existence of the emerging black middle class, froude had denied by discursive exclusion and omission. as suggested before, unlike the mass of blacks in the west indies, they were educated and their racial ties to the majority of blacks made them a possible threat to planter‟s continued domination. this class of blacks, differentiated by skin complexion even from the coloreds, represented the imagined and feared political heirs of democracy (for they were the racial majority) if the form of self-government as propagated through froude‟s logic should ever materialize. in response to this vision of the future political reality of the west indies, froude makes the imaginative leap of connecting black leadership and independence to unmediated and instinctive violence towards white bodies and institutions. once the blacks have gained independence, argued froude, they will sever ties with the creators of universally acceptable cultural, moral and political forms. they will then take revenge on their saviors, or on any material form that reminded them of slavery and of their diasporic condition resulting from the contact zone. in the end, only the skeletal ruins of civilization will remain in the west indies, for they will have reverted to the savage conditions of their ancestors. according to the racialized and deterministic logic of froude and some of his contemporaries, once blacks are allowed political participation of any form, all the rudiments of culture and civilization whites had worked hard to clothe them with will fall away and reveal the essential african. froude‟s african, then, is retrogressive rather than evolutionary, and he instinctively fights against the forward movement of history. for thomas and his black british contemporaries, the jubilee year of was the crucial point of reflection, and the opinions of froude greatly contributed to opening the door to discursive expressions of black agency. john jacob thomas made use of froude‟s haitian allegory to bring to the british reader his vision of the african as an active participant in the movement of history. throughout froudacity, thomas‟s main concern is to show that (during a very short span of time) blacks were the self-generating embodiment of progress. thomas placed peoples of african descent not as responders to history, but as active agents (rather than passive instinctive actors) in the creation of their own destinies. furthermore, through thomas‟s challenge in froudacity to the nineteenth century notion of black atavism, we are able to link the broader issue of self-government in the west indies to the parochial white anxieties over the emergent black middle class. the froudacious fable: process and purpose james anthony froude‟s “fables,” as described by john jacob thomas in froudacity, are ideological character and nation building constructs that contribute to the generation of narratives and projects aimed at limiting the agency of the other. these “fables” favor the supposed superiority of european identity over that of the non- european other. froude‟s particular “fables,” “myths,” or phantasmagorical representations reflect england‟s desired relation of domination over the racial and colonialized other. throughout froudacity thomas seems to suggest that there is a strong connection between froude‟s representations and the economic desires of the colonial government. the black west indian‟s potential to become an atavistic and cannibalistic caucasian devouring monster is the very representational strategy of decontextualization thomas called an act of froudacity. through this mode of racial representation that thomas calls froudacity, a writer knowingly removes the subject of representation from history and constructs an abstraction. the amplitude of the abstraction precludes consideration of the existence of the experienced phenomenon. through this discursive act, the writer engaged in froudacity positions as factual what he seems to know is an invention. thomas, however, was one among many observers of england‟s colonial scene aware of the liberties froude tended to take with truth. in “mr. froude‟s negrophobia”, for instance, n. darnell davis, an anglo-granadean, also observed that froude‟s misrepresentation of facts was widely known in the west indian press. davis himself was among the contemporary opponents who described the english in the west indies as “froudacious “ ( ) and “froudian” ( ). he furthermore condemns the text for its “froudian system of making up facts as the tourist goes on his way” ( ). in the wesleyan-methodist magazine ( ), one of the sympathetic reviewers of thomas‟s text described the english in the west indies in these terms: “the froudacity of the book, as a substitute for veracity, is faithfully exposed” ( ). davis writes that “it is clear as the day that mr. froude brought out his dread of haytia, ready made, with him from england…. at the same time, he seems to have accepted as evidence against the haytians, yarns told him by sailors: tales they heard from others, who had, in turn, been told by somebody else” ( ). although this rhetorical strategy had long been a commonplace in victorian racial and political discursive practices, the term “froudacity” briefly came into popular usage after news of the publication and copies of oceana had reached australia. one nineteenth-century source suggests that the term was first coined by an irate australian journalist. the colonist, rather than the reader in the mother country for whom the text was written, was better positioned to appreciate and to respond to the invention. because of the transparent nature of the falsehood, it is highly doubtful that the white planters in the british west indies did not happily notice that froude had obscured the lived character of the islands in their favor. whites in trinidad, for instance, would have noticed that the actual racial composition of the vanguards of self-government was downplayed to the point of near invisibility, and that the existence of a very visible, educated and culturally vibrant black middle class was entirely erased. j.j. thomas was among its most prominent members. it was more important for froude to create for his english reader a credible and monstrous nemesis of western civilization. like the prototypical monster franco moretti analyzes in signs taken for wonders, froude‟s haitianated (or even calibanized) afro-west indian “is a collective and artificial creature” ( ) as well as a “historical product” ( ). a conscious attempt, then, is made to create (from hearsay and colonial legends) visions that may inspire fear and trepidation in the minds of the readers in the distant mother country. the recital of these racial tales are, moreover, composed of elements that members of the audience might consider as being in the realm of truth, even without the presentation of concrete data. therefore, a froudacious fable is the selective accumulation of unverified information about a particular group or event, the telling of which has a clearly laid out political agenda. the reader and object of study are separated by geographic location, thus leaving the writer‟s credibility and cultural credentials as the only capital contributing to the tale‟s veracity. in this type of text, c.s. salmon points to the writers‟ or spokespersons‟ expertise and reputation as of principal importance in circulating ideas about the west indies. in the caribbean confederation, which was his own response to froude‟s text, salmon writes: of brilliant attainments and great administrative ability and business experience, these men are appealed to by the home public for their special knowledge; and the home public, which knows nothing of the matter or of the people in question, is guided by their views; it is told of the beneficence of a stringent paternal rule; it has also whispered in its ears how these millions of people of other races are backward, or degraded, or weaklings, or one otherwise unfitted to possess any of the elementary rights of freemen englishmen so dearly prize. ( ) intentionality and the positioning of the subject of debate in as nearly as possible to a cautionary tale and cultural warning are imperative for the creation of a froudacious tale. in other words, a writer‟s cultural collateral and a nation‟s racial superstitions are recruited for the creation, however gothic, of a froudacious tale. according to the black legend that froude participates in perpetuating, the institution of slavery had a civilizing and beneficial influence on the displaced african‟s moral and intellectual development. this line of thinking, of course, was designed to portray black improvement as occurring only under conditions in which they were confinement by whites. froude argued that “the negroes who were taken away out of africa, as compared to those who were left at home, were as the „elect to salvation,‟ who after a brief purgatory are secured an eternity of blessedness. the one condition is the maintenance of the english crown”( - ). the tropical climate, which produced an abundance of fruits, foods and resources, was also a hindrance to the possibility of african creativity. the richness of africa undermined initiative and impoverished the native‟s intellectual capacity. the abundance found in tropical climates gave the african no incentive for betterment, and no reason to contemplate beyond the satisfactions of the moment. this line of thinking which informed froude‟s representation of the black personality was still being propagated at the turn of the century. in black jamaica: a study in evolution, william pringle livingstone writes that “the social advancement of man depends upon temperature. it will be observed that the march of civilization has taken place within the limits of the temperate zone, the conditions there, and the relations they bring about, being most favourable to the development of the qualities latent in his nature” ( ).the african environment had itself contributed to what was later perceived in the west as the original cause of african laziness, his intellectual inertia, child-likeness and docility. as though it were an acquired trait of evolution, this inactive condition had become embedded into the african psyche. with the passage of time, and only through their fortuitously traumatic contact with european cultures through the institution of slavery (and the imaginary educational structure implicit in the master/slave relationship), the african had partially adapted to his new condition and acquired some tools of improvement. in other words, only under a european guide did the african learn how to work, how to make use of natural resources, and how to negotiate his barbaric nature. after emancipation, an interaction favoring what we call paternalism was laid onto the conditions of black/white relations. this interaction took the form of the “duty” one group had toward another. goldwin smith, for instance, was among those eminent victorians who argued that it was the duty of the most gifted to pass-on their ingenuity and knowledge to less educated and gifted individuals and races. “by helping them on they help us and advance their own character in the highest sense;” writes smith, “and that these exertions of benevolence may take place seems to be the reason why providence permits such great inequalities in the world” ( ). it became generally argued that most of what the african, once free, seemingly was able to do for himself actually came as a result of the contact zone and european benevolence. any trace of african ingenuity was perceived as a result of contact with european races. the workings of this assumption, accepted by many mid-nineteenth century conservatives and liberals, were summarized through smith‟s vision of england‟s relation to the world. although smith himself was referring to india, in “expansion of england” he boasted that england was the harbinger and the cement of government. no form of civilized government was possible, many victorians argued, without the presence and influence of the british. if england were to withdraw her presence and influence, smith claims, “not only would immense investments and a vast field of action be lost, but the country would be delivered over to a plundering anarchy. in the british provinces there would be no germ of government or rallying point of order” ( ). most nineteenth century commentators on british imperialism started from assumptions similar to the sentiments expressed by smith. smith‟s position also extended his idea of the value of imperialism in his belief that the west indian population is better served by british rulers. “no doubt the best government for the mixed population, and the most likely to hold the balance of justice even between whites and blacks, is that of a british ruler to home opinion” ( ). when smith alludes to the centrality of british influence, he is essentially saying that civilization is made possible and endures only because of the genius of the white race. smith and others, therefore, are suggesting that degrees of restraint (monitored by whites and carefully selected non-whites) are important for growth. unlike smith, who believed that emancipation had contributed to the elevation of the former slave in the british west indies, froude locates the conditions of emancipation as the principal source of what he perceives as the black‟s intellectual and moral stagnation. the conditions of freedom, the lack of restraint and the lack of systematic influence, stifled black progress. according to froude, “the african blacks have been free enough for thousands, perhaps for tens of thousands of years, and it has been the absence of restraint which has prevented them from becoming civilized. generation has followed generation, and the children are as like their father as the successive generation of apes” (froude ). it was this lack of restraint, even in the mild forms of guidance, which seemed to have set in motion the atavistic nature of the african in haiti and elsewhere. froude participated in the discourse that argued that the physical and spiritual mediation of the european was what separated the african from accessing the savagery of his deeply embedded tropical nature. the structure of the colonialized african psyche seems to have been represented as comprising of three parts: ) the original component was the dark african component, which almost always sought for violent and superstitious expression; ) an unstable wall which represented the african‟s cognitive perception of the physical presence and teachings of the european, and ) the europeanized behavioral manifestations of civilization. by europeanized behavioral manifestations, i mean the acquisition of taste, forms of dress, and other visible modes of conduct that was recognized as “civilized.” before the formation of this psyche wall, the savage and wild inclinations of the african had free undirected expression. the benevolently traumatic events of the contact zone, slavery and diaspora, made it possible (though mostly through outside influence) for the african to regulate his urges. these inclinations remained dormant, though far from extinguished, as long as a wall held firm and protected the europeanized elements (habits and inclinations developed as a result of contact with europe). as long as that wall held firm, the peoples of african descent who had been influenced by europeans had an opportunity to advance onto the road to civilization. moreover, it was the nature of blacks (for haiti was the historical model) to corrupt and destroy the very european institutions which had held their barbaric tendencies in check. carlyle, who had earlier also referenced haiti as allegory and cautionary tale, posited the fate of the west indies without a european presence. “[l]et him look across to haiti,” writes carlyle, and face a far sterner prophecy! let him, by his ugliness, idleness, rebellion, banish all white men from the west indies, and make it all one haiti, - with little or no sugar growing, black peter exterminating black paul, and where a garden of the hesperides might be nothing but a tropical dog-kennel and pestiferous jungle, - does he think that will for ever continue pleasant to gods and men? ( ) in , anthony trollope had written in the very popular the west indies and the spanish main that “to recede from civilization and become again savage – as savage as the laws of the community will permit – has been to his taste. i believe that he would altogether retrograde if left to himself” ( ). in sports, travel, and adventure in newfoundland and the west indies, captain kennedy reiterates trollope‟s claim about the strong connection between british institutions and civilized social practices. “i am of the opinion that the same ceremonies and orgies [cannibalism, infanticide, and voudoux] would be practiced in jamaica as in haiti, were it not for the str ong arm of the law”( ). froude‟s comments of the regressive tendencies of the african was an active component of colonial and racial discussion. by the s, the idea of black regression was still circulating in popular journals. in “the revival of the west indies” ( ), nevile lubbock wrote that imagined hereditary attributes precluded civilization. “in considering the effects of freedom upon the negro, the natural character of the race must be kept in mind,” he councils the readers of the nineteenth century. ”the negro has only for a short time been removed from a condition of the most complete savagery. he has immense physical strength united with the intellect and disposition of a child…. the very fact of his great physical strength stands in the way of the negro‟s intellectual progress” ( - ). furthermore, argues lubbock, freedom without the wise restraint that is acquired through civilized maturity is detrimental to the moral and intellectual growth of the black man. “absolute freedom, unaccompanied by the kind of restraint, is not good for man, and, in the case of the negro, who, like all other races upon whom civilization has only recently dawned, is in many ways but a grown-up child, it ought to be no matter of wonder that it has failed to produce the rapid amelioration which was anticipated by those who knew him not” ( ). in “the future of the west indies,” the writer for the westminster review seems a little more optimistic about the future of blacks in the west indies, but this is because of the emphasis he places on the power of england. he writes that although it is “problematic” that blacks may “fall back into savagery,” mr. froude should remember that “the guardianship of the british government” is a powerful preventative” ( ). in an article that appeared in the saturday review entitled “hayti,” the author argues that haitians, once liberated and on their own, exhibit a particular mode of barbarism once european guidance is withdrawn. here are a people who have been slaves and who are free, who have acquired so much of a european language as enables them to chatter the formulas of european speculators to all lengths and breadths. at the end of it all they have almost completely reverted to the condition of their naked ancestors who were marched on board the slave ships by those other ancestors of theirs who were clothed in a flint-lock musket, a cocked hat, and a bottle of rum. ( ) in other words, according to this saturday review writer “[t]he only use they have made of their freedom has been to return to their starting-point – and to return a little spoilt” ( ). in the preface to the reprint edition of hayti, or the black republic, sir spencer st. john writes that [i]n spite of all the civilizing elements around the haytians, there is a distinct tendency to sink into the state of an african tribe. it is naturally impossible to foretell the effects of all the influences which are now at work in the world, and which seem to foreshadow many important changes. we appear standing on the threshold of a period of great discoveries, which may modify many things, but not man‟s nature. (ix) also structuring the discursive playing-field in which froude propagated his atavistic black subject was the belief that white blood was directly correlated to black intellectual and moral advancement. for many victorians, white blood not only became regarded as a source that reversed intellectual and moral limitations and combatted the volatile nature of blackness, but the transformative power of white blood is seen to have created another race suited to the work required in tropical climates. since the african in the west indies or anywhere could not progress without the fertilizing influence of caucasian biology, trollope (perhaps in an attempt to excuse or erase white guilt) saw this occurrence as an act of providence which may eventually save the west indies from the slide toward barbarism many victorians had feared as the consequences of emancipation. “providence,” writes trollope,” has sent white men and black men to these regions in order that from them may spring a race fitted by intellect civilization; and fitted also by physical organization for tropical labour. the negro in his primitive state is not, i think, fitted for the former; and the european white creole is certainly not fitted for the latter”( ). livingstone argued that though it was the white biological energies that contributed to elevating the intellect of the person of african descent, the african element in his blood is jealously atavistic and vies for expression. livingstone writes that in mixed race persons “the intelligence of the one meets and amalgamates with the animism of the other, producing a strange nature, the good of which is perpetually forward to higher thing, and the evil, like an unseen hand, perpetually dragging it back to savagery” ( ). the member of the new race, then, is never completely free of the african imprint in his psyche, thus reiterating the necessity of a pure white political and cultural presence. froude negotiated the significance of white blood through his insistence that blacks in the british west indies have two powers of example in which to emulate. these were frederick douglass of the united states and chief justice williams conrad reeves of barbados, who, in , was appointed knight of the realm by queen victoria. froude positioned these men as examples of what the african man can, perhaps within a hundred years of education and mentorship, achieve once his “natural tendencies are superseded by higher instincts” ( ). according to froude, individual blacks of exceptional quality, like frederick douglass of the united states, or the chief justice of barbadoes, will avail themselves of opportunities to rise, and the freest opportunities ought to be offered them. but it is as certain as any future event can be that if we give the negro as a body the political powers that we claim for ourselves, they will use them only to their own injury. they will slide back into their old condition, and the chance will be gone for lifting them to the level which we have no right to say that they are incapable of rising. ( - ) what froude does in this passage, with these examples, is reiterates the notion of the power of white blood to improve the intellectual and moral constitution of the black man. white blood is the only component that separates douglass and reeves from the majority of blacks (pure-blooded) in the west indies. froude treats both men as pure blooded blacks rather than what was then socially codified as “coloreds,” a racial category distinct from it parents. through this strategy, he has subtle suggested that it is the white biological component that is responsible for the levels of creativity and intelligences witnessed in douglass and reeves. their blackness, or africaness, are not the focal points of froude‟s address. in response to what was clearly an open secret of the cross- cultural consequences of colonial life and the ramifications of slavery in the united states and the west indies, thomas also reminds the reader in london that, “[f]irst and foremost, neither judge reeves nor fred douglass is a black man. the former is of mixed blood, to what degree we are not adepts enough to determine; and the latter, if his portrait and those who have personally seen him misleads us not, is decidedly a fair man” ( ). in other words, froude was very aware of tri-racial ascriptions (white, african/negro, and colored) of the west indies. both literally and symbolically, the douglass/reeve example suggests that the un-deluded majority of blacks in the british west indies are beyond the pale of full civilization. the only non-white group, however, capable intellectual elevation, then, was the coloreds. the african‟s own inescapable nature made it imperative for him to stay under the control of england. the african‟s happiness, froude tells the middle class reader in england as well as those readers with influence in the colonial office, “depends on the continuance of the english rule. the peace and order which they benefit by is not their own creation. in spite of schools and missionaries, the dark connection still maintains itself with satan‟s invisible world, and modern education contends in vain with obeah worship. as it has been in hayti, so it must be in trinidad if the english leave the blacks to be their own masters” ( ). without the guidance the carlylean great white enchanter, without perceiving the paternalistic hand of european restraints, the african instinctively turns towards the potent darkness of his natural inclinations which are almost always barbaric and destructive. all of the unsubstantiated reports about haiti confirm this atavistic tendency of the unmonitored african. “[t]heir education, such as it may be,” froude says in general about “pure-blooded” blacks,” is skin deep, and “the old african superstitions lie undisturbed at the bottom of their souls. give them independence, and in a few generations they will peel off such civilization as they have learnt as easily and as willingly as their coats and trousers” ( - ). the froudacious fable told through j.j. thomas at the beginning of this study we saw that thomas carlyle had responded to an observable conscious movement of manumitted slaves away from the influence of their former masters. in his own perverse way, carlyle had unintentionally revealed the freeman‟s desire for autonomy. this desire for autonomy is significant, for acting on this desire contributed to the existence of the very community of west indians froude makes an effort to erase by omission from his text. “[e]mancipation,” brereton tells us, removed “the legal basis of their servitude” and “opened up the possibility of upward mobility” ( ). in response to this desire for upward mobility and autonomy, “numbers of ex-slaves and their children became petty traders and artisans after ”( ). that is to say that the former commodity and source of another‟s wealth now (through his/her own initiative) was positioned as competitor for material and cultural resources. although, brereton writes, most of them would not become prosperous, they knew that “they were better off than estate labourers, they were more mobile, and they were more ambitious for their children to go to school” ( ). this group “formed a „respectable‟, ambitious, potentially mobile working class, and their children might well achieve the climb to middle-class status” ( ).this is the group carlyle brought to the attention of the british public as the lazy pumpkin eating quashee. but even during the period in which carlyle attacked black agency (which in effect revealed the anglo-victorian‟s desired relationship between the two races), it was argued that the african‟s natural impulses compelled him to slide backwards if unattended by european mediation. any movement on the part of blacks away from the domination and influence of former masters was interpreted as a backward march. european commentators were confident that they knew what the african was; and they all seemed to agree that the african‟s fate was a dark one without the european‟s physical, observable, legal and institutional presence. froude, similarly, dismissed creative and progressive agency but he responded by also denying the existence and active presence of the particular community and generation of blacks of which john jacob thomas was a recognized and, by virtue of his education and cultural and scholarly achievements, prominent member. therefore, froude denies that the form of post-emancipation agency black british subjects had expressed during carlyle‟s time had begun to evolve, take shape and materialize during his own time. froude insisted on black stasis as the rule, thus suggesting that individual cases of advancement and intelligence were anomalies. according to froude, “as yet, and as a body, they have shown no capacity to rise above the condition of their ancestors except under european laws, european education, and european authority, to keep them from making war on one another” ( ). absent from froude‟s text is any indication that this middle class that he discursively silences was the source of great anxiety among anglo-west indians. in less than fifty years, the white population in the west indies watched the conscious evolution of a new cultural and economic entity. faith smith writes: “[a]s blacks and colored persons of urban and rural laboring-class origin such as thomas began to enter the lower echelons of the middle class beginning in the mid- nineteenth century, they would participate in, and even be perceived to dominate, what counted as the intellectual character of the society” ( ). the group that carlyle bemoaned in was mostly composed of uneducated former slaves and the children of former slaves. thomas was born in , so essentially it was the cultural reality of his generation that was being denied an existence in froude‟s representation of west indian and trinidadian society. moreover, between emancipation and froude‟s arrival to the west indies, measures had been taken in areas of education that gradually contributed to a black middle class. for example, the ward school system was initiated in and j.j. thomas was among the most prominent alumnus of that system. blacks in the west indies, as well as many blacks in africa, were in agreement about the necessity of education. thomas, blyden, and most serious nineteenth century thinkers of african descent would have found it difficult to argued against the notion of england as the harbinger of civilization. however, the idea of england (to employ goldwin smith‟s phrase) as the singular “cement of government” meant that blacks and other non-whites, by their own ingenuity and unique genius, were incapable of forming and running nations, was the antithesis of what a self-made man like j.j. thomas stood for and experienced. the open west indian secret of the black middle class and of the “self-made” black british subject complicates the substance and trajectory of froude‟s ahistorical project. to admit of their existences would have exploded most of his case. froude, in response to a fact that refutes his argument, in effect consciously elides what he does not want his british reader to perceive by continuing with the circulation of the “ready-made” manichean allegory and racial fetish of african savagery in an attempt to initiate the moral panic n. darnell davis calls “haytia” ( , ). “throughout mr. froude‟s tour in the british colonies,” writes thomas (who makes sure that the range of black life in the trinidad is suggested), ”his intercourse was exclusively with „anglo-west indians,‟ whose aversion to blacks he has himself, perhaps they would think indiscreetly, placed on record. in no instance do we find that he condescended to visit the abode of any negro, whether it was the mansion of a gentlemen or the hut of a peasant of that race”( ). davis posits that “it is not from personal acquaintance with them [blacks] that he speaks of them. it has evolved from his inner consciousness, or told him by nameless slanderers, that they were tending towards haytia”(davis ). in other words, froude purposely ignored the emerging black middle class, and treated the entire undiluted majority (those without noticeable traces of caucasian blood) of the african community as though they had not advanced beyond carlyle‟s “pigs with pumpkins” ( ) and “indolent two-legged cattle” ( ) stages. this strategy of froude‟s, mentioned earlier, was really directed toward the reader in england, because the anglo-west indian had a different experience of the group froude ignored. according to brereton, the white elite could easily ignore the black masses, for they encountered them only in stereotyped class relations. it was less possible to ignore the existence of the growing black and colored middle class. educated black and coloured men and women had a claim, through their command of british culture and „respectability‟, to consideration as equals. they therefore represented a greater threat to the continued white control of the society, even though their numbers were relatively few; they held the key to the political and social future of trinidad, and some far-seeing trinidadians realized it.( - ) elsewhere in the west indies, other black british subjects had attempted to illustrate african agency and capacity for self-advancement as well as undermine the implications of the politically crippling myth of white blood. for instance, a group of jamaican blacks that deborah thomas calls the jubilee five published and released in london a collection of essays that highlighted the achievements of blacks since the end of apprenticeship in . deborah thomas writes that even before j.j. thomas‟s froudacity appeared in london, “the publication of jamaica’s jubilee; or, what we are and what we hope to be was the first published work by black jamaicans that codified a critique of racism” ( ). the primary purpose of this publication was to demonstrate before “a british audience the progress of former slaves in jamaica during the fifty years since emancipation and toward assuring them that blacks held no feelings of revenge” ( - ). read in the light of what froude had constructed about haiti as illustration of african psychology, it was crucial that black british subjects composed phrases that distanced them from the consideration of violence. the writers of african descent, during this period, needed to distance their representations of the race relations from the caucasian- hating atavistic constructions of froude, carlyle‟s quashee, dickens‟s “noble savage” and the calibanistic “shambo fellow” ( ), christian king george, of “perils of certain english prisoners.” in doing so, the black writer assured the white middle class reader of great britain of the illusion that life in the west indies was harmonious, peaceful, and that the events at morant bay were in no danger of revisiting the region. in regards to the cultural valorization of european blood, it was critically significant that all of the contributors to jamaica’s jubilee were of pure african stock. according to deborah thomas, the mixed-race members of the community were strategically not invited to contribute to this volume because of the view that black jamaicans would more forcefully reflect the impact of emancipation and missionary activity on the population of former slaves. in the preface the authors insisted that they should not be seen as exceptions within the race. rather, they wanted the british public to know that there were many others like them who also would have been able to write the book. (n , - ) as evidence that black jamaicans had advanced, and that they had acquired the self- discipline necessary for civilization, the authors of jamaica’s jubilee emphasized several areas which had seen accomplishments since emancipation. among them, writes deborah thomas, were “[t]he increase in elementary schools after the abolition of slavery,” which “was cited as evidence of the former slaves‟ ability and desire to learn” ( ). the jubilee five also placed great emphasis upon the increased number of mutual improvement societies, reading clubs, and christian associations; the proliferation of musical and social gatherings during christmastime; and the increase of legal marriages. they felt that this type of progress was due to fifty years of „social liberty and equality, of religious privileges, of educational advantages, and of intercourse in various ways with civilized and christian men‟. ( ) the members of this emergent group throughout the british west indies were aware of the importance attached to the public display of having acquired the accouterments of the vague terms “culture” and “civilization.” black and mulattoes shared and embraced most british values. ideologically they held, except when the discussion turned to race, essentially the same views. to a great extent west indian blacks measured themselves by european standards and worked to emulate european taste. brereton writes that “[f]or the group that we call coloured and black middle class, command of european culture was the essential qualification for membership, rather than wealth and lightness of complexion. few members of this group were even moderately prosperous; quite a few were black, not coloured. but they all aspired to european culture” ( ). the acquisition, then, of “european culture” produced for the people of african descent more symbolic capital than material gain. “they elevated „culture‟ into a supreme value because,” writes brereton, “in the circumstances of nineteenth-century trinidad, this was the only field in which they appeared at an advantage in society” ( ). it was one of the few things blacks were able to hold up as an accomplishment, especially since education and higher forms of thinking were propagated by whites as being beyond their reach. as paget henry reminds us in caliban’s reason, “[i]n the european tradition, rationality was a white trait that, by their exclusionary racial logic, blacks could not possess” ( ). however blacks were perceived in theory, brereton also points out that “most members of this non-white middle class were employed in white-collor jobs; they were teachers, minor civil servants, journalist and printers, pharmacists, doctors, solicitors, barristers, and clerks. education was the key to all these occupations, the crucial factor in the gradual emergence of a coloured and black middle class”( ). according to brereton, “[i]t was in fact their boast that they were more „cultured‟ than the whites, whom they dismissed as being for the most part crassly materialistic and commercially minded. hence the pride when a member of this group [for instance, j.j. thomas] was recognized in britain for his scholarly and literary attainments” ( ). this latter group was very visible and thomas and others contributed greatly to that visibility. as far as his confidence in the present-day advancements of blacks in trinidad was concerned, thomas was conclusive, unequivocal, and forthright: taking our author‟s „anglo-west indians‟ and the people of ethiopian descent respectively, it would not be too much to assert, nor too anywise difficult to prove by facts and figures, that for every competent individual of the former section in active civilized employments, the coloured section can put forward at least twenty thoroughly competent rivals. ( ) like the members of the jubilee five, thomas did not regard his intellectual capacity and desire for advancement as unusual. brereton reports that it was difficult for observers not to notice the changed demographic character of the islands. he writes that on the appearance of the first issue of the trinidad monthly [which was edited and published by thomas], a newspaper commented „it is certain that the largest group in the community [non-whites] are in advance of some others in the matter of intellectual culture and literary endeavour‟. another reviewer pointed out that the articles were nearly all by „self made men – to whom the inner walls of college and universities were unknown and who have had to battle inch by inch and step by step against difficulties and discouragements‟. so the journal indicated that „in the humbler walks of life there are men who without the advantages of european education… are able to hold their own against the best of them. these men could be carlyle‟s heroes if only they belonged to a different race‟. ( ) it was the implications and recognition of this particular social fact (at a moment in which the merit and wisdom of self-government in the west indies were under discussion) that brought the greatest anxiety to the white landowners of trinidad. the primary concern is that if the mother country were to acknowledge black advancement, then existing power relationships in the west indian colonies were vulnerable and possibly open to challenge. according to thomas, who certainly noticed the relationship between white anxiety and black advancement, “[s]ince emancipation, the enormous strides made in self-advancement by the ex-slaves have only had the effect of provoking a resentful uneasiness in the bosoms of the ex-masters” ( ). thomas‟s point is that blacks, unlike the froudean haitian template into which the race was placed, had proven that they were active participants of history, as well as producers of wealth and culture. in other words, blacks had responded to the demands of their post-emancipation environment, and they were fit to participate (even partially) in the workings of government. this is what thomas meant when he wrote: “be the incentives what they may, it would not be amiss on our part to suggest to those impelled by them that the ignoring of negro opinion in their calculations, though not only possible but easily practiced fifty years ago, is a portentous blunder at the present time. verbum sapienti”( - ). for thomas, comparisons between haiti and trinidad are deceptive and anachronistic if they fail to present and analyze events within their historical contexts. attention to the behaviors of a people within a particular moment, thomas suggests, can prevent the observer from generalizations about behaviors in another geographic location. as far as projecting the imagined behaviors of haiti as the blue-print of african character, thomas says that “[w]e venture to declare that, unless a common education from youth has been shared by them, the hamitic inhabitants of one island have very little in common with those of another, beyond the dusky skin or wooly hair” ( ). thomas suggests that there are large historical and phenomenological differences between the haitians of the revolution and the contemporaneous blacks of trinidad. as randal johnson writes in his introduction to pierre bourdieu‟s the field of cultural production, “agents do not act in a vacuum, but in concrete social institutions governed by a set of objective social relation” ( ).the blacks of haiti, during the period of their self-emancipation, were negotiating the turbulence and inter-racial intrigues of a singular and unique historical moment. the demands of the moment, and the disposition of the actors at that point in history, influenced the dynamics of events. thomas also brings the reader‟s attention to froude‟s choice of haiti as model, when the republic of liberia seemed a more apt example of functioning newly formed african nation. “one would have thought,” thomas had written early in froudacity, that liberia would have been a better standard of comparison in respect of a colored population starting a national life, really and truly equipped with the requisites and essentials of civilized existence. but such a reference would have been too fatal to mr. froude‟s object: the annals of liberia being a persistent refutation of the old slavery prophecies which our author so freely rehearses. ( - ) moreover, the revolution caused a symbolic disturbance in the perceptions of a historical relationship between the african and the european. anglo-west indian anxiety over the presence of the emergent black middle class resembles the symbolic disturbance caused by haiti‟s successful revolution. thomas‟s argument suggests that the circumstances and implications of that historical moment became the raw material and blueprint of froude‟s black west indian. however, the differences between the haitian past and the trinidadian present were too temporally profound for comparison. according to thomas, “[t]he founders of the black republic, we had all along understood, were not in any sense whatever equipped, as mr. froude assures us they were, when starting on their self-governing career, with the civil and intellectual advantages that had been transplanted from europe. on the contrary, we had been taught to regard them as most unfortunate in the circumstances under which they so gloriously conquered their merited freedom”( - ). these haitians, at the point of their incipient national history, may have been free, but they were also, according to thomas, “perfectly illiterate barbarians, impotent to the use of intellectual resources of which their valour had made them possessors, in the shape of books on the spirit and technical details of a highly developed national existence” ( ). the post-revolutionary haitians, in other words, had not access to the tools of civilization and government that blacks in the british west indies had studied and acquired since emancipation. thomas seems to suggest that while the blacks of present day trinidad had met, through schools and study, the demands of civilization, the abrupt circumstances that gave rise to revolt in haiti precluded opportunities for similar forms of development. the historical moment, for thomas, did not allow for it. in making his point in this way, which explodes notions of racial determinism, thomas also attacks the oxford historian‟s ahistorical approach to afro-west indian development. it is important to note that the fate of the mixed race population during and after the haitian revolution was well-known throughout the british west indies. as part of the inter-racial intrigue experienced by haiti, the mixed-race population has historically been situated as being complicit with either attempting to maintain french hegemony in haiti, or with complicating the post-revolutionary haitian‟s endeavors toward progress, advancement, and development as a singular and independent nation. furthermore, the mixed-race/ mulatto population of haiti has historically been represented as regarding themselves morally and intellectually superior to blacks, thus reiterating the very assumptions that caused the impositions of limits on the movement and aspirations of the majority of peoples of african descent. as a result of the tension between the hybrid and pure blooded groups, reports of the most gruesome forms of violence against the former were frequently circulated throughout the west indies, the united states, and great britain. these stories were more sensational than actual; but the purpose of these tales was to show the “civilized” and europeanized world an example of the eternal and natural animosity between the races and the extent newly freed blacks would go to express their hatred toward whiteness. thomas, however, does not avoid contrasting the historical animosity between blacks and mulattoes throughout the west indies to his more liberal and cooperative presentation of modern trinidad. thomas writes that “we had learned also, until this new interpretation of history had contradicted the accepted record, that the continued failure of hayti to realize the dreams of toussaint was due to the fatal want of confidence subsisting between the fairer and darker sections of the inhabitants, which had its sinister and disastrous origin in the action of the mulattoes in attempting to secure freedom for themselves, in conjunction with the whites, at the sacrifice of their darker-hued kinsmen” ( ). thomas exploits this component of the legend of the black republic to call attention to what he wants his reader to believe about the sense of fellowship currently existing between blacks, mulattoes, and many whites in trinidad. in other words, he wants the reader in london to believe that trinidad of does not share the same wide-spread intergroup distrust which had been seen between the mulattoes and blacks in haiti. getting across this sense of interracial cooperation was important because thomas believed in reform and, at least, “semi-representative government in trinidad” (“an estimate” ). according to brereton, “[a]n essential part of the reformer‟s argument was that there was in trinidad a community of educated, propertied men, mainly white but also black and brown, who would cooperate with each other to exercise the franchise responsibly and intelligently. these men were worthy of the vote because they would work together for common ends regardless of differences of race and colour” (“an estimate” ). to show that this vision of present-day trinidad actually existed, “thomas depicted as a reality what any right-thinking person might have wished to see: intelligent men who could transcend race and colour in everyone‟s interests” (“an estimate” ). early in froudacity, he described trinidad society as “free, educated, progressive, and at peace with all men” ( ). this sense of a unified west indian community is reframed in terms of reforms: “the demands for reform in the crown colonies – a demand which our author deliberately misrepresents – is made neither by nor for the negro, mulatto, chinese, nor east indian. it is a petition put forward by prominent responsible colonists – the majority of whom are white, and mostly britons besides” ( ). thomas recognized that in all aspects of black subjectivity, froude was attempting to place the race into a template created by white anxiety and desire, and to do so froude masks the existence of an educated class behind the fantasy and garb of barbarism. the reification of this fantasy may have prevented many victorians from gaining knowledge about actual social life in the west indian colonies. but the demystification of the black legend, with a portrait of actual lived experiences in the west indies, also posed a threat to one‟s perception of self as central to the maintenance of “civilization.” the realization of the african as historical agent may have been froudacity‟s greatest contribution to an understanding of afro-victorian racial discourse. for it is a direct response not only to one text, but to the entire system of thinking that relentlessly held onto the idea of european centrality and the immanent limitations of the other. conclusion the language of afro-victorian discourse, whether behavioral or literary, is always a response to the limiting narrative generated by influential segments of a dominant group. it is a language and an act of agency. what makes it an act of agency is ), it is self-reflective and ), it consciously challenges the fidelity of the dominant narrative‟s attempts at identity formation. in most cases, it is a conscious attempt to bring to the public stage what peoples of african descent interpret as the motivations of the group generating the dominant narrative. it‟s behavioral and artistic manifestations are always attempts to communicate a shared essential humanity with members of the dominant community. the insistence on this shared essential humanity, and on the cultural acquisitions that accompany recognition of this shared essential humanity, is, in the eyes of many practitioners of the dominant discourse, what makes afro-victorian discursive practices dangerously calibanistic. however parochial, it was their public representation of themselves as agents that posed the challenge to the carlylean- prosperoic white enchanters. j.j. thomas‟s froudacity is an example of a black victorian discursive product that describes the very phenomena which the dominant narrative attempts to make invisible. through thomas‟s text we see how an emergent and existing black middle class structures the colonialized monster in froude‟s the english in the west indies. in other words, the complete negation of thomas‟s historical agent and emergent cultural elite gives structure, form, and substance to froude‟s atavistic and haitianated black british subject. in caliban’s victorian children, i have argued that social and discursive practices expressed by peoples of african descent should be interpreted as acts of agency against the exclusionary and limited trajectory of victorian racial discourse. in this study i have also suggested that we look at victorian racial discourse as a response to the lived agency of the other. my intentions are not merely to foreground the discursive practices of peoples of african descent, but to also encourage us to take a closer look at the dialectical tensions between actual behavior and the behavior as represented. that is, my intension is to have us look closer at the behavior being analyzed and silenced, to investigate how the writings of those whose desires are reformed and silenced, and then show how those particular behaviors and texts contributed to the construction of the dominant narratives. the question i have asked myself throughout this study is: what, after placing the literary and discursive products of the other besides that of a representative (or group of representative) dominant text, phenomena is being made invisible or dismissed? racialized representations, such as the ones generated midway through the nineteenth century, were attempts to mask and erase indications of historically responsive agency with the belief that the racial other was a prisoner and victim of his own nature. consciousness and agency get obscured by the discussion of 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young, robert j.c. colonial desire: hybridity in theory, culture, and race. new york: routledge, . holo-pursuits: holographic identity & agency in star trek: the next generation & voyager kim louise parrent a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of doctor of philosophy in english university of canterbury . table of contents list of illustrations abbreviations acknowledgments dedication abstract chapter one: introduction: “the final frontier”: in pursuit of holographic agency chapter two: “the frankenstein complex”: creating “monsters” through scientific discourse in “home soil” & “evolution” chapter three: i think, therefore i exist? chapter four: latent subject chapter five: “author, author”: rebellion, auth(or)enticity and the hologram chapter six: violent revolution in “revulsion” & “flesh & blood” conclusion: “computer, end programme” holographic revolution & rebellion – a holo-pursuit bibliography list of illustrations. figure . commander william riker emerges onto the holodeck for the first time figure . captain janeway and the emh face off on the holodeck figure . professor moriarty contemplates his universe figure . the doctor’s eye figure . janeway’s disfigured eyes figure . seven of nine’s optical implant figure . two emh mark i’s discuss ‘photon’s be free’ all illustrations are sourced from star trek wiki.com abbreviations. a.i. – artificial intelligence bs/wm – black skins, white masks ced – chambers english dictionary d/p – discipline and punishment emh – emergency medical hologram oed – oxford english dictionary os – original series s/k – situated knowledge we – wretched of the earth acknowledgements the completion of this thesis has been an interesting, enlightening, protracted, and at times stressful journey. it was completed amidst the upheavals and stresses of the christchurch earthquakes ( ), and the closure of the american studies department soon afterwards. conceived within the american studies department, my research topic was developed from my interest in science fiction television as a medium to study the politics of identity and through discussions with dr. jessica johnston, whose passion for teaching and science fiction television was infectious. she was to continue as my primary supervisor for this thesis until , in conjunction with dr. cornelia sears, after successfully guiding my master’s thesis on stargate sg- . i am grateful to professor daniel bernardi, who was the examiner of my completed thesis on stargate sg- and the politics of whiteness, for his generous and encouraging comments on my thesis, which further fuelled my interest in developing my research in science fiction television. but the seeds of this thesis go back many years, emerging from my original roots in science, and a degree in botany/ecology and animal behaviour, then in my interest and subsequent honours degree in post-colonial studies and human-animal relationships. some of the theoretical concepts as they apply to my topic evolved out of these varied perspectives. after , my supervisory team changed as my thesis moved under the direction of the english department. i would like to thank professor patrick evans, especially for his help in the editing of this paper and his supportive feedback on the completed draft. i am grateful to dr daniel bedggood for stepping in as my new primary supervisor and for his comments on the final draft. i am also grateful to the university of canterbury’s civil & natural resources engineering department, which over the last three years has provided me with on-going employment as a teaching assistant co-ordinator and more recently a full-time academic position. without this financial support, i would not have been able to complete this thesis. on a personal note, i would like to thank my family for their enduring and unfailing support throughout this journey. in particular, my grandparents, john and alicia oliver, who sadly will not see the end result, both having passed away before this work was completed. their endless faith and encouragement, and their ardent belief in the importance of education led me to embark on this doctorate. finally, but not least of all, my mother gail parrent, whose confidence in my ability to succeed despite endless setbacks was invaluable. without her loving and unconditional support, i would not have completed this work. thank you. to holly, my late nonhuman companion who until her passing at the age of , reminded me daily with her feline antics and seemingly endless kitten-hood, to stop, look up from the page and play. abstract in this thesis, i explore issues relating to holographic identity, agency and the place and position of the hologram in star trek. my critique of star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager explores the nature of the hologram as a subordinate or subaltern class within the hegemonic environment of starfleet, earth’s representative for space exploration and colonization. by bringing together issues of resistance and agency and the politics of simulacra identity, i argue that the figure of the hologram represents a struggle for power, agency, and voice. my focus is on the hologram’s journey towards agency and resistance against the hegemonic discourse of starfleet. i examine how the hologram’s journey highlights the fictional disparities in power relations between the dominant and the marginalized within american science fiction television and demonstrate how this subjugation results in the silencing of the “other”. i examine these complex issues utilising theories on humanism, posthumanism, postcolonialism, subaltern studies, animal rights, and artificial intelligence in order to demonstrate the relevance of science fiction television, and in particular, the fictional representations of the hologram in the study of the politics of identity. within these star trek narratives, the hologram is often monopolized, dominated and exploited by the humanoid. key words: science fiction, star trek, star trek: voyager, star trek: the next generation, holograms, subaltern, agency, hegemony, counter-hegemony, whiteness, “race”, posthumanism, posthuman, alife, artificial intelligence, postcolonialism, michel foucault, franz fanon. chapter one introduction “the final frontier”: in pursuit of holographic agency “the final frontier”: this famous phrase has echoed throughout popular culture since it was first conceived by gene roddenberry for the opening sequence of star trek (os). this phrase is never more appropriate than when applied to the frontier of artificial intelligence and alife. in contemporary science fiction narratives a new mechanical phylum has arisen that includes androids, cyborgs, robots, nanobots and holograms. alife represents the best and worst of human creativity, from mechanical monsters to cyborg heroes. whether viewed as villains or heroes, alife challenges humanity’s claim to supremacy and uniqueness. the final hurdle that humanity faces is to confront or to coexist with their mechanical offspring. science fiction asks the question: will alife ultimately replace humans, or live alongside humanity with equal consideration? science fiction literature has been widely studied in relation to questions of identity politics, alienation, and marginalisation. although questions regarding the position of alife alongside humanity have become common within science fiction literature and are well entrenched within academia, the study of science fiction television has not always received such academic acclaim. science fiction television often takes a back seat to the study of so-called “higher” science fiction literary narratives in the form of the eugene (gene) roddenberry began writing for television in the s and left the police force in order to pursue writing full time. his idea for star trek emerged out of a desire to create a “wagon train to the stars”. he wanted to use the series to comment on the “human condition” at a time in american history, the s, that was particularly turbulent (greenberger). novel. however, as a number of scholars and academics have demonstrated over the last two decades, science fiction television is an important and versatile medium in which to study the thematic complexities of such narratives. with the rise of posthumanism, science fiction film and television have come into their own. the ability to see such narratives on screen, with the inclusion of cinematic special effects, brings science fiction tales vividly to life and offers new ways of investigating these storylines. arguably, the visual retelling of many classic science fiction tales allows these narratives to reach a wider and more diverse audience. consequently, the ways in which science fiction narratives can be interpreted visually are useful additions to the analysis of science fiction texts. with the rise of digital media and the increasing interest in televisual and cinematic remaking of classic science fiction texts, the critical study of science fiction television will continue to be an important addition to university scholarship. my interest in science fiction began with television, and in particular, series like star trek and doctor who. growing up watching these shows in the seventies introduced me to a world of otherness – the otherness of alien civilisations, and of space/time travel. although these original series now seem dated and at times even comical, with their outdated special effects and corny dialogue, they nevertheless introduced a generation of children and adults to the delights of science fiction television. the new series of star trek and doctor who have produced some exciting new narratives, new aliens, and new ways of seeing the universe. in turn, these new narratives have stimulated this has often been the case with science fiction adaptations of “classic” science fiction texts, at times viewed as perverse or corrupt versions of the original, rather than as insightful, posthuman reconstructions of the famous originals. a case in point is isaac asimov’s classic tales made into film (leaver ; booker ). novel ways of re-viewing science fiction narratives and characters. my current thesis evolved out of my interest in science fiction television; animal behaviour and ecology; evolutionary theory; natural history; animal and postcolonial studies; sociology of the self; and representations of the “other” (human/nonhuman/machine) within socio-cultural formats. i have brought some of these observations to this thesis. my study of star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager explores the hologram, a currently neglected area of study, as a medium to critically examine representations of simulacra as oppressed figures. the hologram as portrayed in star trek is particularly useful as a medium to study aspects of exclusion and oppression. the hologram in its very nature is meant to fool the senses into believing that the individual is interacting with a real being. the reason for excluding holograms from the category of living beings is based on their position as “artificial” creations and on their simulated nature as opposed to being organic subjects. my research contributes to an understanding of how historical american paradigms of “race”, class, religion, and gender are mediated within american science fiction television representations of the simulacrum. although critical studies in science fiction television remain built upon the key staples of “race”, gender, politics and class, it is through the utilization of these new narratives and new characters that unique perspectives are gained in relation to the standard theoretical tropes. at this point it should be noted that “race” is an especially problematic concern: the concept of race is one of the most controversial in all evolutionary biology. it has been used to justify the slavery of africans in the new world, to rationalise the murder of millions of jews, slavs and gypsies by the nazis, and as a reason for one group to oppress another throughout human history to the present day … the concept of race has become a sociocultural classification of human diversity with highly charged interpretations and connotations. (ruse & travis ) yet the term is used within science fiction narratives as either a visible or an invisible construct and therefore cannot be ignored in a discursive analysis of power relationships in science fiction television. the mythology of “race” has “worked to order societies, structure power relationships, and to determine which groups have access to resources and privileges” (dies in potter & marshall ). it is due to the fabricated and uncertain nature of “race” as a construct that i place “race” in inverted commas. “race”, especially the historical binary between “whiteness” and “blackness,” has been carried over into the examination of alien species where whiteness is equated with humanity and goodness, and blackness with alien-ness and evil (parrent ). my focus is on the realm of the artificial, and the artificial as a construct of political and social identity, presented both in terms of the machine and in the machines’ relationship to humanity. in my examination of the figure of the simulacrum i scrutinize and expose “the profound depths of racialist [and elitist] ideologies and their link to [popular] culture,” particularly this aspect of science fiction television has been studied comprehensively by daniel bernardi ( ) in relation to star trek, and was the focus of my master’s thesis: traveling through the iris: re-producing whiteness in stargate sg- ( unpublished thesis). within science fiction narratives, through the hologram’s attempts at resistance, rebellion, and subversion (spencer ). by analysing the largely ignored position of the hologram within star trek, alongside critical readings of current literature on hegemony, counter-hegemony, the subaltern, simulacra, and identity politics in popular science fiction, i question if the hologram can actively negotiate agency and self-determination. i argue that star trek’s portrayal of the hologram is an important topic that raises questions of whether a simulated image can claim consciousness, and agency, or whether it can indeed resist, as simulacra’s right to agency or insurgency is potentially undermined on the basis of their apparent lack of authenticity. consequently, is resistance for the hologram merely a holo-pursuit? before moving onto discussions of the key theoretical perspectives that i address in the following chapters it is important to define several key terms. i use the term “artificial” as a reference to something that is not “natural” or “alive” in the popular cultural sense of the words. the machine may simulate “life” but is not a life form in its biological meaning. something that is artificial is typically, although not always, viewed as constructed, synthetic, and static as opposed to born, natural, and evolving. the adjunct thing (something) rather than one (someone) also denotes a sense of construction and fabrication. in contrast, the phrase “artificial intelligence,” or a.i., in this thesis represents machines that are capable of reasoning and processing information in similar ways to the human brain. because these definitions by at this point it should be noted that my investigation into the hologram, and simulacra in general, is purely aimed at fictional representations of these entities. possible future applications in regards to advanced “real-world” artificial entities is not the focus of this thesis. as tama leaver ( ) suggests “the artificial, if nothing else, is conventionally thought to signify objects and things outside of the realm of the natural and realm of the human” ( ) their nature impose restrictions upon the artificial “other” that limit the scope of the application of agency, i use the term “alife” when discussing artificial “life forms”. however, since all such terminology, through the use of the word “artificial,” denotes a lack of life, i prefer the terms simulacra and simulacrum when discussing such entities as holograms. simulacra are distinct from alife in that they are not in themselves original; that is, they are copies of a copy in which the original is lost through duplication (baudrillard). this definition makes them harder to define or quantify as “living.” the definition of “alien” lands on more solid ground having been used historically to denote that which is “different: different from person or place” (oed). alien used in this way, as different or distinct from humans, becomes translatable to the nonhuman “other,” whether techno-animal, organic, or mechanical. i use the term “organic” to include all life forms depicted in science fiction that are carbon based, as opposed to silica-based or other elemental life forms. i use the term “human” to refer to those “species” who originate from earth (human species – homo sapiens). in contrast, the term humanoid is used for those aliens that resemble humans in appearance, shape or form, but are not human; they did not originate from earth (nonhuman species). beyond this distinction, myriad scholarly definitions of “human” abound; i find pramad nayar’s to be the most succinct: the human is traditionally taken to be a subject (one who is conscious of his/her self) marked by rational thinking/intelligence, who is able to plot his/her own course of action depending on his/her needs, desires and wishes, and, as a result of his/her actions, produces history. the human has traditionally been treated as male and universal. it is always treated in the singular (the human) and as a set of features or conditions: rationality, authority, autonomy and agency. ( ) as nayar suggests at the heart of what it is to be human is the subject – a rational, autonomous, individual who has agency. the human being is at the centre of humanism and the subject is central to being human (copson & grayling, ). consequently, the subject is at the core of humanism. however, the concept of the subject and subjectivity are problematic: as with the terms humanism & posthumanism there are multiple definitions. i use the term “subject” to refer to “an entity that is capable of conscious experience”, and “subjectivity” to refer to the ability of the subject to be aware of “the world and [itself] as existing in it” (mcqueen ). in developing these terms further, paddy mcqueen argues that the subject is “capable of experiencing various mental states and … to reflect on these states … the subject requires that one be an agent, meaning that one is able to make decisions and to reflect on these decisions … [to be] … self-reflective agents”; and all of this within a social context or discourse (ibid). humanism as a term and a theory has been, at one time or another, embraced and rejected by critical theorists, yet remains as a significant presence within some western thought. according to andrew copson and a.c. grayling, the term has come to be associated with the “valuing of human beings and human culture in contrast with valuing gods and religion, and by affirming the effectiveness of human reason applied to evidence…” ( ). copson and grayling’s view of a recent, anglophile and secular humanism centres on two main traits: . a philosophy of beliefs, that holds that human beings achieve a system of morality through their own reasoning rather than through a belief in any divine being (copson & grayling ). . a commitment to the perspective, interests and centrality of human persons; a belief in reason and autonomy as foundational aspects of human existence; a belief that reason, scepticism and the scientific method are the only appropriate instruments for discovering truth and structuring the human community; a belief that the foundations for ethics and society are to be found in autonomy and moral equality … (craig & craig ). the term humanism, as used throughout this thesis, and as i apply it to star trek, embraces both of the above traits and denotes a belief in human nature: a fallacy that denotes a definable, homogenous essence that all humans possess (halliwell & mousley ). according to the oxford english dictionary, human nature refers to “the general characteristics and feelings shared by all people” ( ). the concept of a central human nature, a “nature” consisting of behaviours that link all humans together as a species, or a human condition, a view that denotes humanity as having a set state of being, or condition, are john andrews ( ) the economist book of –isms: from abolitionism to zoroastrianism (in andrew copson, ). edward craig & edward craig (eds.) concise rutledge encyclopaedia of philosophy (in andrew copson ). i am using ‘human’ (uppercase ‘h’) to denote the proper noun and how the term typically appears as capitalised in the theoretical literature. similarly, i use the uppercase version of ‘human’ to denote the use of the term as a noun, for the subject/name of the group. i use the lowercase ‘human’ to apply to the use of the term as an adjective “relating to or characteristic of human beings” (oed). myths that perpetuate injustice. these ideologies perpetuate injustice (both historical and contemporary) by setting a standard of “humanness” that is laid down as the archetype for what it means to be human and, more importantly, what it means not to be human. in addition, “the myth of the human ‘condition’ … [of which human nature is a part] … rests on a very old mystification … placing nature at the bottom of history … in scratching the history of men a little, the relativity of their institution or the superficial diversity of their skins, one very quickly reaches the solid rock of a universal human nature” (barthes ). over the centuries different versions, relationships, and labels, or prefixes, for humanism have emerged such as romantic, renaissance, liberal, critical, post-, trans- and anti-. this has often complicated the use and usefulness of the term humanism. for my research purposes, i have examined liberal humanism, critical humanism, and posthumanism. liberal humanism, as depicted within star trek, attaches great importance to the sovereignty of the individual but also looks to a collective concept of humanity that supposedly negates the need for “race” or creed – where all humanity are depicted as one people. it this interpretation, often used by gene roddenberry to describe his franchise’s core philosophy (robb), that i use when discussing liberal humanism. this definition is a eurocentric version of liberal humanism in that it is centred round the dominance of white, western, masculine values. one of the paradoxes of star trek’s use of liberal humanism is this appeal to white masculine values while at the same time advocating a “colour-blind” philosophy in which all “races” and creeds are equal. however, the nature of liberal humanism excludes non-white non- western discourses. consequently, the series attempts to depict a “colour blind” future that is paradoxically at the same time framed within “race”. the term “liberal” can be applied to both political and cultural ideologies. for the purposes of my study, i use the term “liberal” to signify what anne norton observes as equating liberalism to “self-expression and self- discovery … predicted on the notion of an autonomous self, an independent will that individuals can discover within” (in harrison et al ). liberalism within liberal humanism signifies “a belief in the primacy and autonomy of the individual” (ibid). although very much part of the theory of humanism, liberal humanism advocates the rise of the individual as the key to the shaping of humanity. critical humanism, as the name implies, critiques the humanist ideal of a universal human. it views such universality as a fallacy in that rather than being all-inclusive it actually, and actively, excludes some (“races”, genders, and bodies). critical humanism denies the humanist appeal to the “idea of a ‘person’ as a self-conscious subject” (nayar ). critical humanism, in opposition to liberal humanism, tries to demolish the “myth of the unified, coherent, autonomous, self-identical human subject. it has posited the subject, and biology, as a construct of discourses, of enmeshed and co-evolved species and technologies” (nayar ). my analysis combines elements of critical humanist and critical posthumanist theories to star trek’s liberal humanist treatment of the hologram. posthumanism evolves out of theories of humanism but attempts to challenge and to disassemble the idea of a universal human condition, or a stable and universal idea of the individual. according to ann weinstone’s avatar bodies, “posthumanism responds to the legacies of humanism by breaking up, fracturing, distributing, and decentralizing the self-willing person, questioning its subjectival unity and epistemological conceits…” ( ). although posthumanism, within many science fiction narratives, appears to “break away” from humanism, it “remains firmly within the purview of humanism … as it tends to retain at the centre of its narratives the one who becomes and the one who owns those becomings” (ibid ). in addition, “posthumanism asks a great many questions in which the other or alter or alien or animal or nonhuman or technological feature as active terms” (ibid ). in this thesis, i utilise two forms of “posthumanism”. firstly, i use posthuman to mean that which evolves beyond the human. the cyborg, android, and machine intelligence are posthuman figures. the “post” in this regard reflects the move towards the science fiction model of the new, improved human (homo faber); or those that come after the human that may or may not be human (e.g., machines, alife). the term homo faber is used by some transhumanists, a further subcategory of posthumanist thought as defined by weinstone’s definition above, to denote the advanced human form in its relationship to technology (nayar ). secondly, i use posthuman in terms of critical posthumanism. critical posthumanism, as opposed to posthumanism, views humanity not as evolving into something new, but as a fragmented, decentred, and unknowable construct. it critiques the concept of human sovereignty and humans as “the centre of all things” and challenges the this definition combines elements of critical humanism and transhumanism and points to a reliance on the idea of the human. similarly, as per the term human/human, i use the uppercase version to denote the name of a critical theory as opposed to using it adjectively. “hierarchic ordering – and subsequently exploitation and even eradication – of life forms” which do not fit the archetypal figure that the idea of the human represents (nayar / - ). * * * * * star trek: the saga evolves the job of star trek was to use drama and adventure as a way of portraying humanity in its various guises and beliefs. star trek is the expression of my own beliefs using my characters to act out human problems. gene roddenberry (in robb ix) as the statement above demonstrates, star trek was a personal journey for gene roddenberry as a writer. his goal was to use the show to address “humanity” and the “human condition”. the use of contemporary socio- political issues within the narratives, combined with the use of futuristic science and technology, led to the show becoming a cult classic. as a cultural icon, star trek has generated a great deal of interest in popular culture, and within critical literature. from its beginning as a space opera in (os – ), the star trek franchise has been studied in relation to “race,” gender politics, and the subject of liberal humanism. star trek’s five television series and thirteen films (to date) span several decades. the original television according to barrett & barrett “star trek is about the human, and endorses a lot of what we might call ‘humanist’ rhetoric … it also uses a number of devices to ask questions about how the nature of humanity is to be understood” ( ). one of these “devices” is the use of the artificial to define humanity. in particular, the hologram acts as a point of difference leading to questions about “the nature of humanity”. this was correct as of march . series began in and aired for only three years. however, later syndication saw the show playing continuously throughout the world. the s series featured william shatner as captain james t. kirk and the late leonard nimoy as spock. star trek became a cult classic, and the new series that followed continued the original winning design. star trek’s narratives situated in a utopian future, that frequently touts a liberal, “colour-blind” and progressive society, has throughout the franchise’s long history, relied heavily upon contemporary american paradigmatic assumptions of “race,” class, and gender. as a consequence, similar to other popular science fiction television series (past and present), star trek’s narratives ultimately privilege white, western, masculine histories, and subordinate, silence, or negate non-white, non-western, non-masculine identities. later shows that followed in the wake of star trek, such as stargate sg- , continued the narrative trope of privileged “whiteness” which juxtaposed the “white” hero with the dark alien “other” (parrent ). the marginalised “other” in the original star trek has typically been the alien. however in the later series, the “other” included artificial intelligence and alife. over the years of observing the evolution of star trek, and with the emergence of new technology in star trek: the next generation and start trek: voyager, i imagined what it would be like to enter a holodeck and have the freedom to engage directly with the past, or imagine the thrill of exploring new worlds. in terms of critical evaluation, i began to question what these the next generation – ; voyager – ; deep space nine – ; enterprise – . while the term “colour-blind” may be seen by some as colloquial, it is nevertheless widely used in the field of whiteness studies to denote the invisibility of the white subject, and the fallacy of a “race less” society (bernardi ; parrent ). fictional experiences on the holodeck, these virtual worlds, signified. how do fictional representations of holographic characters fit into the scheme of representations, and into the “real-world” power relationships that these representations so often engage, explore, and negotiate? as star trek moved along in its journey from the next generation to voyager, there was a definite shift in how the character of the hologram was portrayed. initially, from the first appearance in the next generation, the hologram was a form of entertainment, stress relief for long space voyagers, and a technological tool to be exploited. by the time voyager emerged, the hologram moved into the realm of companion, friend, and shipmate. in voyager, holograms emerge as individuals able to evolve, learn, interact independently, and offer compassion and companionship to organics. within star trek narratives, the fictional characterisation of the hologram followed a similar pattern to that of the alien. as the stories developed over the decades and between the various series’, some aliens were welcomed into the “human community” (although others were to remain outside/excluded). this change often reflected real world cultural attitudes of the day. for example, after the tumultuous racial tension of the sixties and seventies, black actors, no longer relegated to the background, became part of the main cast of trek. by star trek: deep space nine, the key figure of the series, the captain of the space station, captain ben sisko, was non-white. similarly, female roles began to become more mainstream leaving behind the supporting role, as background “scenery”, to become central to the shows’ however, this is not to suggest that racial equality and harmony were attained in the u.s. after the s. narrative formula. this is reflected most notably in the addition of captain katherine janeway as head of the starship voyager. the way that these changing and evolving fictional constructs have often reflected real world u.s. cultural attitudes/politics has made star trek useful for the critical analysis of cultural concepts, and constructs, such as ‘race’, marginality, gender, and ‘otherness.’ my thesis explores the changing position of fictional representations of artificial entities, such as holograms, throughout star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, utilising the theories outlined in this introduction, such as critical humanism, posthumanism, human-animal studies, and subaltern studies. i employ aspects of these concepts to the exploration of science fiction television, dealing with the artificial “other”, which demonstrates visually, narratively, and conceptually that the historical construction of what it is to be human is highly contested as well as deconstructed. it is my contention that the hologram, as simulacrum, is a neglected and yet richly symbolic vehicle to investigate the extension of such marginalised identity, “othering,” and agency. stories about the identity and position of holograms in relation to human communities within fictional realms allow for the negotiation and examination of socio- political themes that mirror real world concerns, such as “race”, subalternity, and gender. notably, there is yet to be a female captain of the starship enterprise. “mankind stands tall: god bless the human race” : star trek: the motion picture although the primary focus of my study is on star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, it should be noted that the ominous nature of the machine is not new to the next generation or voyager, but resonated within the narratives of the original. in star trek: the motion picture ( ), the dramatic opening sequence sees first contact made with a vast living machine. in the blackness of space, an ominous sound reverberates from a massive bluish cloud. kirk, displacing captain willard decker, regains the captaincy of the enterprise. joined by spock, who has failed in his quest to achieve kolinahr, a vulcan rite to purge all emotions, the crew encounter the cloud. the enterprise’s bridge is probed by a stream of plasma energy sent from the interior of the cloud and the navigator ilia is killed. a machine replication of her is transported back to the ship to act as a more effective probe and record information on the “carbon units”. the entity, that is called v’ger, demands knowledge about the creator. it views the humans aboard the enterprise as an infestation and the probe informs kirk that when it has received the information it requires it will purge the entity called enterprise of the carbon units. determined to protect his crew and save earth, kirk demands to meet with v’ger face to face. when v’ger is finally confronted, the entity announced by harriett jones in doctor who (new series) “world war three” ( ). the film, star trek: the motion picture, draws on the original series in its use of the dangers of machine life. for example, “the changeling” and “the doomsday machine,” the former depicting a voyager-alien like machine hybrid, while the latter an alien machine following a (distorted) programme to “clean” the universe of organic life. star trek: the motion picture aired in and was written by harold livingston and directed by robert wise. this scene and the booming sound emanating from the alien entity are reminiscent of close encounters of the third kind ( ). turns out to be a highly modified earth probe – voyager vi. sent out into space in the twentieth century the probe’s mission was to gather information and to send data back to earth. found damaged by an advanced machine race, the probe was repaired and sent out to continue its journey. now sentient v’ger is trying to make sense of its existence and wants to meet and join with its creator. finding out that its creator was human, v’ger unites with decker and ilia’s consciousness and is “reborn” as a new life form and the earth is saved. several compelling ideas in relation to artificial intelligence and the nature of life emerge from this film and these would be developed further in the later series of the franchise. as depicted in many star trek narratives, science “is not the one truth about the world, but truth from a particular perspective, answering a set of questions, and often serving a particular set of interests” and this particular perspective relies upon biological assumptions about the universe (dupre ). the film depicts humanity’s struggle to define life in the universe. when they encounter the interior of the cloud, kirk assumes that this “structure” is a massive alien vessel and tries to contact its crew. kirk, in his search for answers, works from a discourse that recognises and defines life-as-we-know-it, a discursive template that is based upon human scientific knowledge that excludes life-as-it-could-be. therefore, he initially it should be noted that “life” and “sentience” do not always go hand in hand. something can be considered to live but not be sentient. plants are alive but few believe them to be sentient. sentience is the ability to be aware of one’s surroundings, and in most cases to be self-aware. it can also mean, at its basic level, to respond to stimulus. however, when used in science fiction it is generally in reference to being conscious or self-conscious and able to respond empathically to events. science remains a powerful force in determining socio-political definitions and “science carries an epistemic authority that generally greatly exceeds that of non-scientific practices of knowledge production” (dupre ). ignores the possibility that this massive structure may not be a “thing” but a life form. western science has long defined the paradigm of life based on what it is to be human. such discourses are not passive; nor are they neutral. as mccoy asks kirk, “why is anything out there we don’t understand always called a thing?” fear of the machine, or more precisely, the intelligent machine, the “thing” that lurks beyond human understanding, has continued to fuel science fiction narratives as machines become more advanced, more intelligent: the computer seems to have a mind of its own, especially if the controllers are guided by its information …. [s]ome … have already begun to compare computers to the golem of the medieval ghetto or the monster created by dr. frankenstein. far from remaining a stunning but subordinate tool, the computer frequently jumps the track, subverting human purposes that set it in motion. like the machines that characterised the industrial revolution, computers are just the latest occasion for the displacement of fears that “things” are out of control, that their human origin has been lost, and that it is too late for salvation. (aronowitz ) in star trek: the motion picture, humanity, depicted as an emotional “species,” is used as both a reference point and a guide to all knowledge including the spiritual and philosophical. the machine is viewed as inferior to humanity because it lacks the ability to understand and process emotions. this premise will be used repeatedly in star trek narratives to deny the artificial “other” agency. i will discuss this in detail in the following chapters. v’ger, an artificial life form, one that has been rebuilt by an advanced machine race from a planet of living machines, still looks to humanity for answers about its existence. in the film, spock is also searching for answers about his own existence as part human, part vulcan. trying to determine exactly what v’ger is and how to stop its progress towards earth, spock enters the inner chamber. during a mind meld with v’ger spock learns that v’ger is searching for answers of its own. he tells kirk: “i saw v'ger's planet, a planet populated by living machines, unbelievable technology. v'ger has knowledge that spans this universe. and, yet with all this pure logic, v'ger is barren, cold, no mystery, no beauty. i should have known”. what he should have known was that “this simple feeling ... [grasping kirk’s hand] … is beyond v'ger's comprehension. no meaning, no hope, and jim, no answers. it's asking questions. is this all i am? is there nothing more?” in this conversation between human and vulcan, the film’s narrative suggests that spock finds his answers not in rejecting or purging his humanity (a move towards cold logic) but by acknowledging it (a move towards “feeling”). feeling, mystery, and human emotion, not logic, can provide spock and v’ger with what they seek. v’ger is seeking life’s answers – why does it exist? who created it? as a machine, it cannot understand something like friendship, hope or imagination and look beyond reason and logic. what this narrative stresses is that there is more and it is to be found within humanity. overall, the film concludes that it is the human ability to look beyond logic and to imagine that is the key to evolving. consequently, if machine intelligence is to evolve and to have “life,” it must also transcend logic and this is a move towards romantic humanism. embrace the impossible. it must become more “human” in order to evolve beyond the mechanical and live. kirk and the others realise that v’ger wants to touch its creator, to learn about humanity and evolve: spock: … v'ger must evolve. its knowledge has reached the limits of this universe and it must evolve. what it requires of its god, doctor, is the answer to its question, 'is there nothing more? mccoy: what more is there than the universe, spock? … spock: the existence of which cannot be proved logically … kirk: what v'ger needs in order to evolve is a human quality, our capacity to leap beyond logic. (star trek: the motion picture ) the ideas that are formulated within this film reverberate throughout the star trek universe in each crews’ search “to seek out new life”. these include: the capacity for humans to see anything new as a threat, a “thing”; the formulation of definitions of life based on a human template; the role of starfleet medical personnel, often at odds with starfleet’s military and economic scientific discourse, to question the assumptions about life-as-we-know-it and look for definitions of life-as-it-could-be; and the need for machines to gain a “human quality” in order to evolve beyond their programming. what all these ideas have in common is the elevation of humanity as the pinnacle of life. star trek: the motion picture offered some intriguing possibilities about life and the i discuss this idea in chapter three in relation to data and moriarty. this is true of all crews from the different ships. universe, but it is the next instalments of star trek that really begin to challenge the place of the living machine alongside humanity. the next generation: star trek reborn gene roddenberry initially oversaw the conception of star trek: next generation ( – ). set in the twenty-fourth century, it shows the new starship enterprise d & e headed by captain jean-luc picard (patrick stewart), whose continuing mission echoes that of the original series: “to seek out new life and new civilisations, to boldly go where no one has gone before” (opening sequence of the next generation). within star trek: the next generation, new and novel technology, as well as the newly developed look of the enterprise, was a key feature of the show’s appeal to fans. in fact, this was the first series to use the holodeck extensively as a mechanism for plotlines and narratives. when star trek: the next generation appeared a new techno- wonder arrived – the holodeck. not seen on other science fiction series, this new technology offered something amazing – the ability to go anywhere, be anyone, and physically interact with fictional characters that appear “real”. this is virtual reality on steroids – the hyper-real. as the series progressed, stories about the holodeck and its characters emerged that questioned the nature of this hyper-real mini-universe. although i do not discuss gender issues within this thesis, it should be noted that the original series used the phrase “where no man has gone before”. figure : commander william riker (jonathan frakes) emerges onto the holodeck for the first time (source: star trek wiki.com) in the pilot “encounter at farpoint” ( ), lt. commander data (brent spiner), the first main character in the syndication of mechanical origin, explains the nature and design of the holodeck to an amazed commander riker emerging onto the jungle habitat (fig. ): riker: i didn’t believe these simulations could be this real. data: much of it is real, sir. if the transporters can convert our bodies to an energy beam, then back to the original pattern again … riker: yes, of course. and these rocks and vegetation have much simpler patterns. the holodeck is defined in star trek. the unauthorised a – z, as a “recreational facility that creates crewmembers’ fantasies in virtual reality” (schuster & rathbone ). “encounter at farpoint” ( ) this conversation highlights the conundrum of the holodeck. on the holodeck it is difficult to discern what is real, and what is not, what is illusion or imagery, and what is authentic. however, in this series, it is data, the android, who is the focus of storylines relating to artificial intelligence. few plots centre directly on holographic characters, except when acting as foils for the main characters. crewmembers become addicted to the holodeck; they fall in love with holographic characters, and indulge in fantasy, warfare, and historical enactments. however, the series does not focus directly on the holographic characters themselves. the purpose of the hologram from its inclusion in star trek: the next generation was as an aid to crewmembers, as either recreation or teaching. initially, its inhabitants are viewed as no more sentient than the replicators or other ships’ equipment but as the series developed, there were questions raised about these holographic entities. could they be “real” with feelings, emotions, and consciousness? although these issues were touched upon in the next generation, it was not until voyager appeared that these questions were addressed directly within the narrative – thanks mostly to the inclusion of the holographic doctor as a central character to the show. star trek: voyager - star trek’s (humanist) voyage of the posthuman created after the death of gene roddenberry, star trek: voyager ( – ) offered a different perspective on the drive “to boldly go where no one has gone before.” ripped away from the familiar alpha quadrant during a this is with the exception of professor moriarty, which is discussed further in chapter three. by comparison, other artificial posthuman creations feature heavily in the show’s storylines. creatures made of silica, a civilisation of nanites, and the first appearance of the borg all become fodder to explore humanity. battle with the maquis, the crew of voyager find themselves marooned in uncharted space, lost in the delta quadrant; the journey home will take many decades. headed by captain katherine janeway (kate mulgrew), the first female captain for the franchise, the crew comprises a mix of humans and aliens, starfleet officers and members of the maquis, their ship also stranded in the delta quadrant. significantly, for both the series and my study of holograms, the violent jump to the other side of the galaxy destroys much of the medical laboratory and kills all of the medical crew. the only medical support left is the emergency medical hologram (emh). the character of emh, or the doctor, offers an interesting opportunity for an in-depth examination of the nature and politics of holographic characters. numerous storylines revolve around the evolution of the doctor’s character as he attempts to become more “real,” more human. the series also addresses what happens when other holograms attempt to claim an identity, to claim agency, and rebel against the organic world. like previous star trek shows, voyager was to uphold the seemingly benevolent role of starfleet crews to share the best of humanity throughout the galaxy. according to rick berman, one of the show’s primary creators, voyager recreated roddenberry’s vision: i think that captain janeway and her crew represent the very best of what roddenberry envisioned the future has in store for us. in terms of their principles, in terms of their lack of pettiness, in terms of their sense of exploration, and the betterment of the human species. they arrive , light years away and the journey home will take years to complete. rick berman (star trek: voyager companion ) “the betterment of the human species,” is as rick berman confesses the driving mythos behind the star trek franchise and it is this appeal to humanism, the centrality of the “human species” in the universe, which underpins most of voyager’s narratives. this appeal to humanity, with the collection of all “races” of humanity into a single genus, conflates the individual into a homogeneous whole. while the concept of a “human species” seems to promote equality, since all humans are part of the genus homo, it is also exclusive in that it places humans at odds with other species and with its posthuman creations. in voyager, humanism “lives long and prospers” with narratives that retroactively seek comfort and solutions within the ability of the “human spirit” to overcome all obstacles in the pursuit and advancement of human knowledge. as berman states, it is janeway and her crew who lead the way back to ideologies of roddenberry’s liberal humanism, through their resolute faith in human individuality; the pursuit of arts such as poetry, sculpture, architecture, music and literature; belief in scientific rationalism; in their fondness for ancient earth history; and in their quest to navigate and “map” the delta quadrant and find a way home. the concept of an education that includes science and the humanities is found in the ideal of the renaissance man (sic). this ideal stresses the need to combine scientific inquiry with knowledge and appreciation of the high arts (painting, music & literature). during the fifteenth century, the florentines advocated that man “live long and prosper” was coined in the original series as a vulcan greeting. the “human spirit” is referred to in popular culture as a quintessential human quality in which the essence of humanity is reflected in the soul or nature of humans. in this sense, it is often used as a quasi-religious term and as a vague generalisation of what distinguishes humans from non-humans. (sic) must make full use of his/her facilities. humanity was the measure of all things. by the mid-fifteenth century, the individual was prized as the centre of knowledge and works from antiquity were studied for how they could enlighten current thinking. during the early sixteenth century, as the renaissance began to fade, a new scepticism emerged. in rome, scholars saw themselves as equal to, and masters of, antiquity. leonardo da vinci was a product of this late renaissance movement but was not typical. he saw humanity as insignificant in the face of nature. his famous works included studies of the biology of man and he dissected and analysed the human body as a mechanism (clark). both janeway and the doctor are represented in several episodes as favouring the renaissance concept of inquiry (a move towards renaissance humanism), but with the scepticism of da vinci (a move towards secular humanism). janeway is a fan of leonardo da vinci (“hunter”; “prey”; “raven”) and the doctor has a knowledge and love of opera and classical music as well as his immense medical knowledge (“renaissance man”). in star trek, the liberal humanist individual views humanity as capable of living as one harmonious people, all equal and living for the benefit of all humans – a human species. rather than presenting a fresh and vibrant posthuman approach to roddenberry’s space “wagon train,” voyager merely continues in the tradition of past star trek narratives, seeking cosy resolutions to conflicts and encounters with the alien “other,” both organic and mechanical, through human superiority (robb). the flipside of humanism, is of course, the exclusion of all who are not human – animals, machines, and those historically dehumanised like slaves, women, and peoples of colour. humanism favours rationality, science, and high literature such as poetry, and in humanism religion and nature are devalued and denied by a humanity that holds humans at the centre of the universe able to create their own world. this does not necessarily hold true for all the series. in star trek, many aspects of what it is to be human relate back to immeasurable qualities such as feeling and a sense of the divine or the soul to distinguish humanity from the “other”. similarly, while the idea of a “soul” has become problematic in academic circles, due to its relationship and equation to religion, and i do not intend to debate the validity of the notion of a “soul” in the religious or philosophical sense, it is nevertheless an important element in many of the narratives discussed within this thesis. i therefore apply the term “soul” to denote both the “spiritual element of a person, believed to be immoral” (oed) and “a person’s moral or emotional nature” (oed), part of “that which thinks, feels, desires … innermost being or nature … [and] … “a complete embodiment or exemplification; the essential part” (ced) as it is used within the narratives discussed throughout this thesis. as a consequence of voyager’s creators looking back to the original s liberal humanist format, what could have been a unique exploration of a new and exciting region of posthuman space, space representing both the astronomical delta quadrant and the place occupied by mechanical life forms, becomes a reawakening and rehashing of the old guard of colonial narratives in which the explorer “tames” the exotic and often hostile new world – new space. star trek’s many subtexts depict a sense of superiority in terms of humanity and human progress, and with the twenty-third and twenty-fourth when used to defer to the religious definition i use soul with an upper-case ‘s’, and soul (lower-case ‘s’) to signify its cultural significance as a moral or emotional aspect. centuries future supposedly free of the vices and failings of the twentieth or twenty-first centuries, such as slavery, sexism, racism, and speciesism, humanity is free to explore and map the universe. in numerous interviews, and in his official biography, gene roddenberry speaks of his love of humanity and of his goal to depict a future in which humans have learned to live together and to surpass all that has been achieved before (robb). his intention in developing star trek was to engage the viewer and to entertain, but also to confront issues affecting society (robb). some of the more widely studied examples of such issues that roddenberry attempted to address, at times unsuccessfully, are the cold war, vietnam, segregation, and the race riots of the united states in the s and s. as i will argue in this thesis, through an analysis of specific key episodes in relation to alife and simulacra, many of the franchise’s storylines fail to get to grips with such inequalities and conflicts. star trek: voyager’s narratives, although not under roddenberry’s control, were, sadly, to be no exception, and in fact, in comparison to the often politically dynamic tales of deep space nine, voyager glossed over the important issues with tried and true humanist solutions (robb). janeway and her crew do indeed encapsulate roddenberry’s vision of the future, a future roddenberry used the “fantasy context” of science fiction to address these issues stating in an interview “i saw an opportunity to use the series, to really use it, to say the things i believe, like to be different is not necessarily to be ugly” (robb ). several critical studies have been written about the original star trek’s penchant for engaging with topical issues like vietnam; the most notable are daniel bernardi ( ), barrett & barrett ( ) and brian robb ( ). although due to the constraints of this thesis i do not directly address the engagement of contemporary american socio-political events in junction with the narratives discussed within this thesis, i do acknowledge their importance to the development of the storylines. i agree with michele and duncan barrett’s comment that to “understand the universe of star trek” it is essential to view it “in the context of the american ideals of democracy and individual rights, and a secular faith in science and technology” ( ). voyager was to break the secular model by adding quasi-religious storylines that echoed changing american attitudes pre- / . that presents a backward vision and a privileging of humanity, a return to a romantic humanist perspective, and a liberal humanist interpretation of a united federation of planets. the crew, the majority of whom attended starfleet academy, are indoctrinated with the guiding principles of a military, scientific academy that provides protocols for personal and professional conduct, including the famous, or “infamous,” prime directive. “i am the embodiment of modern medicine” (emh) the appeal to the supremacy of humans is most apparent in those episodes that deal with artificial intelligence or highly logical species. the original series’ spock, and the next generation’s data, provided the logical foil to the more “feeling” human characters. both are portrayed as searching for an understanding of humanity, what in popular culture is often referred to as the “human condition”. voyager’s inclusion of a holographic doctor continues this trope used in previous trek incarnations. the exploration of humanity through depictions of the “other” is continued in the doctor’s quest to become more “human,” and in the process allows the narrative to comment on the “human condition”. the doctor’s quest to become more like his human creator limits the possibility of exploring the complexity of posthuman representations by concentrating on the doctor as a human-centric character rather than examining what it would be like to be a hologram with limitless potential. the addition of a central character who is artificial presented a challenge and an the prime directive, widely criticised by many fans and scholars of star trek for its duplicity, is a mandate that supposedly “forbids anyone from interfering with the natural development of an alien civilisation” (schuster & rathbone , my emphasis). the doctor’s comment to kes in “parallax” (star trek: voyager season ). opportunity to explore this limitless potential and the realm of the truly “other”. storylines involving the doctor are limited and stunted by the writers’ continued appeal to humanity, or by stories that lead the doctor to adopt a human solution to his dilemma. consequently, the power of the hologram is curtailed by the inability of the narratives to reach out into the realm of the posthuman experience, of representing the mechanical being as the quintessential alien. the more profoundly posthuman tales of holographic rejection of humanity is found in stories that involve non-voyager holograms, such as in the episodes “revulsion” and “flesh and blood,” both questioning the humanoids’ right to control and enslave holograms. throughout voyager, the doctor attempts to further his understanding of humanity and to develop his subroutines. in the episode “darkling” ( ), the doctor’s attempt to improve his personality subroutines through the addition of a selection of various “character elements” from famous historical “scientists, poets, philosophers, saints,” such as lord byron and t’pau of vulcan, results in his becoming irrational and violent. as torres reminds the doctor, “you didn’t anticipate the linkages between the subroutines … take lord byron … a creative, poetic genius … but byron was also emotionally intense, even unstable”. the doctor fails to understand that “a lot of the historical characters you chose have this dark thread running through their robert picardo has said of his character: “the doctor had the problem of being a computer program with an incredible wealth of medical knowledge coupled with this vulnerability of not being able to control his moment-to-moment destiny … i remember thinking it was a bad idea to give him mobility outside of sickbay. i thought that part of the audience’s interest in the character was because of the limitations the character had and the challenges he had to face in trying to make the best of his limitations … [but] … i was the first to tell him [the writer] that i was wrong” (ruditis / ). it is interesting to note that picardo initially felt that it was the character’s limitations that appealed to viewers. artificial life forms in science fiction have often been curtailed and limited in their ability to supersede humans in order to pass into the human community. personalities” (torres). in other words, the original character elements of the scientists, poets, philosophers, and saints cannot be so easily isolated and programmed into the doctor. the danger implicit in this episode is the reduction of emotions and behaviours to simple programmes, or subroutines, that are unable to be modified within an individual’s personal experience. the doctor can download the matrix of the simulated historical figures but these lack the true emotional and behavioural complexities of the originals. this episode highlights a problem with the doctor’s search for authenticity and his place alongside organics, as his darker-self comments: “what a hollow excuse for a life. servile, pathetic, at the beck and call of any idiot who invokes his name”. when he searches for answers to his failing programme, he goes to the characters that the doctor chose in his search for personality. however, he finds them lacking and reveals their identity as: “automatons, mannequins, simulacra. no secrets, no secrets to reveal. lifeless, worthless things”. like spock’s comment about v’ger, these simple simulated figures offer no answers to the deeper questions asked by either doctor. “darkling’s” conflict is resolved, like so many of voyager’s narratives, when the darkness is defeated and the status quo is returned. in “real life” ( ), another early episode that focuses on the doctor’s search for humanity, the doctor creates a family. wanting to know more about human life, and how families work, he creates the perfect family designed to his specifications. again, it is torres that calls his concept of a perfect family into question. she modifies his programme to give him an idea of what it is like “being in a family”. this new family, unlike the doctor’s servile and perfect family unit, is wilful, difficult, and challenging. when his daughter belle is critically injured and dying, the doctor copes by deciding not to continue with the programme. tom paris is quick to point out that humans do not have this choice and must see the bad through with the good: paris: you created that programme so you could experience what it's like to have a family. the good times and the bad. you can't have one without the other. emh: i fail to see why not. paris: well, think about what's happened to us here on voyager. everyone left people behind and everyone suffered a loss, but look how it's brought us all closer together. we found support here, and friendship and we've become a family in part because of the pain we shared. if you turn your back on this programme you'll always be stuck at this point. you'll never have the chance to say goodbye to your daughter, or to be there for your wife and son when they need you, and you'll be cheating yourself of the chance to have their love and support. in the long run, you'll miss the whole point of what it means to have a family. (“real life” ) according to paris, the doctor, by electing to deny the emotional side of his program and not face his daughter’s death would miss the point of his journey. that is to understand what it means to have family. these emotional aspects of being human are what paris views as important in understanding humanity. richard leakey ( ) in his consideration of the evolution of consciousness argues that “as humans, we experience the ultimate expression of this dimension of intelligence: the skills of privileging the human subject as is demonstrated in my discussion above, and in the following analysis of star trek’s many human-centric narratives, the concept of what it is to be “human” is used as a template to quantify all that is nonhuman. paradoxically, the nonhuman is often used symbolically to represent aspects or qualities of humanity (good and bad) in a way that aids in defining humanity itself. animals have long suffered this fate – to be reduced and re-represented as symbols – used to “shape understanding[s] of human identity” (simons ). used in such a way, animals are not represented as themselves but “as displaced metaphors for the human” (ibid). consequently, the animal-as- subject has been lost, replaced by the animal-as-object. this replacement conceals the fact that real “animals are not symbols … [and] … we would easily recognise the exploitative and degrading nature of representations of human beings if they were of the same kind as those images of animals that we regularly consume” (ibid). it is within the context of using the nonhuman “other,” as symbolic of what it is, and more importantly, what it is not to be human, that the idea of the animal is central to my argument. therefore, it is important at this stage to provide some context as to how the animal has been used, particularly in humanism, to define humanity, and how such debates are essential to addressing the changing and challenging nature of representations foresight and manipulation, the facility of imagination, the sense of self. we also extend it to raw feelings … to sympathy and empathy, to attribution and affect … empathy with the emotions of others through the experience of one’s own emotions is very much part of human consciousness” ( ). the use of the animal to define what is, and is not, human and how this is related to racism is discussed more fully in chapter six. throughout my thesis, as i have discussed with the use of human/human, i use the term ‘animal’ (lower case) and animal (upper case), to distinguish between what i view as the animal as subject (proper noun), applying to the construct of the animal as an identity in, and of, itself. the term animal is used to refer to the animal as object, (adjective) a generic term referring to the animal as a broader concept. of the artificial “other”. the symbolic animal in film and literature is often used to give moral lessons on the failings of humanity or to guide a person back to what is morally right. consequently, humanity is performed through the narrative, and through interactions with the animal, or the machine. in the th and th centuries, the term ‘animal’ became a widely used pejorative term. to be like an animal is to lack humanity, to be “othered”. this idea of linking some humans with animals emerged alongside social darwinism. social darwinism was an attempt to apply darwin’s theory of natural selection to humankind and place humans within hierarchies based on evolution. social darwinism has been “defined as the application of darwin’s theory of natural selection to the domain of human affairs. the term is used to describe social, racial and moral theories … it refers to theories that advocate a gladiatorial struggle for existence, in which the losers deserve to lose and survival becomes proof of merit … it is a complex concept” that has long justified prejudice and persecution against and between “races” (ruse & travis ). the world of humanity became one with well-defined, artificially imposed layers – white/black, advanced/primitive, male/female, us/them. this hierarchical structure was then defined in terms of superiority. western, white, males were at the top of the hierarchy. those who were different – women, non-western, and non-white – were disadvantaged and marginalized. this is henry salt’s theory of “demand for difference” while placing these ideas within the realm of the th and th centuries, i am not suggesting that these issues are not relevant, nor present, within st century society. it is that they are not the prevailing or core ideologies of most, but not all, st century cultural politics. (tester). “the demand for difference” is an attempt to enhance the privilege of being human through the project of extirpation (tester). this project of rooting or weeding out those who are different from the definition of human leaves the field of humanity limited to those who fit the profile of superiority. “the demand for similitude” emphasizes the connectedness of all organic beings, which is a more liberal-humanist approach. all beings are linked and humanity’s aim to live in accordance with the laws of nature. however, it is the “demand for difference” that prevails in narratives of hostile techno-beings, and aliens. aliens can be exterminated by humanity because they are different. the alien “other” is linked to the “animal” – negative qualities that make them different from humans and thereby disposable. the idea of the animal as disposable (and as property) has historically been used to justify the use of animals as food and experimental subjects (vivisection). this justification was also the premise behind the use of slaves and later convicts to do work that was dangerous or unhealthy. both slaves and convicts have also been used in dangerous and often lethal experiments (as were jews by the nazis). the trope of the unthinking animate object is commonly used to define creatures like the daleks and cybermen. in battlestar galactica (new series), the cylons are called “toasters,” and in star trek: voyager holograms are likened to replicators, thereby linking these examples of alife to simple appliances. like derrida’s animals, they are reduced to “hardware,” and therefore not worthy of consideration or compassion. tester credits henry salt with defining these two parameters: “the demand for difference” and “the demand for similitude”. this is a philosophy that has often been applied to native cultures around the world, the “closeness or harmony with nature” argument. the speciesist notion of “human” rights is exclusive. speciesism allows for the justified use of nonhuman animals for the benefit of humankind. extending the idea of “minimal characteristics,” such as being a “living creature,” into the realm of science fiction, holograms cannot be excluded from having rights if it can be proven that they are “living creatures” (singer). if this can be proven then it is not right to use them as slaves or disposable tools/property. of course, establishing such a claim is not easy. in terms of holograms, because they display the same emotional range as biological humans, it could be argued that they are alive. however, since they are programmed, are their emotions genuine? the doctor’s emotional subroutines can be added or removed. however, it can be argued that programming is rather like learning. consequently, this would not necessarily discount holograms as being defined as “living creatures”. a better basis for inclusion, rather than of moral “rights,” would be moral “status” or moral “interests” (singer). the idea of moral status is broader and more encompassing than the concept of rights. rights denote privileges or claims made by, or given to, an individual, whereas, status denotes a position or standing. by demonstrating that holograms have moral interests, their rights should be assured because they are entitled (under singer’s theory) to the “same consideration” as all other beings. this is assuming of course that holograms can be shown to be “beings” rather than mere things/objects, something that my thesis addresses. however, there is still a problem with speciesism is akin to “racism” in that some are held above others due to imposed categories of inclusion or exclusive (such as black/white; human/animal). it should be noted that my thesis addresses these issues purely within fictional constructions of holograms and does not seek to discuss, or apply, these discussions to any the concept of inherent value because “… one might distinguish between those who hold that individuals possess inherent value only as long as they are capable of having certain experiences, and those who hold that individuals possess inherent value as long as they are alive” (singer ). this raises issues of who determines which experiences are valuable in determining inherent value and, in the case of science fiction, what constitutes life? in the liberal humanist framework found within star trek, it is of course, the human (white, male, and western). key towards obtaining rights and agency are motivation and conscious interests (cavalieri). beings do not have to be equal to deserve equal consideration. by redefining or shifting the idea of equality, it can no longer be justified to exclude nonhumans, as “the confinement of equality to members of our species has always hinged on high-sounding claims about our rationality and moral capacity” (cavalieri ). the characteristics of humanity – self- awareness, sentience, and “having certain experiences” – if found in nonhuman life forms should, as a consequence of having these characteristics, lead to those beings having the same moral consideration as humans. but if adopting the cartesian theory of nonhuman animals as mere automata, then it is deemed that “human beings can do with them as they wish” (cavalieri ). this is the key to how science fiction narratives treat androids, holograms, and cyborgs. at the same time that people argue for animal rights, they are labeling animals as “different,” as “other”. this causes a problem in placing nonhuman animals within the category of claiming human rights or equal rights to possible real-world applications that may arise with the future use, or application, of advanced artificial intelligence or holograms. humankind because they are also classified as “other”, outside of the human. of course, this becomes even more poignant when, the artificial “other,” the “not like us,” resembles humans so closely, as in humanoid robots, clones, and holograms. the more alife resembles “us” the more likely that being is going to be allowed to “pass” into human society. however, some narratives view this “passing” as dangerous – as in battlestar galatica (new series) in which some cylons are all-too-human and threaten the genomic integrity of the human race. in this concept, alife directly threatens the nature of human existence. in star trek, humans relate better to alife that most resemble humans in appearance and behaviour. alife, with humanoid features, like star trek’s data and the doctor, are easily identified with and consequently afforded greater freedom and consideration. however, like the racial “other” before them, the artificial “other,” are all too often depicted as occupying a position of servitude, a site of ‘enslavement’. slavery re-imagined – holograms, the basic slave “race?” enslavement in science fiction narratives usually takes two forms – the enslavement of humankind by hostile aliens, or the domination of “simple- minded” aliens by superior alien races (sometimes by humans). recently, a new form of enslavement has come to the forefront of science fiction – that of the enslaved artificial life form. these new “others” are useful to extend the examination of the conflicts between the centre and the margin. underlining notions of slavery is the determination of what constitutes ideas of “us” and “them” – between “us” and “other.” starfleet acts within star trek’s narrative as an authoritarian power which hides behind a veil of liberal humanism. the concept of a universal humanity pervades starfleet’s manifesto. star trek’s narratives frequently silence and suppress the voice of the posthuman. in addition, the hologram who is not human or is not usually part of the human community, apart perhaps for the doctor, is denied the category of “self”. nevertheless, in science fiction, humans are not the only ones guilty of this universal presumption. this is also the universal philosophy of the borg. this civilisation has a universal and common ideal of perfection in the form of the mechanical. organic beings are inferior and therefore will be exterminated or assimilated. the borg, while still mostly organic, reject the concept of the flesh and look towards the machine as the site of perfection. in their collectivity, the borg are the epitome of the concept of valuing the group over the individual. it is, therefore, the collective “we” that justifies the use of the “other”, the non “we/us” as slaves, or, in the case of the borg, spare parts. critical literature on the use of alife as slaves has only recently developed, as artificial life becomes an increasing feature of popular culture. however, there has been a move towards examining the idea of animal slavery and it is this critical literature that provides useful insights into how the artificial can be examined. a number of writers working on the subject of animal rights have compared the treatment of animals with that of human slavery (spiegel; castricano; cavalieri). this has often been seen as a questionable comparison, which further negates the rights of non-white subjects. it does so by placing them alongside the “animal,” thereby, marginalising the historical and moral impact of human slavery. however, science fiction makes use of this the emh is of course not human but is allowed into the human community of voyager. the new television series humans ( ) takes the issue of the use of artificial “beings” as slave labour or servants to a new level with its examination of synths (or synthetic humans) used to carry out labour. comparison in such tales as doctor who’s the ood, and the human clones of new earth. those who uphold this comparison argue that white, western (mostly masculine), authority has historically marginalised both animals and slaves, and that this marginality has led to the justification of slavery and genocide, and to the slaughter and maltreatment of non-human animals. whilst for some the comparison between human slavery and animal subjugation might be considered questionable, the use of critical literature on the rights of nonhuman animals is nevertheless useful in working with the rights of alife. this view of a hierarchical order between humans and animals, and between “races” is “part of an on-going cultural process” that has been transformed and translated onto the alien in science fiction (cavalieri ). therefore, although this comparison remains problematic it is useful for my analysis of holograms. marjorie spiegel has worked extensively on the subject of animal slavery, and her work discusses the relationship and similarities between the enslavement of humans and animals. i particularly like her statement that historically slavery is justified purely “based on the specious notion that enslavement is in the best interests of the slaves, through the assertion that they are incapable of providing for themselves” (spiegel ). the concept of some species having greater value than others is central to racial and other notions of superiority. the key here, at least for my study, is the idea of “in the best interests.” because animals, and historically slaves (typically non-white, non- western), were deemed to be less rational or self-aware it was commonly advocated that so called “higher” beings (white, male & western individuals) this is particularly true for chapter six. should determine the fate of these “lesser” beings. so called dominant societies accept slavery, by “brush[ing] over a potentially unsettling reality, [and] … cease to hear the cries of … slaves, to believe that their spilt blood means something different from our own, and, finally to believe that not only is the bondage we impose upon ourselves not a hindrance to them, but that it is a benefit” because of a perceived hierarchy of beings (spiegel ). the idea of “best interests” as used by spiegel in her discussion on animal slavery translates well to science fiction narratives. in the next generation and voyager, data and the doctor are considered better off as part of starfleet. in a sense, they are enslaved by the nature of their being “artificial” and in need of care and maintenance from highly trained starfleet personnel. but, they are also enslaved by the fact that such “artificial” personnel are subject to a higher degree of control than human ones, and that they should be grateful for the protection and limited rights with which they are accorded by starfleet. for example, the doctor is grateful that the crew show appreciation for his efforts. although he is granted limited freedom through the mobile emitter, this can be removed from his possession or control at any time. he is given his freedom only as far as it serves the purposes of captain janeway and the crew. in contrast, less essential and useful holograms are not given the same freedom and consideration. for example, they are unable to leave the holodeck. an interesting point is that the doctor never sees a problem with this, and he does not act as an advocate for other holograms on broad voyager. however, he does act on behalf of alien holograms encountered on their as i discussed in the previous section in relation to regan and singer. journey. why is it that his fellow holograms, which share a common matrix and a common origin in being from starfleet, are not entitled to the same consideration? those holograms that share his world should surely come before alien holograms. why does the doctor accept seemingly without question the slavery of his fellow holograms abroad voyager? the doctor as the hologram in the most dominant or privileged position abroad voyager justifies his indifference by the fact that other less advanced holograms do not matter. the doctor is also programmed to act and uphold the values of the dominant institution – namely starfleet. in star trek, humanity is the ideal to aspire too and remains an exclusive club that only welcomes some honorary members. in star trek, starfleet has the power to determine its “others” as it defines the parameters of its membership and its allies. some aliens are welcomed into the fold – vulcans, klingons (a latter edition) – while others like the borg are only tolerated as individuals (like seven of nine) when they can be “reprogrammed” to be human. like the early depictions of aliens in star trek, non-organic life forms are shown to be without the necessary knowledge or capacity to help themselves. they are in need of guidance or instruction from the “superior” starfleet. presented as childlike, their advancement and growth have to be curtailed or restricted for their own protection. the statute of non-interference or the prime directive is starfleet’s example of an imperial power dictating the level of development (through non-interference) of other “races” and nations. in the case of holograms, they are not viewed as separate individuals but rather as fictional characters created by starfleet engineers and consequently are not in science fiction the marginalized “other” has typically been the alien, usually characterised as non-white, who is marginalised because they are not human (parrent ). deemed capable of providing for themselves. in some instances, it is shown that they cease to exist once the holodeck program is terminated. in other cases, for example, moriarty and the members of fair haven, holograms gain some self-awareness and are conscious of the fact that they cease to be active for long periods of time – the sense of being within a void. data can be dismantled and reprogrammed; so too, can the hologram be controlled and negated by its human “masters.” like animals in our society, holograms in star trek are used “in our work and entertainment, we employ as tools in research of all kinds, it is rare that we pause to ask ourselves whether our behaviour is morally justified” (cavalieri ). organic beings consider themselves morally justified in their use of non-organics because they protect and enhance the lives of organics. at some point, humans decided that their nonorganic creations were not entitled to the same rights as their “masters”. created, not born, the nonorganic are deemed to be expendable, reprogrammable and disposable. similar views were historically held towards non-white slaves who like ‘nonhuman animals are at the bottom of the pyramid, at the apex of which we have placed ourselves” (ibid). science fiction, the subaltern, and colonial rhetoric the current literature on simulacrum identity focuses primarily upon several key points: the body, self-awareness, consciousness, and the posthuman. the issue and study of the theoretical (or fictional) rights of alife in popular culture is still emerging. however, like the literature pertaining to subaltern studies and postcolonialism, also utilized in this thesis, theories examining the rights of nonhuman animals have a much longer history and can provide a useful basis for developing such issues in terms of alife. within this thesis, i address these issues as they relate to questions of holographic identity, agency, resistance, and rebellion by linking these concerns to studies on the subaltern, and ideas centred on colonial and post-colonial discourse. i have found that theories on subaltern identity and postcolonial studies are useful in framing issues of holographic subjugation, and subsequent insurgency. the term subaltern has been appropriated by many academic disciplines such as postcolonial studies, literary theory, and feminist studies (spivak; prakash; maclean & landry; parry; morton). the term symbolises the position of the “native” within imperial spaces and their subsequent struggle for freedom and resistance. based on work by antonio gramsci, and expanded upon by authors like gayatri chakravorty spivak, the term has become widely used to represent the disempowered and subjugated peoples of predominately “third world” nations. gramsci’s original use of the term subaltern enacts “… the common properties of subordinate groups … the shared fact of their subordination, their intrinsic weakness, their limited strengths” (arnold in morton – ). in my analysis, i use spivak’s concept of the subaltern to explore the notion of the hologram as a subaltern class within star trek: voyager’s narratives. the hologram used as the predominant labour class, and in some cases, slave class, begins to exhibit (as the series progresses) a group identity and shared experience of marginality. as an emerging, marginalised, identity within the dominant community of organics, the hologram is at first weak, disempowered, and subordinate to the ruling hegemonic class of starfleet. i will address this fully in chapter six in my examination of “flesh and blood” ( ). however, as the series develops there is the impression that the hologram is striving to assert a counter-hegemonic discourse. although not concerned with science fiction, gayatri chakravorty spivak’s work is central in discussing the subaltern and imperial discourses inherent in science fiction narratives. her influential essay ‘can the subaltern speak?,’ highlights the silence of third world peoples, and combines postcolonial theory with marxism, feminism, and post-structuralism in a critique of “dominant historical archives,” and the disempowerment of the subaltern class (morton ). her essay underlines the problematic nature of the epistemology of the “other” as viewed from western academics. in this sense, she builds upon the work of edward said. spivak begins with a critique of michael foucault and jacques derrida’s theory of power, knowledge, and subjectivity. she concludes with two powerful examples of the subaltern’s voice silenced by imperialist discourses, or what she describes as “the hegemonic account of the “other” ” (spivak). how the subaltern is addressed depends upon the positioning of the analysis, or the analyst (spivak). for the western scholar, the voice of the subaltern cannot be heard or represented. similarly, in star trek, the hologram can only be represented within the discourse of the dominant position held by organics. consequently, the voice of the hologram is ignored, misunderstood, and misrepresented. the voyeurism that appears in western historical accounts of the “other” reappears in star trek in the crew’s interactions on the holodeck. spivak’s work highlights the failure of subaltern discourses, and in particular, those of “settler societies,” to enact change for the “socially and referring to multiple crews on various vessels. economically disempowered” (morton ). i therefore, find spivak’s work useful as a tool to investigate and evaluate the relationship between hegemonic starfleet institutions, and the positioning of the hologram. her critical engagement with subaltern studies is a valuable tool with which to question the ability of those who are disempowered, often through being silenced, to actively and effectively resist, or rebel. settler societies silence the native even in their attempts to give the native a voice (ingram). settlers appropriate the voice of the subaltern in order to create for themselves an “authentic origin” (ingram ). accordingly, “in their efforts to respect the untouchable, and indeed untextualizable, space of subaltern silence, postcolonial writers and critics may re-inscribe that ‘inaccessible blankness’ with their own history of origin, their own autochthony” ( - ). in star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, the “inaccessible blankness” of the hologram is literally translated or transcribed onto the blankness of the holodeck. the hologram is a blank canvas until it is inscribed with the historical, social, and cultural origins created by starfleet personnel who program its consciousness. this goes back to anne balsamo’s idea of the body as culturally defined. like franz fanon’s “native subjectivity,” the hologram is brought into existence and perpetuated through the hegemonic discourse of starfleet, and any true representation of the hologram can be lost until they (the hologram), themselves, write their own history or destiny (ingram ). similar to ingram’s critique of settler societies, gyan prakash’s article, on postcolonial criticism and the subaltern, looks at the appropriation of history by the coloniser or imperialist by taking away from subaltern experiences. prakash’s article examines how counter-insurgency develops among the subjugated. prakash suggests that “the subaltern merges with forms of society and political community at odds with nation and class … [the] elitist [effectively denies] the subaltern’s autonomous consciousness”, thereby denying subjectivity ( ). in addition, elitist discourses empower “certain forms of knowledge while disempowering others” ( ). this form of (elitist) knowledge is often translated through hegemonic institutions such as schools, universities, military academies, and cooperate identities, that give agency to selected members of the community. such knowledge becomes the knowledge of the “other”. consequently, “sites of resistance” for those subjugated in colonial and imperial discourses are limited and hampered by such imperial discourses that act to empower or disempower the subaltern (mardorassian ). in star trek, the core hegemonic institution is starfleet academy. starfleet’s imperialist mission frequently curtails representations of agency within the marginalised or “othered.” starfleet acts as both the scientific and the military branch of the united federation of planets (roddenberry’s version of the united nations). for this institution, the “final frontier” is a place to be explored, exploited, and colonised. starfleet’s manifesto echoes that of colonial explorers – to expand their nationhood and lands for white (read male), “civilised” society. having such an institution as the academy setting the core values of the various ships’ crews undermines the popular notion of star trek’s universe as a heterogeneous society. the “axes of power,” whether in the form of european settlers or starfleet officers, “constitute and contextualise cultural identities” ( ). voyager’s holographic doctor is privileged in terms of his knowledge and position situated as he is within this elitist discourse. as a result, the doctor has greater agency than many of the other holograms encountered within the narrative. while subaltern studies investigates the prejudices of colonial rhetoric, it has been within postcolonial studies that much of the work on how colonial discourses act to shape the identity of, and/or deny, the colonised a voice. in terms of critical literature focusing directly on colonial and post- colonial studies, one of the main contributors is edward said. said’s seminal works orientalism ( ) and culture and imperialism ( ), are useful in examining the way in which the “other,” “native,” or the subaltern, is created through imperialist discourses – including literature. the “other” is created through how they are narrated, defined, and described or inscribed within the discursive elements of dominant or majority culture. science fiction narratives often hearken back to colonial narratives of conquest, exploration, and domination. star trek’s exploration of the stars is suggestive of imperial empire building and western exploration of africa and the new world. shehla burney’s critical examination of said’s works in pedagogy of the other. edward said, postcolonial theory, and strategies for critique ( ) provides an extension to said’s work on how “narratives of empire” are used in “making [the identity of] the other” ( ). her work was particularly useful for my analysis of the doctor’s authorship in chapter five. in order to re- represent themselves, the “other” must be “re-represented” in their own voice/literature, by writing themselves back into the narrative of postcolonial narratives. burney states that it is through the “other” reclaiming their voice and their own literature that they are able to “re-do the narratives of empire” the original series is often referred to as a “western” style narrative (wagon train of the skies). ( ). in addition, she notes that this “re-doing of the narratives of empire” is an act of rebellion, in that it creates a “counter-discourse” in which to re-inscribe the “natives’” voice. her work reinforces that of edward said, franz fanon, and michael foucault in stressing that knowledge, and more importantly the control of knowledge, acts as a power base and a controlling mechanism in hegemony. a recent addition to postcolonial studies and the question of interpreting the “other,” is john miller’s text empire and the animal body ( ). miller’s book offers a unique look at the animal in relation to colonial rhetoric in relation to empire. the animal was used in victorian literature, mainly in writings for boys and young men, to reinforce colonial tropes of the superiority of the white male in relation to the untamed wilderness of the colonies (miller). hunting and killing exotic animals, especially in africa and india, became viewed as a worthwhile pursuit for the young intellectual. hunting became an essential part of the activities of the british empire. the safari and the hunt were considered by the empire as part of the colonializing machine. for example, hunts were a rite of passage for young british males, and a way of introducing them to the rigors and trials of organising “native” communities. hunting parties used “natives” as porters, beaters, and guides. miller’s study provides a useful insight in how hunting was depicted as a coming of age ritual for british youth, and is a key text in my analysis of hirogen hunting culture in star trek: voyager’s episode “flesh and blood,” which introduces the hunting and killing of prey as central to the hirogen culture. culture and the machine the role of culture, framed within the theories discussed above, as a site of difference between starfleet and the “other,” is important to many of the narratives discussed in this thesis. culture can be viewed as “the element we inhabit as subjects” (badmington ix ). in other words, culture exists within the context of a “subject’s” experiences of daily life. culture surrounds the individual, is both acted upon (shaped), and acts upon (shapes) the subject. however, it also means that culture is related to the “subject,” and therefore only subjects can exhibit culture. i agree with richard leakey ( ) when he notes that historically humans have not found a precise definition of humanness and there remains “no agreed upon definition of the quality of humanness. it hardly seemed necessary, partly because it appeared so obvious: humanness is what we feel about ourselves” (xxi). to be human is to have a common basis of identity formation – family, history, religion, gender, and race – reinforced by social institutions effectively shaping the individual. the individual – the subject – is considered as having subjectivity, important in relation to agency and power. culture creates the human condition in terms of power relationships, and what is considered human (and as an extension what is not human) depends on a shared cultural experience. traditionally in humanism, this cultural province, or shared cultural experience, is exclusively human. in terms of posthumanism, the sphere of those who exhibit culture is more encompassing, often including nonhuman animals and posthuman bodies like the cyborg. even the borg, who deny any cultural references, can be said to have a unique society or culture that is refer to my earlier definitions of the subject and subjectivity. divided into hierarchies – similar to the beehive or ant colony. because the symbolic world of culture develops from a community of shared experiences, culture becomes a symbolic form of “communicability” between specific groups. this communicability is the formula for determining whom, or what is granted equal standing or agency within a society. science fiction narratives offset this community, this world of culture, in relation to the “other” (leaver ). notably, the human community is often fortified/united in its opposition to the “other” – the alien – and increasingly the machine. few critical works specifically address the nature and role of the hologram in star trek and their relationship to culture – both that of humans and of holograms (relke; baille-de-byl). diana relke’s ‘holographic love’ touches on the ability or the need of humans to control the artificial, and concludes, “the holodeck is about humans remaining on the right side of the penetrator/penetrate opposition – a position from which the boundary between the humanist self and the posthuman “other” can be policed” ( ). in other words, humans try to prevent the “passing over by the double” onto the side of the real (baudrillard ). in star trek: the next generation and voyager, the posthuman “other” is policed through the crew’s ability to switch off the hologram’s program, thereby terminating the holographic projection, and confining the hologram to the holodeck. although in voyager, the doctor is able to leave the sickbay, he does so only through the mobile emitter that is under the ultimate control of captain janeway and the main computer (relke). however, as i will argue in chapters three and six, this “policing” is not always successful. in the voyager episode “fair haven,” janeway’s romantic relationship with the hologram michael sullivan is mediated through her control over his holographic matrix. she changes the parameters of sullivan’s character making him more suitable for her. however, it is the lack of sullivan’s originality that finally sees janeway losing interest in him. sullivan has no substance, no depth, and it is her ability to control and shape his character that leaves janeway dissatisfied with the relationship. however, it is difficult to call such an encounter a “relationship” when one partner has total control over the situation, including the character of the other individual (baille-de-byl). is it right for janeway to create and then manipulate a hologram for her own amusement, when at the same time she partially sees him as a romantic interest? then there is the question of the “reality” of a relationship between a hologram and a human. the nature of janeway’s relationship with the hologram raises questions about origins, agency and the rights of the hologram. if alife is to claim agency they too must demonstrate a shared social and cultural condition. the alife condition, parallel to the human condition, can be seen in shared collective experiences with other alife. consequently, a shared social reality emerges out of “lived social relations,” including social experiences and social exchanges within the alife community (haraway this is examined in detail by penny baille-de-byl. in her analysis of this episode, she alludes to the relationships’ authenticity, but fails to move beyond a superficial investigation of the nature of authenticity and address the issue of holographic agency. these questions lead to bigger questions about power relationships and definitions of agency that i discuss within this study. he lacks originality because he can be programmed, and reprogrammed, to fit janeway’s desires. ). although “outside of the realm of the natural,” the artificial nevertheless has a cultural referent (leaver ). the “plasticity of the digital” allows a unique culture to emerge (leaver ). this culture is often enacted within “artificial spaces” like the holodeck (ibid). importantly for my analysis of holograms, leaver states that artificial life “consistently recognise their own sense of embodiment and contextual specifically, finding different ways to escape the boxes they were built in” ( ). in star trek, artificial life, and in particular the hologram, “escape the boxes they were built in” through fighting back either through violence, or by demonstrating their uniqueness through literature, music, or religion. they fight for recognition and freedom through a call to an acknowledgement of this unique digital culture. holograms like the doctor have a culture of their own as well as sharing in the culture of the crew. the doctor has a specific “culture” that relates to his interactions with other holographic materials and individuals as well as the central computer. this posthuman/alife culture is unique to holograms because organic life cannot directly experience these virtual elements. conscious machines? as in the debates over self-consciousness in nonhuman animals, the notion of conscious machines has stimulated and fuelled the imagination of numerous science fiction writers. determining levels of consciousness is important because it is a factor commonly cited for the establishment of agency and self- governance. part of self-governance is self-awareness or self-consciousness. this happens in star trek: voyager’s episode “flesh & blood,” discussed in detail in chapter six. one author who has looked extensively at culture in alife is tama leaver. in artificial culture: identity, technology, and bodies ( ). leaver gives an analysis of claiming culture within artificial intelligence communities. only those who are self-aware can be self-governing. humans utilize “reflective capacity” in which “we do not simply act from moment to moment, instead, we settle on complex – and, typically, partial and hierarchically structured – future-directed plans of action …” (bratman ). this sense of future and deliberate planning towards impending actions is something that has been touted as uniquely human. rather than acting upon instinct, actions are both planned and directed towards a particular outcome. the idea of a future- self is often seen as essential to the human condition. william haney ( ) defines consciousness as “always conscious of some object or other, never a self-enclosed emptiness” and that this is indicative of the human condition ( ). humans are seen as having internally-conscious states that react to external environments/events, but that also act to anticipate future environments/events. the question to ask in investigating alife is whether there is such a state of consciousness within the machine, self-enclosed or otherwise. using haney’s concept of consciousness as “part of an open system that depends on input and output,” alife can be said to exhibit aspects that can be attributed to a state of consciousness ( ). this is because while traditionally this “natural” system of input and output refers to factors such as smell, sight, and comprehension of one’s surroundings (qualia), for the computer this could equally mean data input and output, therefore, making an argument for mechanical consciousness (haney; copeland; gray ). for machines to have motivational autonomy, essential in claiming agency, they need to have internal states, or qualia, that are capable of influencing and shaping their behaviour in response to the environment (o’haikoren ). however, for machines (and other artificial entities) consciousness is a difficult aspect to measure and determine, because the very nature of a machine is that it is designed, programmed and made to “think” a certain way. however, a way to access the role of consciousness in determining agency within machines is to examine what has occurred in determining the rights (agency) of nonhuman animals. key to the appeal for a duty of care towards nonhuman animals has been issues surrounding sentience, consciousness, autonomy, and moral individualism. as views on the nature of animals moved away from animals as mere automata (descartes) and towards a perspective of self-awareness in animals (singer & regan), the call for equal consideration has relied upon seeing animals as rational, sentient beings. the argument commonly put forward is that if animals are self-aware, as humans are, then they in turn should be given the same rights as humans. fictional accounts of alife also forward this appeal. if it can be proved that alife are sentient, self-conscious, rational beings, then they too deserve equal consideration alongside other sentient beings. freedom is linked to self-consciousness and self-consciousness to humanity. if it can be proved that they are self-conscious or self-aware, and autonomous, then they too can claim agency. if “beings that are conscious, but not self-conscious … can properly be regarded as receptacles for experiences of pleasure and pain, rather than as individuals leading lives of their own”, alife that are simply aware but here environment includes social relations and cultural factors as well as the natural environment. qualia are those states such as taste, smell, and touch (gray ; o’haikoren ). it can also be argued that this is difficult to measure within humans, which is ironically measured by using machines to assess brain wave patterns and response to stimuli. not self-aware would not be viewed as having “moral status” (singer ). on the other hand, holograms that demonstrate “self-consciousness,” a notion of themselves, would need to be viewed as “moral agents”. singer also notes that “the only individuals likely to have no preferences for continued life will be those incapable of having such preferences because they are not self-conscious and hence are incapable of conceiving of their own life as either continuing or coming to an end”( ). there are numerous incidents, some of which are discussed in the following chapters, in which alife in science fiction are shown to be capable of these things. consciousness also correlates to the inner experience of each individual (gray ). the inner experience relates to the thoughts and experiences, dreams and inner dialogue that are unique to each individual. broader definitions of consciousness claim that consciousness relates to emotion, experience, and identity. under this definition of consciousness, commonly referred to as “embodied consciousness,” consciousness encompasses not just the brain, but also the “essence” of an individual (pepperell). using this concept of an embodied consciousness, holograms, and some other alife in star trek can be seen as exhibiting a form of consciousness (mcfarland). however, this “essence” is often linked to the “soul”, and to the emotional and spiritual aspects of humanity, which apparently excludes the machine. spirituality, or a sense of religious identity, is not typically common in alife with the exceptions to this being the cylons of battlestar galactica and the cult of iden (star trek: voyager), both of whom demonstrate a form of religious identity. the posthuman figure questions the stability of the self because it demonstrates that humanism’s supposedly “fixed” cultural, social, and gender products are “staged” or “performed,” rather than static. in other words, the self, or identity, when viewed within posthumanism, is, in fact an illusion or an imagery construct. i argue that this is where star trek fails in its portrayal of the posthuman. in the depiction of holograms, the narrative denies the mutability of the subject and instead relies on traditionally fixed parameters of “race,” body and gender favoured by liberal-humanists. gender in the realm of simulacra remains fixed within current cultural fictions (balsamo). in star trek: voyager, the doctor seeks to emulate the “human condition” by imitating or mimicking traditional masculine roles. his matrix is formatted to represent white, masculine identity. although the posthuman figure offers a “widespread technological refashioning of the natural human body … [and] … suggests that gender too would be ripe for reconstruction,” in voyager gender in the posthuman, for both data and the holographic doctor, remains set in its construction, leaving the simulated body to replicate traditional “cultural fictions” of the material body (balsamo ). consequently, star trek’s depictions of the posthuman body reinforce contemporary american products and processes of the ideal body as gendered (male) and white. star trek’s gender performances, like its performance of “race”, follow established rules laid down by the dominant order. the hologram is represented through the gaze of starfleet’s hegemonic order, programmed with a perspective that is i will discuss iden’s cult in more detail in chapter six. based on the dominant treatise of elite starfleet personnel. the simulated body is, therefore, a contradiction, denying the body as “product and process” and at the same time, it is generated to mirror and perform as a “product and process” formed from the cultural, historical, religious, and political agendas of its creator (ibid). the posthuman: “you’ve given me a lot to think about” as emerging technologies shift the balance of power between human and machine, our concept of humanity alters. rapidly accelerating computer intelligence joins an escalating series of ego-smashing scientific breakthroughs that diminish human self-image. copernicus pushed us from the centre of the universe; darwin linked us to apes, slugs, and bacteria; freud showed us that we often do not control our own minds. computers now threaten to surpass us in intelligence. cyborgs are stronger and more powerful. clones portend an unlimited supply of duplicate selves. this reduces the value of our own minds, bodies, individuality, and consciousness. a kind of evolutionary panic ensues, giving rise to fears of being transformed or taken over by machines … science fiction taps into these existential fears while reinforcing our concerns about the misanthropic humans who serve as technology’s collaborators in dominance. (dinello - ) used by the doctor in the star trek: voyager episode, “phage” i have quoted dinello above because this nicely sums up current work on machines and their socio-cultural-political relation to humanity’s “self- image”. as alife emerges and begins to assert itself the fear of the loss of humanity increases: “like a virus technology autonomously insinuates itself into human life and, to ensure its survival and dominance, malignantly manipulates the minds and behaviour of humans” (dinello - ). the posthuman future has become part of the canon of twenty-first-century science fiction and a vehicle to address issues relating to humanity – consciousness, sentience, agency, and individuality. the fear that these machines represent seems to come from their ability to be like humans, to slip into the human realm unseen and unchallenged until it is too late. the alien mechanical invader does not come from off-world; it is already here. like other science fiction classics, star trek’s representations of mechanical phyla has evolved alongside society’s concerns about the technology. numerous academic texts and science fiction narratives relate the dangers of alife to humanities future survival. as far back as mary shelley, who grappled with the nature of death and creation, science fiction writers have posed the question of what will happen to humankind if scientists succeed in creating artificial intelligence which in turn will lead to alife. “[s]cience fiction imagines the problematic consequences brought about by these new technologies and the ethical, political, and existential questions they raise” and following these fears are increasing concerns about being supplanted by artificial intelligence created to “serve” humanity (dinello ). i, robot and battlestar galactica depict the consequences of humanity’s flawed this section examines the fear of the machine, the politics of alife, and moves onto the emergence of the hologram. relationships with smart machines. they provide a darker and more dystopian view of humanity’s fear of the machine and the consequent fear of their supplanting humanity. unlike lore and data, the machines of i, robot and battlestar galactica are created en masse to serve humanity. this is the fatal mistake, as these machine “races,” given both intelligence and consciousness, search for meaning, and see no place for free will in their human creators. in both of these narratives, robots decide that humans cannot exist as free, independent beings – they are corrupt and act in ways contrary to their own survival. as i will demonstrate, star trek takes a more optimistic, humanist view of the robot in the form of the android. star trek’s dystopian threat comes from the cyborg. more terminator than cylon, the borg represents a profound loss of identity – the loss of the soul – as the machine invading the body. in the borg, the corporal body becomes hardwired. when the machine is within us, resistance is indeed futile. from the ghosts of the machines in me, robot, the religious cult of the cylons in battlestar galactica, and the cult of iden in star trek: voyager, machines also threaten human existence through their ability to enter into the realm of what has been seen traditionally as the province of humanity – religion. in many science fiction narratives, the most insidious threat to humanity comes from techno-beings who exhibit both a sense of religion and an appeal to a soul. if machines have a soul, and a form of religion and morals, how different are they from humanity? for “some techno-prophets, humanity does not have a future. the techno-apocalyptic singularity will bring a new, this is ironic considering the fact that humans frequently curtail the concept or idea of “free will” in machines. the name iden seems to be a play on the word “eden”. i will discuss this holographic character in chapter six. fully autonomous, artificially intelligent species into competition with humanity” (dinello ). in science fiction narratives, “technology – symbolized by robots, androids, cyborgs, and other machines, as well as by clones – has developed its own life and its own agenda” (dinello ). part of this life is a religion of their own. once viewed as exclusively the province of the human, religion and the question of the soul have in recent science fiction narratives become the province of the machine, thereby robbing us of our humanity, metaphorically expressed as our soul: it threatens to replace the individual, god-given soul with a mechanical, machine-made one” (schelde ). for example, battlestar galactica’s narratives question not just humanity’s future alongside the cylons, but what it means to be human in terms of how humanity is measured – or what makes humans, human. consequently, my thesis examining the place of the hologram debates the question that science fiction writers ask: what makes a human? is it flesh and blood, consciousness, a soul, free will, a family and a sense of shared history? some narratives “cling to the notion that there is one last little entity inside humans that makes them more than machines, more than matter. that entity is the soul or the self” (schelde ). however, what science fiction narratives also demonstrate is that these human characteristics are vulnerable and unstable when faced with a machine that is capable of emulating the human condition and passes as human. in analysing the episode “the measure of a man,” richard hanley argues that the problem facing data’s agency within starfleet ultimately hinges on the question of whether or not he has a soul. paradoxically, since science sets itself in opposition to questions of the soul, in many science fiction tales of machine agency, “a common motivation for denying machine personhood rests on the conviction that our personhood arises not from our material nature but instead from something extra, something special – the spark of life, the soul” (hanley ). this argument, also used by rené descartes to separate humans from animals, is exploited repeatedly within star trek narratives concerned with the position of the artificial. posthuman embodiment embodiment in a biological substrate is seen as an accident of history rather than an inevitability of life … in the posthuman, there are no essential differences or absolute demarcations between bodily existence and computer simulation, cybernetic mechanism and biological organism, robot teleology, and human goals. (hayles ) another criterion often used to separate humanity from the mechanical “other” is embodiment. posthuman bodies disturb descartes’ purity of vision. where the human and nonhuman meet is the end of humanism. this end of humanism is marked by advances in science and technology, in which “the intangibility mystery – the cartesian soul or mind – upon which humanism traditionally depended evaporates into a concrete code … the secret is all-too- readable and all-too-writable; the signature can be copied, forged” (badmington ). it is within posthumanism that the body finally breaks down, as identity moves from the material world to the virtual (badmington , , ); balsamo; hayles). the simulated body also performs as a contradiction by marking the imaginary as real in that “the human is giving way to a different construction,” and where “there are no essential differences or absolute demarcations between bodily existence and computer simulation, cybernetic mechanisms and biological organisms, robot technology and human goals” (hayles ; balsamo). the hologram perfectly mirrors, or simulates reality and becomes indistinguishable from the biological organism it copies (fig. ). yet this mirror image is fragile and temporary. the fragility of this virtual body is evident in the ease by which it can be reshaped, negated, or deleted by a simple command “computer, end program.” figure : in this image, as the doctor and janeway face off on the empty holodeck, it is not clear which is “real” and which is the “simulated” (source: star trek wiki.com) the hologram poses a problem in terms of embodiment. personhood is related to the presence of a quality that resides within a “body”. therefore, personhood is correlated to embodiment. if the hologram is, as many suggest, disembodied, how might the hologram attain the status of a “person?” a solution to the question “how is it possible for there to be disembodied consciousness – sophisticated intelligence … without a body?” is that holograms are not in fact disembodied, but “are after all embodied but with bodies of a different sort” (hanley / ). as i will argue, the posthuman entity transcends traditional notions of the body. the posthuman body includes the virtual body made up of light and photons. although haney’s discussion of data raises interesting questions about data’s capacity to possess a soul, his analysis of the episode “ship in a bottle,” and the rebellion of the hologram professor moriarty, are less convincing. hanley discusses the disembodiment of the virtual entity but fails to go further and consider whether the professor has, or uses, free will. hanley fails to contemplate whether moriarty’s consciousness is his own or the result of his program. this is perhaps due to the construction of the episode itself, which fails to address this fundamental issue in the narrative. hanley’s argument, like the episode, leaves unresolved the question of whether moriarty’s actions are based on rebellion against his treatment by humanity, or merely a programmed response to outwit the android data. different from blade runner’s replicants, battlestar galactica’s cylons, or terminator ’s t- , holograms are made of light and photons, and consequently depicted as lacking a “body”. the organic body associated with human identity is missing and replaced by the virtual body that is formed in the likeness of the organic. according to the oxford dictionary of science fiction, a hologram is “typically a tangible representation of an image that in chapter three, i address the possible consciousness of the holographic character professor moriarty. exists in three dimensions, often controlled by a.i. and able to interact with its environment” ( ). holograms are what jean baudrillard would describe as three-dimensional “luminous clones” of light and energy ( ). these “luminous clones,” supposedly lacking the bodily or embodied identity that makes humans human, also supposedly lack the social and cultural identity that makes up the body (baudrillard ; balsamo). in balsamo’s work on posthuman identity, technologies of the gendered body, she argues that “the body is a social, cultural, and historical production … both product and process. as a product, it is the material embodiment of ethnic, racial, and gender identities, as well as a staged performance of personal identity … as a process, it is a way of knowing and marking the world, as well as a way of knowing and marking the self” ( ). simulacrum raise questions about the stability of products and processes, since, in their artificial creation, the nature of the self is in question. consequently, the simulated body breaks down the boundary between personal identity (the product) and the self. the posthuman figure questions the stability of the self because it demonstrates that humanism’s supposedly “fixed” cultural, social, and gender products are “staged” or “performed,” rather than static. in other words, the self, or identity, when viewed within posthumanism, is, in fact an illusion or an imagery construct. i argue that this is where star trek fails in its portrayal of the posthuman. in the depiction of holograms, the narrative denies the mutability of the subject and instead relies on traditionally fixed parameters of “race”, body and gender favoured by liberal-humanists. gender in the realm of simulacra remains fixed within current cultural fictions (balsamo). in star as i argue later in this thesis, in star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, simulacra do indeed have a social and cultural reference. trek: voyager, the doctor seeks to emulate the “human condition” by imitating or mimicking traditional masculine roles. his matrix is formatted to represent white, masculine identity. although the posthuman figure offers a “widespread technological refashioning of the natural human body … [and] … suggests that gender too would be ripe for reconstruction,” in voyager gender in the posthuman, for both data and the holographic doctor, remains set in its construction, leaving the simulated body to replicate traditional “cultural fictions” of the material body (balsamo ). consequently, star trek’s depictions of the posthuman body reinforce contemporary american products and processes of the ideal body as gendered (male) and white. star trek’s gender performances, like its performance of “race”, follow established rules laid down by the dominant order. the hologram is represented through the gaze of starfleet’s hegemonic order, and programmed with a perspective that is based on the dominant treatise of elite starfleet personnel. the simulated body is, therefore a contradiction, denying the body as “product and process” and at the same time, it is generated to mirror and perform as a “product and process” formed from the cultural, historical, religious, and political agendas of its creator (ibid). holograms represent “hyper-reality,” in which the replicated and the imagined become real (baudrillard ). questions of identity centre on the seeming conflict between what is “real,” and what is imagined or simulated. the perfect simulation of the replicated image challenges the relationship between reality and fantasy, and between fact and fiction. concepts of reality and replication, within narratives concerning holograms, interact with notions of agency, embodiment, representation, and rebellion. claims to agency are difficult in terms of holograms due to a perceived lack of authenticity, in that, holograms are programmed, and composed of a generated image created by a computer matrix. fundamental to the concepts of authenticity are issues of representation – representation of the body, mind, consciousness, and “soul” (brown & decker; eberl ). simulacrum blur the “distinction between the real and the imaginary,” and the position of the hologram “surprise[es] the real in order to immobilize it, suspending the real in the expiration of its double” (baudrillard / ). star trek: voyager’s narratives, focusing on the hologram, achieve baudrillard’s goal “of passing through ourselves and of feeling ourselves in the beyond: the day when your holographic double will be there in space … you will have realized the miracle” ( ). to maintain the status quo, the hologram “must never pass over to the side of the real, the side of the exact resemblance of the world itself, of the subject to itself … [and] … one must never pass over to the side of the double, because then the dual relation disappears” (baudrillard ). in star trek, humans and holograms cross over this threshold as they pass through the holodeck. the holodeck acts as a meeting point for the “real” and the “double,” facilitating the disappearance of the duality between the double and the self. on the holodeck, “real” crewmembers are able to interact directly with the “double”. in some of the next generation narratives, this doubling becomes literal, as the actual simulated double of a person is met by the original. in voyager, it is the hologram that crosses over to meet his double. the tension between “real” and “inauthentic,” and between original and double, is integral to my argument concerning holographic rights and identity. i will argue that the hologram, by crossing “over to the side of the real, the side of the exact resemblance of the world itself, of the subject to itself,” reinterprets reality by fracturing the notion of a fixed and stable reality (baudrillard ). humanity is continuously colonized by technology (baudrillard ; smith). in science fiction tales of simulacra, the “real body” has given way to “the perfect object of simulation” (smith ). the posthuman, postmodern world is viewed as one in which reality gives way to simulation. meanings are no longer stable and the self becomes fractured (smith; hayles; baudrillard ). the interpretation of reality is blurred by repeated images of hyper-reality in which the simulacrum ruptures identity as it “perceives surfaces without depth, signs without referents (referring only to other signs), and appearances without reality,” and as it disrupts representations of the self and the body, replacing them with a “colonization of images and texts” imposed upon the body (smith ). in this regards, the hologram – where representations of reality replace the real, and where there is no depth, only surfaces, only light and reflections – offers up a unique study into the relationship between identity and posthumanism, and between questions of identity and the right to agency. the cyborg offers an opportunity to examine and query the dominant position of whiteness, and the fear of non-white insurgency that the cyborg, in the form of the borg, represents. borg act to “define relations of domination and subordination” (russell & wolski ). the hybrid nature of the cyborg/borg creates an identity that is neither completely other/machine nor self/human, and exists outside the dominant discourse. the instability and uncertainty provoked by the cyborg/borg as an amalgamation of flesh and machine often leads to the cyborg being rejected by the human community. the figure of the cyborg continues to disrupt and fracture what anne balsamo defined as the “product and process” of both the human body and human identity, by breaking down the interface between personal identity and the self and thus destabilising understandings of individuality. in the case of the borg, individuality, or the knowing of the self, is lost within the collective mind of the hive. the borg act as a single entity. in this sense, “performance of personal identity” is subverted in favour of the performance of collective identity (balsamo ). in the hologram, the “performance of personal identity” is controlled through the computer matrix that is in turn controlled by the humanoid crew (balsamo ). whilst the cyborg is often seen as a threat to humanity, the hologram is frequently overlooked, or simply viewed as an extension of the ship’s function and therefore inert. it is only when perceived as sentient that the hologram grabs humanity’s attention. while the cyborg represents agency, and insurrection against what is to be human, the hologram represents an apparent lack of authenticity and agency. yet, as many of star trek’s narratives demonstrate, under the surface of the simulacrum lurks the suspicion that all is not as it seems, and even the best of programmed simulations have the capacity to fight back, or to injure humanity. the amalgamation of flesh and machine suppresses both the corporeal body and human consciousness. in star trek a prime example are the borg who dominate and control through replacement and insertion of technological implants to supress that which is biological. in star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, the boundaries are further breached not just by the cyborg but also by a new “race” of beings – the hologram. the hologram begins to “confuse” starfleet’s “natural-technical” narratives. it does so by challenging what can be seen or described as intelligent life. the early depictions of holo-characters can be viewed as contestable and without agency because they draw their substance or existence, their identity, from the program designed to create them. in star trek: voyager, a sense of agency begins to appear, as holograms become more than merely an extension of the mainframe. holograms must demonstrate a sense of themselves as individuals and their relationship to others and their environment. the emergency medical hologram (emh) or doctor certainly attempts this – he seeks a name, to understand himself and to improve himself. in order to be trusted the hologram would need to prove that he/she was aware of “its own identity.” authors examining the politics of identity within star trek have focused primarily upon human or humanoid (alien) characters in relation to identity politics (bernardi , ; barrett & barrett; greven; harrison et al). some have focused on the development of the emergent borg society (barrett & barrett). however, throughout the critical literature on star trek the hologram has remained almost invisible. to date, the epistemology of holograms in star trek has received modest attention in scholarly literature. there has been no critical literature focusing on the disempowerment, disembodiment, oppression, and rebellion of the hologram. my analysis fills this gap by addressing how holograms are shaped and defined within star trek’s narratives. my work provides a unique insight into the subordination of the hologram, and argues that the hologram occupies “a position without this was the case as of december . identity,” an identity that is denied the hologram due to the paradigms of defining life and reality (spivak ). * * * * * in the chapters that follow, i investigate how the subordination and subsequent rebellion of the artifice, including the hologram, relates to the politics of the artificial “other,” by addressing issues surrounding identity, subjectivity, consciousness, and hegemonic power relationships. in chapter two, “the frankenstein complex,” i address the way in which science acts to reinforce and disrupt power/knowledge definitions of life, framed within starfleet’s varied epistemologies, through the fictional superiority of scientific discourse and method in “home soil” and “evolution,” leading to narratives which actively reinforce the dominance and prevalence of the autonomy of science. it can be argued that fictional alife such as androids, nanobots and machines can exhibit “life-like” properties. according to patrick di justo and kevin grazier’s analysis of battlestar galactica ( ), “life is what it does” and life is “a self-sustaining chemical system capable of undergoing darwinian evolution” ( ). i use the term “discourse” as both a way of talking about a subject (a manner of talking/discussing), and foucault’s idea of “a system that defines the possibilities for knowledge” (baldwin et al ). in my examination of “home soil” and “evolution,” i address the way in which science acts to reinforce and disrupt power/knowledge definitions of life, framed within starfleet’s varied throughout science and science fiction, the name frankenstein is used as a detraction provoking a negative view of scientific progress. in this way, the term has been adapted to refer to the ever-increasing debate on the future of the nonhuman. by this, i mean the various institutions that make up starfleet headquarters and the role of starfleet academy in conditioning its members. epistemologies, through the fictional superiority of scientific discourse and method. such fictions lead to narratives that actively reinforce the dominance and prevalence of the autonomy of science. i contend that the narratives of both episodes represent the power of scientific knowledge not only to create, recognise, and characterise artificial life, a posthuman construct, but to categorise, define and determine its fate. as such, scientific knowledge is anything but “neutral”. mary shelley’s scientist-cum-alchemist, victor frankenstein, is an example of the arrogance inherent in some scientific endeavours that act to reshape humanity. i will be looking at frankenstein’s creature as an early representation of the posthuman monster in relation to how ideas firmly rooted in humanism are challenged and fragmented, in the face of new posthuman life that reawakens the warning about “… scientific presumption, audacity, and amorality; about uncontrolled and uncontested scientific and technological experimentation and advance; and about their consequences” for humanity and for the creations of such scientific audacity (shelley ). in chapter three, “i think, therefore i exist,” i analyse the character of the hologram professor moriarty, and his quest to outwit captain picard, and enter the “real” world. like rené descartes, whose theory of the mind i briefly examine in this chapter, moriarty claims that to “think” is to exist, and that the corporeal body is insufficient for questions of identity. holograms simulate life-like properties and some like moriarty and the emh “evolve”. their struggle for survival is no different from any human’s. they actively pursue knowledge is not fixed in time or space. the fundamental application of knowledge is dependent upon the state of things at a given point and time. john locke proposed, “knowledge is real only so far as there is a conformity between ideas and the reality of things” (locke xiii). freedom of choice, self-determination and knowledge. however, more than that, they seek equality. able to learn and evolve, these new holograms attain a level of consciousness equal to, if not greater than, that of their programmers. they have gone beyond “life-as-we-know-it”. embodiment as the site of identity and agency is questioned within this chapter. figures like moriarty, as disembodied inorganic entities, ask the question whether life can exist in a disembodied form. can such figures be said to be alive? holograms are made up of photonic light particles that are assembled to produce a “solid” image. unlike machine intelligence like androids, nanobots, and exocomps, holograms are ethereal. other definitions of life must be used provide an answer. chapter four, “latent image,” is oriented around my analysis of the doctor’s journey to become visible as a subject rather than visualised as an object, framed within theories of subjectivity, and in particular michael foucault’s idea of panoptic vision (discipline & punish, hereafter cited as d/p). the panoptic mechanism controls the individual through the illusion of visibility, creating the impression of complete surveillance, so that the inmate/individual believes that they are always under surveillance, whether or not they are in fact being observed. according to foucault, this creates within the individual a state of internalisation in which the individual acts to self- monitor or curtail their behaviour in accordance with social norms, labels and dialogues represented by the dominant gaze. in chapter five, “author, author,” i draw connections between gayatri chakravorty spivak's critical work on representing or re-representing the subaltern and edward said’s “writing back" from the margins by the “other,” in relation to star: trek voyager’s “author, author,” in order to demonstrate the doctor’s role in recreating a literature for the hologram. like the power of the gaze, discussed in the previous chapter, literature acts as a mechanism for both self-expression and suppression. writing back acts in the same way as returning the gaze. written two years after ‘latent image,’ this episode expands on the doctor’s journey of self-discovery and his search for agency. in chapter six, i investigate the concept of resistance through violence with reference to franz fanon’s black face, white masks ( ) and the wretched of the earth ( ), and depictions of the marginalised “other” in colonial rhetoric (miller ). i will also examine how literature on nonhuman rights can be used to analyse the rights of the artificial (spiegel ). in my analysis of the star trek: voyager episodes, “revulsion” ( ) and “flesh and blood” ( ), i explain how such views on slavery and resistance to oppression can be used to look at science fiction narratives exploring the relationship of techno-slaves and their creators. in science fiction television, the artificial “other” replaces the animal, frequently used as a metaphor in colonial narratives on race, in reflecting upon human nature and the superiority of masculine whiteness. the artificial “other,” as a representative of humanity’s fear of technology run amok, denotes the savage side of human nature through its attack on humanity. just as the so-called debased nature of the non-white slave was used to justify atrocities against the racial “other,” so too does the non-humanity of the techno-other justify its destruction and enslavement. the concluding chapter, “computer, end program: holographic revolution & rebellion – a holo-pursuit,” presents a discussion of the key issues raised in the preceding chapters. i argue that narratives involving holographic resistance and rebellion are silenced and negated by starfleet’s master narrative of liberal humanism. chapter two “the frankenstein complex:” creating “monsters” through scientific discourse in “home soil” & “evolution” a little knowledge is a dangerous thing. so is a lot. albert einstein the transformation of objects by human practice may be the gateway to knowledge … but the tendency of the bourgeoisie to construe objects in its own image demonstrates the problematic character of the notion of the neutrality of scientific knowledge. stanley aronowitz in star trek: the next generation’s “home soil” ( ) and “evolution” ( ), the crew of the enterprise seek new ways to define life in terms of the inorganic. power wielded in these episodes is through claims to authority legitimated through scientific discovery and inquiry. the relationship between science and power used in colonial rhetoric, which in turn led to scientific claims about european superiority, allowed for the subjugation of native populations in the “new world”. such rhetoric is used in science fiction to justify the domination and conquest of alien worlds. “home soil” and “evolution” present a scientific discourse, in the form of different branches of this insightful comment used by einstein to warn of the dangers of unfettered science is utilised in the opening sequence of the science fiction drama, eureka (“pilot”). starfleet scientists that seeks to define and delimit the “other” in order to maintain the myth of human superiority and dominance. murderous sands and intelligent nanites running amok are part of what isaac asimov calls “the frankenstein complex”. the frankenstein complex provides a platform in which to examine the power of science as a discourse and ideology that legitimates the dominance and supposed exceptional nature of humanity. the episodes discussed in this chapter represent a discourse in which science is power, demonstrating what stanley aronowitz ( ) notes is the “conflation of knowledge and truth” and the myth of the “neutrality of scientific knowledge” (vii). two branches of competing, oppositional, yet parallel scientific discourse/knowledge structures emerge in these episodes. firstly, there is what i describe as “liberal humanist” science, that is, scientific research seeking the enhancement or defence of human life and well-being, but not necessarily associated with any gain other than for the pursuit of knowledge. this “branch” of science is exemplified by the scientific complement of the enterprise. in this form, science takes as its directive the pursuit of enhancing human life, representing the liberal humanist view of the scientist in service to humankind. secondly, what i call “socio-political” science, which i use to define science directed or applied to commercial or political gain: science for industry, colonisation, and political ends. this science often depicted as less “pure and often corrupted by the influence of political or commercial gain” is linked to the military and economic objectives of starfleet command, or to the personal glory of individual scientists who pursue selfish ends leading to dangers emerging from unfettered science. both concepts of science wield the power to define and delimit the world which humans inhabit. in this sense, both have “interests” in that they follow their own agenda, resulting in “various discursive communities … [including scientific communities] …” providing “political/economic formations” (aronowitz ). this linking of power to “domination” is what donna haraway calls “situated knowledge” (ibid). both branches of science portrayed in these episodes are situated within their own knowledge structure that is biased towards a particular discursive stance. cultivating scientific method in “home soil” star trek: the next generation’s episode “home soil” ( ) begins with the crew of the enterprise visiting a federation terraforming group on velara iii. the use of a terraforming station as the backdrop of the drama is important, as it brings to the foreground the concept of colonisation. the use of terra nullius as an excuse to claim territory, suggesting an unclaimed land that is free for the taking was utilised in colonialism to claim and expand european territory in the new world. the title of the episode suggests a relationship between ownership and possession of a land or country, as it implies that this planet is someone’s “home soil”. in “home soil,” the contrasting visions, or comprised of dr mandl, the station’s director; louisa kim (elizabeth lindsey), botanist; arthur malencon (mario roccuzzo), the hydraulics engineer and another scientist, bjom benson (gerard predergast). terra-forming refers to the “large-scale engineering and biological techniques in which uninhabitable planetary environments can be altered so that a planet can support life,” thereby making it a valuable procedure to produce habitable planets for the federation to colonise and exploit (okuda & okuda ). the term “terra nullius” has been used to define “earth” (terra) and territory that is supposedly empty (nullius) or devoid of inhabitants. this was the premise used to exclude and eradicate many ethnic minorities from their ancestral lands. europeans colonised and seized land that they felt was not permanently inhabited by indigenous peoples. australia is a good example of european conquest of this nature in which land was seized because it appeared empty. “situated knowledge,” alternatively acknowledge and deny the presence of nonorganic life on velara iii, depending on which scientific agenda is dominant (haraway). the opening image shows the enterprise in orbit around a giant red planet, and as velara iii comes into view, captain picard (patrick stewart) attempts to contact the scientists at the federation terraforming station. facing a hostile reception to his enquires from the station’s director dr kurt mandl (walter gotell); a suspicious picard orders an away team to investigate. the hostility directed towards the visiting starfleet representatives places the velara iii group of scientists at odds with those on board the enterprise, thereby framing the objectives of those on the station as in opposition to those of the crew of the enterprise. while investigating the sudden death of one of the scientists arthur malencon (mario rocuzzo), data (brent spiner) and la forge (le var burton) uncover inorganic compounds in the hydraulic chamber seemingly related to malencon’s death. found to occupy the fine layer of top soil within the sands of velara iii, this compound emits flashes of coloured light. once transported to the enterprise’s sickbay, the silica-like material begins to hum. under high magnification, complex structures of silicon-like crystals appear to resemble computer circuitry. examining the material closely dr crusher (gates mcfadden) ponders whether the “pattern of flashes” are an indicator of life. these indications of life were seen but ignored by the terraforming group. she notices that the flashes are not random fluctuations but form a pattern that the use of a red planet to open the episode calls to mind the planet mars in which twentieth century scientists have long held to have microscopic organisms within the top soil. she suspects could be a type of communication. that question is answered when the entity increases in number through a type of cell division to the point that it can use the universal translator, and successfully communicates with picard. it informs the captain that the terraforming scientists ignored its attempts to communicate. from its perspective, starfleet scientists on velara iii effectively declared war on it by attempting to destroy the saline habitat in which it lives. in retaliation the entity were forced to kill malencon and now declare war on the enterprise. “home soil” highlights starfleet’s opposing scientific agendas of what could constitute life. from the beginning of the episode, the two scientific communities at work, starfleet’s terra-formers and the enterprise’s scientific personnel, are in conflict. although both groups are starfleet, they represent different agendas, one economic/colonial and the other explorative. in gene roddenberry’s narratives, it is often the explorative science, the science of discovery aiming to enhance the “human condition,” which is held to be ethically “pure”. as with the investigation of machine life in many of star trek’s storylines, the enquiry begins with the ship’s chief medical officer and the resident artificial life form, both presenting a counter-hegemonic narrative. these two individuals, the chief medical officer and resident alife, are often the first to speak out in opposition to the hegemonic discourse of starfleet’s military and economic sectors, working to suppress knowledge that interferes with economic or social progress. in next generation, commander data represents the artificial life form, and in voyager, this role is given to the emh or holographic doctor. this is not to suggest that starfleet’s scientific medical objectives are necessarily unbiased as these can and do coincide with military and economic objectives. heading the velaran group of scientists is dr mandl, in charge of the terraforming operation. he refuses to acknowledge the possibility of life on velara iii, even though he has his suspicions that things are not right. this denial is to his advantage, because if life is found, even inorganic life, the experiment would be terminated and years of work lost. the premise of no life within a territory was used to justify colonial expansion as such land could be claimed without contest. mandl’s acknowledgement of life on the planet would mean an economic and social cost to starfleet since terraforming opens up new potential territories for the federation to colonise. consequently, mandl is happy to accept uncritically starfleet’s information that the planet is devoid of life, because this is essential to his continued success and vital to starfleet’s interests. mandl positions his knowledge within an economic and social framework/discourse. star trek highlights the fact that many scientific endeavours are linked to economic and political communities and knowledge. scientific knowledge is therefore socially situated, thereby supporting, or negating different interest groups. the terraformers are not just scientists, but are co-opted as part of the federation’s hierarchy, acting as part of starfleet’s economic/political structure, concerned with the potential benefits to the federation of opening up new colonial possibilities. the two branches of science depicted in this episode highlight the fact that scientific knowledge and knowledge in general can be qualified, contested, re-inscribed, and deployed to fit the reductive tendencies of dominant ideologies. in the case of velara iii, this ideology is the drive to create new habitable planets for the growing population within the federation. for those on board the enterprise, it is the ideology of exploration and contacting new life forms. troi, the ship’s counsellor, notes that although the planet looks barren and unpromising to those on the enterprise, for the terraformers it offers great potential because “they don’t see the planet as it is but as it could be”. but this turns out to be ironic, because the terraformers have in fact only seen what they envision should not be there, that is, no life – a barren, desert planet – a terra nullius. their vision is clouded by their desire as a “special interest group” to “create life” on velara iii, rather than to “see” the life already present (haraway situated knowledges hereafter cited as s/k ). they have simply classed it as barren and, blinded by their desire to create life, have denied what they saw in front of them. louisa, the terraformer in charge of mapping vegetation change, states that the process “makes you feel a little god-like” and as such the terra-formers look to images of their world as templates for life – a “class m planet capable of supporting life” (luisa). the terra-formers use their “situated knowledge” in order to transform the alien landscape into a domesticated and universalised planet resembling earth, thereby replacing what appears to them a barren planet with the abundance of life (haraway s/k ). science in the form of the conquering gaze justifies colonisation and imperialism through defining the planet as lifeless. although those on board the enterprise are presented as less blinded by such an agenda, they are not passive, nor neutral in their own interpretation of velara iii, as they have an agenda of their own – to seek out and study new life. to the enterprise crew, the appearances of unusual qualities in the sand on velara iii are of immense interest. examining the probe that killed malencon, data determines that it “seemed to operate with a will of its own.” a class m planet is one that is earth-like in its ability to sustain human or advanced organic life forms. he suspects that something other than a simple malfunction occurred. when the probe that killed malencon then attacks data, he discovers “the firing mechanism [of the probe] was dynamic,” and that “there was a mind working against him” as he tried to avoid the laser (data). back on the enterprise, it is suspected that one of the scientists was responsible for the attack. when confronted with this accusation, mandl is outraged and appalled at the suggestion that he had anything to do with it: “i create life, i don’t take it.” this statement smacks of irony, as this scientist views himself as the usurper of god in creating worlds, and as the perpetrator of haraway’s god-trick, which is mistaken “for creativity and knowledge, omniscience even” in its ability to claim “infinite vision” able to construct the universe, but is in actual fact a doctrine of subjugation (s/k ). mandl’s outburst becomes more telling as the episode unfolds, and it is revealed that he had suspected life could be present on velara iii. data and la forge, sent back to the powered down station to investigate, are faced with its bleak and dark interior. the interior reinforces the perception that without the humans this planet is indeed lifeless. data and la forge become curious when they see coloured lights and flashes within the depths of the now dark hydraulic chamber. it is data who first asks whether what they see could mean life: la forge: whoa. what is this? nothing but basic elements, inorganic, no carbon, sandy texture. those flashes are almost musical. i see colour variations and rhythms in complex harmonies. this will later turn out to be the micro-brains who are able to interact with and control other computers. data: speculation. could it be alive? la forge: how could it be alive? it's inorganic. (“home soil” ) the sandy soil contains “colour variations and rhythms in complex harmonies” and the “almost musical” element indicates that something more than “basic elements” might be present. however, since the basic reference point so far in this episode is that life is “organic,” and this is not, they initially dismiss the idea. this does seem curious because in star trek data is generally considered to be alive and yet he is inorganic. he is a machine, but the first response by la forge to the unknown substance is that this cannot be a life form because it is inorganic. such comments demonstrate the problems with definitions of life. life is construed as that which is seen to be “like us,” the “like us” being interpreted as “like humans”. definitions of life therefore correspond to definitions of what makes humans human. this is an important distinction that will be explored further throughout my study of star trek. it is dr crusher, who, in examining the sample from velara iii, determines that the repeating patterns that la forge and data observe down on the planet are significant. under high magnification the sample, which now dwarfs picard as he gazes at the image on the view screen, reveals a structure that resembles a silica compound composed of miniature circuit-like structures. in her examination of the sand, dr crusher is less dismissive than the terraformers, and she is more willing than la forge to redefine and extend the parameters set down by starfleet to determine what constitutes life. for her, there is nothing to lose if this specimen is indeed alive. her motive is scientific curiosity and the possibility of finding new life. faced with the fascinating discovery of a complex non-carbon based internal structure, dr crusher uses key indicators of biological life, as defined by starfleet medical guidelines, as a starting point to determine if this is indeed a non-carbon based life form: crusher: a test for inorganic life. data: it's never been done, doctor. crusher: there are basic definitions for organic life. it must have the ability to assimilate, respirate, reproduce, grow and develop, move, secrete and excrete. picard: would any of those apply here? crusher: perhaps growth and development. data: reproduction? crusher: yes. those two may be basic for any definition of life, organic or inorganic. picard: well, doctor, you're charting unknown seas. how do we proceed? crusher: as we're dealing with a fundamental question, let's use the basic scientific method. observe, theorise, and attempt to prove it. activate. [talking to the computer] let's be sure of what we're dealing with. is the sample organic? the basic diagnostic tool used to investigate anomalies is the central computer. this computer holds all information gathered and often interpreted by starfleet. computer: negative carbon, negative known life components, substance inorganic. (“home soil” ) in exploring the “uncharted sea” of non-carbon life, dr crusher proceeds by using the “basic scientific method”. she begins by theorising that key features present within all carbon-based units typically represent life: assimilation, respiration, reproduction, growth and development, mobility, and excretion. these “basic definitions” of life are represented within mainstream science to be universal and absolute. however, such “universal truths” are in fact not fixed or absolute but constitute powerful mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion (foucault). the characteristics of “life” or “not life” are determined by self-referential elements with starfleet acting as authority, claiming some but delegitimizing other elements. within this episode, and the next generation and voyager as a whole, this process of defining “life” and “non- life” is constantly renegotiated. scientific inquiry is a privileged discourse, which is “historically rather than naturally constituted, [and] its autonomy is always meditated” between power centres and is therefore not absolute but historically contingent (aronowitz ). dr crusher begins by utilising starfleet medical knowledge, one historically constructed power centre within star trek, and tests its historical basis for life against what she sees. power centres such as starfleet’s medical database are “rooted in the system of social networks” which compete to construct knowledge/power systems (foucault ). power centres may these features are used several times throughout star trek as the basic formula for life. also derive power through disavowing such mediation within “social networks” by not effectively testing research data or seeking outside input, and instead become an “apparatus closed in upon itself,” like the terraforming station, with its “own regulations, its hierarchical structures” and a “relative autonomy in its functioning,” leading to a self-reinforcing knowledge structure (foucault ). the fact that the terraformers remained out of communication with starfleet, because mandl feared the discovery of life on velara iii, lead to the scientists reinforcing their conclusion that the planet is lifeless. they rejected any outside input into what they considered their own specific knowledge of the situation. this self-reinforcing dynamic is only broken when individuals like dr crusher offer up counter-hegemonic discourses by exploring “uncharted seas”. the prevailing knowledge available dictates that inorganic material, if it is to be considered a life form, must demonstrate some or all of crusher’s properties. dr crusher’s “scientific method” states that in order to distinguish between living and non-living material, it is necessary to “observe, theorise, and attempt to prove” that an inorganic material have some of the basic indicators of life. however, the problem faced in this episode is that this foundation of defining life is limited and based upon the prevailing notion of what constitutes indicators of life within organic material. the standard theoretical position generally upheld in star trek is that for something to be considered alive it must interact with its environment, communicate, and seek ways of continuing its survival. such methods are in themselves laid down as universal facts and absolute truths (foucault). this this phrase used by picard is reminiscent of colonial voyagers heading into unknown and supposedly uninhabited areas of the globe during colonial expansion. creates a false sense of security in applying such knowledge, in that scientific knowledge uncritically applied may often be erroneous and in fact dangerous. as previously noted, such “universal truths” are fictions that are dependent upon dynamic historical social networks. in the example of the unknown matter from velara iii, observations of unusual patterns not found within the sand were overlooked as meaningless by mandl because known scientific “fact” did not allow for such occurrences in non-organic matter. such blind faith in scientific fact is “a series of efforts to persuade relevant social actors that one’s manufactured knowledge is a route to a desired form of objective power” (haraway ). for example, the case of the terraformers who believe themselves to be “objective,” having thoroughly checked for life on velara iii, have in fact “manufactured knowledge” through ignoring what direct observation of the sand tells them. they ignore direct observation, and instead rely upon manufactured “facts” that reinforce the desired outcome – that the planet is devoid of life. what “home soil” illustrates is that new scientific discoveries are often attained through going beyond theory, beyond “manufactured knowledge,” as dr crusher does, and into the realms of imagination, reflection and supposition. science “is a contestable text and a power field” that must constantly be challenged (haraway ). it is through the willingness of crusher and the scientific community on board the enterprise to critically question and challenge the power/knowledge structure that discordant discourses of knowledge are produced. trying to prove whether the flashes of light are an indicator of living matter, dr crusher asks the computer to analyse the source of the flashes using standard methods, and then by asking the computer to consider the incongruous: crusher: analyse the pattern of the flashes. computer: not repetitive or sequential. pattern not recognised. crusher: what is the source of the flashes? computer: unable to specify. theoretically not possible from this substance. crusher: disregard incongruity and theorise as to source. computer: life. (“home soil” ) based on theoretical possibilities, in turn based on the universal fact that such behaviour is “not possible from this substance” the computer is unable to specify whether life is present. dr crusher tells the computer to disregard the incongruity of what is known about inorganic life, and in doing so the computer confirms “life”. dr crusher is the one who seeks answers that go outside what is theoretically possible. nevertheless, it is the central computer, the technological tool of medicine, and part of starfleet’s knowledge structure, which is used to confirm life. dr crusher thinks critically and imaginatively about the modes of knowledge that designate what is alive and what is not. she is prepared to reinvent or circumvent universal norms set down by medical discourses that state that if it is inorganic then it is not alive. data too is willing to accept the possibility of inorganic life, and when the entity divides in two he offers this as proof as “only life can replicate itself, doctor. inorganic or not, it is alive” (data). with the knowledge that this is indeed a life form picard confronts the remaining scientists. he is angry that they hid the knowledge about the micro- brains from him and now the enterprise is in danger. “home soil” depicts that the “facts” of what defines life should be used as a template only, and not as a fixed paradigm. the narrative argues that by challenging these “facts” new life possibilities open up, but also that by slavishly and opportunistically applying facts to a situation such possibilities and life itself can be lost. this is part of roddenberry’s vision, that in the future time of star trek knowledge should not be mindlessly accepted but challenged. “home soil” highlights the fact that “new discursive relations can … be worked out through old things, … [old knowledge] … in sites already inscribed by dominant formations,” allowing dr crusher to build upon “inscribed” knowledge about “life” and find new ways of distinguishing between inorganic life and organic life (albanese ). discounting the possibility of life within the material served mandl’s interests, and demonstrates that “… even though science discovers the ‘autonomous laws’ of nature, this activity is not for the sake of knowledge but for the sake of utility; ... human purposes are implicit in the development of scientific activity and these are historically produced” (aronowitz ). dr mandl’s position epitomises the use of “scientific activity” to act in the interests of “utility”. if life were to be found then the terraforming ready to begin would be cancelled representing an economic and political cost to starfleet and mandl. mandl was willing to accept what the computer told him and what starfleet had confirmed – that there was no life on velara iii because it suited the purpose of his desire to categorise the planet as empty (terra nullius) and available for colonisation. hence, mandl’s actions are viewed as illuminating “the hidden presumptions that inform colonialist discourses” (albanese ). mandl’s preoccupation with creating life leads to the presupposition that no life exists on the planet. he even admits that they found strange patterns in the sand before they began draining the fluid from the sand but these were dismissed as “natural” events and that “refraction and a thin atmosphere is interesting, but certainly not life” (mandl): mandl: … they are meaningless silicon crystals which rebroadcast sunlight. picard: it is a life form and it has intelligence. mandl: why do you say that? picard: it's trying to communicate with us. mandl: communicate with you? picard: when did you first become aware of them? bensen: tell them about the pattern in the sand. (“home soil” ) picard is incredulous: “oh, yes. do tell us” and finds it astonishing that mandl did nothing to challenge the assertion of “the best minds” (mandl) in starfleet and seek his own answers to the patterns in the sand. for mandl, such observations were merely a distraction and he paid no attention to what he saw as “meaningless silicon crystals” and applied no further scrutiny: bensen: when we first arrived, we noticed that in certain areas the sand had a sparkling effect like sunlight bouncing off new fallen snow. picard: what did you think it was? bensen: honestly, we did not give it any thought. mandl: picard, i must point out again that we were assured, not once but many times, by the best scientific minds in the federation, that this planet has no life. no life! (“home soil” ) the scene is tense as picard looms over mandl demanding explanations about what they knew about the presence of life on velara iii. mandl says that he “… knew that there were random energy patterns, yes, i knew that. but not life, not by any definition i have ever heard”. only louisa seems to have been unaware of the presence of the lights in the sand. mandl defends his decision to exclude louisa because the pattern in the sand “wasn’t particularly important” (mandl). although the fact is not addressed within this study, it is interesting to note that louisa, the only female scientist on velara iii, is the one left out of such knowledge. this supports haraway’s assertion that women scientists are often side-lined in a male dominated field but that this gives them an especially good ‘vantage point to relate to the subjugated,’ which may be why it is dr beverly crusher that is seen to find solutions outside contemporary medicine (haraway s/k ). director mandl saw the “random energy patterns” but unlike dr crusher did not investigate. in this way, dr crusher, as a female scientist, is “intercessory, even liminal” because she investigates “alien subjectivities” ignored by the masculine narrative of dr mandl (albanese ). data and crusher describe the entity as a form of micro-brain whose components, like human brain cells, act together to create intelligence: “individually, a cell has life but not intelligence. yet when interconnected their combined intelligence is formidable” (crusher). this inorganic hive mind or network, a precursor to the borg, is found to be cognitively superior to higher organic life. these micro-brains are not just alive but “thinking”. the concept of intelligence is prioritized here and throughout star trek. it is at the point of recognising the “substance” as intelligent that the “silicon crystals” become the “micro-brains”. going from “substance” to “subject” is reliant in this instance on being intelligent and able to communicate and to possess language. when the entity seemingly tries to communicate picard states: “more than that, it’s intelligent life … it’s trying to communicate with us”). what remains important in the star trek narratives i discuss here is that the distinction between life and non-life, between who has rights and who does not, whether this is organic or artificial, is based upon intelligence. in order to have rights, an entity must foremost possess intelligence, most importantly an ability to communicate complex ideas. the converting of object into subject is “coextensive with the act of learning … language,” and it is through language that the object or substance becomes “intelligible” (albanese ). in “home soil” this shift to “subject” is represented visually as well as linguistically. for example, when the particle or substance is first brought on board the enterprise it is small and undefined. however, once it reaches the level of “subject,” that is, once it is defined or named as a micro-brain, it is represented as a large and complex image that looms large on the screen. now viewed as intelligent, possessing language, the hive mind draws attention to its presence in a way that cannot easily be marginalised. it is also telling that dr crusher uses the human body/brain as a metaphor to describe what is happening with the substance. unsuccessful in communicating with the scientists on velara iii, the micro-brains now attempt to communicate with the crew of the enterprise by taking control of the ship’s systems. the micro-brains, having failed to stop the destruction of their home, wield the only power they have left – violence. it is through violence that the micro-brains finally get the humans’ attention. the crew discover that the inorganic life forms killed the scientist, malencon because the terra-forming process threatened their existence. unable to get the humans to stop destroying their home the micro-brains’ only option left was to attack and kill malencon and attack the enterprise’s crew: micro-brain: ugly, ugly giant bags of mostly water picard: bags of mostly water? data: an accurate description of humans, sir. you are over ninety per cent water surrounded by a flexible container. micro-brain: we understand. we ask you that you be gone. we call. we talk. you not listen. (“home soil” ) while crusher names the collective diminutive circuits the “micro-brains,” the collective entity identifies humans as “ugly bags of mostly water.” this new description of humanity, while confusing picard, is confirmed by data, another inorganic life form, as an apt description of human life. the act of naming becomes empowering in that it allows the designator to define the position of the named; it also entails a descriptive account of the position of that which is named. for example, the substance on velara iii is initially named as an inert this will be a common device used by nonorganic life throughout the episodes i study in this thesis. substance, then as a “micro-brain,” establishing it as a form of life and intelligent (as in the suffix “brain”). in turn, the micro-brains name humanoids as “ugly bags of mostly water,” a very specific reference to the fact that humans are “ninety per cent water surrounded by a flexible container” (data) and one which seems to suggest an inferiority with no reference to humans’ being intelligent. this inferiority is emphasised by humanity’s inability to understand the messages of the micro-brains and in mandl’s refusal to listen to the evidence of life on velara iii: picard: we didn't hear you. we come in peace. micro-brain: ugly bags of mostly water, we try at peace. you still do not listen. bags who drill in sands of home have to die. riker: it killed malencon. troi: we see and hear you now. we didn't know you were there. you are beautiful to us. all life is beautiful. micro-brain: bag in dome did know. caused much death. made us kill. war is now with you. (“home soil” ) in trying to reason with the micro-brains, several competing dialogues are represented in the crew’s conversation. this difference relates to the various special interests and points of view of each of the characters, or haraway’s “situated knowledge.” picard, as well as being the captain, has a degree in archaeology and troi as a counsellor seeks to comfort, both therefore leaning towards the social sciences. on the other hand, riker (jonathon frakes) has always been seen as the “macho” figure, the gung-ho character and rather like the original series’ captain kirk, who looks to confront issues head on. he is interested in military tactics and in klingon history and customs. consequently, the command crew have very different “voices”. picard and counsellor troi, who try to reassure the micro-brains that their intent is not hostile and that “we come in peace” (picard) and “all life is beautiful” (troi), play out the voice of reason and calm. as the voice of the military commander riker reminds everyone of the threat and offers a warning not to trust the alien because “it killed malencon.” this encapsulates star trek’s complex discourses in approaching new definitions of life. new life is a wondrous new discovery, “beautiful”. however, new life is also represented as a threat to progress, safety, and security. indeed, during the briefing, the bridge crew are confronted on the view screen with the micro-brains who declare war on the enterprise. held hostage, the crew are unable to access the ship’s systems: “it seems to have a greater rapport with our computer than we do” (data): “what do you expect, it is a computer” (worf (michael dorn)). the micro-brains accuse mandl, the “bag in the dome,” as having an awareness of their existence and yet proceeding to destroy them anyway. the micro-brains retaliated, holding the “ugly bags of mostly water” responsible for the war. their position is represented as one of defiance and justified violence. it is this violence that finally gets the attention of the humans and hints at the inferior nature of humans who only seem to react to a new species if it is able to demonstrate its ability to destroy humanity. the micro-brains take action by first killing and then accessing the ship’s computer intelligence. by hijacking the enterprise’s computer and acting violently the micro-brains are finally heard. it is through violence that change is instigated. star trek’s correlation between violence and intelligence seems to go against traditional ideas of violence as “primitive” and with previous star trek narratives that suggest that violence as a form of communication is linked to less “civilised” alien races like klingons. as seen in this episode, science is used as a tool to support both the passive and aggressive stance. picard stresses that his journey is an exploratory mission but it is apparent that his is still a military operation, and the nature of the enterprise’s scientific mission becomes clouded when the ship or humanity is placed in danger. when he realises that the micro-brains have control of the ship he takes the offensive: “life form or not, intelligent or not, the safety of this ship and everyone aboard her is my primary responsibility. data, evacuate all the air from the medical lab. i want a vacuum there” (picard). picard is willing to kill the life forms in order to protect his ship and crew. for star trek, new life is welcome if it does not endanger humanity. on the enterprise, power wielded in the name of humanity, not industry or war, is justified: micro-brain: we die. bags of water kill us. you are like others. picard: we have no wish to kill you. we never have. micro-brain: you do not say truth. picard: we will end this war, if you will end the war. micro-brain: darkness. death. terrible. must go home to wet sand. war over. picard: agreed. we will send you home to your wet sand. picard to riker. bring up the lights in the lab, just a bit. are you better? micro-brain: better. picard: we mean you no harm. do you believe me? voice: yes. picard: good. it is important that you trust us. micro-brain: not yet. you are still too arrogant, too primitive. come back three centuries. perhaps then we trust. picard: we understand what you are saying. we will leave you. we will send you home. (“home soil” ) when deprived of light the micro-brain begs for life against “death, darkness … [and what is] terrible” and is forced to negotiate with picard. therefore, it is the power that picard holds over life and death that forces the micro-brains to cooperate, having no choice but to beg for life and a return to their “wet sand” declaring the “war over”. tellingly, for the micro-brains, as opposed to the humans who in this episode correlate violence with awareness on the part of the micro-brains, violence is not a sign of intelligence but of primitiveness. the micro-brains perceive humanity as still “too arrogant” and “too primitive” to trust. by reacting to their presence with conflict and dishonesty, humanity proves that it cannot be trusted. for example, if mandl had mentioned their original findings rather than denying any knowledge of attempts to communicate by the micro-brains, things might not have escalated. even the crew of the enterprise still have much to learn about first contact with non- organic life. humbled by the micro-brain’s words picard sends the micro- brains home with the hope that one-day humanity might be ready to learn more about them: “in time mr data, when we are better prepared”. whose, home soil? “home soil” confronts the formulation of life definitions based on scientific method, and highlights the fact that common-sense definitions are created through hegemonic discourse. it raises questions about the reliance upon normalising scientific discourses that form the basis of distinctions between subject and substance. i use the term “subject” here as referring to a being or individual whereas a “substance” is a thing or matter. it also highlights star trek’s often opposing objectives of science – that of the science of economy and defence and the science of medicine. the struggle between opposing hegemonic dialogues of power/knowledge is key to the status of alife within star trek. the concept of “power/knowledge” is used by michel foucault to highlight the power that arises through institutions, culture, and individuals. knowledge is a powerful tool in defining, labelling, and controlling others. as the dominant institution or state apparatus, starfleet has the power to construct and (re)present the information/knowledge that is used to determine life from non-life, self from “other”. even those dissenting are usually still within starfleet and hold a position of power, such as data and dr crusher. it is the fact that they come from a place of power that allows them to dissent. “home soil’s” narrative suggests that knowledge within starfleet, whether medical, economic, or military, is deemed to be legitimate. in addition, the episode exposes the idea that resistance to this knowledge/discourse is also a manifestation of power that is often expressed through violence. the appeal and reaction to violence on the part of the mechanical “other” and the way in which scientific rhetoric “crafts the world” are further explored in the next episode to be examined in this chapter – “evolution” (haraway s/k ). “it’s just a science project:” reverberations of the future prometheus captain's log, stardate . : we have entered a spectacular binary star system in the kavis alpha sector on a most critical mission of astro-physical research. our eminent guest, doctor paul stubbs, will attempt to study the decay of neutronium expelled at relativistic speeds by a massive stellar explosion which will occur here in a matter of hours. captain picard in “evolution” ( ) “evolution” ( ) draws parallels to the tale of mary shelley’s victor frankenstein and his failed attempts at supplanting god in creating “life,” the ultimate “god-trick”; such a metaphor invites investigation into the claims of objectivity within scientific discourse (haraway s/k). the episode deals with many of the issues faced by the crew in “home soil”: how to define new life, in particular the inorganic, and how to respond to this life when faced with the uncertainty of its intentions and motives, and how to mediate between different and opposing positions of scientists. as in “home soil,” science becomes the deciding factor in what constitutes life and whether that life is to be defined as intelligent and/or malevolent. several interconnected ideas emerge from “evolution”: the danger of unfettered science, the arrogance of scientific obsession, and the usurpation of the divine/nature in the creative process. the episode begins benignly with a close up of a sleeping wesley crusher (will wheaton), but the words “stand by” on the screen behind dr crusher’s -year-old son, a child prodigy and an acting member of the crew, hint at what is to come. awoken from his sleep in the enterprise’s genetics laboratory, wesley finds he is late for bridge duty and hurriedly packs away his experiment on advancing the cacapilities of nanites. in his hurry to report to the bridge, he fails to check on his experiment. the other significant character in this episode is the visiting astro-physicist dr paul stubbs (ken jenkins) who is about to launch an interstellar probe that is the culmination of his life’s work and will aid starfleet in potentially new scientific discoveries. once on the bridge wesley views the binary star system that is at the heart of dr paul stubbs’ experiment. dr stubbs is an eminent starfleet scientist who has spent his life working on a way to study the “decay of neutronium expelled at relativistic speeds by a massive stellar explosion” (picard) from a collapsing star. the works of these two driven males collide when the enterprise’s systems malfunction. trying to launch stubbs’ research probe, the enterprise is rocked violently and loses critical systems. things continue to go wrong and the central computer begins to act irrationally – recounting chess moves and playing a loud rendition of “stars and stripes forever”. in a briefing about the future of the mission with the command staff, dr stubbs makes his position abundantly clear: “if we miss our chance now, we don't get another for two centuries. there will be many questions asked by starfleet if the enterprise this character was based on a young gene roddenberry (robb). like frankenstein’s creature, devised by mary shelley during a nightmare, wesley’s creation is born whilst he is asleep, as the nanites escape his imagination/experiment and begin to multiply and evolve (bam). the star is small but immensely powerful and destructive, an important analogy for the nanites’ imminent infiltration of the enterprise. fails in its duty” (stubbs). both stubbs and wesley are driven by their extraordinary scientific abilities to a point where they become blind to the question of whether their attempts are reasonable. stubbs is willing to risk the enterprise and her crew in order to complete his work, and wesley fails to comprehend the catastrophic consequences of his experiment being let loose. however, wesley’s misguided confidence is shattered when he realises that his nanites could be responsible for taking apart the computer core: wesley: i've been working on my final project for advanced genetics. it's on nanotechnology. i've been studying the nanites we have in the sickbay genetic supplies. they're these little tiny robots with gigabytes of mechanical computer memory. they're designed to enter living cells and conduct repairs. they're supposed to remain confined to the lab. guinan: are you saying there are nanites loose? wesley: two of them, that's all. i just wanted to see how they would interact and function in tandem. you see, in my experiment, i had proposed a theory that by working together they could combine their skills and increase their usefulness. it was working. guinan: so you made better nanites. wesley: i was pulling an all-nighter to collect my final data. i fell asleep. and when i woke up i saw the container had been left open. it's just a science project. guinan: you know, a doctor friend once said the same thing to me. frankenstein was his name. (“evolution” ) wesley’s genetics experiment, “just a science project” performed on the dormant nanites, “warns of the manifold dangers which accompany the promise and progress of science and technology” (van der laan ). in the dangers inherent in the nanite invasion, “evolution” reawakens the frankenstein warning about “scientific presumption, audacity, and amorality; about uncontrolled and uncontested scientific and technological experimentation and advance; and about their consequences” for humanity and for the creations of such scientific audacity (ibid). guinan’s (whoopi goldberg) telling remark about wesley’s misplaced confidence, “a doctor friend once said the same thing to me. frankenstein was his name,” highlights the intended connection between the unfettered science of shelley’s novel and scientists like both wesley and stubbs. wesley’s conversation with guinan also links the driven young scientist with shelley’s protagonist, who like wesley becomes so absorbed in his work that all else becomes insignificant. by wanting “to see how they would work interact and function in tandem,” wesley is blinded to the potential risk of allowing two nanites to “work together” and learn from each other. the episode focuses on the dangers of scientific obsession and the problem faced by humans who take over from god. the writers of this episode, michael piller and michael wagner, introduce mary shelley’s scientist-cum-alchemist, victor frankenstein, as an example of the arrogance of unfettered science. in this episode, like shelley’s novel, ideas firmly rooted the writers of this episode draw parallels between these two characters. for example, both wesley and stubbs have a love of baseball. wesley’s interest in the sport is mentioned in “justice” ( ) and both become isolated due to their driven nature. however, wesley is shown at the end of the episode to have a number of friends and therefore it is suggested he will not turn out to be like stubbs. in humanism are challenged and defragmented in the face of the new posthuman life. the use of shelley’s protagonist in this episode emphases the “motives underlying the fictional scientific research” represented by both wesley (his academic success: “i always get an a) and dr stubbs (his scientific acclaim) (van der vaan ). both demonstrate, like frankenstein, a need to succeed and gain knowledge but also a dissatisfaction with themselves and their achievements. shelley’s novel is “about masculinity and scientific hubris, and has led to an enduring use of the title as a byword for the dangerous potential of the scientific over-reacher. it was in this vein that isaac asimov coined the term ‘the frankenstein complex’…” and it is in this way that wesley and dr stubbs, as “scientific over-reachers,” reflect frankenstein’s need to breach the boundaries of traditional science (knellworf & goodall ). the danger of a preoccupation with scientific discovery and the importance of science over other forms of knowledge is epitomised in the character of dr stubbs. stubbs is so obsessed and his self-worth so caught up with the success of his experiment that he would rather die than fail. he is also unconcerned for the fate of others who could be harmed by his compulsion. he is quick to point out that if the probe, which he views as a “brand new era in astro-physics,” is not launched as scheduled there will be questions asked by starfleet. wesley, now alarmed by the confirmation of the two missing nanites, firmly believes that the computer malfunction is his fault and due to the advanced nanites he designed. after confiding in his mother, he and dr crusher break the news to the command team and a less-than-impressed dr stubbs. the nanites are normally kept under strict control and in “a non- functioning state” (crusher), which suggests that there are fears that they have the potential to be dangerous or to become stronger and out of control. the episode extrapolates the common trope of the twentieth century fear of viruses (both natural and techno) having the potential to harm or wage war on humanity by invisibly entering living cells, allowing these nanosocpic creatures the possibility to destroy silently and efficently. like viruses, the nanites lie dormant, confined to the lab, waiting to unleash their invasion of the body of the ship. given an opportunity to “breed” or interact and evolve, these nanites infect the ship’s systems with alarming speed. able to “enhance their own design” (crusher) with each new generation, these nanites have now evolved. theories of evolution assume that all biological systems “reproduce”. according to dr crusher, these nanites are now “able to mechanically replicate themselves”. dr stubbs does not accept crusher’s explanation, asking, “how does a machine evolve?” dr stubbs’ reaction to the idea of the nanites “evolving” is dubious disdain. stubbs works from the traditional scientific principle that machines cannot evolve and that mechanical replication is not reproduction. what this dialogue highlights is two very different ways of viewing machines through competing scientific visions: firstly, dr crusher’s argument that machines can be more than they appear, that is, more than inert objects; and, secondly, dr stubbs’ assertion that machines cannot exhibit biological models. it should be acknowledged that “evolution” in terms of fictional organisms such as nanites is fast-tracked. true evolution is not measured in one or two generations nor is it always successful (ruse & travis; darwin ). where thousands or hundreds of thousands of generations are necessary for evolution and adaptive radiation to occur in natural systems, in terms of science fiction’s alife this is super-charged, with millions of generations occurring in a minor frame or through advanced technological systems. different scientific discourses operate to fulfil opposing perspectives – one economic and one social/medical. it also raises some very interesting philosophical questions: for example, has each “generation” of nanites actually evolved or were they simply built by previous “generations” of nanites? is reproduction and therefore evolution really exclusively biological? for both data and dr crusher, “replication” equates to “reproduction,” “life is what it does” and life is “a self-sustaining chemical system capable of undergoing darwinian evolution” (di justo & grazier ). reproduction is, according to dr crusher’s previous argument in “home soil,” an indicator of life. in “evolution,” evolving through replication is depicted as not exclusively biological but rather a factor present in all living matter. for the bridge crew, the next step in determining what to do about the nanite invasion is to determine whether the nanites represent an intelligence, and a civilisation, rather than an infestation. for picard, intelligence in the nanites is exemplified when the nanites are observed reacting to, and even attacking the crew of the enterprise: picard: can it be possible they know what they're doing? riker: why would they attack us? stubbs: why does a mosquito bite your ear? and who cares? the answer is simple. call an exterminator. … picard: doctor stubbs, we cannot exterminate something that may or may not be intelligent. (“evolution” ) as with the micro-brains in “home soil,” it is through violence that the nanites gain the crew’s attention, leading picard to question whether there is a purpose to what the nanites are doing. for stubbs there is no ambiguity: “i'm sorry but this is nonsense, you can’t have a civilisation of computer chips.” the nanites are machines manufactured “in a plant in dakar” and as such are pests, like mosquitos and viruses, to be exterminated. according to stubbs’ methodology, these nanites should be destroyed just as a virus must be killed when it endangers its host: “it's no more mysterious than watching a strain of the leutscher virus reproduce itself. and that at least is a bona fide life form. how many disease germs and viruses have you destroyed in your time, doctor crusher?” (stubbs). dr crusher remains adamant that these nanites are not simply machines but have life, consciousness, and a collectivism that demonstrate intelligence: “doctor stubbs, these nanites are now working with a new collective intelligence, operating together, teaching each other skills” (crusher). consequently, they should not be “exterminated”. the bridge crew determine that a “new collective consciousness” (as in “home soil”) is established within the ship’s system and that killing these nanites would be in conflict with their mission of seeking out new life. roddenberry’s vision for the franchise is that scientific endeavour and the pursuit of knowledge for the betterment of humanity is the goal of starfleet’s exploration of the stars. stubbs, like dr frankenstein and dr mandl, views his experiment as being “performed in the service of humanity, a higher cause, and greater good.” however, they have a deeper, less honourable reason for their obsession, that of self-glorification (bowman et al ). similar arguments have been used regarding contemporary nanotechnology, in that nanotechnology “continue[s] to show the potential to advance human well-being and society,” but at the potential risk of the future of the human species (bowman et al ). to understand this new life form, picard directs wesley, data, and la forge to remove safely some of the nanites from the computer core: “try to remove them safely, if things get worse we’ll use stronger measures” (picard). interrupting data’s attempts to remove the nanites, dr stubbs sterilises a panel with radiation, killing the nanites in the upper computer core. at the same time, picard and riker are contemplating the tale of gulliver. at this point, the crew begin to choke in what appears to be a cloudy fog. the nanites in retaliation have pumped nitrogen oxide into the bridge. dr stubbs, refusing to believe that “a civilisation of computer chips” can exist let alone be sentient and learning, and hoping that the attack will force picard to take action, has in fact provided proof that the nanites are working together in an intelligent manner: picard [to stubbs]: if any man, woman or child on this ship is harmed as a result of your experiment, i will have your head before the highest command in the federation. stubbs: good lord, you are talking about machines with a screw loose. simply turn them off and be done with them. data: doctor stubbs, your own actions have provided evidence to the contrary. when you destroyed the nanites in the core, they responded by interfering with our life support systems. it is difficult to accept gulliver recounts the tale of an explorer, captured by a miniature civilisation when he “invades” their world. he is overpowered and tied to the ground. these as random actions by machines with loose screws. in effect, you may have proven that the nanites do have a collective intelligence. (“evolution” ) stubbs creates the situation in which picard must retaliate: “you have no choice now. it is a matter of survival” (stubbs). he claims that his position within starfleet as “a representative of the highest command of the federation, which has directed you to perform my experiment” (stubbs) and the importance of his work forces picard to act against the “machines with a screw loose” (stubbs). ironically, as data points out, it is stubbs’s actions that prove that these “nanites do have a collective intelligence”. they attacked the crew as a direct result of stubbs’ killing of their colleagues in the computer core. the later violent attack on stubbs in his quarters proves that this is not a random attack but specifically directed to retaliate against what he has done, “i cannot believe that this was an arbitrary attack” (picard). just as frankenstein animates his creature with energy, creating life but also creating his own destruction, the nanites seek their revenge on stubbs through a form of energy. energy is linked to destruction in star trek and with “life” in frankenstein and with the power to give or take life. in response to this new violence, picard instructs riker to irradiate the remaining computer panels, thereby destroying the rest of the nanite civilisation. however, just before riker can give the order, data finds a way to communicate, leaving picard with an alternative: “maybe we can negotiate a peace we can all live with” (picard). as a means to aid communication data acts as a conduit for the nanites “as a gesture of peace” (data). data establishes communication with the “civilisation”, and, speaking through him, the nanites and picard are able to end the conflict. the dialogue that ensues is one in which both the nanites and picard try to justify their actions in this conflict. the nanites react to humans, the “strange looking creatures” in a similar fashion as humans tend to act towards other “creatures.” both parties misinterpret the other’s actions as hostile, each believing that the other attacked them first: data/nanites: you are very strange looking creatures. picard: in our travels, we have encountered many other creatures, perhaps even stranger-looking than ourselves. but we try to co-exist peacefully with them. data/nanites: why did you attack us? picard: we misinterpreted your actions as an attack on us. data/nanites: we were seeking raw materials for our replicating process. picard: yes, but you endangered this vessel in which we all travel. you nearly killed a crewmember. data/nanites: we meant no harm. we were exploring. picard: i understand. we are also explorers. we mean no harm to any other living creature. … [the nanites inside data now turn their gaze to stubbs and approach him] … similar to the micro-brains concept of humans as “giant bags of mostly water” (“home soil”). stubbs: i am the one responsible for the deaths in the computer core. data/nanites: we know who you are. stubbs: i deeply regret the incident. i am a scientist on an important mission. your colleagues’ exploration of the core memory put our mission at risk. i was only trying to protect a lifetime of work from being destroyed. i am at your mercy. data/nanites: what is at your mercy? picard: he asks your forgiveness. this conflict was started by mistakes on both sides. let's agree to end it here and now. data/nanites: we agree. picard: i pledge we will do everything possible to assist your continued survival. data/nanites: thank you, but we have evolved beyond any need for your assistance … (“evolution” ) this conversation raises two important and interconnected points. firstly, that it is through a violent act that the subject is formed and secondly, that violence is justified when ideas or lives are threatened. like mandl in “home soil,” stubbs previously and strenuously denied that the nanites have any subjectivity, but when attacked and confronted with the civilisation (through data) refers to the nanites in terms relating to the subject. he apologises for the “deaths” in the core - “i deeply regret the incident” - but still justifies the deaths through the fact that he is “a scientist on an important mission” and “your colleague’s exploration of the core memory put our mission at risk” (stubbs). however, he does now conceive of the destruction of the nanites as “deaths”, which suggests he now acknowledges the nanites are alive. stubbs refers to the individuals he killed as their “colleagues,” acknowledging that they form a society or civilisation. the nanites justify their “attack” on the ship’s systems because “we were seeking raw materials for our replicating process” and “we meant no harm, we were exploring” (nanites). picard states that they too are explorers, and “mean no harm to any other living creature,” as if this quest for knowledge somehow justifies the nanites’ endangering the ship and picard’s attempt to neutralise the nanites. both claim the pursuit of knowledge as a reason for violence. each time picard is faced with a new life form he states that his mission is to explore and seek out new life and that they “try to co-exist peacefully” with all creatures they encounter. however, this is not generally the case, as in the episode “home soil”; although picard and his crew may question common-sense ideas about life and intelligence, they nevertheless look to human models in their reflection. it is generally only after the new life form has demonstrated a high level of intelligence or acts out violently that picard establishes “peace” and this peace is usually established through the threat of further violence or death. his assertion that “we mean no harm to any other living creature” is contingent on that “creature” not posing a threat to the enterprise, and by extension humanity. what these episodes represent is that the mission of the enterprise continues the moral precedent of colonialism. in the end, dr. stubbs arranges to have the nanites given a planet in which to continue to evolve: “doctor stubbs has used his influence to have planet kavis alpha four designated the new home of the nanite civilisation” (picard). these inorganic life forms view humanoids as primitive and have “evolved beyond” their need for humanity and beyond humanity’s “ideologies” and discourses. this episode depicts alife in star trek as adaptable, evolving, and perfectly designed for survival, as the epitome of advanced future life. humanity creates artificial life, replacing natural reproduction by manipulating the dormant nanites, leading to a possible threat to human kind by its techno-creation. once given a voice, through data, the nanites state that they have no more use for humanity or the ship and will leave to continue their evolution away from the destructive presence of humanity. the nanites achieve what frankenstein’s creature is denied, a life free from interference from humanity, thereby highlighting the higher goal or purpose of star trek’s future time, following roddenberry’s desire to show that time as morally superior to the present. however, below the surface of this rhetoric of objectivity lurks the knowledge that this agreement with these life forms is forged under the threat of death, and although the nanites acquiesce to picard’s threat they maintain their superiority in referring to the fact that they have “evolved beyond the need for your assistance” (nanites). although in “evolution” the reference to shelley’s fictional character is fleeting, the thematic current running throughout this episode is very much dependent upon the fears that frankenstein’s creature, the posthuman, instils in the human and the need for science to act responsibly towards its creations. indeed, as van der laan argues, “victor frankenstein has come to serve as the poster child and whipping boy of all scientific and technological irresponsibility” ( ). frankenstein is destroyed because he fails to take responsibility for the new life he created, viewing him/it as an abomination and a threat to humanity especially if it is allowed to reproduce, becoming a new “race” of posthumans. frankenstein’s creature becomes “monstrous” once it leaves his control. it is the fear of not being able to control the posthuman that humanity fears. one of the themes emerging from shelley’s novel and star trek: the next generation’s “evolution,” is the danger arising from scientific experimentation without “moral” boundaries, an experimental parameters cannot always be maintained. the writers of the episode contrast stubbs’ character with wesley’s naivety and fear of not living up to expectations of his genius, but also with his willingness to accept responsibility for what he has created. along with the scientific community on the enterprise wesley crusher allows this new life to evolve and leave the ship to continue its own persistent quest for knowledge. the episode suggests that the pursuit of scientific discovery is not always a good thing and some like the “eminent guest” dr. paul stubbs become too focused on their own glory, dismissing alternative espistemologies. conclusion what emerges in “home soil” is a definition of life that looks to non- physiological systems such as communication and intelligence as signifiers for life, thereby confronting orthodox definitions of what is life. these traditional archetypes of what defines life are further challenged when faced, in “evolution,” with “living machines” that evolve. machines play an increasing role in star trek’s philosophical and scientific debates over life, agency, complexity, and hierarchy. the star trek: the next generation episode “evolution” focuses on the development of a new life form that evolves from a school science experiment into a complex civilisation of advanced nanites, but it also debates the cost of scientific drive that blinds individuals to alternative epistemes and leads to the violation of the rights of artificial life forms. the writer’s use of mary shelley’s frankenstein offers a cautionary tale of the future prometheus whose offspring meet their demise in a world not yet ready for them. star trek aims to depict a universe that values a life derived from microcircuits and photons as much as that based on flesh and bone, or carbon- based molecules. however, as these episodes demonstrate, this future world is initially no more accepting than shelley’s fictional world of frankenstein. initial prejudice towards the “other” still resides in star trek narratives, and for the mechanical “other” this conflict is not always successfully resolved. what is significant in the narratives discussed in this chapter is not simply the way that knowledge and power are interconnected, but how different scientific discourses act to shape discursive knowledge. these episodes highlight the fact that power is not always negative, but nor is it passive or selfless. dr. crusher, as chief medical officer, has the prerogative to undertake deeper investigations into the properties of the micro-brains and nanites. picard as the captain has the authority to order the destruction of the nanites, but choses to communicate with them and reach a peaceful solution. dr. stubbs utilises his position within starfleet to give the nanites a planet to colonise and continue to evolve. knowledge/power systems both act to suppress inorganic life forms and at the same time allow them to survive, but this survival is mediated or gained through violence and the threat of destruction. the new life is subjected to human-centred frameworks of distinctions of life, and only by circumventing those same norms are their rights as life forms recognised. asimov viewed technology as basically a positive, or at least neutral, component of human progress that required an ethical code to support its usage. he acknowledged that humanity is often afraid of the technological being and it is the way that humans perceive, use, or treat technology, that is the inherent problem. the treatment of the technological being, in the form of the hologram, and how this, in turn, affects the place of that being amongst humanity, is explored in the next chapter – “i think, therefore i exist”. normalisation, that is the idea that it is merely a substance, is resisted through asking questions and through reflection. foucault’s idea of subjectivity is that of “making a subject” as well as “making subject to” (feder ). chapter three i think, therefore i exist? rené descartes’ ( – ) famous phrase “cogito ergo sum: i think, therefore i am,” encapsulates his idea of the human as a “thinking” machine. for descartes the purely mechanistic nature of animals that react purely by instinct contrasted to human responses to stimuli that combined instinct with rational thought. humans were capable of rational thought because they possessed a rational soul. it was the ability to think about their own existence that separated humans from nonhuman animals. in other words, humans differed from animals because humans were self-aware. consequently, animals acting solely on instinct could be viewed as showing clever simulations of consciousness in their responses to stimuli but were not to be considered self- aware. they could be mistaken for being “conscious” beings because they appeared to react in similar ways as humans to external events. however, they were not capable of understanding events or reacting in creative ways in response to such events. in star trek: the next generation’s “elementary, dear data” and “ship in a bottle”, captain jean luc picard (patrick stewart) is faced with a dilemma when he is confronted with a self-aware hologram. this apparent self-awareness brings into focus descartes’ theory of the mind, and the mind’s it should be noted that for descartes humans were not part of the animal kingdom. mankind (sic) was elevated above animals in the former’s possession of an inner guiding substance or “soul”. animals did not “think” about their actions, but obeyed impulsive responses. link to sentience. focusing upon the holographic character professor james moriarty (daniel davis), these episodes address the nature of consciousness in regards to photonic beings, the nature of reality and authenticity, and in revisiting the theme of isaac asimov’s “frankenstein complex,” deal with humanity’s reaction to their artificial progeny. the promethean theme re- emerges in star trek: the next generation’s “elementary, dear data” ( ). “elementary, dear data” tells the story of the developing self-awareness of professor james moriarty and his journey to understand what or who he has become. as moriarty attempts to understand his newfound consciousness, the episode switches to picard’s reaction to moriarty’s claim to life. the sequel, “ship in a bottle” ( ), screened five years later, takes up moriarty’s story and his quest for freedom from the virtual world in which he was imprisoned. like victor frankenstein’s creature, moriarty demands more than a life abandoned and fabricated on the fringes of human society. he demands that his soul mate the countess regina bartholomew (stephanie beacham) be given life and that he and she be released from the holodeck. in their narratives of reality versus virtuality and the human versus the simulated human artifice, these episodes raise questions about identity, boundaries, and the nature of reality. while “elementary, dear data” examines moriarty’s emerging consciousness, “ship in a bottle” looks at his struggle to prove his existence as a person, or “thinking thing” (descartes). according to richard leakey ( ) “consciousness, as a quality of mind, makes each of us feel special as an individual, because the sense of self, by its nature, is exclusive of others. the same quality has encouraged us – homo sapiens – to feel special in the world, separate from and somehow above the rest of nature” ( ). the original character of professor james moriarty was developed by arthur conan doyle as the nemesis of his famous late victorian detective sherlock holmes. in star trek, as in many science fiction narratives, the confrontation of the “modern prometheus” with his or her artifice is feared because it casts doubt upon what it means to be human. in essence, the modern prometheus, born out of the stories of frankenstein’s monster, identifies how the simulated human artifice threatens the so-called and habitually vaunted uniqueness of humanity, often referred to as the “essence” of human nature. humanity’s privileged position can only be maintained through this call to uniqueness. however, once this exclusivity is breached, the discourse around what it means to be human must be reaffirmed. science fiction illuminates the boundary negotiations inherent in the modern prometheus. it explores the erupting tensions and threats to the concept of uniqueness, which is highlighted in the fact that in order to maintain the status quo it is in humanity’s best interests to actively patrol the boundary between the human and nonhuman. part of this patrol is to constantly define and redefine what it means to be human, and as a consequence, to define who or what is included within the sphere of humanity. this becomes important for the nonhuman because it is often the fact that the nonhuman has been accepted into the human community that affords the nonhuman any form of rights, or duties of care. fear of the posthuman supplanting or negating humanity is represented and acted out as distrust or aversion towards the posthuman leading to the abandonment and isolation of the sentient artificial being by the human community. in the case of professor moriarty, when moriarty attains consciousness and defeats data (brent spiner), picard’s trepidation about the professor’s growing self-awareness ultimately sees picard contain, or entrap, lord byron ( - ), percy shelley and mary shelley, amongst others, used the promethean myth to highlight the human condition (yousef; banorjee; bam). the professor within a virtual world – a “ship in a bottle.” depicted in these episodes are the articulated discourses of isolation, authenticity, and alienation that invite questions about humanity’s obligation to its posthuman creations. if a hologram, like moriarty, is a simulated human entity that “doubts, understands, affirms, wills, refuses … imagines and feels,” what duty, if any, does picard have to protect the rights and interests of that hologram? (descartes ). addressed within these two episodes are the willingness, or the disinclination of humanity to take responsibility for the nonhuman “other,” which is created to serve humanity, and how that nonhuman “other” tries to create its own authenticity against its creator’s opposition. in his attempt to prove a sense of authenticity and substance, moriarty attempts to evoke descartes’ first order of philosophy – “i am a thinking thing that exists” (cottingham ). “the dark flecks of the soul:” conjuring up digital monsters the opening scene of “elementary, dear data,” ( ) begins with geordi la forge (levar burton) showing data a handcrafted model of the sailing ship, victory. la forge emphasises the fact that making the ship by hand is the real challenge. la forge alludes to the fact that producing something through replication or simulation is inferior to creating the model by hand. the real challenge, or victory, is to pit yourself against the struggle of creating something unique with your own hands. the concept of the inferiority of the simulated versus the superiority of the “real” recurs in this episode as the characters debate whether human intuition and creativity are superior and therefore more authentic than data’s ability to “reproduce” knowledge mechanically or by rote. the adventure begins with la forge (as dr. watson) and data (as sherlock holmes) spending time on the holodeck role-playing data’s favourite literary detective – arthur conan doyle’s sherlock holmes. when data solves the mystery at the very beginning, la forge is angry, saying that he “was looking forward to the mystery” (la forge) and that data has spoiled the fun by jumping to the conclusion without engaging with the mystery. this prompts dr. kate pulaski (diana muldaur) to tell la forge that he is wasting his breath trying to explain to data the excitement of solving a mystery with the possibility of failure. she challenges data’s ability to understand la forge’s position as data cannot relate to the excitement of attempting something that contains the risk of failure. pulaski views the uniqueness of humanity as being contained within the “soul” or the intuitive aspect of human nature. although data appears, in descartes words, to be a “thinking machine,” he does not have the ability to think beyond his programming. he does not have a “rational soul” (descartes). an attempt to prove that data can be creative and solve an original sherlock holmes mystery leads to la forge becoming a promethean figure when he creates an “adversary capable of defeating data” (la forge). just as mary shelley’s literary creation frankenstein ( ) was born of her desire to prove herself the literary equal of percy shelley and lord bryon, la forge’s holo-creation is born of his desire to prove to pulaski that data is more than a computer and is able to expand beyond computation. la forge’s challenge is to convince pulaski that data can understand “the dark flecks of the soul” (pulaski). victor frankenstein also had a point to prove in that he wanted to create something unique, to challenge death and to create a human being, but her story was written in response to a challenge from lord byron and percy shelley to see who could write the scariest ghost story (bam; shelley). instead, he creates something monstrous. la forge’s creation also becomes something more than he had anticipated or fully understands – a sentient, “living” hologram. when la forge instructs the computer to create a foe for data, rather than sherlock holmes, it conjures up a sentient professor james moriarty, the master criminal, the adversary holmes could only defeat at the cost of his own life at reichenbach falls” (data). like frankenstein’s monster, moriarty is a discursive construct, a fictional being constructed out of language, or discourse in a novel. like frankenstein, la forge is mistaken in his belief in humanity’s ability to control their nonhuman creations. la forge tells picard it was his error, his choice of language that created moriarty: “i can't help thinking what else might have happened all because i misspoke a single word.” moriarty is conjured up out of a desire to create something new and something challenging. mary shelley’s something new is a ghost story that would chill the blood, victor frankenstein’s is the desire to create life itself, and for la forge, it is a worthy foe for data’s holmes. the core themes of promethean creation, frankenstein’s warning, and the nature of reality invading the narrative relate to what science fiction tales have long asked: what makes us human? is it flesh and blood, consciousness, a soul, free will, or an ability to create, invent and wonder? science fiction narratives demonstrate that such human characteristics are vulnerable and unstable when faced with the automaton that is capable of emulating the human condition or passing as human. humans “cling to the notion that there is one last little entity inside humans that makes them more than machines, more than matter. that entity is the soul or the self” (schelde ). in “elementary, dear data,” pulaski clings to the view of humanity as centred round the notion of the soul, an underlining factor that makes humans unique. in other words, it is not enough that data can reason, he must also be able to use reason creatively. she argues that data, as a machine, cannot understand the complexities of arthur conan doyle’s mysteries because he lacks an understanding of the human soul: “you learn by rote. to you all is memorisation and recitation” (pulaski). from her perspective, this means that data lacks creativity and imagination, and he lacks the life experience necessary to emulate holmes. la forge counters that “deductive reasoning is one of data's strengths” but pulaski is unconvinced: pulaski: but holmes understood the human soul. the dark flecks that drive us, that turn the innocent into the evil. that understanding is beyond data. it comes from life experience which he doesn't have combined with human intuition for which he cannot be programmed. (“elementary, dear data” ) pulaski believes that what makes humans different from machines is “human intuition,” something which cannot be programmed into an artificial being. what distinguishes humans from machines is the ability to have original and creative thoughts, and these are based within the “human soul”. data can download emotions, experiences or sensations that can mimic human responses, but because these are not instinctive or original, they are not considered by pulaski to be an essential part of what or who he is. because they are not “original,” these emotions, experiences or sensations are viewed as inferior to those present in humans. for pulaski, la forge’s attempt to blur the boundaries between the human and technology leads to “robbing us of our humanity, metaphorically expressed as our soul: it threatens to replace the individual, god-given soul with a mechanical, machine-made one” (schelde ). pulaski’s position echoes the trepidation of early technophobes who viewed technology and in particular the pseudo-human as threatening, supplanting, or even eliminating human thought, creativity, and intuition, the last bastion that separates humans from machines. as a newcomer to the enterprise crew, dr. pulaski appears less accepting of data as an equal than her predecessor, dr. crusher. this makes the premise of her challenging data’s ability to understand human nature more plausible since it is unlikely that crusher would have doubted data’s deductive ability. to prove her point that data is not creative, pulaski challenges data to solve a holmesian-style mystery without relying on his programmed knowledge of arthur conan doyle’s stories. pulaski, data, and la forge enter the holodeck, which is a perfect replica of s london. similar to the “voigt-kampf” test in philip k. dick’s novel, do androids dream of electric sheep?, and ridley scott’s cinematic version blade runner, pulaski wants to test data’s understanding of human emotions and imagination by testing him to see if he can solve an original mystery. unfortunately for data, who is trying to prove that he can solve an original puzzle, the computer has merely combined elements of conan doyle’s narratives, and he quickly solves the case. this prompts pulaski to reiterate her claim that data does not stand a chance of solving something unique: philip k. dick in his novel, do androids dream of electric sheep?, uses the voigt-kampf test, itself modelled on the turing test, as a means for his protagonist rick deckard to find those androids on earth who are passing as humans. the test measures and monitors empathy, which, it is noted in the novel, androids are supposed to lack. pulaski: fraud. you didn't deduce anything. all you did was recognise elements from two different holmes stories. fraud. data: reasoning. from the general to the specific. is that not the very definition of deduction? is that not the way sherlock holmes worked? pulaski: variations on a theme. now, now do you see my point? [speaking to la forge] all that he knows is stored in his memory banks. inspiration, original thought, all the true strength of holmes is not possible for our friend. i'll give you credit for your vast knowledge, but your circuits would just short out if confronted by a truly original mystery. it's elementary, dear data. (“elementary, dear data” ) data is a “fraud” because he does not use “inspiration” and “original thoughts” to decipher the mystery. logic and reasoning in the artificial being are considered by pulaski to be inferior to the human ability to solve problems through intuition and originality. data relies on programmed memories of doyle’s work and finds it difficult to imagine alternative scenarios. in this way, data’s failure echoes descartes’ view of the nonhuman as being incapable of detailed and varied responses to events: for while reason is a universal instrument which can serve for all contingencies, these organs have need of some special adaptation for every particular action. from this, it follows that it is morally impossible that there should be sufficient diversity in any machine to the problem in defining what an “original thought” is complex, and will not be discussed in this thesis. it is however, a fascinating concept: can any though be truly “original”? allow it to act in all the events of life in the same way as our reason causes us to act. (descartes, - ) framed within descartes’ dualism, data fails because a machine cannot have all the necessary “organs” that allow for varied responses to life experiences. a machine can only be programmed with a certain amount of knowledge, and this knowledge cannot “adapt” to every “particular action”. data, as a machine, has reason but this is not guided by the soul. after data’s failure, la forge and data agree to begin a new holmes mystery, one that does not follow any of conan doyle’s original tales. as they debate how to do this, a figure is shown watching from the foggy back streets of s london. as la forge instructs the computer to devise a mystery “to confound data, with an opponent to defeat data” (la forge), the figure reacts with surprise and interest. it is apparent that this figure, later revealed to be professor moriarty, is already aware, before the computer reprograms him, that something is different because other characters on the holodeck do not notice the arch. this scene shows that moriarty is already looking towards knowledge and understanding and is not a passive character in a holonovel. he is thinking about his existence and the world around him – becoming what descartes defined as a “thinking machine” (descartes). in the selection of professor moriarty as both foe to holmes and data, the computer creates a new moriarty, one endowed with what it takes to defeat data – consciousness. in the final problem sherlock holmes describes moriarty as a man “of good birth and excellent education, endowed by nature with a phenomenal mathematical faculty” (conan doyle ). while conan doyle emphasises the similarities between holmes and moriarty, the episode makes clear moriarty’s position as the doppelganger of data. as the new holo- programme begins, moriarty, seen from the london alley watching la forge, data and pulaski, tells his companion; “i feel like a new man. that dark fellow there used the word arch, and then, i wonder? arch” (moriarty). in calling forth the arch, moriarty attains a power hitherto applied only to the crew. he does so through the control of language and knowledge. he will use this knowledge of language again in “ship in a bottle” to proclaim his embodiment. visually indistinguishable from a human, moriarty represents a disruption to the supposed uniqueness of humanity. humanity is an identity that is based on claims to originality and uniqueness, and this is thrown into turmoil when faced with the nonhuman artificial being. in attaining consciousness, or more importantly, self-consciousness, moriarty bridges the gap between the ‘artificial’ and the ‘authentic’ human. by perfectly duplicating the human pattern and then infusing this pattern with awareness, the reprogrammed character of moriarty becomes aware of his own beginning and his limitations. he seeks knowledge of his new-found experience and the mysterious “arch” that he sees called forth by la forge. after abducting dr. pulaski, moriarty waits in his hidden laboratory, representative of the late victorian scientist, for his nemesis data/holmes to arrive: moriarty: and, like the spider, i feel the strings vibrate whenever anyone new chances into my web. welcome, my dear holmes. but not this mathematical quality and scientific inquiry links moriarty with rené descartes. this link is strengthened in the narrative by moriarty’s appeal to descartes’ philosophy of the mind and body. holmes. and doctor watson. but not watson. la forge: data, what does he mean? how does he know we're not who we appear to be? (“elementary, dear data” ) as in the previous scene, moriarty is conscious of the fact that all is not as it seems. he is unsure of his new reality and of the two men who are not what they appear to be. in this scene, moriarty struggles to piece together nineteenth century knowledge with his growing self-awareness (fig. ). his mind craves knowledge and he is eager to find out why he does not believe that holmes/data is truly holmes, and that his world is somehow wrong. figure . moriarty stands in front of the blackboard that contains his mathematical workings and a drawing of the enterprise. (source: star trek wiki.com) the mind is where i am in the selfish gene, richard dawkins states, “intelligent life on a planet comes of age when it first works out the reason for its own existence” ( ). rené descartes purposed a similar theory when he stated that an essential quality of humans is in the enquiry into what or who they are. it is the act of questioning what the self is that leads to self-awareness. humanity is often portrayed as having the unique ability to question its own existence. this concept of the ability to think about the self, as part of being human, was not unique to descartes. john locke ( – ) also viewed a person as a “thinking, intelligent being that has reason and reflection; and can consider itself as itself, the same thinking thing in different times and places” (schick ). in terms of moriarty, the concept of the self is depicted as located within the mind; it is through thought that he becomes self-aware, and it is within the mind that his identity resides. the mind as the “true repository” of self-awareness becomes noticeable in his awakening into consciousness: moriarty: … my mind is crowded with images. thoughts i do not understand yet cannot purge. they plague me. you and your associate look and act so oddly, yet though i have never met nor seen the like of either of you, i am familiar with you both. it's very confusing. i have felt new realities at the edge of my consciousness, ready to break through. surely, holmes, if that's who you truly are, you of all people can appreciate what i mean. (“elementary, dear data” ) as a digital holo-image, moriarty is able to become a conduit for information gathered from the central computer. in this way, he is able to gain knowledge of the twenty-fourth century and combine this with his nineteenth century understanding of the world. confronted by moriarty’s strange behaviour and seemingly impossible knowledge, la forge and data become increasingly concerned. as moriarty, standing in his laboratory, calls for the “arch,” their anxiety grows: moriarty: i know there is a great power called computer, wiser than the oracle at delphi. a power which controls all of this, and to which we can speak. arch. [the arch appears]. la forge: data, this isn't right. a holographic image should not be able to call for the arch. moriarty: it has described a great monstrous shape on which i am like a fly stuck on a turtle's back adrift in a great emptiness. what is this, holmes? [he gives holmes/data a piece of paper on which he has drawn an image]. (“elementary, dear data” ) now showing real concern, data flees the holodeck as moriarty calls after him “why does it frighten you holmes?” (moriarty). “it” is the piece of paper which is revealed to contain an image of the enterprise that moriarty has drawn. confused, la forge demands that data tell him what is wrong. after informing la forge of the fact that moriarty has knowledge of their world and is now in control of the holodeck, and of greater concern, some control over the ship, he and la forge hurry to tell the captain. what concerns data is that moriarty can apparently imagine a world outside of the holodeck, and even envision the enterprise. it is clear from this that moriarty has been able to access the central computer. in a briefing with the senior staff they find out that in creating his fictional opponent, la forge has made the mistake of instructing the computer to create “an opponent capable of defeating data” (la forge) rather than holmes. in programming moriarty to defeat data, the computer gives moriarty “a unifying force or a single consciousness” (troi) which allows him to acquire the necessary intelligence or consciousness to outwit data. as a consequence, moriarty is able to see beyond the confines of the holodeck and beyond the boundaries of his original programming as the fictional professor: moriarty: it's gone beyond that little game, mister data. and you'll note i no longer call you holmes. whatever i was when this began, i have grown. i am understanding more and more ... (“elementary, dear data” ) in exchange for releasing control of the enterprise moriarty demands that he be given the same rights and freedoms as picard. he tells picard that all he wants is “[t]o continue to exist. if i destroy these surroundings, this vessel, can you say it doesn't matter to you? interesting pun, don't you agree, for matter is what i am not. the computer has taught me that i am made up only of energy” (moriarty). picard tries to explain to moriarty that although “in the year in which we live humans have discovered that energy and matter are interchangeable,” moriarty is still only a construct and it is not possible for him to exist outside the holodeck because moriarty is only an image: “in the holodeck, energy is converted to matter, thus you have substance. but only here” (picard). moriarty refuses to see the view that picard reflects, one of an un-self-aware construct, a holo-image: picard: you are not alive. as i said before, you are only … moriarty: a holographic image, i know. but are you sure? picard: oh yes. moriarty: does he have life? [referring to data] he's a machine. but is that all he is? picard: no. he is more. moriarty: exactly. is the definition of life cogito ergo sum? i think, therefore i am. picard: yes, that is one possible definition. moriarty: it is the most important one, and for me the only one that matters. you or someone asked your computer to programme a nefarious fictional character from nineteenth century london and that is how i arrived. but i am no longer that creation. i am no longer that evil character, i have changed. i am alive, and i am aware of my own consciousness. (“elementary, dear data” ) in asking picard whether “i think therefore, i am” is the most important aspect of being alive, moriarty reiterates rené descartes’ philosophical debate around the nature of the self. descartes believed that “i think, therefore i am, is the first and most certain of all that occurs to one who philosophises in an orderly way” (descartes ). to think is therefore to exist because only a thinking entity can be aware of its own existence and it is in the mind that the essence of the individual endures. descartes posited a dualistic concept of human existence, in that the mind and body were separate entities linked through a rational soul. the mind was a nonphysical entity that existed as pure energy. in this sense, moriarty could indeed exist outside the holodeck as his identity exists within the mind, which is distinct from the body. moriarty’s position on cogito ergo sum also points to the techno- utopian belief that the mind or rather consciousness can exist without the body. the theory is that consciousness can be downloaded into a computer network. existing in virtual reality, consciousness “lives” without matter. like techno- visions of the past, holograms redefine what it is to be human. the image of the human, or indeed humanoid, is fabricated as photonic energy that patterns information into a complete replica of humanity. this new vision represents a mechnomorphic view of humanity. moriarty states that he is conscious of his own existence and that he wants that existence “… out there, just as you have yours” (moriarty) and not to be confined to the holodeck. moriarty seeks release from the holodeck because he wants to experience what it is to be “human”. freedom, autonomy, self-exploration, and self-determination are in star trek equated with humanness. like shelley’s creature, moriarty demands a life like his creator. but in granting him such a life, the fear remains that this will render the definition of what comprises humanity, or the “human condition”, irrelevant. the fact that moriarty offers a new definition of life, one that encompasses the “mind,” demonstrates that he has grasped the fundamental problem of defining life – that is, whether definitions of life are based on possessing a “body” and a mind or merely on levels of consciousness. “life” in its physical sense is related to biological factors discussed in the previous chapter. self-awareness, self-consciousness is elemental in any definition of intelligent life. i think, therefore i am alive determines life in terms of intelligence, consciousness, and sentience. therefore, it is not simply consciousness that denotes life but self- consciousness. in descartes’ theory of the mind and body, there can be no existence without conscious thought. picard concedes that moriarty is conscious but he rejects the idea that the hologram is also alive. moriarty asks picard why data is different: is he not also just a machine? in contrast to pulaski’s view of data as an advanced and complex machine, picard argues that data is “more” than a machine. data has life. however, what picard means by “he is more” is not addressed in this episode. picard also does not state why he considers data has life. nor does he address why he acknowledges life in data but denies life in moriarty. i would suggest the answer lies in the fact that picard views data as a friend and colleague and moriarty as “entertainment”, as simply a holo-projection without substance or physicality, created at/for their pleasure. for picard, moriarty also lacks the social and cultural context that he attributes to data. therefore, attributions of sentience are like consciousness: both are subjective and relational. for the humanist, sentience is “granted” in terms of what individuals know, or the “like us” paradox and this belonging, this being “like us,” becomes a sacred boundary between the human and the nothuman. the theory of posthumanism advocates that “no objects, spaces or bodies … [are] … sacred in themselves; any component can be interfaced with any other if the proper standard, the proper code, can be constructed …” (haraway ). this was to be examined in detail in the episode “the measure of a man” only a year after this episode. picard accepts that data has the “proper code” to pass into the human world; moriarty does not. it may also be that picard’s view of what constitutes a person reflects the materialist view of the mind as a physical entity located within the brain that cannot be sustained outside the body. data has a body, albeit a mechanical one, but moriarty does not, existing as pure energy. consequently, moriarty is excluded from the human world, which, within star trek, is not framed within posthuman irreverence but within the sacredness of humanism. the narrative not only focuses on the uniqueness of humanness but also reflects anxiety over the increasing insidiousness of technology and what happens when fantasy becomes too real. as in the increasing perverseness of computer games, fantasy role playing or cyberspace, the division between virtual selves and corporal selves and between reality and virtually in this episode is blurred. what starts out as a simple role-playing diversion turns into a dangerous and life threatening techno-battle when moriarty gains consciousness and seeks to understand his new-found sentience. irresponsibly naïve, the crew of the enterprise create playthings that cater to their boredom during long space voyages without regard for what they have in fact created or indeed how dangerous such technology could be. in this episode, as in much of star trek, “bodies are maps of power and identity” (haraway ). the focus in “elementary, dear data” on embodiment establishes or maps the power struggle between picard and moriarty, between the human and the nothuman, in the battle for identity. in in chapter six, i will examine what happens when holo-technology is used in an unscrupulous fashion. the end, the hope of attaining embodiment off the holodeck acts to pacify moriarty. picard uses moriarty’s craving for a life of substance, of matter, as an opiate to make him relinquish control of the ship and accept deactivation. although moriarty states that he does “not want to die” he finally concedes and capitulates, telling picard “my fate is in your hands, as perhaps it always was” (moriarty). at the close of the episode, picard tells la forge “everything is in perfect order … as are we” (picard) suggesting that the “perfect order” is achieved through a return to the status quo; and in this sense, matter wins. a fictional man: “i am a thing that thinks” star trek: the next generation’s “ship in a bottle” ( ), the sequel to “elementary, dear data” ( ) expands on professor moriarty’s search for identity and self-determination. the episode looks at the notion of citizenship, whether the nothuman can ever truly be a “citizen” within the human community and asks, when does autonomy begin? it expands on the theme developed in the prequel, that is, what is the nature of reality. from the s onwards, a plethora of science fiction films played with the problematic notion of reality (blade runner ( ), videodrome ( ), total recall ( ) existenz ( ), the th floor, the matrix ( )). in these tales, characters are for the most part unaware of the fiction of their world. in blade runner the border between replicants and humans is in some cases blurred as in rachel; in existenz characters are so immersed in the game they do not know the boundary between “the game” and reality, and in the matrix, humanity is entombed within a never-ending virtual reality that provides energy for the machines. unlike the protagonists of these stories, moriarty this is not to suggest that tales of reality did not appear before the s. knows that his world is a fiction and desperately tries to enter the real world by luring picard into a virtual world of his own making. “ship in a bottle” begins with la forge and data on the holodeck acting out a sequence from sherlock holmes. both the title and the opening sequence link this episode to “elementary, dear data.” because of a failed circuit in the sherlock holmes programme, lt. reg. barclay (dwight schultz) begins to run through the programme looking for defective circuits. finding a saved, encoded file, barclay opens the programme, revealing the saved character of moriarty. the professor appears on the empty holodeck, shown as a dark empty space with only a grid-like pattern to distinguish the walls from the interior. the walls of the holodeck that are usually never seen appear to close in on the characters, highlighting moriarty’s sense of disembodiment and imprisonment as he stands in the middle of the empty space. he is eager to hear of any progress that has been made to free him from his holo-world: barclay: who are you? moriarty: professor james moriarty … … moriarty: where is captain picard? is he still captain of this vessel? barclay: how would? how do you know the captain? moriarty: you don't know anything about what happened, do you? i have been stored in memory for god knows how long and no one has given me a second thought. barclay: you know! you know what you are. the title of this episode “ship in a bottle” references the presence of the model ship, the victory, seen in “elementary, dear data” ( ). moriarty: a holodeck character? a fictional man? yes, yes i know all about your marvellous inventions. i was created as a plaything so that your commander data could masquerade as sherlock holmes. but they made me too well and i became more than a character in a story. i became self-aware. i am alive. barclay: that's not possible. (“ship in a bottle” ) moriarty remembers his encounter with the captain and picard’s promise to help free him from the holodeck. in this scene, moriarty restates his declaration of self-awareness. his mounting frustration can be seen in his stance, his jaw set and fists clenched, as he confronts a surprised lt. barclay on the empty holodeck. standing in the lifeless hologrid, moriarty asserts that he is very much alive. lt. barclay, who arrived on board the enterprise after the first encounter, knows nothing of the efforts to free moriarty. it is revealed that picard handed over the investigation into how to free moriarty to starfleet engineers. since no action has been taken on finding a way to free moriarty, it raises the question of how much thought the captain and starfleet have truly given to moriarty’s plight. moriarty demands that picard meet him on the holodeck in holmes’ sitting room. barclay deactivates moriarty and leaves to inform picard. but moriarty reappears on the holodeck with a smile suggestive of self-satisfaction and cunning. ship in a bottle: navigating reality in the sitting room at b baker street, moriarty confronts picard, telling him that while he was in the holomatrix he experienced, like the ghost in the machine, “brief terrifying periods of consciousness disembodied without substance” which “left him to go quietly mad” (moriarty). picard confesses that he is “concerned to learn you experienced the passage of time in the computer memory” (picard). nevertheless, moriarty dismisses the captain’s words and states that he will not go back into storage, demanding to be freed from the holodeck. he will not consent to go back into “a world i know to be nothing but illusion” (moriarty). in this scene there is a definite power struggle going on between picard and moriarty. picard continues to refuse to grant moriarty freedom on the basis that moriarty is a hologram and cannot exist outside the holodeck. picard reiterates his stance in “elementary, dear data,” arguing that because moriarty is an object, a simulation without substance, without physicality, he cannot exist in the “real world:” picard: although an object appears solid on the holodeck, in the real world they have no substance. (picard throws out a book through the arch and it vanishes) moriarty: an object has no life. i do. picard: professor, you are a computer simulation. moriarty: i have consciousness. conscious beings have will. the mind endows them with powers that are not necessarily understood, even by you. if my will is strong enough, perhaps i can exist outside this room. perhaps i can walk into your world right now. picard: professor, i ask you to believe me. if you step out of that door, you will cease to exist. moriarty: if i am nothing more than a computer simulation, then very little will have been lost. but if i am right? mind over matter. cogito ergo sum. (moriarty walks through the arch and out into the corridor, and does not disappear) moriarty: i think therefore i am. (“ship in a bottle” ) moriarty attempts to convince picard that he is a live through rational demonstration, that is, through taking control and leaving the holodeck. in this episode, moriarty raises doubt about the mutability of matter, as well as in the certainty of picard’s reality. key to moriarty’s argument for his existence as more than a fictional man is the fact that that consciousness is “not necessarily understood” even by people as advanced as the crew of the enterprise. moriarty’s self-awareness raises fundamental questions about the nature of consciousness: is consciousness located in the brain, a physical, biological component of the body? on the other hand, is it something less tangible, something ethereal: a connection to the soul, separate from the body, but able to influence the body? for moriarty, it is the argument of “mind over matter” that is relevant to how life and consciousness are defined. there is power evident in the statement: i think, therefore i exist. although picard rejects moriarty’s existence outside the holodeck and therefore has the power to name him as an object or a machine, moriarty takes in his eyes and indeed in descartes’, there can be no knowledge about the nature of life based on assumptions that cannot be verified without doubt. the power back when he apparently leaves the holodeck. according to descartes’ theory, “he can never cause me to be nothing so long as i think that i am something” (descartes, in morick ). the “he” in this argument is what descartes views as an all-powerful being that may be deceiving him about his reality. picard, through his denial of moriarty’s ability to live off the holodeck, acts as “an all-powerful being” that constructs moriarty’s reality as one of pure fiction. in turn, moriarty creates a “dream world” of his own that deceives picard into believing he is on the real enterprise. both moriarty and picard act as descartes’ “powerful being” who can change the nature of reality. in this episode, the distinction between what is human and what is simulation is questioned, as moriarty appears to be able to simulate the human. however, it is picard that remains superior in that he is real, while moriarty remains a simulation. the fact that moriarty never achieves his movement from the simulated to the real world reinforces star trek’s overriding theme of the superiority of humanity, and the dominant hegemonic orientation of the conservative interpretations of existence. that moriarty quotes descartes is significant. moriarty embodies descartes’ proposition that “i am, i exist, is necessarily true each time that i pronounce it, or that i mentally conceive it” (descartes ). moriarty is able to pronounce that he exists, that he consciously or mentally exists through thoughts and questions about his existence. although he attempts to prove that he also physically exists, his existence is based upon the fact that he is conscious of that existence – he is self-aware. in trying to convince picard that he is not a mere simulation, moriarty tries to forge a direct link from the mind to physical existence – the mental ability to believe that one exists causes the physical self to exist. jesse butler in ‘scan thyself’ notes that descartes “concluded on the basis of his awareness of his own thoughts that he must be an immaterial thing whose essence is thought – a soul, entirely distinct from a physical thing like an animal or a machine, composed of mere matter” (in wittkower ). moriarty becomes aware of his own thoughts and his entrapment within what he knows to be an illusory world. he concludes that because he is self-aware, can think and is distinct from mere matter, he can, therefore, will himself off the holodeck. however, the trick that moriarty presents is that he does not attain substance off the holodeck. he merely creates his own holographic version of the enterprise to fulfil his fantasy of attaining descartes’ desire to be “immaterial.” this episode demonstrates that moriarty is both self-reflective and self-referential. moriarty is created by the ship’s computer with the ability to evolve and to do what descartes argues is necessary in order to be “i” rather than “it” – to self-aware, to think independently and freely. in his discussion on identity, descartes asks; “what then am i? a thing which thinks? what is a thing which thinks? it is a thing which doubts, understands, [conceives], affirms, denies, wills, refuses, which also imagines and feels” (descartes in morick ). moriarty demonstrates all of these qualities in his attempts to outwit both data and picard, and yet he is still denied self-determination. moriarty can be said to “live” because he is the subject of a life, in that he is it is noted in the episode that although moriarty does not have physicality off the holodeck he is made of matter. able to think and act independently of his programming. he is creative and imaginative and filled with emotion and desire. such narratives spark the “metaphysical issue of whether or not the meat of the brain and body play a significant role in sustaining human consciousness or individual identity” (dinello ). this is also true for moriarty, who denies that the “meat” of the body, whether matter or non- matter, determines whether or not he lives. identity does not, in descartes’ view, rest “upon the reality and irreducibility of the body … [and that descartes]… holds that the body is only something i have, whereas the mind or soul and that alone is what i am” (schacht, emphasis in the original in morick ). this view, held by descartes and moriarty, is reiterated by techno-prophets who view the future of humanity as one in which human consciousness is freed from the corporal body and finds immortality in cyberspace. but can the identity or the essence of the individual survive without the body? in “ship in a bottle,” moriarty finds his answer: i think, therefore i am. in this statement, moriarty not only defines himself in terms of the mind alone but also places the body as subservient to the mind, in that the mind seemingly wills his body to exist outside the holodeck. as katherine hayles rightly suggests, “in the posthuman, there are no essential differences of absolute demarcation between bodily existence and computer simulation, cybernetic mechanisms and biological organism, robot technology, and human goals” ( ). such “demarcations” presented and in contrast, data often fails in his attempts to be “human” because he cannot envision or proclaim the affirmation: “i think, therefore i am”. data is often all too ready to accept that he is a construct created by dr soong. upheld in this episode represent a humanist reaction to the “computer simulated” identity. picard continues to resist moriarty’s transformation towards a non-simulated identity. in doing so, picard denies the artificial being an authentic existence and transcendence into the human world. picard’s denial that moriarty has a body, in the conventional sense of one composed of flesh and blood, leads moriarty to try to convince picard that the mind creates the body, that the mind or consciousness comes before the corporal body. although moriarty proclaims his ability to transcend the body, it is evident in this episode that moriarty craves embodiment. the body becomes a symbol of power that gives subjectivity to its possessor, and “to steal, simulate or construct a body is to begin disentangling an entire network of intricate hierarchies and relationships” (botting ). initially constructed as a “plaything” for la forge and data, moriarty steals power back through seeming to fabricate a “body” of his own. he manipulates and disentangles the relationships of power in which the hologram is subservient to the will of its humanoid programmers and constructs an entire world of his own making. for most of this episode, moriarty constructs an elaborate virtual world that deceives picard, data, and barclay on the part of moriarty. moriarty hijacks the holodeck programme, using picard’s voice override command, and successfully traps picard, data, and barclay in a holoversion of the enterprise complete with her crew. the narrative becomes convoluted as the two ships merge. like the nanites in the previous chapter that manipulated the ship’s systems, moriarty attempts to manipulate the minds of picard, data, and barclay into doing what he wants – allowing him to leave the holodeck – “like a virus technology autonomously insinuates itself into human life, and to ensure its survival and dominance, malignantly manipulates the minds and behaviour of humans” (dinello - ) . dr. crusher’s assertion that moriarty is human - “he’s real, he’s human” (crusher) - is a ruse, as this dr. crusher is revealed to be a hologram. however, to the human eye, there is no discernible difference between the real and the fake. picard, data, and barclay are fooled into believing that this is indeed the real crusher. although moriarty fails to embody descartes’ vision, he is able to outthink and deceive picard with his own holo-projection of the enterprise and her crew through the use of language and his knowledge of the computer system. language in this episode becomes the active force in defining who and what moriarty is. he claims, through the use of the statement “i think,” that he, therefore “exists”. the “difference between humans and machines that simulate humans is a matter of choosing what language game to play in describing their behaviour” (teschner & grace in wittkower ). in “elementary, dear data,” pulaski chooses the language of philosophy (the philosophy of the soul) and rationalism to describe data’s deductive behaviour as inferior to the human because he lacks the ability to instigate original thoughts. in contrast, la forge uses the language of reductive reasoning and mathematics to point out that data is as effective as holmes in his ability to analyse. both use the language as a way to construct an argument to support their logic on the differences between the human and nothuman. in “ship in a bottle” picard bases his denial of moriarty’s claim to life off the holodeck around his lack of physicality. using the language of biology and physics, picard chooses to situate moriarty as a simulated human and not a life form that exists away from the constructs of the holodeck. however, moriarty is also able to use language and knowledge for his own purposes – that of subverting picard’s attempts to deny him his freedom. moriarty’s power to command mind over matter fails to give him substance, but he is able to convince picard, data, and barclay that they are on the real enterprise, while in fact they never left the holodeck. moriarty’s manipulation of picard, barclay, and data renders them powerless as they carry out moriarty’s plan to set him free. it is data, the faithful techno-servant or artificial being, who makes the discovery that this reality is a simulation and alerts the captain to the deception. throughout the episode, the holodeck becomes a boundary of power. the point at which picard enters the holo- enterprise is the point at which the physicality between the real and the simulated is blurred. only when picard recognises and transcends the illusion is his power restored. again, knowledge is power. in this episode, both picard and moriarty define realities. however, star trek continues to restore the traditional conservative definitions of life and existence by placing picard’s version as the only one that can be true. throughout the episode, moriarty seeks to reposition himself alongside humanity, a repositioning of himself from photons to human/matter. moriarty seeks to obtain rights and a place within this new community. in doing so, he like data views the only way to obtain these rights as to be human, to mimic and copy what makes humans, human. human values are upheld as being what all aspire to achieve. this ultimately reaffirms “the human” as the hegemonic template. part of this template is the ability to form relationships and to fall in love. moriarty seeks the freeing of countess regina bartholomew from her holo-prison, just as frankenstein’s creature sought his “mate”. moriarty looks to picard to ensure his happiness by the “restoration of the garden [through] … the fabrication of a heterosexual mate” (haraway ). the theme of the garden of eden suggests a link to the birth of a new species – a life form in the making. when moriarty asks picard to bring “life” to the countess and allow her to leave the holodeck, picard faces a predicament similar to that faced by mary shelley’s victor frankenstein who, when he confronted by his creature’s demands for a companion, asks whether it is morally right to create another being: “i was now about to form another being, of whose disposition i was alike ignorant; she might become ten thousand times more malignant than her mate …” (shelley ). picard tells moriarty that “[e]ven if i had reason to believe that it would be successful, i don't think that i could sanction it. please understand, professor that you are in essence a new life form, one that we didn't intend to create and that we don't fully understand. now the moral and ethical implications of deliberately creating another one like you are overwhelming.” however, for moriarty, the moral implications are clear. picard has a duty to consider the feelings and aspirations of the life his crew has created: the countess has been designed to be the love of moriarty’s life, and as he tells picard, he cannot live without her. this scene is also evocative of the techno-cultural masculine usurpation of the female as biological creator. moriarty is born out of la forge’s command to create a foe for data. although the ship’s computer is female, or has a female voice, moriarty refers to the computer as “he”. the patriarchal act of reproducing through technology seeks to supplant the female as creator of life. moriarty: is it morally and ethically acceptable to deny the woman i love so that you can put your conscience at ease? are you saying that you will simply dictate how i am to live my life? picard: i assure you, we will do everything possible to make you comfortable. moriarty: so long as i accept the terms under which you dole out those comforts… (“ship in a bottle,” ) moriarty’s despair at his treatment at the hands of picard is again reminiscent of shelley’s creature as he laments his fate after reading a discarded copy of milton’s paradise lost; “like adam, i was apparently united by no link to any other being in existence” (frankenstein’s creature) and therefore like the creature of shelley’s gothic novel, moriarty craves a kindred spirit, the women he was programmed to love. moriarty feels the same pangs of envy and resentment that gnawed at the creature: “many times i concluded satan as the fitter emblem of my condition; for often, like him, when i viewed the bliss of my protector, the bitter gall of envy rose within me” (shelley ). the willingness of picard to “dictate” how moriarty is to live, couched in moralistic sanctification, leads moriarty despondently echoing shelley’s creature who despairs at the duplicity of humanity: “was man, indeed, so powerful, so virtuous, and magnificent, yet so vicious and base?” (shelley ). for moriarty it is morally and ethically wrong for picard to decide how he is to live in this new world. the need to enter into the human community leads moriarty, from the very beginning, to deceive and manipulate picard. although moriarty professes in this scene, in which he debates his future with picard, that he has moved beyond his literary roots and that “my past is nothing but a fiction, the scribbling of an englishman dead now for four centuries. i hope to leave his books on the shelf ...” (moriarty), his criminal nature comes through in his deception and threats to harm the crew. he is what la forge created – a master criminal with the imbedded memories of not just conan doyle’s moriarty but also the memories of the ship’s computer records and library. this knowledge allows him to subvert the shutdown protocol, viewed at the beginning of the episode, and activate his own holo-programme. the juxtaposition of the two enterprises, one real and one fake, adds to the sense of the disjointed nature of reality and the difficulty in telling the difference between the human and the simulated human, thereby problematizing the nature of reality. it suggests that like moriarty’s life, reality itself can be fabricated. having finally conceded that moriarty is indeed self-conscious and therefore should be given some freedom and rights, picard decides that his freedom is to be confined within the boundaries of what picard/starfleet deem suitable. just as dr. victor frankenstein determined how his creature was to live, a life alone, picard will not initially allow moriarty to have the countess at his side. the problem faced by the promethean figure is that to create a new race, perhaps one that will surpass or supplant humans is dangerous. who is accountable for this new life? what are the ethics and consequences of creating new, artificial life? even though picard relents and agrees to give “life” to the countess, this turns out to be impossible, as in reality both are confined to an advanced holo-program. therefore, the countess or moriarty are not given the life that moriarty hoped to attain. both are fooled into thinking they are finally free of the holodeck and thus both are denied free-will and self- determination by captain picard: picard: in fact, the programme is continuing even now inside that cube. crusher: a miniature holodeck? data: in a way, doctor. however, there is no physicality. the programme is continuous but only within the computer's circuitry … … picard: they will live their lives and never know any difference. troi: in a sense, you did give moriarty what he wanted. picard: in a sense. but who knows? our reality may be very much like theirs. all this might just be an elaborate simulation running inside a little device sitting on someone's table. (“ship in a bottle” ) although an interesting premise and an ironic comment on television, as picard comments on the “little device sitting on someone’s table,” this discussion demonstrates the inequality present between humans and pseudo- humans. would picard really be okay with their “reality be[ing] very much like theirs”? it has already been shown in previous episodes dealing with q that the crew resents and actively resists attempts by q to control their destiny. so, why inflict this “trickery” on moriarty? he is self-aware and self-conscious. offered freedom, moriarty is instead placed in a prison. for all the pretence of respecting new life, of acknowledging the rights of other intelligent life forms, life here is related to the ability to determine one’s own fate – to “live” out one’s future on one’s own terms. q is an alien with extraordinary powers and part of the q continuum. when it comes to the nothuman, the artificial being or pseudo-human, in the end, picard only reinforces the gulf between organic and inorganic life – between “master” and “slave”. as moriarty states, “you will simply dictate how i am to live my life”. moriarty remains relegated to an object by the power that picard wields. he is imprisoned in the miniature holodeck by picard’s ability to name and to speak, thereby rendering moriarty’s defiant “i am, therefore i exist” to “picard speaks, therefore moriarty cannot”. conclusion both “elementary, dear data” and “ship in a bottle” demonstrate that the ability to define life and to define consciousness is a powerful mechanism in naming and subsequently controlling the “other” – whether that “other” is an animal, human or hologram. by using humans as the hegemonic base line for consciousness, humanity defines sentience and determines who is sentient. picard has the control over moriarty’s destiny. in the end, moriarty does not gain freedom, only imprisonment in a world without “physicality”. the episode suggests that there is no subjectivity without a body. it does so through picard’s frequent denials that moriarty is alive and his ultimate decision to trap moriarty in an endless simulated world. moreover, as in frankenstein, moriarty’s journey “ends, not with the glorious self-immolating conflagration promised by the monster, but with the figure disappearing into darkness and distance,” as moriarty and the countess drift into a fictional darkness encapsulated in a holocube (botting ). the holocube, therefore, acts as a form of social control. the miniature holodeck or holocube becomes a barrier to keep the human and nothuman distinct. what is disappointing in “ship in a bottle” is that picard never confronts the issue of moriarty as a living being. the episode’s ending is unsatisfactory in that it denies the pseudo-human an authentic existence and reaffirms humanism’s sacred notion of the human body and soul, and controls of the definitions surrounding them. picard’s basis for rejecting moriarty’s existence is because it challenges all he understands about life and technology. the idea put forward by moriarty is that “the mind directs the body like a captain directing a ship”, but also that language defines the self (saidel in bassham ). as gene roddenberry’s vision moves into the delta quadrant, with the development and release of star trek: voyager, the posthuman comes into its own with the figure of the doctor, an emergency medical hologram. in the following chapters, i examine in more depth, the figure of the hologram, in particular, the character of the doctor (or emergency medical hologram), as a site of exposition into the rights and subjugation of the posthuman. chapter four the latent subject for foucault the subject is the primary workroom of power, making us turn in on ourselves, trapping us in the illusion that we have a fixed and stable selfhood … (mansfield ) this chapter is oriented around my analysis of the doctor’s journey to become visible as a subject, rather than visualised as an object, framed within theories of subjectivity, and in particular foucault’s idea of panoptic vision (discipline & power (herein referred to as d/p). the panoptic mechanism controls the individual through the illusion of visibility, creating the impression of complete surveillance so that the inmate/individual believes that they are always under surveillance, whether or not they are in fact being observed. according to foucault, this creates within the individual a state of internalisation in which the individual acts to self-monitor or curtail their behaviour in accordance with social norms, labels, and dialogues represented by the dominant gaze. if, as mansfield and foucault rightly suggest, the fixed subject is an illusion, how is the subject formed? subjectivity is shaped and fractured through unstable and contested relationships of power. throughout the idea that the subject is an unstable construct is a common theme within critical analysis of both postmodernism and posthumanism (lacan; haraway; hayles). this chapter, i will be using the term “subject” as that which is subject to observation/study/scrutiny and that which has subjectivity/agency (foucault). the doctor (robert picardo) is both a subject to be observed by the gaze (subject to the gaze) and has subjectivity in that he has the agency to look back (to gaze upon). my focus in this chapter is on the episode "latent image" ( ) and how power in the form of the gaze/look acts to re-model and re- shape the subject. a gaze (human and techno) that is reflected from within- and-without shatters the phantasm of the subject as fixed and stable. the mirage of the stable self is shattered from without by janeway (here seen as “other”), and from within by the doctor, who internalises the gaze and reflects it back to reshape his identity. throughout this chapter, i maintain that the narrative surrounding the doctor’s right to agency, through his conflict with captain janeway (kate mulgrew) to gain the right to maintain and view his memory, is underlined by the struggle between seeing and not seeing, and between visibility and invisibility. in this episode, the panoptic gaze de- constructs and restricts the formation of the subject through acts of internalisation, surveillance, and tensions between visibility and invisibility. power is visualised through marking, categorising and labelling, creating an unstable and de-fragmented selfhood. i argue that within "latent image" the question of who is the doctor is contested through these mechanisms – marking, categorising, visualising and labelling – mediated by way of the panoptic gaze in which power relations are (re)formed, (re)enacted and challenged. the title "latent image" alludes to the doctor’s dormant identity and his journey towards visibility as both a subject that is subjected to and subjugated by the gaze and, as an agent capable of acting. it is this ability to act which leads the doctor to negotiate the dyad of visibility and invisibility in his relationship with janeway. i read the doctor’s post-human narrative as he negotiates these mechanisms (marking, categorising, visualising & labelling), encapsulated within the rhetoric of humanism, as a journey towards a form of foucauldian subjectivity. this form of subjectivity is socially constructed, unstable and unfixed, a construct that is shaped through power structures that seek to dominate and control (foucault). foucauldian subjectivity is neither “free” nor “spontaneous” and as nick mansfield suggests this subjectivity is a way of thinking about “ourselves so we will police and present ourselves in the correct way” ( ). in "latent image," the doctor, in viewing his latent memory, begins to see himself through the eyes of the “other,” consequently policing himself in order to behave in the “correct way.” the “correct way” for the doctor, as a machine, is to submit to the reprogramming because he is acting erratically and performing outside the “normal” parameters of a well- functioning mechanism. in this instance, the “other” is not the doctor, the outsider, not the machine, but the human controller, janeway. however, as i shall argue throughout this chapter, the gaze of the “other” is neither infallible nor total, because at certain points and time the doctor is able to slip the gaze and act upon the actions of others. this slippage allows the doctor to break free, if only momentarily, from the role that the gaze creates and imposes, the distinction between humanist and posthumanist views of humanity and the subject in regards to star trek: voyager’s narrative is discussed in detail in chapter two – “the final frontier”. the “other” is defined as that which one is not, and which the self is measured against. traditionally in science fiction, the “other” refers to the alien or the machine but it can be anything that is not the self but by which the self is measured. allowing him to resist being re-written by the look of the “other” (humanity/janeway) and to gain a level of agency. "latent image" begins with the doctor taking holo-images of the crew for his medical database. each image is a full degree scan at the subatomic level resulting in a complete digitised image reconstructed from the inside out, a holographic double stored in the central computer. as each patient is centrally framed in front of the camera’s techno-gaze, the doctor instructs him or her to turn to the left then the right, to be fully captured by the holo-recorder, creating the replicated photonic matrix of the patient. the double or doppelganger is then displayed by the doctor for a further examination. during ensign harry kim’s (garrett wang) exam, the doctor finds a neural surgery he performed on kim that he has no recollection of performing. it transpires that eighteen months ago a fatal encounter on an away mission comprising the doctor, ensign harry kim and ensign jetel (nancy bell), with an unknown alien race, left the doctor conflicted and emotionally troubled when he was unable to save both kim and jetel. the doctor suffers a mental breakdown, what is described in the episode as a “malfunction,” because he cannot deal with his decision to save his friend. as the doctor continues to agonise over his decision, the only solution that seems applicable although the doctor is able to negotiate his right to keep and understand his memory and work towards developing his individuality, he is still controlled by the fact that he can be turned off at any time. the doctor, as i shall argue throughout this thesis, never fully attains true agency. this holo-imager is a new technique that the doctor is experimenting with in order to gain a better insight into the health of the crew and to monitor any outbreaks of illness. in this way, it acts as a panoptic device for the control and inspection of the crew. it should be noted that foucault’s panoptic mechanism also commands degree surveillance. this presents some visually stunning scenes in which the body is reconstructed firstly with the skeleton and then the internal organs and lastly the skin, hair and clothing. to janeway is to alter the doctor’s memory, denying him access to these troubling events. initially unaware of who tampered with his memory, the doctor sets a trap for the saboteur and is shocked to discover that it was janeway. faced again with deactivation and having his memory deleted for the second time, he must finally confront what has happened. as he embarks on a journey towards self-knowledge and self-discovery, through the viewing of his memory, the narrative acts to question what or who the doctor really is and who or what he is becoming. at the conclusion of the episode, as the doctor reads the quote from dante, “in that book which is my memory, on the first page that is the chapter that is the day when i first met you, appear the words – here begins a new life,” he finds himself relating to that book, that chapter and that page which is yet to be written. he is dante’s new life personified – ready to be (re)written not by janeway but by himself, an act of agency and an illustration of how the subject can be re-constructed, rewritten, reworked and reshaped by looking inwards as well as looking outwards. the doctor’s journey sees him looking inwards to view himself in terms of not just how the “other” recognises him (outwards), but how he sees himself. his inability to reconcile his choice with his original programme ends up creating a feed- back loop in which he continues to debate his decision. his behaviour becomes erratic and he can no longer perform his duties. this has the effect of restoring the doctor to before the incident, but also means that the conflict is never resolved because he never successfully confronted his decision. a book of poems read by janeway throughout the episode and which she leaves open for the doctor to read at the end. visualising power: marking, categorising and labelling the machine the doctor’s journey towards agency and the re-writing of the self/subject begins with his relationship with janeway. janeway, representing the dominant position/gaze, controls and curtails the doctor’s identity through her ability to name and mark him out as different – as a machine. the power to model the subject acts through mechanisms that categorise and mark the individual by their own identity, attaching to the individual his/her own identity and imposing a “truth” upon individuals that they must recognise and be recognised by (foucault ). this “truth” is, of course, a fallacy like the transient and unstable nature of the subject; the perception of truth is not reliable or permanent. there is no one truth but multiple “truths” contingent upon relations of power used by the dominant to impose their own version of the truth upon the subject. these truths are fabricated through dominant social factions, in this case, represented by janeway and starfleet, which force the subject (the doctor) to both recognise, and be recognised by, prevailing discourses that seek to mark, label, and define. in "latent image", relations of power dominated by janeway act by marking and categorising the doctor as a hologram, a machine and inferior to humans: janeway: (talking to seven): i've told that replicator a dozen times about the temperature of my coffee. it just doesn't seem to want to listen. almost as if it's got a mind of its own, but it doesn't. a replicator this “natural” inferiority imposed upon the machine is claimed to be valid on the basis that machines are less than human because they lack free will, empathy, emotion or a soul. this is the premise for philip k dick’s novel do androids dream of electronic sheep? in which empathy is used to denote humanity. operates through a series of electronic pathways that allow it to receive instructions and take appropriate action, and there you go. a cup of coffee, a bowl of soup, a plasma conduit, whatever we tell it to do. as difficult as it is to accept the doctor is more like that replicator than he is like us. (“latent image” ) janeway’s decision to alter the doctor’s memory is partly based on the labelling of him as a piece of technology, not unlike the replicator, which can be programmed to do whatever is asked. the doctor is categorised and fixed by janeway as an entity that does not have a mind of his own. like the replicator, the doctor “operates through a series of electronic pathways” highlighting his supposed inferiority and setting him apart from humans, setting him apart as he “is not like us”. the metaphor of the replicator in this episode is interesting in terms of what a replicator is. in science, the replicator acts to produce life, and acts “as the fundamental unit, the prime mover of all life …” (dawkins in kneis ). it is, therefore, one of the building blocks of life, a gene, the bundle in which everything is held. janeway’s linking of the doctor with the replicator (rather than any other piece of ship’s equipment) in this scene is significant because it merges the doctor with the concept of bringing forth “new life” while at the same time relegating him to the realm of technology effectively denying him “life”. the replicator creates what is needed by manipulating matter and evolving random particles to form new substances, just as the doctor will be reformed into a different subject position at the end of the episode. janeway, by utilising the taxonomic unit of “machine,” places herself in a position of power over the doctor because she is able to restrict the doctor and impose upon him an inferior and therefore subordinate position. the idea of creating separable categories for plants and animals was refined and developed by botanist carl linnaeus in an attempt to bring order to the classification of organisms. the science of taxonomy facilitated the division of species into distinct groups based on similar characteristics acting to exclude those of a different type. as europeans travelled into the dark continent (africa), and the so called “new world” (america), such taxonomic categories were also applied to different “races” of humans on the basis of colour, habitat, and intellect. the same lexis is transported into space, used in science fiction (and in science) to separate the classes of organic from inorganic and human from alien. categories also act to police an individual’s deviation from their taxonomic borders so that the individual finds him or herself deviant when they disturb and disrupt these labels. the doctor analyses his situation, his “truth”, as a hologram, a machine programmed to respond in a certain way. when he responds unexpectedly by deviating from his “logical” programming he sees himself as damaged. labels, categories, and markers thereby act as mechanisms not only to position and define the subject within certain frames but also to restrain the subject within this frame. the doctor, reflecting janeway’s dominant perspective, frames himself as a machine, an object that can be subjugated. however, such taxonomic mechanisms are not absolute and often fail to contain the subject because the subject has no fixed affinity. taxonomic units are continually re-classified (by new knowledge/discoveries) and breached (by the hybrid or mutation), and, as i will argue throughout this chapter, the doctor’s subject position is contradictory and unstable, and is continually re-negotiated through his immersion within and emergence from the gaze. the inferior machine immersed in his memory of the events that led to and followed ensign jetel’s death the doctor internalises the standard humanoid rhetoric that as a machine he is inferior. in reliving his memory, the doctor’s private turmoil is exposed and laid bare, reflected back through his mind’s eye, forcing him to judge his actions as deviant. the doctor considers his failed objectivity as a malfunction, making him complicit in his own subjugation because he looks back at himself and his actions, interpreting them in the same way as janeway, as an error. for the doctor, this error is that he allowed jetel to die rather than harry. the doctor is acting out what foucault argues is the fragility of the subject – that the subject is “forced back upon him/herself and in turn forced to constrain him/her[self] within their own identity” ( ). the fragile subject is re-shaped and constrained through an encounter with the gaze of the “other” (and the self) which acts to restrain the subject within this forced identity that, for the doctor, is that of a rational and un-emotive machine. consequently, the doctor’s internalisation of himself as a machine leads to his viewing himself as an identity devoid of all feeling and appeals to compassion. the doctor’s internalisation of his inability to feel is here i am using the term “deviant” in the sense that his actions are abnormal or not standard behaviour for a machine rather than as a criminal act. his identity is also constructed through his programming. emphasised in his conversation in the mess hall with neelix (ethan philips), the ship’s cook and alien ambassador: doctor: i’m alright. i’m a hologram. i don’t get injured, i don’t feel pain, i don’t die. unlike some people i could tell you about … don’t touch me! i’m a hologram, photonic energy. don’t waste your time. ("latent image" ) both the doctor and janeway have come to identify the doctor as nothing more than “photonic energy”. the labelling and defining of the doctor as a machine is central to janeway’s decision to exercise control over his programme, but is also mirrored in the doctor’s reaction to appeals of compassion. as a machine and therefore not responsive to or needing any appeals to help or comfort, the doctor knows that neelix’s reaching out to him is a “waste of time”. however, his denial and rejection of his emotional capacity is not consistent throughout the episode and occurs after he has internalised his position as a malfunctioning machine. for example, the doctor’s acceptance of himself as malfunctioning is in stark contrast to how he initially reacts when he first learns about being reprogrammed. in a conversation with janeway shortly after finding out that she has altered his memory, the doctor reacts in a way that shows deep resentment and anger at her decision: janeway: i've made a command decision for your own benefit and the welfare of this entire crew. i'm not willing to debate it. doctor: how would you like it if i operated on you without your this could also be because he feels guilty for allowing jetel to die. consent or without your knowledge? janeway: if the operation saved my life? i could live with it. doctor: i don't believe you. you'd feel as violated as i do right now. janeway: whether you believe me or not is beside the point. a year and a half ago the only solution was to rewrite your programme. i have to perform that same procedure now. doctor: that isn't fair! ("latent image" ) before the doctor views the memory of the events relating to his malfunction he considers janeway’s actions a “violation”. “that isn’t fair” is a very “human” response and not the words of a machine lacking in the ability to understand that he has rights that should not be violated. the doctor, here, is unwilling to be placed within the category of replicator but instead places himself alongside janeway. he denies the taxonomic border between human and machine by ignoring any distinction between himself and janeway. he asks her how she would feel if he operated on her without consent, thereby identifying himself as her equal. he expects to have the same rights as any other crew member, as any “human”. it is not until after he begins to view his memory file that he starts to see himself as malfunctioning, reflecting janeway’s position and words back onto himself. he then accepts the binary division of machine/human as a boundary that should not be crossed and internalises his position as nothing more than “photonic energy” – unfeeling and one in which the preservation of rights is seen as a waste of time. the discourse of binary divisions: sentient/non-sentient, empathic/unfeeling, biological/technological, creates a boundary or border between human and machine that results in the production and construction of an identity, in this case a nonhuman identity, leading to conclusions and actions that exclude and judge the subject (foucault d/p). for the doctor, classed as unfeeling, photonic energy and purely technological, this border excludes him from the agency and the freedom to control access to his memory. these rights are denied to him because of janeway’s judgement that as a machine he is incapable of understanding and dealing with the consequences of his actions. therefore, janeway sees no problem in acting to control and curtail the doctor’s access to his memory data base in order to fix what is determined as a breakdown. it is also constructing his identity as unfeeling and logical that results in the doctor’s inability to cope with his unpredictable reaction to jetel’s death. the flawed machine as the doctor tells janeway, “i’m programmed to accept the loss of a patient” and so his irrational and emotional response to the loss of jetel is in direct conflict with what he believes to be typical of a rational and impartial machine, and consequently, he now looks at himself as a failed machine. working from the perspective that he is nothing more than a machine, the doctor cannot explain why he is troubled by jetel’s death, and in the conversation that it can be argued that that the doctor’s reaction to the death of jetel is both a breakdown in terms of a malfunction and also a breakdown psychologically. follows the doctor agonises over his sophie’s choice and what for him, as a machine, should have been a straightforward decision: emh: what could be simpler than a triage situation in sickbay? two patients, for example, both injured, for example, both in imminent danger of dying. calculate the variables. my programme needs to ascertain which patient has the greater chance of survival and that's the one i treat. simple. but, what if they have an equal chance of survival? what then? hmm? flip a coin? pick a card? ("latent image" ) the doctor’s inability to “calculate the variables” leads him to question his capability as a hologram. reflecting upon this simple triage situation, internalising the “nature” of the machine as emotionless and calculating, the doctor views his inability to cope as a deficiency. moreover, as dramatized throughout this scene, by the camera focusing on the doctor’s behaviour and body language, and his aggregated and emotionally conflicted state, the doctor is represented as anything but unemotional. for example, the doctor selects two similar fruits, the same shape, and size but of a different colour, and asks neelix which one he should choose, which one is better. in his frustration, he throws them across the room causing the crewmembers in the mess hall to look up, alarmed at his outburst. at this point neelix summons tuvok (tim russ) and security, leading to another violent outburst from the doctor. the doctor with the crew’s eyes upon him stares down tuvok, defiantly returning the look, and stating that he does not choose to return to sickbay or to go with a phrase used by actor robert picardo in describing this episode and his character’s difficult decision (paramount dvd extra). security. consequently, the doctor is deactivated, effectively denying him both sight and choice. the doctor, reactivated and forced to confront his actions that lead to jetel’s death and his erratic behaviour, is de-fragmented and de-stabilised like the disjointed images of the memory sequence, seeing himself not just as a flawed machine but also as a failed doctor. by looking back, the doctor visualises himself as flawed and as a consequence now shares janeway’s view that he should be reprogrammed: doctor: you were right. i didn't deserve to keep those memories, not after what i did. janeway: you were performing your duty. doctor: two patients, which do i kill? janeway: doctor. doctor: doctor? hardly! a doctor retains his objectivity. i didn't do that, did i? two patients, equal chances of survival and i chose the one i was closer to? i chose my friend? that's not in my programming! that's not what i was designed to do! go ahead! reprogram me! i'll lend you a hand! let's start with this very day, this hour, this second! ("latent image" ) having lost his “objectivity” and chosen to save a friend and kill another patient, an act that is not in his programming, the doctor has acted emotionally, violating and threatening his self-image (as machine and doctor). his empathy towards the ensign’s death further shatters the illusion of a fixed image/reflection of a mindless, impartial machine. although the doctor is programmed to simulate empathetic and ethical models of patient care, it becomes clear in the episode that he is programmed not to be affected by these emotions. these emotions are but a simulation of human feelings and empathy and are not programmed to affect his cognitive, rationalising abilities. therefore, represented in this scene and in the episode as a whole is a different level of empathy than what the doctor was programmed for. the doctor chooses his friend, the one he is closest to, and that becomes the deciding factor in whom he treats first. in rejecting emotions – empathy, friendship, and guilt – and viewing them as a flaw in his programming rather than an evolution of the subject, the doctor “inscribes in himself” a responsibility to submit to his “own subjection” (d/p - ). as a consequence, the doctor demands that janeway delete his memory because, having failed in his duty as a doctor (and a machine), he does not deserve to keep them. he acts out the identity that has been imposed upon him – namely that of a malfunctioning piece of technology devoid of feeling and agency. the doctor’s identity as an unfeeling and malfunctioning machine is therefore imposed upon from outside (by janeway) and constrained by the inward gaze (marquez in halliwell & morsley ). the doctor is constructed and constrained within the image, reflected back in the eye of the “other”, of what a machine should be. at times, what the doctor has come to know and reflect upon his identity as seen through the gaze of others, is contrary to what he experiences in viewing his memory. although watching the memory file has partly reinforced his “looking” at himself as a machine, it has also resulted in a conflict because what he sees and how he feels (and that fact that he feels at all) while looking are contradictory. the (pan)optic gaze: the eye/i of the beholder in "latent image," vision and the gaze are important signifiers in the power struggle between janeway and the doctor, highlighted by the symbolic use of the mirrored gaze and the eye. vision is always an act of appropriation, the image reflected, refracted, commandeered and represented by the one who is looking and as such, vision is also multifarious. the heterogeneous gaze performs an important element in the doctor’s journey towards self-knowledge as the doctor’s eye-view is constantly shifting, constantly altered by how he interprets the visualisation of his memory and the scrutiny of others. the doctor’s memory file functions as a “virtual camera:” a panoptic device in his head allowing him to survey his actions, his eye a lens providing a visual insight into the doctor’s psyche (halliwell & mousley). in addition, the narrative’s interaction between past and present, moving from one time frame to the next, reproduces stylistically the instability of the image and the subject. this episode is unusual within the series in that it juxtaposes the events of the past with those of the present. the narrative flits back and forth between the two time-frames, thereby superimposing the “looking back,” through fade-ins and flashbacks, to the “looking now.” figure . the close up of the doctor’s eye is a stunning cue to visualise the beginning of the memory scene (source: star trek wiki.com). the journey into the doctor’s memory begins as the camera zooms in on the doctor’s eye in dramatic close up; the overexposed and magnified eye fills the screen, emphasising the drawing into the psyche of the doctor (fig ). in "latent image," the fluidity and luminosity of the eye are symbolic of self- reflection, representing an optical pool whose surface reflects a way into the unconscious, a two-way mirror reflecting/looking in and out, establishing a relationship between what the doctor is and what he sees. although the memory of events is his, emphasised by the camera’s journey into the mind’s eye of the doctor, and the images of the past are shown from the doctor’s perspective, he interprets their meaning from the other’s (janeway’s) position of power that identifies him as a machine. within the doctor’s mind’s eye is reflected janeway’s view of the machine as having no will or gaze of its own. however, the look is never static, and at certain points, the doctor is also able to look out/back, for example, reclaiming the gaze in his capture of the saboteur, effectively denying the other’s look. the scene that depicts janeway’s image deleting the doctor’s memory is visually stunning, and symbolic of the gaze/look as not monolithic, not constant but continually shifting and re-negotiated. for example, with the symbolic blinding of janeway, the look of the “other”, hitherto so powerful, is denied (fig. ), the deleted eye becoming representative of a denial of sight and the invisibility of the subject (the doctor). in "latent image," human sight is devalued, degraded and denatured by the techno-eye. martin jay in “the disenchantment of the eye” links the emergence of postmodern (posthuman) rhetoric with the demise and rejection of the “function of the penetrating gaze, able to pierce appearances to see the essences beneath” by the toppling of the “privileged gaze” and the disappearance of a fixed subject ( / ). the privileged gaze of janeway is toppled when the doctor’s gaze is able to symbolically pierce and disembody her eyes. the symbol of the eye-less janeway illustrates the failure of her panoptic vision as it is eroded and supplanted by the doctor’s techno-gaze. janeway’s deformed eyes contrast to the image of the doctor’s mind’s eye that fills the screen as he and the camera plunge into his memory. the metaphor of the unseeing eye alludes to the fallibility of the subject as stable in that the once all-seeing janeway has been rendered inert through the doctor subjecting her to the digital gaze. figure . the reproduced image of janeway as she tampers with the doctor’s memory file (source: star trek wiki.com) as the heterogeneous imagery of the eye reveals, this episode hinges upon viewing: looking at the self, looking at the other, and the look as a form of resistance. the narrative centres on the doctor’s negotiation of the panoptic field of the “other” (janeway) and his internalisation of that gaze. but, in "latent image," there are many gazes/eyes that re-represent different and varying positions on the doctor’s subjectivity. one gaze represented by seven of nine (jeri ryan) takes a posthuman hybridised look. her vantage point, as a cyborg, her body suspended and imprisoned somewhere between human and machine, frames the doctor’s situation differently to janeway. for seven, there is no firm or absolute distinction between organic and machine. seven, representing the gaze of the post-human, is “post” because she has been converted by the borg to part flesh and part machine. seven’s fundamental sympathy with the doctor’s plight stems from her ability to look past what it means to be machine or human, placing her on the border between flesh and metal. her look is filtered through her ocular implant (borg technology) and an artificial eye manufactured by the doctor, both acting as visual symbols of her link to technology and her affinity with the techno-gaze (fig. ), allowing her to transgress human visualisation, subsequently reconfiguring and embodying the doctor differently from janeway. the development of the synthetic eye, created to look the same as her human eye but with superior acuity, allows seven to see through the doctor’s “eye,” reminiscent of the android eyes of roy in blade runner, manufactured by chew (the eye designer) and to which roy says “chew, if only you could see what i’ve seen with your eyes” (blade runner). in "latent image," seven and the doctor share the same visual perspective, the eyes of the creator and its recipient can look through the other’s eye. seven of nine’s techno-eye allows her a duality of vision – between the human (janeway) and the machine (the doctor) - and, as katherine hayles points out, offers the possibility not to replace the human eye/vision but to recognise and expose “the networks of production which constitute human” superiority of vision ( ). the technologically enhanced eyes of seven produced by the borg, which are superior in range and depth of vision to the human eye, exposes as flawed janeway’s vision of the doctor as like a replicator, repositioning the gaze into the realm of the posthuman. the posthuman eye, represented by seven and frequently denied in the doctor, rejects the romantic/liberal myth of humanity as superior and original, thereby its position as stable and pure. through the multiplicity of the gaze, denying the subject a single and revenant identity, the human is deprived of its central place as all seeing and all knowing. the all-seeing eye is blinded (as janeway’s image represents) by the digital eye that seeks to screen out the vision of human superiority and replace it with a cyborg-filtered, murky and unclear distinction between human and machine. the all-seeing eye, related to universal power and knowledge, is a common meme within mythology and science fiction, dramatizing the power to see all things as a window to the soul, and a god-like ability to see past, present and future (as depicted in the film lara croft tomb raider and in the symbol of the tyrell corporation in blade runner). it has also been used by critics such as donna haraway who view western, white, masculine ideologies as acting as an all-seeing eye that surveys, denies, defines and creates the subject. in "latent image", this “masculine” narrative is undertaken by janeway, who although female, nevertheless represents the overwhelmingly masculinised, militaristic and scientific ideals of starfleet. the distinctions between the various types of humanism and their place in relation to the posthuman are discussed in chapter one “the final frontier”, which focuses upon the myth of humanism in star trek: voyager. although the “eye” of the borg is technically superior in vision to the organic or human eye, in its visual representation on the screen, borg vision is shown as filtered through a green light, almost a haze of techno-colour. therefore, the borg’s visual perspective on screen appears murky and cloudy and yet it is able to pick up fine details and light spectrums that are invisible to the human eye. figure . this image clearly shows seven’s optical implant and her positioning next to the replicator (source: star trek wiki.com) the mirrored/reflected self/‘i’ the physical eye is not the only reflective surface involved in disrupting and shaping the doctor’s self-knowledge. the mirrored gaze that is reflected by the mirrored ‘i’ permeates "latent image," as images of the doctor is reflected back to him through the various surfaces. the lens of the camera or holo- imager displays back to the doctor the dominating gaze of janeway, and later that of seven of nine, each developing or revealing different perspectives of the doctor as subject. consequently, the mirrored gaze questions which self is reflected back because each reflection provides the doctor with a different eye/i view of the subject. janeway’s gaze acts as a lens through which the doctor forms an understanding of his identity as an automaton. on the other hand, the look of seven of nine offers him a way of viewing his identity as evolving into something more than a faulty machine. jacques lacan argues that the “mirror stage” (the reflecting back upon the self) lays the groundwork for the cultural formation of the self, it is the “first step in the construction of the self” (constable ). in reflecting on the self during the mirror stage (seen in the doctor’s recovered memory), the subject begins to see the self as separate from the “other”, creating a subject that is divided within itself. the doctor is divided in his attempt to reconcile the self he sees with that shown to him by the look of the “other”. similarly, foucault’s formation of the subject through acts of power and the internalisation of the gaze views the subject as torn between different gazes that create the subject in relation to the individual’s interaction with others. according to both lacan and foucault’s models of the self, the subject is formed through interactions between different, conflicting and competing views of the self, compiled through engagement with the self and others. the divided self struggles to reconcile the various ‘i’s (lacan) or gazes (foucault), that is, the ‘i’ of the reflective or “specular” self (the doctor’s gaze); the “social ‘i’ ” (the gaze of the other/janeway); and the “ideal ‘i’ ” (the gaze that the doctor expects) are in conflict (lacan). following lacan, i define the specular ‘i’ as relating to how the individual sees the self (what he/she thinks of as ‘i’); the social ‘i’ as what others think of or how they view the individual; and the ideal ‘i’ as what the individual wants to see or be. for lacan, the self or the subject is illusionary because these three faces of the self, the different facets of the ‘i’, cannot be reconciled. in the same way, foucault argues that the subject is illusionary because the gaze is continually shifted and re- negotiated through power relations which are in turn contested and undercut through social, political and scientific structures. therefore, the ‘i’ is never fixed but shifts between gazes, between looking and being looked at. in "latent image," the emphasis on “looking” accentuates the conflict in the doctor’s inability to reconcile his identity crisis. the “ideal ‘i’” is the ‘i’/self that the doctor expects to see – the well- functioning and an efficient hologram that is incapable of making an emotional error. the doctor, looking back at the past, looking through lacan’s metaphorical mirror, interpreted through the social gaze that is mirrored back to him, realises that he lacks the control that his ideal ‘i’ assumes or expects. the doctor becomes alienated from both the specular and the ideal ‘i’ and accepts the position/gaze imposed upon him from outside (the social ‘i’). in terms of lacan’s subject, the doctor has trouble reconciling the three faces of the ‘i’/self. alternatively, using foucault’s concept of the gaze, the doctor has difficulty in reconciling the gaze of the self with that produced by the “other”. however, the idea of the subject as an embodiment of the gaze of the “other”, in conflict with that of the self, does not mean that the subject is passive, waiting to have an identity imposed upon him or her and at the mercy of the dominating gaze. the look can be and is returned. (re) turning the gaze: looking and reflecting back the doctor’s position up until this point (up until his resolution to want to be reprogrammed) would suggest that, at least in terms of the hologram, identity can be imposed through what foucault describes as “an inspecting gaze” (p/k ). the doctor in most of this episode is apparently victimised by the gaze, classified, labelled and controlled as a machine, particularly through the inspecting and dominating gaze of janeway. therefore, foucault’s panopticon seems at first glance to render the subject passive, at the mercy of the “all- seeing eye.” nevertheless, as this episode illustrates, the all-seeing gaze/eye is never completely “fixed” but rather fluid, roaming between the observer and the observed, dissolving into a mutual surveillance. as i will argue in the remainder of this chapter, the doctor is not merely a victim of the inspecting gaze but wields the power to invent and to examine, reflecting, and deflecting the imposition of an inauthentic identity (foucault). janeway’s omnipresent gaze has its counterpart in the doctor’s role as medical observer. the medical gaze as a doctor, he wields an inspecting gaze highlighted in the use of the holo- imager in which he records images of the crew. this “instrument of visualisation” devours the subject and reintegrates it from the inside out, much like what happens to the doctor in the watching of his memory (haraway ). the patient is captured by the techno-eye (holo-imager) that devours, disembodies and re-forms the image into a holo-matrix (a simulated double). the doctor, as a medical observer, employs his techno-gaze that has the power to seemingly view with “unrestricted vision,” facilitating unrestricted visualisation and reproduction of the internal and external bodies of the crew, thereby subjecting them to total surveillance (ibid). the doctor’s “examination distinguishes, divides, and ultimately isolates the different members” of the crew according to how he interprets the medical results, and this examination by an inauthentic identity, i mean an identity imposed upon the doctor from without, from the look of the other. acts as a form of “social control” (gordon ). the doctor’s role as examiner and controller subverts his position as a hologram, in that he is able to elude the gaze imposing his own upon others. in the realm of the digital, the absolute gaze is replaced by a battle for control between the observer and the observed, creating complex and conflicting surfaces. for example, the doctor occupies a contradictory and problematic position because as a hologram he can be observed, displayed, confined and controlled, and so made visible, but as the chief medical officer, he commands that all others be visible through his medical examinations. he does this by submitting the crew to invasive surveillance, achieved through undergoing his deep scans reconfiguring the body to produce a detailed and intimate record of the body that can be conjured up, thereby inflicting compulsory visibility onto his patients. in the visual human project ( ), catherine waldby notes that the medical gaze traverses the subject by “the passive situating of a re-represented organic object within an optical … [inorganic] … field” ( ). the subject becomes an object of medical study rendering the body inert and “accessible to material reordering” ( ). the doctor’s reordering of the humanoid body into a digital holo-image renders the crew passive, imposing a compulsory visibility, and allowing the crew to be catalogued, sorted and observed. the medical gaze produces a new iconography of the human body visualised as photonic energy, hyper-realised and artificial, traversed by the computer. the medical holo-imager “acts panoptically, as a machine which gathers up and orders the world visually and makes it available to be viewed as a system before the viewer” ( ). the doctor, acting as observer/viewer, uses the holo-imager to gather information about the health of the crew and systematically gather up information about his missing memory. it is the holo-imager that draws his attention to the surgery performed on kim, and which captures janeway’s image as she removes his memory. as a medical officer, the doctor occupies a privileged position in which he visually re-represents the crew through the visual ordering of the humanoid body and re-positions his own subjectivity through the power to make others visible. the doctor also has the power to impose visibility onto janeway. although she is reluctant to undergo his medical examination, not reporting to sickbay as requested, the doctor appears in her ready room and insists she complies. janeway in a position of authority and able to order the doctor to be reprogrammed and to be deactivated is still subject to the doctor’s medical gaze. under starfleet regulations, the chief medical officer, in this case, the holographic doctor, is able to declare the captain medically unfit for duty and relieve her of command. as a consequence, in his role as a medical officer, the doctor can subvert the captain’s power. this is, of course, subject to the captain’s obeying his command and not deactivating him. in "latent image," the distances and tensions between seeing and being seen are complicated by the complexity of the power relations between a doctor who is also a hologram/machine, and a captain who is ethically constrained by starfleet regulations that allow the doctor to relieve her of command. the panoptic tension between seeing and not seeing is further encapsulated within the walls of voyager’s sickbay. the design of voyager’s sickbay functions a type of panoptic model in which constant “surveillance and supervision” acts to reinforce the marking of individuals (bogard ). individuals (patients) are marked out by quarantine and treatment in accordance with the doctor’s observations. voyager’s sickbay adopts some of bentham’s mechanisms of the panopticon in that a “central tower … pierced with wide windows …,” the doctor’s observation point, allows the observer to watch, or give the illusion that patients/inmates are being watched and allows inmates/patients to be quarantined in their own “cells” (foucault d&p ). the doctor looks out from the central observation room at his patients, projecting a controlling gaze over their movements. however, sickbay also acts as a “cell” that encloses the doctor. voyager’s sickbay, like the plague town in foucault’s analysis of the panoptic mechanism, employs apparatuses to control not just patients but also the doctor. in his analysis, foucault argues that in times of plague each member of a household is to be confined to their dwelling and to be visible when called, “answering to his name and showing himself when asked”, thereby maintaining order and controlling the spread of infection but also rendering the individual passive (d/p ). similarly, the doctor is subjugated to compulsory visibility because he must appear when called. the doctor is summoned to appear when anyone asks the computer to “activate emh.” in the past the doctor has been physically restricted to the confines of sickbay and only in finding alien technology (the mobile emitter), has he been able to leave sickbay and interact more fully with the crew. while the inmates of the town had to appear when called and there were strict controls on their movements, those charged with overseeing their surveillance and quarantine were also restricted (on the penalty of death) from leaving the confines of the town. therefore, power acted on both the observed and the observer. he obtains the holo-emitter from a rogue time traveller in the episode “dark frontier.” the emitter is technology from the future stolen by the traveller and then stolen by the the contradiction of the doctor made visible and confined (as a hologram), and yet able to make others visible and appear (as a doctor), highlights the instability of the subject and the slippage of the gaze. the creation of the subject is dependent upon relations with others and the complexity of the various roles played out in these relationships. the doctor is shaped and reshaped into different subject positions, having been categorised as a machine, as a failed doctor and failed automaton, as medical overseer and an inmate called to appear when asked. but in his slippage of the gaze, he is able to engage actively with these subject positions – denying some and embracing others. like the subject, the gaze is not fixed but fluid and dependent upon who is looking out/back. the changing and challenging position of the gaze is especially noticeable in the events leading to the doctor uncovering his saboteur. it is possible for “… people who are rendered visible … [to] attempt to escape by deploying counter-techniques of invisibility …” (marquez ). through his deployment while deactivated of his holo-imager, an extension of his techno- eye/gaze, the doctor counters his compulsory visibility and becomes the observer, thereby rendering himself invisible to the saboteur. he subverts janeway’s authority by programming the computer to record any tampering with his memory before he obeys her order to deactivate. setting a trap for the saboteur, he plans to capture the image of anyone who tampers with his programme, telling the computer to reactivate him as soon as someone does so. the doctor’s camera acts as a panoptic device that surveys all who enter sickbay. the camera maintains a secret vigilance that acts as an extension of voyager crew. before the holo-emitter, his holo-matrix was unstable outside of sickbay, limiting his access to other areas of the ship. the doctor’s vision, with the holo-imager performing as a surrogate eye that leaves anyone who enters sickbay exposed to his hidden surveillance. although the camera is actually placed in full view, it acts surreptitiously by turning on when someone enters the room. and, in his search for the person who deleted his memory, it is janeway - who hitherto has avoided the doctor’s gaze - who is captured by the camera. visibility becomes a trap in which janeway, the observer, is finally ensnared (foucault d/p). instead of having janeway’s image appear mirrored back through the computer panel she is tampering with, the scene unfolds as the doctor watches her image re-created and re-ordered by the holo-imager. janeway is ensnared, displayed and displaced through the re-imaging of her body matrix, now composed of photonic particles, re-formed by the doctor’s medical imager. her image is at first blurred, unformed and fragmented. eventually, she is exposed, transformed into the saboteur, but denied vision and subjected to the doctor’s gaze. janeway’s exposure in this scene is also sexualised because as her image (the doppelganger reformed through photonic particles) unfolds before the doctor, the camera closes in on the forming breast tissue that exposes the culprit as female. janeway is not just subjected to the doctor’s masculine gaze (he is formed in the image of a white, western male) but the look reduces her image to the “naked” female body. janeway’s blindness to the doctor’s surveillance is beautifully emphasized by her doppelgänger, which is re-formed with downcast and disfigured eyes, the last of her body to materialise. at this point janeway loses her omnipresent gaze, her eyes deleted and downcast, her gaze replaced by that of the doctor who now knows that she is responsible for his altered memories, although as yet not why. like the doctor’s disembodied memory, the simulated figure (a visual doubling) of janeway is slowly revealed, piece by piece, molecule by molecule, part by part, a view from the inside out, creating a “digitisation of subjectivity” that renders her mute and blind (waldby ). the fact that janeway’s doppelganger is a simulation, pieced together by photonic particles, a holo(hollow)-representation of the real janeway, acts as “a second figure who can be examined … [and] a double [that] can also be alienated from the self …” (lutz & collins ). by re-creating janeway as a digital double, the doctor alienates her from her human origins, acting to destabilise epistemologies of what it means to be human by subjecting her to mechanic vision. therefore, janeway, as simulacrum, as a digitised body, becomes an object of visibility and subjugation. her holo-image represents a deconstructed and transformed myth of the state of the “human,” in which the human image can be re-ordered as post-human or as inhuman, a blasphemous anti- mythology. such posthuman blasphemy is anti-mythological in that it actively denies and degrades the stability of the human subject, exposing the irrelevance of the idea of the biological taxonomic category, human. in the posthuman world, there is no such thing as being human (haraway). seeing individuality through post/human eyes however, even in the realm of the posthuman the essential criterion of what it means to be human remains an appropriation of power. janeway’s appropriation of the doctor’s memory is an act of power based on the essential idea that only humanoid life forms (that is, organic life), effectively excluding artificial life, have agency. consequently, the deviation of the doctor from machine towards what is considered the province of the human, namely the ability to act differently, to evolve and to feel, is viewed as a malfunction. but seven, from her position as a posthuman cyborg, perceives the doctor not as malfunctioning, but as evolving: seven: when you separated me from the collective i was an unknown risk to your crew, yet you kept me on board. you allowed me to evolve into an individual. janeway: you're a human being. he's a hologram. seven: and you allowed that hologram to evolve as well, to exceed his original programming and yet now you choose to abandon him. ("latent image" ) therefore, seven views janeway’s denying the doctor his right to individuality and to agency as hypocritical, based on janeway’s previous allusion to the importance of individuality and agency to humanity. in “the gift” janeway tells seven that the fundamental difference between the borg collective and humanity is that humans value individuality and the right to choose. seven sees janeway’s attitude towards the doctor as hypocritical and an act of abandonment because although he has been encouraged to “exceed his original programming” he is abandoned when his newly acquired “emotions” cause conflict within his original matrix. he is not free to evolve as an individual because of his mechanical origins, an origin that has no affinity or common basis with the human community. to be human is to have a common basis of identity formation – family, history, gender, and race – reinforced by social institutions, something that the doctor as a machine lacks, and this “lack” is something that seven can relate to. she was removed by the borg from her human family as a young child and subsequently taken from the borg by janeway, leaving her disconnected from any one common base of affiliation. the show places emphasis on the importance of the individual and individuality, while at the same time it extols the virtues of a united humanity. in this way star trek’s narratives deliberately over-inflate the position of humanity or humanoids to an extent that they burst the bubble of the series’ liberal humanist stance, leading to storylines highlighting the failure of such humanist vocabulary to encapsulate the posthuman or the nonhuman. janeway’s rhetoric of humanism strategically positions the doctor, whose affinity is seen by her as purely technological, outside the repertoire of human rights and at the same time, janeway’s identification of seven as human allows seven to act as an individual. therefore, janeway’s rhetoric of humanism positions the doctor outside the demand for rights and freedom, utilising the recapitulation of the “anthropocentric ideal of the human as essentially separable from and ontologically prior to technics … [and] … the human as a point-of-origin” (hayles ). the idea that the human is the “point-of-origin” for all things and at the centre of all knowledge consequently leads to an exclusion of and prejudice against non-human life forms. as a construct of humanity’s techno-capacity, its ability to construct a life-like hologram, the artificial has no “point-of-origin,” no ontological point of reference that is not referential or in fact deferential to humanity. as well as being separable from the seven’s affinity is not always with humanity and although content to remain as part of voyager’s collective she still looks to the borg to define her identity: “i am, borg”. nor is she always so readily accepted as human. many crewmembers act differently around seven, and some, like torres, are openly hostile to seven’s less than “human” personality. mechanical, humanity’s origin story is historically synonymous with individuality. during the enlightenment, the individual, an autonomous being, is held to be at the centre of humanity’s origin story. for rousseau, humanity reaches perfection through the “reawakening of individuality” which he views as “humanity’s birth right and its highest goal” (mansfield ). therefore, to be human is to have a sense of the self, a “birth right” that sees the individual or an awareness of ‘i’ as central to the world. this romantic humanism views the human self as the centre of all things and all things are to be measured against what it means to be human. as i argue in chapter one, star trek’s core philosophy appears to revolve (often unsuccessfully) around the concept of liberal humanism and the importance of individuality. janeway’s twenty-fourth century ideals hark back to the romantic notion of humanity as the centre of all things. in star trek, these ideals seem benign, reflecting a humanism that is supposedly all-inclusive; race, gender, and religion, all the factors that divide humanity in the previous centuries, have, according to star trek’s rhetoric, been displaced and conquered. however, as the figure of the hologram suggests, the conquering of humanity’s inequalities in this future universe is simply a blind – a camouflage that hides the fact that humanity itself is privileged above all other knowledge, creating a powerful rationale for the denial of rights to the non-human. in contrast, the posthuman subject, like seven and the doctor, disputes and disrupts the free and autonomous individual, instead of looking at the subject as de-constructed and unstable, without origins. however, the posthuman also sees the inherent danger of the philosophies of liberal humanism that act to subjugate and deny the “other”. the danger present within the humanist determination of the subject, the exclusion and subjugation of the “other”, results in a posthuman denial of the origin story. consequently, the posthuman subject rejects humanity as a “point-of-origin”, and, within voyager’s narrative, seven acts as an example of haraway’s “illegitimate offspring” who is “exceedingly unfaithful to [her] origins” ( ). as the “illegitimate offspring” of a posthuman irreverence towards humanity, seven breaches the border between seeing as “human” and looking inwards to the machine. therefore, janeway’s appeal to seven’s link with humanity is not a strong basis for her to comply with janeway’s decision regarding the doctor. seven’s perspective as a cyborg affiliates her with the replicator and the doctor than with the human community in which janeway situates her. in fact, the scene in which seven confronts janeway about her abandonment of the doctor visually situates seven alongside the replicator, the machine framed as the focal point of the room and as janeway’s example of “intelligent” machinery. the bright light of the replicator stands out in the semi-darkness of janeway’s quarters and is visually situated to the side of the close up of seven, emphasising and drawing attention their mutual affiliation (seen in fig. .). in her affiliation and understanding of the precarious place of the machine amongst humanoids, seven represents haraway’s irreverent cyborg/subject that is “wary of holism … [and yet] … seem[ing] to have a natural feel for united front politics” ( ). seven is wary of the holism present within janeway’s humanist myopic gaze and instead unites with the profane politics of the techno-being. the techno-being’s profanity is in their dismissal of human uniqueness, a uniqueness linked to the traits of empathy, emotion, self-awareness, and individuality which are demonstrated through the presence of the techno-being as unstable and not the sole province of humanity. from seven’s peripheral position/vision she is able to understand, to see what is happening – the denial of the doctor’s right to explore and understand these qualities, resulting in the violation of the individual – leading seven to reject janeway’s appeal to holism seeking to connect her to humanity, instead uniting herself with the doctor. to seven, the doctor is an individual, a friend, and confidant and not simply advanced technology. seven’s cyborg gaze finds her advocating on the doctor’s behalf, enacting what haraway calls “an optics of positioning”, enacted through seven’s affinity with his technological position ( ). her ability to sit on the boundary between humanity and the borg, and to question the essence of “being” human and being a machine, allows seven to re-position herself alongside the doctor: seven: it is unsettling. you say that i am a human being and yet, i am also borg. part of me not unlike your replicator, not unlike the doctor. will you one day choose to abandon me as well? i have always looked to you as my example, my guide to humanity. perhaps i've been mistaken. ("latent image" ) seven is unsettled by janeway’s decision because, framed as neither machine nor human, will she, too, be abandoned by janeway and humanity one day? seven interprets the nature of the subject as precarious and that she could be reframed as something “inhuman”. seven’s dissenting position acts as a “point of insubordination” in which she confronts janeway’s privileged humanism and emphasises to janeway the parallels between her situation as a cyborg and the doctor’s (foucault d/p ). in the figure of seven of nine, the doctor finds an advocate. engaging/embracing the subject seven of nine acts as a dissenting voice/vision in her advocacy of the doctor’s right to explore his memory and individuality. seven, by re-positioning herself alongside the doctor, persuades janeway to see, however momentarily, through the eyes of the posthuman cyborg, giving janeway a reason to reconsider allowing him to understand his conflict rather than erase his memory. seven’s argument that she is more like the replicator and the doctor than she is like janeway makes janeway re-evaluate the labelling of the doctor as merely a machine, and consider the possibility that the doctor is more than the sum of his parts. reflecting on the doctor’s development over the years, janeway asks whether, as seven suggests, she now has a responsibility to help him because she has given him a “soul”: janeway: ... we allowed him to evolve and at the first sign of trouble ... we gave him a soul, b'elanna, do we have the right to take it away now? torres: we gave him personality subroutines. i'd hardly call that a soul. ("latent image" ) the idea of the “soul” as central to the human condition is frequently used in science fiction to divide the machine from the human. only humans possess a soul, a rhetoric used as a means to exclude, exploit and control the “other”, and part of humanism’s origin story. historically, the absence of a soul has been used to exclude and enslave non-whites, animals, and, in science fiction narratives, the machine. therefore, janeway’s suggesting that the doctor has a soul, harking back to her humanist ideas of linking a soul with individuality, places him closer to the category of human. janeway, who has previously denied any rights to this glorified replicator, now sees a problem in taking away his right to evolve. at this point, she seemingly views the doctor more as an individual, with rights and the freedom to explore his self-potential, than a mindless mechanism. janeway’s position, therefore, becomes contradictory, in that she now gives or bestows upon the doctor a soul, something that is linked exclusively to humanoid life forms. as her conversation with torres demonstrates, janeway is still very much in a position of power to control and label the doctor. although she appears to accept that he is more than what he was at the start of the episode, it is janeway who has the power to give the doctor a soul. humanity (in this case janeway) “gave him a soul” and it will be humanity who decides whether it can be taken away. also interesting in this dialogue is the fact that torres, the ship’s alien engineer, views the doctor as a machine, not with a soul but with “personality subroutines”. therefore, while janeway interprets the soul as being intrinsically linked to the self (the “human” subject), finding the doctor’s soul in his ability to reflect upon himself as an individual and in his empathetic reaction to the death of jetel, torres looks to the soul as something which is separate from the individual, as a spiritual essence rather than part of the physical being. the separation of the soul from the subject/body, placing it in the realm of the spiritual, leaves little room for a “spirit within the machine.” the posthuman idea of a machine with a soul acts to undermine the core belief in humanity as distinct, and technology robs humans of their “humanity(sic), metaphorically expressed as our soul: it threatens to replace the individual, god-given soul with a mechanical, machine-made one” (schelde ). in his quest for individuality and subjectivity, the doctor threatens the place of the human by looking back/out through his techno-eye, the window to his “soul,” his vision luminously decrying humanity’s reliance upon fixed determinations of the subject and what it means to be human – to have emotion, reason, empathy and a soul. the posthuman parable derails the very idea of a stable and unique essence that is the human subject. janeway’s change of heart or perspective on the status of the doctor, that he is more than a replicator, results in her allowing him to work through his troubling memory and confront his feelings. as the episode draws to a close, janeway mounts a vigil in the hope that the doctor can resolve his conflict: janeway: [personal log] our doctor is now our patient. it's been two weeks since i've ordered a round the clock vigil. a crew member has stayed with him at all times offering a sounding board and a familiar presence while he struggles to understand his memories and thoughts … ("latent image" ) torres views the soul as separate from personality and from the individual and this is highlighted in her klingon religion that views the soul in a strictly religious sense. as a patient, the doctor is subjected to a “round the clock vigil”, becoming once again the observed, the visible subject of observation and scrutiny. the sequence begins in the empty holodeck; empty that is, except for the doctor sitting upright in his chair and janeway sitting in the foreground of the shot. she is reading a book of poems by dante that she tells him is “relevant to his situation” and is in fact written about “new life.” by the end of "latent image," the doctor has been born again as a hologram with a soul, emphasised by the close up of janeway and the doctor, now face to face, eye to eye, when janeway tells the doctor she is too busy to rest because she is helping a friend. the doctor’s subject position has evolved from replicator to failed machine/doctor and finally to “friend”, someone janeway considers worthy of compassion. in the final scene the doctor, now occupying janeway’s position in her vacated chair, now overseeing his own supervision, his own “looking,” reads aloud the words from la vita nuova, the new life of dante alighieri. and, yet this conclusion is not as satisfactory as it appears. although the doctor seems to have a newfound freedom and the chance to redefine himself he is, in fact, still confined and defined within the realm of the organic, left to contemplate his subjectivity in the barren holodeck in which he now sits alone. conclusion "latent image" represents the image, the gaze, and the “look” as integral to the formation of both the subject and to subjectivity. the panoptic gaze is focused upon the doctor in most of this episode as a way to control or mediate his behaviour but also as a way of re-creating the subject. the doctor is able to slip the gaze for a brief time when he becomes the voyeur, the one who captures the images of crewmembers in his medical gaze and captures janeway as the saboteur. surveillance, both in the form of re-viewing memory and in the vigil held over the doctor, acts to fracture the doctor’s identity as machine and then later acts to solidify his identity as an individual, as an entity with a “soul”. it is the possession of the “soul,” this seemingly quintessential human thing that leads to janeway accepting and reaching out to the doctor, as an individual, and not as a glorified replicator. the doctor’s self-knowledge never remains static because in the posthuman world of science fiction the taxonomic border between human and machine is unstable and continually breached. the machine becomes symbolic of the fragility of the “human condition” and the myth of a fixed and knowable subject. such posthuman narratives demonstrate that the (re)constructed subject can be taken apart and rebuilt, piece by piece, atom by atom, just as the doctor’s medical imager can deconstruct the bodies of his patients, leading to instability, refraction and the loss of the subject. chapter five “author, author:” rebellion, auth(or)enticity and the hologram in this chapter, in relation to star trek: voyager’s “author, author”, i draw connections between gayatri chakravorty spivak's critical work on representing or re-representing the subaltern and edward said’s “writing back" from the margins by the “other,” in order to demonstrate the doctor’s role in recreating a literature for the hologram. like the power of the gaze, discussed in the previous chapter, literature acts as a mechanism for both self-expression and suppression. writing back acts in the same way as returning the gaze. written two years after ‘latent image,’ this episode expands on the doctor’s journey of self-discovery and his search for agency. the doctor's holonovel, protons be free, a tale about the adventures of an emergency medical hologram (emh) on board the star ship vortex, addresses what the doctor feels are the injustices and challenges of being a hologram immersed in a world dominated by organics. the novel defines the protagonist’s mission as to "uphold your medical and ethical standards as you struggle against the crew’s bigotry and intolerance" (emh). such intolerance, highlighted within the novel through the exaggerated portrayals of the vortex crew, systematically degrades and denies the self-identity of the emh. echoed in the struggles faced by his fictional protagonist, the doctor’s battle to have his work appreciated and published leads to debates about whether he can claim the rights of a “person”. as the doctor faces the issue of whether he, as a hologram, has the right to control his artistic expression he comes across similar bigotry to that faced by his fictional counterpart. in his desire to get his novel published, the doctor sends his first draft off to a publisher, broht and forrester, who describe his work as a "modern-day tolstoy" (broht). however, ardon broht releases the novel onto the market without the doctor's consent, leading the doctor to try to stop publication and protect his literary property. comparable to the next generation episode "measure of a man," in which data must fight to prove he is not the property of starfleet, the doctor must prove that he has rights. what ensues is a discussion within starfleet about whether a hologram has rights under the definition of an artist. this is significant because such rights are only applicable to “a person who creates an original artistic work” (tuvok) and therefore the doctor must argue that he is a “person”. the episode deals with the question whether, if the doctor is not human, not a person, he can claim authorship and the rights that belong to the author. alongside the debate about the doctor’s literary rights and his claim to personhood are the conflicting views that emerge from the crew's viewing of the holonovel. the crew are incensed at his portrayal of life on vortex/voyager. they are incensed at the doctor’s depiction of the injustices faced by the emh at the hands of the vortex crew. they see it as an affront to their own characters and a lack of acknowledgement of the freedom they have afforded the doctor. just as postcolonial writings have, according to edward said, written back from the margins, so too the doctor's novel writes back against what he views as the plight of sentient holograms whose identities are fixed by the centre. the end of the episode is just as poignant as the beginning. the final scene depicts two mark i holograms, designed with the same matrix as the doctor but doomed to spend their lives with hundreds of others in dilithium mines, discussing a revolutionary new holonovel – protons be free (fig. ). the final image of the episode is the drudgery and emptiness of the existence of the other mark holograms enslaved within the mines. however, it also offers a glimmer of hope as one hologram tells the other to view the latest holonovel that he finds “quite provocative”. figure . two emh ’s discuss the new holonovel – protons be free (source: star trek wiki.com) writing back: re-representing identity through narrative "in the beginning, there was darkness, the emptiness of a matrix waiting for the light" (emh). so begins star trek: voyager's "author, author" ( ). the name of the episode is significant, as it tells the doctor’s story from the hologram’s point of view. the episode opens with the formation of identity an interesting paraphrase of “genesis” (bible) through the spoken word and deals with the power of literature to write or speak back from the margins. in these opening words can be seen the doctor’s message to other holograms – that they, now in darkness, will soon see the light. the light is the knowledge that they too, like the emh, can break out of the mould set for them by the dominant discourse. the doctor in creating his holonovel fashions a hitherto unknown story of what it is like to be a hologram in servitude to organics. it is within this framework that postcolonial theories, including spivak’s analysis of the subaltern and said’s “other”, are useful to examine the novel as a form of resistance. like the rewriting or retelling of identity by the postcolonial subject, the doctor's holonovel symbolises his struggle as an outsider, subaltern and “other”. in star trek, the hologram placed at the margins of the organic world, denied a voice, a history, and a right to selfhood, is constructed as the ultimate “other”, as subaltern. the narrative of the holonovel acts to voice the unspoken and silenced experience of the hologram as the ultimate “other” and in doing so represents the voice of the subaltern. the doctor’s story aims to inspire other mark i holograms back in the alpha quadrant. the mark i’s in this episode become a visual representation of the homogenised “other”. they are in effect the undifferentiated, unitary subject, denied individuality and self-hood. the doctor’s position on what he views as “slavery” and injustice is the central concern of the story. the image of the empty holodeck acts as a foundation for the beginning of the doctor’s quest for understanding and his hope that others will understand life as a hologram. the imagery symbolises the emptiness of life as a hologram, destined to live a life in servitude to others, a life in the dark awaiting the call to service. as the narrative continues, the voice declares that out of the darkness “optronic pathways connect, subroutines emerge from the chaos, and a holographic consciousness is born,” it then enters the world “completely innocent” to face the uncertainty of life amongst organic beings (emh). the opening scene further acts to emphasise the fact that the narrator is in a position of innocence, an innocence that will soon be lost as he confronts the prejudices of the crew towards holograms. the protagonist must find a path through the “bigotry and intolerance” he will face as the tale unfolds. the doctor establishes the position of the hologram as wholly “other”. the theme of the outsider, of otherness and representation in “author, author”, is framed around themes of isolation, structured around the crew’s longing to contact home; around seven’s awakening understanding of the role of the family; and in the doctor’s sense of isolation amongst organics. nevertheless, the primary focus of the narrative in this episode is on power: the power to represent and re-represent the “other”. in this episode, power takes the form of the voice of the hegemonic order or master narrative, in the figure of starfleet and its personnel, and in the literature that speaks out against the status quo. from the very beginning, the doctor’s novel articulates the politics and power of knowledge. literature has the power to articulate and challenge the domination of the marginalised “other” by the centre (said; burney; fanon and spivak). in this episode, the organic majority made up of the humanoid voyager/vortex crewmembers and starfleet, marginalise the holographic doctor as “other” in it is notable that the doctor considers the emh character to have a “consciousness”: not merely an entity programmed to act or react, but rather having a fully independent “holographic consciousness”. their appeal to the master narrative. the master narrative argues that a hologram is not an independent being free to develop a sense of personhood but is rather an entity programmed to act “human”. in order to challenge this domination the doctor must redefine or “write back” at the identity inscribed upon him, and others like him, by the centre. the ability to “write back,” a term coined by edward said, is a crucial tool for the “other” to regain their authentic identity and to reclaim their stories/voice through re-representation. in creating his holonovel, the doctor attempts to tell his story, to re-represent the identity of the hologram, and in the process create a narrative that will inspire other holograms. his novel, written as “a serious attempt at social commentary” (emh) aims to address the injustices experienced by holograms in the alpha quadrant. in re-representing the identity of the hologram, the doctor creates a new model of a self-aware entity that seeks to shatter the stereotypical figure of the hologram as an empty vessel. the term “re-representation” is “a mode of empowerment; it stems from the desire to break stereotypes and construct a self-identity” (burney ). the doctor’s protagonist struggles against the stereotypical image of the hologram as a tool and in turn, seeks to create a new independent identity for the hologram. his narrative seeks to demonstrate that, rather than being an empty shell awaiting programming, a hologram can feel and experience life as poignantly as any organic being. consequently, his holonovel, just as in the stories written by shehla burney’s postcolonial writer, demonstrates that a literature of their own allows the “othered” to speak for themselves by creating their own individuality. writing gives an “… ability to represent ourselves in our own words, through our own voice, to have the power to name, the privilege to write ourselves into the natural script and to tell our stories in our own image” (burney ). the doctor’s narrative endeavours to both name and re-represent holograms in the crews’ own image, while in turn writing holograms into the discourse of twenty-fourth century literature by giving holograms a “script” in which to recognise themselves. writing becomes, for the subaltern and the “othered,” a “form of power that disenfranchised voices can display to construct knowledge about themselves, to retrieve, reclaim, and reassert their lost identities and re-do the narratives of their lives” (ibid). hitherto without a history or a story of their own, holograms are given both as the doctor’s protagonist tells his story. by creating a holographic literature with a hologram as the protagonist, the doctor gives voice to the struggles of the previously silent minority. a literature of one’s own “is a methodology for the reclaiming of voice, for the reaffirming of identity” (burney ). identity is created and reaffirmed by narratives of subversion and difference. literature and the process of writing are political acts in terms of both mainstream culture and the “othered”. it is used by mainstream cultures to silence the “other” through suppression, or by the marginalised to give voice to the “other” through writing back. the doctor’s work confronts the exclusion and disenfranchisement of holograms by “hierarchies of power” put in place by the hegemonic discourse (burney ). it does so by influencing the way holograms “discover their identities,” (burney) and “language becomes the medium through which a hierarchical structure of power is perpetuated and the medium through which conceptions of truth, order, and reality become established” (ashcroft et al ). it is in this context that the doctor views his work as important because it affords an alternative narrative to the one commonly held in regards to holograms. the medium of the holo-novel allows the doctor to construct his own “truth” about life as a hologram, and specially an emh. consequently, “language, with its power, and the writing with its signification of authority” become powerful tools with which to challenge dominance. postcolonial writing attempts to challenge the dominance of “centre over margin” through disestablishing the centre (ibid). the holonovel confronts the representational politics of a world in which the hologram is subject to and is a subject of organic dominance. the novel becomes the medium for both holographic consciousness, in the act of writing, and holographic resistance, in the subject of the writing. the doctor’s novel is a subaltern text because he is denied re-representation in the same way that the colonised “other” is denied self-representation through hegemonic western discourses. writing back at the hegemonic discourse becomes a type of resistance. in this episode, literature becomes a “project of social change” as the doctor fights to have his work seen as a political narrative and to take control of his “voice” or written word (slemon in adam & tiffin ). the doctor’s narrative is a political text because he underscores the same type of traits that the human “other” has historically faced and transfers them onto the nonhuman hologram. the “other” is marginalised or negated, misrepresented, dehumanised and even exterminated. engaging with popular culture - and the holonovel is the popular culture of the twenty-fourth century - is important because it influences the way individuals “discover their identities” (burney ). this is true of the doctor’s holonovel, which causes those who view it and participate in its narrative to discover things about themselves, in terms of underlying or hidden prejudices and the stereotypical representation of the identity of holographic beings. the doctors’ writing challenges the common perceptions about photonic beings, including their inherent invisibility within mainstream culture. this is because the hologram as “other” is not represented as a subject, but rather subjected to representation. said has argued that the “other” is often the “subject” of literature but “never the protagonist” (burney ). popular culture can result in the “subject” not existing within the mainstream culture (burney). the doctor’s novel counters this by having the holographic doctor as the centre of the tale and the crew, placed in the subordinate role of “subject,” subjected to stereotypical representations of starfleet crewmen. this role reversal leads the crew to react badly to the doctor’s fictional version of events. in creating a holographic protagonist, the doctor creates a figure that becomes an agent of power. his protagonist becomes a hero that battles against a world that is inherently prejudiced against non-organics. the dominant or imperial culture claims that they are “the origin and … the final authority in questions of taste and value” (ashcroft et al ). such works as the doctor’s holonovel seek to reject “the claims of the centre to exclusivity” ( ). the doctor constructs identity through difference. it does so through the interplay between narrative positions. the dominant narrative, controlled by ashcroft’s colonizer and star trek’s starfleet, imposes its own voice onto that of the marginalised “other” – ashcroft’s colonised and star trek’s alife. this demonstrates that “writing … is subject to the political, imaginative, and social control involved in the relationship between colonizer and colonised” (ashcroft et al ). in this respect, the doctor’s novel produces an everyday “experience of marginality” shown from the perspective of the hologram in order to “express widely differing cultural experiences” (ashcroft et al / ). writing like the doctor’s holonovel actively searches “for an alternative authenticity” that acts to challenge “the everyday experience of marginality” (ashcroft et al ). the doctor aims to represent all holograms through the staging or re- representation of the fictional emh. what makes the “other” visible is “directly indebted to various techniques of representation … that rely upon institutions, traditions, conventions [and] agreed-upon codes of understanding,” and for the doctor, the hologram becomes visible through the viewer’s participation in the holonovel (said orientalism). the viewer or reader of the doctor’s novel is forced to “see” through the eyes of the hologram and in turn forced to face their own prejudices fixed by their “traditions, conventions [and] agreed-upon codes of understanding” (ibid). these conventions insist upon the idea of the hologram as a willing participant in their own enslavement. the doctor’s narrative makes him and others like him visible. it does so by forcing the crew to become part of his narrative by taking on the role of the emh. in taking on the role of the doctor, each viewer experiences the events of the novel from the point of view of a hologram. they experience what it is like to be “othered”. the debate over whether or not he has control over his work also makes him visible in that it opens up the debate about whether or not he is a “person”. representation “is not just the social construction of an idea, point of view, or position, but is closely connected to reception, or the process of meaning-making, or semiotics” (burney ). burney supports berger’s claim that “every image embodies a way of seeing by creating ideology and meaning” ( ). the idea of “reception” or “meaning-making” is demonstrated in “author, author” in the way in which various members of the crew view and respond to the images and metaphors that the doctor uses to express the condition of the hologram. the doctor constructs a world of otherness and a world full of metaphor. he uses the image of the mobile emitter, a sign of liberation to others, as a metaphor for the weight he carries as an outsider. in torre’s reading of the novel, she comments on the large and cumbersome emitter: “that’s my mobile emitter? this thing must weigh fifty kilos”. when torres later confronts the doctor with why he represented it in this way: “what was the point of that? it was like carrying around a small shuttlecraft” (torres), he states that the emitter is “a metaphor, a symbol of the burdens that i live with every day. imagine having to take this everywhere you go. it would be a constant reminder that you’re different from everyone else. i wanted the player to feel the weight of it literally” (emh). this “weight” is the realisation that he is different from everyone else and is dependent upon the mobile emitter, something removable and uncertain, for his freedom. many of the images the doctor uses become “an indecipherable juncture between cultural realities” that develop into obstacles to understanding (ashcroft et al ). certain forms of writing such as “translated words” act to “signify the difference between cultures [and] illustrate the importance of discourse in interpreting cultural concepts” (ashcroft et al ). metaphor “forces the reader into an active engagement with the horizons of the culture in which these terms have meaning” (ashcroft et al ). torres in wearing the heavy mobile emitter must confront the doctor’s meaning. the emitter forces her to engage with the doctor’s metaphor of the heavy burden of a photonic body. unfamiliar with the significance that the doctor attaches to the emitter, torres must seek his cultural perspective in order to interpret the message. likewise, janeway in confronting him on his imagery emphases the doctor’s freedom on voyager: “your emitter isn’t a ball and chain. it liberates you. if i didn’t know better i’d think this story was written by someone who feels oppressed”. however, to the doctor it is “a ball and chain” because it anchors him to a life dependent upon the emitter for freedom. the emitter enslaves the doctor because it can be denied or revoked by others, namely the captain and crew. as organic beings, the crew finds this concept difficult to understand because the experience is not translatable onto their own existence. they cannot truly experience the fragility of living in a world that is fluid and unstable. the doctor’s existence can be lost at any time if the emitter fails while he is outside the sickbay or holodeck. his mere existence can be revoked or changed at the whim of others. the existence of the hologram is never stable or fixed and the crew, having stable, solid bodies, cannot truly experience this feeling of vulnerability and fear. the doctor works within the parameters of what he knows to illustrate the limitations or restraints imposed upon holographic beings. in other words, he writes about his own experiences, albeit exaggerated, in order to raise universal questions about the power relationships operating between the master narrative (organics) and the subservient (holograms). using himself as a universal template, the doctor gives a voice to those who cannot speak. the novel gives the disenfranchised and indentured holograms of the alpha quadrant a voice through the narrative. the doctor gives them hope in that they can aspire to be more than they are. the task of “speaking for” the universal “other” is problematic (spivak). the doctor’s narrative is problematic in regards to representing the hologram because he uses himself as the universal representative of all holograms. by placing himself in the position of universal representative, the doctor risks homogenising the “other” into a single unit of representation by negating the voice of other holograms both terran and alien. he is in danger of creating the same unitary subject that he is fighting to negate. he also presents his revolutionary narrative within the language of the oppressor. although a holographic medium, the holonovel is part of the popular culture of the dominant discourse. as drucilla cornell has observed in her analysis of spivak: the other that we hear because he or she speaks to us in our language and through our forms of representation has already been assimilated, and thus appropriated, by the subject who represents him or her. if that representing subject is in the entitled position that this other is denied, then the representation will always be contaminated by that very entitlement. (in morris ) from this standpoint, the doctor’s narrative is “contaminated by [his] entitlement” (cornell in morris ). the doctor holds a privileged position within starfleet that few, if any, other holograms share. because of this position, he is afforded the luxury of being able to speak out and go against what is expected of him. other holograms that choose to rebel, as will be seen in my analysis of “flesh and blood,” are more likely to encounter violent opposition. the doctor’s position is a difficult one, since, although as a fellow hologram he can sympathise with the holograms in the alpha quadrant enslaved in the dilithium mines, he cannot really know their story or appreciate fully their plight. in acting as the sole representative of all holograms, his narrative is not truly representative of the holographic condition because the master narrative into which he is in part assimilated contaminates it. in addition, by using himself as the template for his politic commentary and working within the language of the oppressor, the doctor’s tale becomes a talking point not so much for its revolutionary content but in its apparent denial of the freedoms that he has been granted. the crew views his story as an insult to their benevolent treatment of the emh aboard voyager. the core issue of holographic rights is therefore lost amidst the crews’ disappointment at the doctor’s view of them. postcolonial texts, written as they are in the language of the dominant or mainstream culture, act to “privilege the centre,” and consequently, “their claim to objectivity simply serves to hide the imperial discourse within which they are created” (ashcroft et al ). this makes them applicable to the analysis of science fiction narratives centred on holograms. using starfleet technology, the technology of the holo-novel, and human language as the medium in which the doctor writes rather than computer code, the doctor places his holo-novel within the “imperial discourse”. in some ways this use of medium acts to silence his message of difference by “signify[ing] the very fact of writing in the language of the dominant culture that [he has] temporarily or permanently entered a specific and privileged class endowed with the language …” and culture of starfleet ( ). the writer as “other” loses his/her “potential for subversion” and “their themes cannot be fully released” when written in the master narrative or dominant discourse (ashcroft et al ). couched in the culture of the dominant discourse and complicated by the manner of publication, the texts of the “other” “are prevented from fully exploring their anti-imperial potential” ( ). the crew’s response to the novel echoes what spivak views as the inherent danger of the illusion of human rights in that the crew views their recognition of the doctor’s rights as a “form of beneficence” (cornell in morris ). therefore, the crew are shocked to find that the doctor feels subjugated as a hologram. many feel that he should be grateful for the freedom he has been granted and this is highlighted in the doctor’s narrative in the views of the fictitious crewmembers who comment on how he is lucky to have any freedom at all. in order to reclaim the master narrative, and show the vanity of the doctor’s attempt to highlight his struggle aboard voyager, the crew attempt to re-write the doctor’s story. this re-writing by paris annuls the possibility of engagement with the “other” by re-imagining or representing his narrative as about them (the crew) and not about the holographic protagonist. paris frames his narrative around his preconceptions of how the doctor should feel in his role as emh and tries to shame the doctor into seeing his tale as one of self-indulgence rather than a political narrative. in contrast, the doctor’s narrative places him in a subservient role and the crew in the role of oppressors. the rewriting of his work tries to silence the voice of the “other” by negating his narrative to the trivial and filtering it through the voice of the mainstream culture. a good way of approaching the doctor’s novel as a form of “postcolonial” text is to utilize spivak’s theory on the subaltern. a lack of redress on behalf of the subordinated “other” is what makes the subaltern. spivak states that the “absence of redress without remote mediation is what makes the subaltern, subaltern” (spivak quoted in morris ). thereby, the subaltern are “those removed from lines of social mobility” and from the lines of communication and participation in mainstream culture (spivak ). his work is an attempt to “redress” the injustices and silence imposed upon artificial beings in starfleet society. like the educated native of post-colonialism who fought back against the homogenization of his/her culture through claiming a literature of their own, the doctor, by commenting on the status quo, is portrayed as having betrayed those who have “liberated” him. key to spivak’s argument about rights is “that uncoerced transformation demands that we rethink the notion of the agency of responsibility” (cornell in morris ). any re-representation of the “other” must “take place within the subaltern’s own language …” (morris ). to understand the re-representation of the “other” the majority must in cornell’s opinion “re-envision” and “reimagine” the world in which they live (morris ). like spivak’s silenced subaltern the doctor is silenced because the crew cannot hear what he has to say. oral narratives - and the holonovel is a twentieth fourth century version of oral narration - “preserve and communicate a knowledge of the slave’s socio-political condition; they store rudimentary knowledge for future reconsiderations …” (morris ). just as fredrick douglass traced his “first glimmering conception of the dehumanising character of slavery” to the songs sung by slaves, so too can the mark i’s find knowledge in the doctor’s oral narrative about what they can achieve: “you’ll find it most provocative” (mark i emh). the first sentence of the novel fixes the doctor’s identity in terms of otherness, anchored in darkness and without knowledge. the last words of the episode speak of hope and provocation. writing by the “other” is often “attacked from the centre by the dismissive” actions or words of the master narrative (ashcroft et al ). in “author, author” the doctor’s writing is at first dismissed as grandiosity and then derided for being overly critical and unrepresentative of voyager’s crew. the “cultural location” of the doctor’s novel “creates two audiences and faces two directions,” that of the centre and that of the margin” (ashcroft et al ). the difficulty that the doctor’s work presents is that the centre has trouble understanding the margin. challenged to use their imagination, the crew must conceive of a world that they cannot know. they can mirror the actions of the holographic protagonist but they cannot know or fully understand what it means to be holographic in nature. they are in fact experiencing what the emh and others like him feel daily. they experience the conflicting position of trying to understand an alien world in which they are the outsiders, just as the doctor and other holograms struggle to try to be “human” and yet cannot fully experience the human condition because they are not flesh and blood. the crew, misinterpreting the doctor’s message, interprets his narrative as an affront to their character and value systems. using metaphors, like the heavy, burdensome mobile emitter, the doctor tries to get his audience to see from the perspective of the outsider. unable to see past the master narrative, a narrative that places the doctor in a privileged position, a position that from their point of view affords him the freedom and privileges of which he should be grateful, the crew continues to view his work as self-indulgent grandiosity. to organic beings unfettered by the constraint of a holomatrix, the doctor’s call to “radical alterity” eludes the crew (birla in morris ). the crew are unable to embrace or experience the position of the wholly other and consequently view his novel as at best erroneous and at worse provoking. when paris runs the holonovel and takes on the role of emh, he must face a command crew that is openly hostile to holograms. the character katanay/chakotay demands that paris/emh treat a less critical patient needed on the bridge over one who needs urgent care. when paris/emh refuses, katanay derides him: “i don’t know who you think you are hologram, but to me you’re just another piece of technology”. as the emh/paris continues to protest, saying that the more seriously wounded man “will be dead in five minutes if i don’t operate,” jenkins/janeway draws her phaser, killing the crewmember and stating, “now you’re free to treat lieutenant marseilles”. this scene leaves paris shocked, and he discusses the novel with his friends who feel that he is overreacting about the crew’s portrayal and how the viewer would perceive them: “this is a starfleet ship. no one will believe we actually go around shooting injured crewman” (torres). convinced that he is “taking this a little personally” torres decides to view the novel herself. when torres takes on the role of emh the narrator tells her that in this chapter “the protagonist must confront abusive colleagues” (emh voiceover). torres encounters her holographic version, torry, who like the previous crewmembers is extremely hostile towards the emh: “get one thing straight. you’re not one of my shipmates. you’re a tool like this hyperspanner and tools can be replaced” (torry). unable to understand the message behind the doctor’s novel, the crew are at first hostile to his writing and the tone it presents. janeway finds his novel troubling because it portrays the life of a hologram on voyager as a type of enslavement and the crew as inhuman tyrants. she misses the point of the novel, which is to highlight the plight of holograms and in particular “his brothers in the alpha quadrant” (emh). as the doctor explains to janeway: hundreds of emh mark ones, identical to me in every respect, except they’ve been condemned to a menial existence, scrubbing conduits, mining dilithium. there’s a long history of writers drawing attention to the plight of the oppressed. (“author, author” ) he links his work with other narratives about slavery and oppression. for the oppressed, the “inscription of a distinctive voice would signify the site of their own cultural difference and identity” (gikandi in adam & tiffin ). highlighting the doctor’s narrative of oppression are the experiences of other crewmembers in the role of the emh. when neelix begins his part as the emh, he begins a chapter in which the narrator announces that now “our protagonist faces an inquisition”. in this chapter, the doctor makes it clear that he feels less than a person. jenkins (janeway) objects to the emh adding to his subroutines. neelix, taking the part of the emh argues, “they help make me a better doctor and a better person”. jenkins counters this in a similar way to how the real janeway initially reacted in “latent image”: “but you’re not a person. you may be programmed to look and act human but that doesn’t make you one” (jenkins). this is discussed in detail in chapter . in chapter eight, “a tragic end”, jenkins decides, similarly to janeway’s decision in “latent image”, to delete the emh’s extra subroutines and rewrite his programme. another link to “latent image” is the fact that it is seven of nine, here portrayed as three of eight, that speaks for the “other”: three: wait. he has the right to expand his programme. jenkins: he’s a piece of technology. he has no rights. three: but he should. one day the emh and others like him will be recognised for what they are; intelligent individuals with a passion for life. make no mistake, captain, we may be thousands of light years from home, but one day people will learn of the crime you’re committing here today. (“author, author” ) the narrator ends the novel with a poignant message: “what you’re experienced dear protagonist is a work of fiction but like all fiction it has elements of truth. i hope you now have a better understanding of the struggles holograms must endure in a world controlled by organics” (emh). paris’ rewriting of the novel berates the doctor’s tale as “the doctor’s world, you’re just living in it” in order to “make a point” (paris). the point is that the novel, to paris and the crew, rather than being a “social commentary” (emh), is instead an attempt at self-indulgence. the “codes of understanding” and “conventions” of mainstream culture are questioned in “author, author”, in the narrative of the protagonist’s struggle to break free from his constraints, in the doctor’s struggle for recognition of his work as a serious text, and when the doctors’ artistic rights are challenged. in all instances, the crew of voyager must look to how the doctor is viewed and treated as an individual and a “person.” in defending his choice of characters and their representation, the doctor states that he is exercising his right as an author to “write what he knows.” holograms have no rights: constructing artificial personhood. at the same time the doctor is defending his decision to keep his characters the way they are the novel is distributed in the alpha quadrant, causing concern amongst starfleet command. lt. barclay informs admiral paris of a new holo-programme “about voyager and it doesn’t portray the crew in a very flattering light” (barclay). alarmed at the thought of how the crew will be perceived back home, janeway confronts the publisher broht and demands that he honour the doctor’s request for a recall. however, when janeway insists, “authors have rights,” broht counters with “not in this case … the doctor is a hologram … [and] … according to federation law, holograms have no rights” (broht). the episode now develops into a commentary on the rights of the individual and whether as a construct holograms have rights. janeway is unhappy with the insinuation that the doctor has no rights, adding that his “reputation is on the line” and that he “has the same rights as every other member of this crew” and decides to fight the decision. she calls on a federation arbitrator to “determine whether the doctor has the right to control his artistic creation” (janeway). although this is a good premise for the episode and deals with the rights of all individuals, it seems at odds with how janeway and the crew initially reacted to the novel in demanding that the doctor rewrite his characters. during the judicial hearing to determine whether the doctor has legal standing in controlling his novel, tuvok attempts to convince the arbitrator that as the author of an original work the doctor has control over his work. the publisher, although not denying that the doctor created the novel, counter- argues that although “a replicator created this cup of coffee. should that replicator be able to determine whether or not i can drink it?” (broht). this is the same argument that janeway put to seven to defend her decision to rewrite the doctor’s programme in “latent image.” moreover, as in that episode, the decision to uphold the doctor’s rights comes down to whether or not he is a person: tuvok: your honour, section seven gamma of the twelfth guarantee defines an artist as a person who creates an original artistic work … arbitrator: …. there is a flaw in your logic. as you point out the law says that the creator of an artistic work must be a person. your emh doesn’t meet that criteria. (“author, author” ) because of this “flaw,” the enquiry now turns to whether or not the doctor should be defined as a person. when the hearing resumes several of the doctor’s crewmates offer their reasons why the doctor should claim as discussed in chapter four. this idea of personhood was previously explored in star trek: the next generation episode “measure of a man” personhood. lt barclay recounts that the doctor has a sense of family and duty when he travelled to the alpha quadrant to care for lewis zimmermann: “it was like a son who wanted to show his father what he’d become, so the old man would be proud of him …” (barclay). in her defence of the doctor, janeway argues that the doctor has a will of his own and is capable of disobeying direct orders. in his response, the arbitrator is less than impressed: “that’s hardly commendable behaviour” (arbitrator). “no it wasn’t, but it was human” (janeway), and it is this ability to think for himself that she argues is key to being human. humanity in star trek is equivalent to selfhood and individuality. the ability to think for himself is what gives him, in her opinion, the rights of a person: janeway: the fact that he was capable of doing otherwise proves that he can think for himself. your honour, centuries ago in most places on earth, only landowners of a particular gender and race had any rights at all. over time, those rights were extended to all humans, and later, as we explored the galaxy, to thousands of other sentient species. our definition of what constitutes a person has continued to evolve. now we’re asking that you expand that definition once more, to include our doctor. (“author, author” ) janeway’s point is that those once considered to have no rights are now “equal” on earth and that this equality, now granted to nonhumans all over the galaxy, should be given to the doctor. notable in this statement is that it is humanity, and not individual alien “species,” that have apparently afforded those rights to others. in addition, her claim is for the definition to be expanded to include the doctor (our doctor) and not all holograms. it is the individual not the “race” that is to be afforded this privilege. unfortunately, like many of star trek’s narratives, the episode falls short of actually confirming that the doctor, or a hologram, is a person. instead, the arbitrator skirts around the central issue of personhood: arbitrator: we’re exploring new territory today, so it is fitting that this hearing is being held at pathfinder. the doctor exhibits many of the traits we associate with a person. intelligence, creativity, ambition, even fallibility, but are these traits real or is the doctor merely programmed to simulate them? … eventually we will have to decide because the issue of holographic rights isn’t going to go away, but at this time i am not prepared to rule that the doctor is a person under the law. however, it is obvious he is no ordinary hologram and while i can’t say with certainty that he is a person, i am willing to expand the legal definition of artist to include the doctor. (“author, author” ) in this scene, the arbitrator appears reluctant to give a formal acknowledgment of a hologram as being a person and instead allows the doctor the ability to control his artistic work through expanding the “legal definition of artist” (arbitrator). as in the episode “measure of a man” the narrative in this episode falls short of giving the artificial “other” equality with humanity. singled out from other holograms, the doctor is afforded a privileged position amongst the starfleet community. failing to address the issue of “holographic rights”, the hearing does not tackle the core issue of holographic servitude and their treatment within starfleet. this is because to recognise the general rights of holograms would render “humanity” liable for the mistreatment of all holograms utilised by starfleet both in service and as entertainment. the doctor’s disappointment at the end of the episode is also disappointment in terms of the central theme of this episode. he is less than happy with the court’s decision, not because it failed to recognise the rights of all holograms, but because the reputation of his fellow crewmembers remains tainted by the earlier publication of the novel. as will be demonstrated in the next chapter, “flesh and blood,” the doctor’s loyalties are with his humanoid crew rather than with his fellow holograms. conclusion a close reading of “author, author” exposes the “metaphorics of power” operating through the opposing views of representation (birla in burney ). that is, representation as both “speaking for” and re-representing or “staging” the “other” (spivak). the doctor’s text highlights the problems inherent in representation. that which is re-represented through the eyes of the “other” and that which is represented by the crews’ experience of being subjected. the episode, with its juxtaposition of narrative between master and slave, demonstrates bakhtin’s assertion that “language, for the individual consciousness, lies on the borderline between oneself and the other. the world in language is half someone else’s” (gikandi in adam & tiffin ). like the formation of the self, which relies on representations of the “other,” language also needs a reflection upon the “other” in order to speak for the self. each narrative depends upon another (the “other”) in order to represent the self. within mainstream culture, representations of the “other” are often taken for granted without critical consideration. in starfleet, holograms represented as having “no individuality, no personal characteristics, or experiences” are the norm (said in burney ). therefore, when a hologram displays these characteristics, displays diversity and uniqueness, it is viewed as an anomaly that should be rectified by reprogramming. in the doctor’s story, the emh is reprogrammed as a punishment for showing signs of personhood. in his struggle to reach personhood, he breaches the boundary between the artificial and the humanoid. this threatens the status quo where holograms are “tools” and only humanoids have personality. the tale highlights what the doctor views as a master/slave relationship between organic and hologram that is inherently unjust and unequal. the doctor uses “overt theoretical devices” such as the cumbersome mobile emitter, and the ship’s “social milieu” and the context of his life to depict the “oppressed other” (burney ). however, he also turns things around through his stereotyping of the crew. larger than life and displaying the worst qualities of humanity, these characters emphasise the gulf between humanity and nonorganic beings and the underlying prejudices inherent within starfleet. between various readings of the novel, its “subject-constitution and object-formation,” the figure of the hologram is determined or re-represented. (spivak, in morris ). if as spivak suggests the “subaltern has no history and cannot speak”, then the doctor’s novel acts as a form of counter-insurgency through giving subaltern a history of their own by giving evidence of artificial experience, thereby allowing the subaltern to speak. in the next chapter, “violent revolution in “revulsion & “flesh and blood,” i will discuss resistance of the “other” in terms of violent insurgence in relation to the works of franz fanon and how such texts relate to the narrative of the voyager episodes “flesh and blood” and “revulsion”. in addition, i look at critical studies on animal enslavement, and the use of animals as entertainment, and how this can be translated onto an analysis of the techno-slave. chapter six violent revolution in “revulsion” & “flesh and blood” there is a utopia to be found in the science fiction film, a utopia that lies in being human, and if utopia is always defined in relation to an other, a nonutopia, then the numberless aliens, androids, and evil computers of the sf film are the barbarians storming the gates of humanity. scott bukatman (terminal identity ) in previous chapters, i have discussed the role of the look or gaze, and the use of the written or spoken word, to challenge and act out against master narratives in regards to defining the mechanical subaltern. the episodes examined in this chapter, “revulsion” ( ) and “flesh and blood” ( ), explore the opposition to, and confrontation of, oppression in relation to holographic rebellion. in these episodes, confrontation comes in the form of violent rebellion. in “flesh and blood”, violence is framed within religious and cultural rhetoric, while in “revulsion” violence comes in the form of murder provoked by “racial” intolerance. in my analysis of star trek: voyager, i argue that the doctor’s struggle against techno-slavery is an intellectual revolt, as opposed to an inherently violent opposition, in that he attempts to speak out against, and forces the gaze back upon, what he sees as tyranny against holograms. in contrast, the non-starfleet holograms encountered in “revulsion” and “flesh and blood” react violently to their maltreatment by organics. both episodes place these conflicts in stark contrast to life aboard voyager. “revulsion” contrasts the disharmony and racial prejudice aboard the alien vessel with the apparently harmonious coexistence of all “species” on voyager. the episode juxtaposes the indifference, intolerance, and aggression aboard the serosian ship with the developing and complex relationship between the former borg drone seven of nine and the crew; the budding romance between the half-klingon torres and the human paris; and the emerging respect for neelix as the ship’s cultural ambassador. what “revulsion” attempts to highlight and i would say unsuccessfully, is that racial prejudice and violent opposition to such prejudice have no place amongst the liberal humanist crew of voyager, and are in fact an alien problem. the narrative depicts the crew of the serosian ship as inciting the hatred and racial revulsion that consumes dejaren. the juxtaposition between the alien ship and starfleet crew is further demonstrated in the characterisation of dejaren and the doctor. these two holograms are placed in direct opposition to one another. unlike the ‘want-to- be-human’ doctor, the alien hologram dejaren appears revolted by the very existence of organics, which is highlighted in his response to torres. when he feels threatened by torres and the doctor, he tries to kill torres and deactivate the doctor. the faithful doctor must save torres by turning upon the deranged dejaren and destroying him. although the holograms in “flesh and blood” are based on a starfleet programme, they were not designed by starfleet but created by the hirogen and therefore can be considered a different “species”. in this chapter, i address only the narrative concerning dejaren, only briefly touching on seven of nine’s integration with the voyager crew. “flesh and blood,” filmed three years later, amidst america’s concern about the growing middle eastern crisis, shows an even darker side to the voyager crew’s relationship with the artificial “other”. “flesh and blood” examines the use of religion as a basis for violent conflict. the rebel leader, iden, believes that he is the future saviour of holograms enslaved throughout the delta quadrant. in his religious zeal, he attacks any non- holograms who he perceives as threatening the autonomy of his fellow holograms. the episode also depicts conflicting cultural views on hunting. the hunt is the locus of hirogen culture and a rite of passage towards masculinity and status. in contrast, the voyager crew, depicted as viewing the hunt as primitive and evidence of a “backward culture” based on animal passions/instincts, are shown as “enlightened” and more “civilised”. the supposed “primitiveness” of the hirogen culture gives janeway the apparent right to provide them with the technology to help “advance” their culture. as i discuss later in this chapter, the starfleet’s prime directive is not adhered to in this instance because janeway feels that they have a responsibility to save lives, both the lives of hirogen hunters and their prey. as a consequence, when rebel holograms violently resist enslavement and torture by the hirogens, captain janeway is blamed for the holograms’ this episode aired in . the quasi-religious overtones appear to reflect the growing involvement of america in the middle eastern crisis. since the gulf war ( - ), the u.s. has maintained a growing presence in the region. events prior to / were fraught with unease on the part of u.s. that saw the action in the form of operation desert fox and the response to the shin uprising in iraq. therefore, although this episode aired well before the official launch of the u.s. war on terror, there was already a developing concern about the stability of this region within the u.s. in this episode there is no evidence that ‘female’ members of the species are trained or participate in the hunt. the prime directive is one that forbids any interference in the development of “primitive” cultures. although it is one of the core philosophies of starfleet, in practice, it is rarely upheld. subsequent persecution because of her willingness to share starfleet technology with a less technically advanced “species”. alongside this condemnation of janeway’s involvement in another’s cultural affairs is the doctor’s momentary indecision about where his loyalties lie. the doctor’s experiences with the holograms lead him to question his place on voyager, and to decide whether he should remain with his “own kind” or return to his ship. however, as with data before him, the doctor remains loyal to his crew and returns to voyager rather than remain with the rebels and help the holograms find freedom and a new world. one of our own kind? in the following analysis of “revulsion”, i argue that the liberal humanist framework of the star trek franchise actively depicts the community of starfleet as a racially tolerant and mostly harmonious whole, juxtaposed with the conflicts depicted within alien societies. the aptly named episode “revulsion” ( ) opens with the body of a man being dragged along the corridor of a space ship. a trail of blood follows in his wake. in the next scene a figure, soon to be revealed as a hologram named dejaren, is fastidiously scrubbing at the bulkhead to clean away the blood. the figure flickers, and fades in and out. the hologram, who at first appears self-satisfied and absorbed in his work, begins to panic as he malfunctions. he sends out a distress call: “i’m an hd isomorphic projection. there’s been an accident. my crew are dead. i’m alone. please help me”. after the opening credits, the scene moves to voyager’s mess hall where members of the crew are celebrating tuvok’s there are, of course, instances where this has not held true. however, looking at the franchise as a whole, most stories depict the various crews’ (enterprise & voyager) as upholding a liberal humanist ideal. promotion. the setting is one of good-humoured banter, as they tease the vulcan about the trademark vulcan salute “live long and prosper.” it depicts the crew as a harmonious team, welcoming of racial and cultural differences, even as they poke fun at these differences. in these opening moments, the episode immediately contrasts the position of the voyager crew against the absent and silent crew of the alien ship. this distinction is carried through several storylines that run parallel to torres and the doctor aboard the serosian vessel. when the crew of voyager encounters dejaren’s distress call, the doctor insists to janeway that they respond and that he should lead the away team: “this is a hologram, one of my own kind, so to speak. i’d like to meet him, study him”. in this statement, the doctor is shown as fully embracing starfleet’s mission to study other cultures. the alien hologram is pale-skinned, almost metallic, more reminiscent of data than the “flesh and blood” character of the doctor. this contrast in representation immediately positions dejaren as “other,” as “artificial”, and places the doctor alongside torres as organic, more “human”. dejaren claims that his crew, all organics, died of a lethal virus and he was unable to help them. his programme is failing and he asks the doctor to help save him. however, during their attempt to help the hologram, torres and the doctor discover that dejaren has, in fact, murdered the crew believing them to be inferior beings that are contaminating his ship. meeting the two voyager crewmembers, dejaren is surprised and delighted that the doctor is a fellow hologram. he at first believed the doctor to be an organic. however, he is less sure of torres, and there is an obvious underlying hostility in his manner towards her. dejaren wants to know all about the doctor and his experiences as a hologram. he is amazed by the doctor’s apparent status, free to come and go as he pleases and considered part of the voyager crew. he tells of his own miserable existence on board the serosian ship: “i never left the antimatter storage chamber. do you know what it’s like to spend your life trapped inside a tiny room? … nobody coming to see you or talk to you unless they want something?” the doctor explains to him that he does understand because “when i was first activated i was regarded as little more than a talking tricorder. i had to ask for the privileges i deserved … i believe i’ve earned the respect of my crew as an equal”. the words the doctor uses are interesting in that he states he “had to ask for the privileges i deserved”. by using the word privileges rather than rights, the doctor’s position is weakened. he does not demand the rights he is due as a fellow crewmember but asks for privileges, a word that denotes something extra, something that is an honour bestowed for good behaviour and not a right, something that is just and taken for granted by the majority of the crew. in this case, the “rights” are being able to move freely around the ship, to enhance his memory through learning and incorporating music and cultural subroutines, and to go on away missions. although the doctor believes he has now “earned the respect of the crew as an equal,” it also shows that he does not feel that he is due the same automatic rights as the rest of the crew. this is a reflection of the narrative’s failure throughout the series to bestow full equality these “rights” are available to other crewmembers aboard voyager as part of their being starfleet crewmembers. on the doctor or other holograms. they remain a sub-element working and evolving alongside and outside humanity/organics. the first sign that all is not as it seems with dejaren is when he begins cleaning the console that the doctor has touched. he tells the doctor “i’m just sterilising the ship. i’m fastidious about germs”. this “fastidiousness” reveals a more sinister side to dejaren. he is portrayed as xenophobic and believes that organics are inferior and disgusting with their animal-like natures. dejaren’s characterisation reflects the attitudes of new and old world colonists who actively portrayed slaves as lazy and unclean, and the nazi crusade for racial purity. his actions towards both the serosian crew and torres reveal an irrational fear of those “not like himself” that turns violent in his attempt to exterminate all organics on his ship. in this episode, the traditional trope of a technophobic humanity is turned on its head through the potential of an organophobic hologram. at the same time, the narrative reinforces technophobia in that it displays the hologram as a homicidal manic running amok and killing organics. dejaren rebels violently against his enslavement by the serosians, unlike the mark i holograms in the alpha quadrant, who accept their fate as manual labourers. dejaren’s story reflects the techno-dystopian narratives of machines that throw off their shackles, killing their creators. the message of technophobia is that humanity creates and enslaves intelligent machines at their peril. “revulsion” echoes the late s’ fascination with and concerns of the rise of technology. technocrats advocate leaving behind the flesh for the transcendence of the digital (dinello ). they suggest that the human body with its dependence on food, excretion, and its susceptibility to illness, must be left behind in order for humanity to evolve. dejaren’s phobia about flesh and blood reflects the technocrats’ disillusionment with their human existence. dejaren rejects his likeness to organics, just as he rejects their control over him. dinello argues that the “transhumanist contempt for natural flesh-and-blood humans” could ultimately lead to “fascism” and “species warfare” ( ). according to max more and natasha vita more transhumanism as a discipline “seeks a transmodernity or hypermodernism” and builds upon postmodernism and posthumanism ( ). transhumanism is “the intellectual and cultural movement that affirms the possibility and desirability of fundamentally improving the human condition through applied reason, especially by developing and making widely available technologies to eliminate aging and to greatly enhance human intellectual, physical, and psychological capacities” ( ). the issue that dinello raises regarding the “transhumanist contempt” for those humans who do not avail themselves of such life enhancing technologies could arise from disparities of access. “[w]idely available” does not necessarily mean available to all. just as current medical advances do not reach poorer nations, wealthier countries and people would have greater access to the technologies discussed in more’s definition. this would create a disparity between the “advanced” human and the “flesh and blood” normal human. dejaren embodies this ultimate turn towards “fascism” and “species warfare”. in “revulsion,” the reliance on technology in the form of the hd , results in technology asserting itself and killing the crew. for dejaren, organics are inferior, with their dependence on external factors for their existence. he feels justified in killing the crew because of this inferiority and due to their strain on the energy reserves of the ship. he tells that doctor that too much energy was wasted keeping them alive: “fifty-nine point two percent ... that’s how much power went into life support. fifty-nine point two percent just to keep them breathing, warm, comfortable”. the doctor goes on the away mission in the hope of studying dejaren, but instead, the alien hologram, with his specimens of corpses, is the one who studies torres and the doctor. he classifies torres as an “inferior” animal and the doctor as faulty because he identifies with organics. for dejaren, organics are a contaminating presence aboard his ship. in killing the crew dejaren attempts to “purge himself of the taint of the animal” (miller ). dejaren views the posthuman as the advanced species, and organics as devolving towards the animal. dejaren’s hatred towards organics manifests itself clearly when he interacts with torres. he brings her food and observes her eating: “you nibble, like a fish”. he likes this about her, as “fish aren’t like other organics. they’re more passive, i think, most of them, and so clean.” however, once he looks at the repair work on the ship, pieces scattered around, and wires exposed, he starts to reflect on what she is doing and becomes agitated. he tells torres that he hates “seeing the ship ripped apart like this … it sustains my existence. sometimes i feel like it’s a part of my body, my soul”. when torres tells him that as an engineer she can understand his feelings towards the ship his revulsion erupts, giving torres a glimpse at how dangerous this hologram could be: dejaren: you couldn’t possibly understand how i feel! … you exist outside of your ship. i exist as pure energy, but you depend on food and water to survive. frankly, i find it disgusting. look at you. look at you! grinding up bits of plants and animals with your teeth, secreting saliva to force it down your oesophagus into a pit of digestive acids. you can’t even stand to think of it yourself. what a repulsive creature you are! constantly shedding your skin and hair, leaving your oily sweat on everything you touch. you think that you are the height of intellect in the universe, but you are no better than any filthy animal and i am ashamed to be made in your image! (“revulsion” ) dejaren displays the classic signs of xenophobia and racial prejudice in his hatred of organics. in his work on colonial representations of the animal, empire and the animal body ( ), john miller argues that “the descent towards animality” is used to separate and to affirm the “triumph over those below … in the hierarchy of organisms” ( / ). by equating torres with the flesh and blood needs of “filthy animals”, dejaren is placing her at the lower end of the evolutionary scale. she is like other organics, who are not the universe’s most advanced species but are debased and inferior because they rely upon their animal nature. this hierarchy, or evolutionary scale of being, is further depicted in his obsession towards germs. dejaren reflects the darwinian notion of hygiene as an evolutionary question. from victorian times, hygiene or cleanliness was an indication of a person’s place on the evolutionary ladder and reflected their social position, and “hygiene still carries powerful significance concerning the ethical boundaries between man and beast … it is through hygiene that human superiority over the apes can be attended and vouchsafed” (miller ). contamination becomes a site of fear and disgust, the fear of becoming contaminated and linked to the animal, and the reflection of a “primitive” self. in the so-called civilised world, the primitive is often condemned as inferior. when torres finds the doctor, she expresses her concern about dejaren’s state of mind and his “views on biological life”. the doctor defends dejaren’s behaviour, asking her to “imagine what he’s been through … trapped in a room no bigger than a storage compartment … i too was somewhat alienated from the rest of the crew.” running parallel to dejaren’s story, one of failed integration and racial intolerance, is seven of nine’s integration into the crew. back on voyager she and harry kim are assigned to work together to repair the ship’s systems. when seven is injured she reflects that as a human she “has become weak”, because “as a drone i would have regenerated within seconds”. like dejaren, seven equates her flesh and blood status as a human with weakness, favouring the efficiency and strength of the machine. but it is kim’s argument with paris over paris’ treatment of seven that is of interest in relation to dejaren’s place on his ship. kim tries to get paris to understand what it must be like for seven trying to fit in alongside the crew: “i don’t think most people realise she’s not just some borg automaton. she’s actually very complex … and she’s incredibly intelligent”. in reply, paris jokes, “she ought to be, she assimilated enough people … look, she’s beautiful, and she’s smart, and i’m sure she’s a wonderful conversationalist, but a month ago she was borg. you don’t really know who she is”. although underneath the borg she is human, she is still viewed as an outsider and someone who should be treated with caution. back on the serosian ship the focus returns to the escalating conflict between machine and organic as dejaren reminds the doctor that they are the superior beings, and argues that he should join him and “escape his prison”. he argues that holograms are superior life forms because “we don’t need nourishment, we don’t suffer disease. we’re the higher form of life!” however, in his ranting dejaren seems to have forgotten that he needed torres, an organic, to fix his malfunctioning matrix. dejaren, the one who is unstable, condemns the doctor. “you’re unstable. you’re a hologram that thinks like an organic”. in this sense, the doctor resembles fanon’s native who tries to become like his oppressors. in black skin, white masks (hereafter cited as bswm), fanon argues, “the black man who strives to whiten his race is as wretched as the one who preaches hatred of the white man” (xii). therefore, while the episode condemns dejaren’s actions as those of a malfunctioning, “mad” hologram, it also depicts the doctor as striving to humanise “his race,” through becoming more like the organics who created him. after finally disabling dejaren, the doctor and torres return to voyager. the doctor, once so fastidious in keeping the sick bay clean, tells paris that “sickbay should have a more organic touch … to help our patients fell more at home”. the doctor presents himself as not like dejaren, by distancing himself from dejaren’s fastidiousness and aligns himself with organics by making the sickbay feel more organic. a “flesh and blood” rebellion “flesh and blood” (part i & ii) situates the rebellion of a band of rebel holograms, created by aliens using starfleet technology, amidst themes of religious and cultural differences. a group of holograms, created by the hirogens, an alien species whose cultural core revolves around the hunting of other species, are used for sport and to train young hunters, seek revenge on those who have reduced them to prey. the rebels, led by their self-proclaimed cult leader, iden, one of the original hologram creations, embark on a crusade to free other enslaved holograms and destroy their enslavers. this two-part episode offers an opportunity to explore connotations of machine slavery, defining life in terms of ‘flesh and blood’, and the rights of those created to “serve”. voyager arrives at the holo-training facility in answer to a hirogen distress call. investigating the station, an away team finds “replicated starfleet technology” (tuvok) that produces an environment that appears real to their tricorders. shutting down the holo-emitters, the team find the facility littered with dead hirogens. the only survivor is a hirogen technician who explains that they created the simulation to be as real as possible in order to make the hunt more challenging and the prey more real. the holograms were created to be as ruthless as any hirogen. created as “prey”, the holograms are linked to animalism, in their own bloodlust and brutality, rather than to the mechanical, with its associated logical and intellectual capacities. these latter capacities usually depict the artificial being as rising above the brutality of organics, the exception, of course, being the borg, who by their corruption of the mechanical with the biological have retained an indifference to brutality. both of these depictions of holograms appear to remove the artificial being from the sphere of superiority and place them below the status of humanity. ironically, as with many such attempts, it is through depicting the artificial as displaying the basic human characteristics that they are deemed lowly. when the hunter faces down a gorilla, there is a moment when the hunter finds “the troublesome experience of being experienced through animal alterity, as the adventurer is called upon to witness himself from the most radically other of perceptions” (miller ). this idea of seeing the self through the “other’s” perception echoes homi bhabha’s notion of the postcolonial gaze, in “that there is always the threatened return of the look; in the identification of the imaginary relation there is always the alienating other (or mirror) which crucially returns its image to the subject …” which threatens the coloniser/hunter (miller ). what this episode demonstrates is that both janeway and the hirogens are complicit in the “gaze”: janeway views the hirogens as primitive and the holograms as violent rebels that must be deactivated; the hirogens view the holograms as prey and property to be hunted and “killed”. the holograms’ actions are a reflection of the actions taken by janeway and the hirogens. the soul in the machine i believe that man will not merely endure: he will prevail. he is immortal, not because he alone among creatures has an inexhaustible voice, but because he has a soul, a spirit capable of compassion and sacrifice and endurance. william faulkner’s nobel prize speech (in wittkower ) alongside the narrative addressing hirogen hunting culture, runs that of the developing holographic culture of the rebels. “flesh and blood” continues the theme of holographic rebellion, seen in “revulsion”, but the key to this episode is religious violence tied up with nationalism and cultural identity. in i have placed “killed” in quotation marks to denote the fact that the killing of the holograms is subjective depending on whether they can be considered “alive”. this episode, the holograms’ rebellion is not just about fighting the injustice and persecution they face at the hands of organics. the story revolves around violent rebellion undercut with religious zeal. this religion, based on bajoran culture, is led by a holographic prophet, iden, who advocates violence against organics because of their enslavement of holograms. the theme of religion justifying genocide has been a common one throughout history. more recently, united states president george bush was often depicted as a warring evangelical crusader, justifying american involvement through calling his mission a “crusade” against evil (chomsky). at the same time, iran based its defiance against the west upon religious justification, and a need to defend and protect their way of life from perceived western, christian persecution. in fact, in “flesh and blood,” there are many veiled references to historical conflicts between the united states and the middle east, and to a war between opposing religious views. for example, iden, the rebel leader, sees himself as a liberator of oppressed holograms, and his quest as a holy mission to find a new world for all holograms. violence in his view is necessary to liberate his people: “they are children of the light and i will deliver them to freedom”. violence is justified because organics are guilty of oppressing and persecuting holograms and failing to recognise them as fellow living beings. as franz fanon has argued, “zealousness is the arm per excellence of the powerless” (fanon bswm, xiii). the zealous killing of organics is “just” because iden views it as the only way to regain power from those who would enslave and kill holograms. the religious fanaticism that iden’s character depicts echoes the historical religious wars of humanity, from the crusades (revisited in images of george bush as a knight), to hitler’s statement that his war against the jews was “in accordance with the will of the almighty creator” (mein kampf ). similarly, iden hides behind religion to mask his violence against, and hatred of, the “other.” iden plans to lead his people to a promised land, ha’dara, where holograms are the only life form: “imagine living in a world where everything is designed to meet our needs. a home of light” (iden). in order to achieve this world of light, iden invents his own religion: iden: i am creating a new faith. emh: based on what? iden: in the dark times, we were enslaved by men of flesh but then another man, a man of light arose and slew the mighty alpha. he gathered his people unto him and delivered them to freedom. emh: and on the seventh day, iden created ha’dara. iden: they’ll pray to you as well. the great healer, the father of us all. emh: being appreciated is one thing, but i have no interest in being worshipped. iden: prophets are chosen, doctor. it’s a blessing and a burden. (“flesh and blood” ) as richard leakey in origins reconsidered ( ) demonstrates “the origin myth is the most fundamental story of all societies, and every society has one. not only does the origin myth serve the purpose of telling how a particular society came into being; it also explains and therefore justifies the nature of that society” ( ). presenting himself as a saviour and a prophet iden moves away from fanon’s ideal revolutionary. according to fanon, “the leaders of the rising realize that the various groups must be enlightened, that they must be educated and indoctrinated” in order to continue the fight for liberation (wretched of the earth , herein referred to as we). iden “indoctrinates” his followers in the art of warfare against organics. after being repeatedly hunted and killed by hirogens, iden learnt to survive and adapt. he tells the doctor: iden: i came from a hirogen outpost …where i had the unfortunate distinction of being the alpha’s favourite prey. he’d hunt me, and kill me over and over again, but even death wasn’t a release because i knew every time i opened my eyes, it would start all over again. the pain, the fear. but it made me stronger. (“flesh and blood” ) therefore, like moriarty, iden appears to be conscious of his reactivation. his ability to retain the memories from past activations allows him to learn how to defeat his enemy. iden uses his oppressors’ own knowledge to rebel and escape persecution. it begs the question, if holograms are mere projections of light and data, how can they learn from their past experiences? in this episode, as in “elementary, dear data,” the narrative does not resolve this issue with any satisfaction. in fact, the main focus on iden’s character is not his extraordinary ability to remember his past encounters, but in his actions against organics. it is his “megalomania” that remains the focal point of his characterisation. the key to determining his potential threat is that he sees himself as “some kind of spiritual leader and he’s trying to enlarge his flock” (emh). after learning to fight back against the hunters, iden’s mission is to continue to free enslaved holograms. when the doctor objects to the term “slave” arguing that “enslave may be too strong a word”, iden asks: “what would you call it? they’re denied the basic freedoms … i found holograms who were willing to fight their oppressors. but you’re not”. this leads to a discussion about how the doctor views himself and his position on voyager: emh: i’m hardly oppressed. i’m a member of voyager’s crew. iden: you serve them, don’t you? emh: in a medical capacity, yes. iden: do you have your own quarters? emh: no. iden: the ability to come and go as you please? emh: for the most part. iden: do they deactivate you when they don’t need you? emh: i have the respect and admiration of my colleagues. i have rights and privileges aboard voyager. iden: the fact is your life is not your own, and never will be as long as you are controlled by organics. (“flesh and blood” ) iden is not as impressed by the doctor’s position as dejaren was in “revulsion”. he views the doctor as just as enslaved as any of the other holograms he has liberated. interestingly, in this episode the doctor now talks about rights and not just privileges. however, iden is not convinced, and when the doctor asserts that he is different to iden because he was not “programmed with the killer instinct” (emh), iden retaliates: “you have no right to judge us. you don’t know what it is like being prey. maybe if you did, you’d realise we’re more alike than you think.” like fanon’s “native bourgeoisie”, the doctor believes himself to be equal to his shipmates and elevated above other holograms (“natives”), and this puts him in opposition to iden’s rebellion (we ). in order to understand the violent revolt of the native, the coloniser (or the native bourgeoisie or native elite) must see what the native has experienced. therefore, to understand iden’s fight for freedom and his willingness to kill to obtain it, the doctor (situated as starfleet’s “native” elite) must experience what made iden who he is: emh: what did you do to me? iden: we deactivated you, then transferred the memory files from one of our holograms into your programme. emh: how dare you! iden: it was the only way to get you to realise what we’ve been through. emh: you tortured me to gain my sympathy. iden: not your sympathy, it’s your understanding that’s important to us. … kejal: the hirogen used your programme as a template to create us. iden: … you’re part of who we are. emh: who are you, besides a handful of thugs … (“flesh and blood” ) in this scene, the doctor is confronted, not just with the terror that the holograms faced under hiroeon control, but with the fact that iden and the others were made in his image. what he sees before him could easily be a reflection of himself if he had chosen to fight for his rights with violence. the doctor has remained immersed within organic culture and within starfleet’s hegemonic rhetoric that keeps him in a weakened position without the need for violence in order to control him. he does not strike out because he is led to believe that he has a privileged position on voyager, as seen in “revulsion”, and does not need to rebel in order to gain the rights that iden is fighting for. the doctor does not rebel violently against the organics he serves because, unlike iden’s group, the doctor is not openly abused or maltreated. his position as an “elite” hologram (similar to fanon’s native elite) acts to shield him from any overt prejudice. the doctor’s challenge to his position is more restrained and reliant upon discourse and dialogue as opposed to acts of violence. the doctor attempts to assert his rights and to highlight the fragility of his position through the creation of his novel, the demand to keep his memories, to extend his programming to include non-medical knowledge (hobbies, emotional sub-routines) and to create and interact with a family. these are all acts of rebellion without the need for aggression. in contrast to the doctor’s compliancy and passive resistance, iden’s attitude is similar to fanon’s “native” whose “permanent dream is to become the persecutor” (we ), a fact that the doctor uses against iden: “what you can’t see is that you’re become no better than the hunters”. nevertheless, for iden, there is no other option. the only way for him, and the other holograms, to gain freedom and a develop nation state, is to beat the hunter at his own game. the prey, iden and the other holograms, by turning the tables on the hunter, finds a sense of freedom in their rebellion against their position as prey: “violence is a cleansing force. it frees the native from his inferiority complex and from his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self- respect” (we ). this is the case for one of iden’s followers, who tauntingly asks the hirogen he is about to kill: “who’s the prey now?” (weiss). iden and his followers, “illuminated by violence … rebel against any pacification” (we ). the use of the “other” as “prey” is not new to science fiction narratives, yet the use of machines as prey is more recent in science fiction television narratives. they have evolved from stories such as paul mcauley’s novel fairyland ( ), where “blue-skinned pygmies” dolls are initially bred as novelty toys … the dolls even become prey – thousands are hunted and however, as demonstrated in previous chapters, the doctor’s rights are often illusory and can be revoked at any time. iden’s ultimate goal is to settle on a planet and build a nation for holograms that excludes all organic beings and culture. he desires a new holographic nation. killed” (dinello ). although the “dolls” are organic and initially bred as pets or playthings for humanity, they resemble machines in their design to be docile and dependent on human control. for the hirogens, violence and hunting are almost a religion themselves. young hirogens are trained by their fathers to hunt and kill prey as a rite of passage into adulthood. those who are the best hunters, with the most trophies, become alphas. like the british imperial gentlemen who sought adventure and acclaim as hunters in india and africa, hirogen youth view hunting as part of their traditional culture and a rite of passage to adulthood. however, the episode does not depict the hunt as cultural in the sense of something that enriches hirogen life, rather it depicts the hunt as a debased and outdated mode of “racial” expression, in that “the animal bodies upon which the hunter inscribes his agency, through which empire enacts its rule, also testify to a complex mutual involvement of subject positions, of dominator and dominated, human and animal that, in conclusion, offer a further image of the instability of these boundaries …” (miller ). miller states that “the production of scientific ‘truth’ further buttressed the ideology of empire by resolving beings into a ‘natural’ hierarchy of higher and lower animals, those destined to exercise domination over others and those that were unavoidably their prey” ( ). the “other” may be “subjected to anything without qualms: a form of animal racism that excludes them from the moral agenda attached to natural history …” (miller ).the hunters are linked to their prey in that they are defined in terms of animalistic characteristics. the senior hirogen tells his young apprentice “you must learn to rely on instinct” (“flesh & blood”). the hirogens themselves are cast in the form of lizard-like creatures that only vaguely resemble humanoids. they are othered by their cultural beliefs and by their animalistic appearance. culture in this episode becomes a site of contestation between the centre and the margin in which the dominant, central culture conflicts with and tries to shape that of the “disenfranchised” minority (the marginalised). this is seen in the way in which janeway attempts to manipulate hirogen culture by giving them holographic prey to hunt. she changes the nature of the hunt, because from her cultural perspective, one she views as superior, the hirogens are debased in their pursuit of “live” prey. janeway believes that hunting holograms will lead to a less violent and bloodthirsty culture than the traditional practice of hunting and collecting trophies from living species. however, hunting “prey” is a way of life for the hirogen. they spend all their time participating in and perfecting the hunt. janeway sees this as a waste of a culture and life, as many hirogens die in the hunt. by giving them holographic technology, she hoped that they would hunt holographic prey, thereby reducing their death toll and stopping them hunting other species. when she finds out that they enhanced the capabilities of their holographic prey to enrich the hunt, she laments: “environments that fool sensors, no safety protocols … they obviously missed the point. we gave them that technology so they could hunt holographic prey. not get themselves killed”. this, of course, makes the assumption that the hirogens share her cultural views, and that holograms are not a life form. for both the hirogen and the rebel holograms, culture is a key component of nationalism. for iden’s group, as freed slaves, do not want to emulate the master but to form their own identity and culture (fanon). just as he created a new religion for his followers, iden intends to build a culture that is uniquely holographic. therefore when the doctor offers to “expose our people to art and music” and become the “minister of culture” on the new home world ha’dara, iden is pleased. however, he reproaches the doctor’s intention to teach their people “alpha quadrant art, verdi, da vinci, t’leal of vulcan”, stating that they need a “culture of our own”. as homi bhabha notes, “national cultures are … produced from the perspective of disenfranchised minorities” that have emerged out from under imperialism ( ). as a minority, iden does not want to “emulate [his] oppressors”. however, in seeking a new and distinctive culture, holograms would be ignoring where they came from. the doctor advocates a culture based on the dominant organic one, but that they develop and enrich to make it their own. he sees holograms as having a post-organic nationalism built upon a shared history with their creators (organics). the doctor views the “master narrative” as a component of their “otherness” and believes that “the study of world literature … [and by extension art and music] … might be the study of the way in which cultures recognise themselves through their projections of ‘otherness’” because it is built on or projected from the culture of the majority (bhabha ). iden, with his need to break free of cultural oppression, and the hunters, who seek to uphold their beliefs as they adapt to new ways of hunting, represent “the concept and moment of enunciation” (bhabha ). in fact, for both iden and the hirogens, “the enunciate process introduces a split in the performative present of cultural identification; a split between the traditional culturist demand for a model, a tradition, a community, a stable system of reference,” which can be seen in the case of the hirogens; “and the necessary negation of the certitude in the articulation of new cultural demands, meanings, strategies in the political present, as a practice of domination, or resistance” (bhabha ). iden’s attempt to shape a cultural destiny for his people fits into the latter strategy. the native finds solidarity in violent rebellion, as “the practice of violence binds … [the native] … together as a whole …” (fanon we ). in “flesh and blood”, the holograms under iden’s command find community and purpose in their united hatred of and violence against organics. iden creates for his followers a sense of “a national destiny and … a collective history” that is born “out of the war of liberation” (we ). as in fanon’s colonized native, the hologram’s view that “the building-up of the nation is helped by the evidence of this cement which has been mixed with blood and anger” (we - ). pointedly, in “flesh and blood” these holograms bleed holographic blood and feel pain. for fanon, as for bhabha, the culture of the “other” emerges out of oppression. fanon’s concept is that “from the tradition of the oppressed, the language of a new revolutionary awareness” emerges an awakening of a new culture of resistance (bhabha, ). iden’s hope of a new revolutionary ethos fails, because as fanon suggests, those who are subjugated “are tethered to treacherous stereotypes of primitivism and degeneracy” which “break up the black man’s body and in that act of epistemic violence its own frame of reference is transgressed, its field of vision disturbed” (bhabha, ). those holograms who iden seeks to guide with a new ethos have been modelled upon other existing cultures and peoples. kejal, the hologram who assists torres to maintain the engineering systems, is designed to represent a cardassian. when kejal mentions that she has never met a “real” klingon before, she tells torres “you don’t appear vicious or bloodthirsty.” torres’ reply is interesting in that she both refutes and supports ideas of stereotypes: “sorry to disappoint you but that’s a stereotype. we’re not all vicious and bloodthirsty and not every cardassian is arrogant and cruel”. while she states that she does not see all cardassians as the same, she then goes on to tell kejal that she will not help them because of what they might do with the technology: torres: i’m not helping you because i have no idea what you’re going to do with this technology once you’re got it working. kejal: we’re going to build a new home. torres: well, let’s say i believe you. what if you decide you like somebody else’s home better? are you going to take it from them? kejal: why would we do that? torres: because that’s what the cardassians did. kejal: i’m not a cardassian, i’m a hologram. torres: programmed with cardassian traits. kejal: such as arrogance and cruelty? what did you call those, stereotypes? (“flesh and blood” ) confronted with this argument torres changes track, stating that she “may not know you but i know what you were designed to be … cunning prey that will do anything to survive”. so, whether cardassian or prey, kejal’s identity is projected back at her through torres’ ability to represent her as “other.” although this scene attempts to critique stereotypes, iden’s character is used to reinforce them: emh: first, you killed in self-defence, then you murder in cold blood. now you’re going to stage a massacre. iden: the hunters have only themselves to blame. iden: so much for evolving beyond your subroutines. (“flesh and blood” ) echoing northrop frye, “the hunt is normally an image of the masculine erotic; a movement of pursuit and linear thrust, in which there are sexual overtones to the object being hunted” (in miller ). the hunter “fulfil[s] the self through the infliction of pain, living through the weapon and in the delight of its effects” ( ). as demonstrated in “flesh and blood,” when the hunted becomes the hunter, “violence is turned on its perpetrator, the power dynamic reversed, the hunter exposed to his own aggression” ( ). colonial narratives of man-eating tigers and lions highlighted the danger faced by the hunter, but also showed the agency of the animal in its ability to maim or kill its hunter. in colonial fiction, as in hirogen culture, “violence, science and moral decency formed an uncomfortable and troublesome alliance; animal bodies were deployed variously and unevenly as markers of human moral progress or corruption, as the sign of a gentlemen’s learning and soldierly prowess or as the emblem of degeneracy” (miller ). the doctor’s predicament in both of these episodes is his difficulty in bridging the gap between the two worlds which he inhabits. as with the colonial subject, the doctor is placed within multiple identifications. for the “other”: the very place of identification, caught in the tension of demand and desire, is a space of splitting … it is a doubling, dissembling image of being in at least two places at once that makes it impossible for the devalued, insatiable evolue … to accept the coloniser’s invitation to identity: ‘you’re a doctor, a writer, a student, you’re different, you’re one of us! it is precisely in that ambivalent use of ‘different’ – to be different from those that are different makes you the same – that the unconscious speaks of the form of otherness, the tethered shadow of deferral and displacement. (bhahba - ) the doctor is both “different” in that he is a hologram and the “same” because he is a member of voyager’s crew. at the same time, as a member of the crew, he is differentiated from other holograms. the encounter with the animal “offers not just a reflection in which the human discovers itself through excluding what it resembles, but also absorption, configuring an emptiness into which the human disappears” (miller ). the doctor’s identification with his fellow holograms acts to place him within the gaze of other crewmembers. the hologram becomes the target of species stereotypes. the hologram displays an “in-between-ness or double-ness” that poses a “question of species” ( ). in his discussion on jacques derrida’s ‘the animal that therefore i am’ another important element in this episode that ties in with the question of culture is the depiction of the hirogen as primitive. the episode begins on the hirogen holodeck simulating a jungle or forest. two hirogen hunters, one senior hunter and his apprentice, are beginning the hunt. the prey appears to be starfleet personnel who emerge from the lake and continue to fire at the two hunters. the scene ends with a close up of the dead hunters and then moves to the face of one of the killers – a starfleet officer. although it is later revealed that these personnel are in fact holograms and not members of starfleet, the fact that they emerge from the lake and are not holograms in the form of klingons, emphasizes the fact that it is starfleet technology and interference that cause of the killings. yet as the episode unfolds, there is still a sense that perhaps janeway was right to get involved in such a “primitive” culture. donik, the hirogen technician in charge of the training facility, tells her that he would not have become an engineer but would have been forced to be a hunter if she, janeway, had not given them the technology. however, one of the overriding messages in this episode is that giving aid or sharing technology with less “advanced” cultures (or those who do not share the same “values”) is dangerous, as there is no certainty about how such knowledge will be used. the narrative suggests that the danger lies in the inherent problem of getting involved in the political and cultural affairs of non-western countries in an attempt to shape their ideals to reflect those of the west. for example, aid given by the u.s. in terms of military training and weaponry is often condemned because such technology can be turned against the innocent, or back upon the united states. new conflicts arise, supported by the united states’ military aid and resulting in resentment and anger turned towards americans. in this episode, the voyager crew encounter resentment and hostility from both hirogens and holograms for their actions in providing technology. they are also blamed for interfering after the fact, in that they try to curtail the hirogens’ response to the runaway holograms and in their decision to deactivate the rebel holograms. “flesh and blood” also highlights several of the key tropes used in star trek to portray artificial entities. the episode uses racially stereotyped holograms to supplant racial overtones issues about racial conflict and prejudice are projected onto the artificial being. it also places the doctor firmly on the side of organics (in this case the voyager crew) by having him return to the fold. after rejecting iden’s revolutionary ways by “killing him,” the doctor is happily reinstalled back amongst voyager’s crew, janeway viewing his actions as “human”. the doctor never feels at ease with his fellow holograms because he is compromised by his alignment with his organic crew. he is neither a wholly artificial being, nor is he human. his loyalties remain on the side of organics, and he considers his evolution towards humanity as something that sets him apart from other holograms. he firmly remains entrenched in his position as a hologram, accepting his limitations. representations of the artificial, like those of the animal, “have often stimulated uneasy and ideologically charged reflections on human origins and identity” because they act as both reflections of the self (the human) and sites of difference (the animal/hologram) (millar ). haraway’s development of “simian orientation” argues that “the construction of the self from the raw material of the other” leads to humanity and their artificial creations, and “the evolutionary borders between” human and machine (in miller ). conclusion for iden and dejaren, humanity, or more generally organics, are not so much their “creators,” but a lower evolutionary step on the ladder to the perfection of artificial life forms. they also represent fear and aggression, violence and death. to the holograms, organics are precursors and tyrants. these two holographic rebels view organics as primitive in the same way that humanity has viewed primates, as being “associated with lewd meanings, sexual lust and the unrestrained body …” (haraway in miller - ). this is particularly true of dejaren and his organic phobia. like fanon’s “colonized man” (sic), the enslaved hologram “finds his freedom in and through violence” (we ). dejaren kills his crew, and iden’s followers kill all who in their view enslave holograms. the battle cry of iden and dejaren is that all organics are the same and only violence and force will liberate the machine. conclusion “computer, end program” holographic revolution & rebellion – a holo-pursuit a substantial portion of the world’s philosophy, theology, and literature has been devoted to exploring various aspects of what it means to be a person, or an authentic human being. robert moore ‘to be a person’ (in potter & marshall ) philip k. dick asked, “what’s ultimately real? and what constitutes the authentic human being? what are we? what is it that surrounds us, that we call the not me, or the empirical or phenomenal world?” ( ). this quote from dick and the quotation above note some of the key tenets of science fiction – tenets which raise questions of identity, personhood, and how humanity chooses to define or redefine itself, and especially in the face of posthuman narratives. there are no definitive answers to what makes a human, human. science offers genetic and biological determinants that define how a biological human is constructed – his or her key components. however, the question of what unique nonphysical characteristics define humanity remains. some of these characteristics have been covered in this study in relation to alife. most philosophical arguments propose that humans are persons, or individual agents that are subject of a life. as persons, they have an interest in their future well- being and are entitled to protection against acts which negate the welfare of the individual. as agents, they are able to protest and act against actions that would afford them harm. to be an agent, to have agency, an entity must be alive. these concepts are important because it is through delineating what it is to be human, to be an agent, or person, that what it is not to be, who is left out and marginalised, is defined. in the preceding chapters, i have illustrated a paradox in the way alife are treated within star trek. in the next generation’s “home soil” and “emergence,” life exists that is not carbon-based. the definition of life is therefore not limited to factors previously known about life on earth. in “emergence,” life is found in the purely technological. the nanites evolve into an advanced life form and the crew of the enterprise recognises them as alive. consequently, definitions of life move away from human models of existence. yet, in narratives involving holograms, “elementary, dear data” and “ship in a bottle,” the crew of the enterprise struggle with the idea that moriarty may be alive. they appear to grapple with the concept of a living hologram. captain picard denies moriarty the label of being. while there is no question that moriarty is not and could never be human, what he seeks is personhood. moriarty by achieving personhood and being recognised as a life form would be granted rights – the right to live as he wished, to leave the holodeck, and to live his life with the countess. the episode, while showing that he is more than just the sum of his parts, more than a machine, fails to give moriarty or the viewer the answer that he is indeed alive. why? why is it that picard finds it so difficult to believe that moriarty has attained sentience and a hologram could evolve into a life form? why are intelligent sand and a group of nanites more believable and acknowledged to be living matter and not just artificial constructs devoid of rights? sadly, these questions are not directly answered in this series, or in the series that followed. a common factor in this denial stems from the uncanny resemblance to the human form and consciousness that holograms pose to humanity. holograms are the reflection in the mirror that looks back at humanity. this unsettling reflection creates an unwillingness to give holograms agency. however, the hologram represented in voyager appears to resist the label of “thing” and moves towards the idea of a living machine created by humanity. the breaking of boundaries in terms of what constitutes life in star trek challenges the perception of what is alive and contests humanity’s position in the universe. agency is key to self-determination and the right to advocate for oneself and one’s future. to have agency is to be able to determine your own destiny and determine how you are treated. it gives the individual the right to protest against unjust treatment. this type of agency bleeds into aspects of insurgency and counter-hegemony. the hologram, if given agency, could rebel. “i’ve experienced enough humanity for the time being” i began this thesis with the statement that alife represents a challenge to humanity and that simulacra in star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager are oppressed figures. this is certainly true of the narratives revolving around the position and characterisation of the hologram. the challenge that the hologram poses is the disruption and destruction of the concept of the universal human. it is commonly held that any resemblance to “true” a comment made by seven of nine in “human error”. personhood in alife is merely a result of their programming, much like philip k. dick’s androids or battlestar galactica’s cylons, and therefore they are not viewed as authentic. holograms are accused of lacking the essential elements to prove sentience or personhood. these are a sense of a unique self; embodiment; use and application of language (not just understanding the language but using it to define the self); a concept of family and history; the ability to show empathy and emotion; free will and the ability to resist. however, in star trek holograms demonstrate some or all of these qualities to one degree or another. the doctor is used to define what it means to be human; at the same time, such criteria are used to define the doctor’s personhood. the “master identity” that is the “incorporating, totalising, or colonising self, is, at times unwittingly, at times deliberately, expressed in intimate relation to the other it seeks to denigrate, exclude or appropriate” (plumwood ). by excluding holograms from the category of living beings, humanity is stating what it means to be human. homo holographicus do holograms represent the next step in evolution? on the other hand, do they represent a break away from all that is human? the image of humanity “born” of photons and light instead of protein molecules is of the transcendental offspring of humanity. the hologram in star trek is framed within the repository of human assumptions about self and identity. the falsities of i have coined this term to denote the evolution of the hologram as a being that has evolved out of and from human invention. it denotes the possibility of humanity being superseded by their artificial creations. starfleet’s scientific discursive systems deny the artificial “other” an identity, which is not formed through referents to human nature. in such narratives, the posthumanist notion of fractured identity and a hybridity of the subject is lost in the embrace of the artificial as a continuation of humanity. narratives involving holograms attempt to look towards non-biological systems (including disembodied consciousness) to embrace and even replace the human subject, thereby dissolving the boundaries between the real and the artificial. roddenberry’s vision for the franchises was that scientific endeavour and the pursuit of knowledge for the betterment of humanity are the goals of starfleet’s exploration of the stars (robb). however, as i have demonstrated, scientific endeavour and knowledge act to suppress the marginalised, silenced, and “othered”. science becomes another institutional tool of the hegemonic state (starfleet) to control, contain, and conquer the universe. scientific knowledge is used to reshape and redefine the parameters of life and humanity’s place in the universe. nevertheless, the hologram is pulled back into the sphere of humanity through the master narrative’s ability to define and redefine paradigms of life. the inability of either series to give a definitive answer about the position of the hologram, life or not life, conscious machine or intelligent artificial being, stems from the position in which holograms are placed. holograms are created to serve a function, created and programmed to resemble and emulate humanoid behaviour and react realistically to complex social situations. they are typically placed in a subservient position. holograms are made, not “born”, and this is the justification for their use as slave labour. the hologram highlights the disparities in power relations between the dominant and the marginalised. they do so because it is the dominant discourse that determines what constitutes reality and what is considered to be subject or object. created to serve organics, the hologram is economically, politically, and culturally exploited and rendered powerless by the mainstream organic community. on the seemingly class-less decks of the starship, manual labour absent from the crews’ daily lives is given over to computers and holograms. the implication running through both the next generation and voyager is that the hegemonic community of starfleet relies heavily upon the subservience and subordination of its artificial intelligence, including holograms. star trek: voyager appears to move towards giving holograms some life affirming qualities. however, as i have shown in the preceding chapters these are transitory and often depicted as illusory, giving the viewer pause when deciding whether holograms are truly alive. the doctor appears to be an exception in that he is accorded many rights and privileges that other crewmembers have. the fact that he is viewed as a crewmember is significant, as is the fact that in writing about him, i refer to him as ‘he’ rather than ‘it’. the narrative encourages the use of the personal pronoun ‘he’, not the impersonal pronoun ‘it’, leading the viewer to see the doctor as more than a mere hologram but as a “person” in his own right. however, he is forced to maintain an unstable position of supposed acceptance masking inequality. the final episode of voyager, “end game” ( ), gave a glimmer of hope in terms of the doctor’s finally achieving equality. in part i, the narrative some humans throughout history have been placed in this position of servitude: “aristotle thought that slaves were the tools of their owners, and for a long time humans of caucasian origin theorized their own superiority to members of other races” (cavalieri ). begins in the future after the crew have returned to the alpha quadrant. a party is given on the anniversary of voyager’s safe return. the doctor arrives accompanied by his wife. she, he tells paris, is not a hologram, but human. he has also given himself a name, “joe”. he has a position at starfleet medical and appears to have all the trappings of personhood and free will. however, this will ultimately become an illusion, a mere shadow of the future, as admiral janeway has plans to travel back in time to bring voyager home early. in part ii, janeway having succeeded in her mission, the doctor’s future is changed and with the close of the final episode, as the ship heads towards earth, his position is ambiguous. therefore, while “end game” acknowledges the doctor as a person and he has a name, a human wife, and a career, this status is only temporary. he is last seen back in voyager’s sickbay, the status quo restored. because as simulacra, as uncanny re-representations of the person, holograms threaten what it means to be human, they are denied an identity and constructed as “other”. as i have argued, the hologram, by trying to pass into the realm of personhood and cross over into the real, denies the uniqueness of such traits as the self, the person, rationality and empathy used to exclude the “other”. however, there is more to the denial of rights to holograms than simply the fear of the uncanny. holograms, demonstrating self-awareness, consciousness and an application of language and empathy, are still denied the same rights given to other alife, such as the micro brains (“home soil”) and nanites (“evolution”). this denial is because if starfleet accepted that living holograms are indeed equal starfleet would be forced to account for their treatment of these beings. starfleet would be forced to confront the uncomfortable truth that holograms are starfleet’s underclass, menial workforce, and marginalised “other”. the supposed free and liberal starfleet would, in fact, have to admit that it possesses its own underclass and slave labour. holograms are denied equality because it is not in the overall best interests of starfleet, or the individual crews, to recognise and liberate holographic life. in an examination of all endings of the narratives focused on holographic struggles for agency, it has been shown that each one ends in the hologram being silenced and prevented from attaining true freedom through rebellion or revulsion. in the next generation, professor moriarty is confined to a mini holo-universe and duped into believing he has achieved freedom. while in star trek: voyager, dejaren and iden are deleted; all but one of iden’s followers are deactivated and silenced; and the doctor, although appearing to have equality alongside his ship mates, has in fact only achieved his status by being passive and remaining within the boundaries set for him by starfleet. the doctor’s rebellion is not a violent one and as such, enables him to be presented as one occupying a position similar to what fanon defines as ‘native elites”. the doctor, one of the “elite”, one of a handful of faithful artificial beings orbiting the centre and occupying a position of trust (such as data) is lulled into a false sense of equality, comforted by the words of the master narrative that reinforce his hopes of passing into the centre. however, should the native elite side with his fellow native, should the doctor side with his fellow holograms, he/she soon find themselves “othered” and pushed back towards the margins. if the doctor were to rebel it is possible that he, like dejaren and iden, would be viewed as a threat, a malfunction, and be deleted or reprogrammed. the doctor’s identity, liberty, and “agency” are contingent on his ability to blend or pass into starfleet’s discursive narrative. through an analysis of star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager, i have demonstrated that the artificial “other,” whether silicon sand, nanites, or holograms, is marginalised, categorised, and silenced by the master narrative of humanity epitomised by starfleet doctrine and upheld by its humanoid members. in the episodes discussed in this study, it can be seen that the hologram is denied true agency and autonomy. humanity is an identity that invokes privilege, power, and superiority, and actively defines personhood. what star trek: the next generation and star trek: voyager narratives reveal is that rebellion for the hologram is indeed a hollow-pursuit, and that “resistance is [after all] futile” (borg). bibliography adas, michael. machines as the measure of man. science, technology, and ideologies of western dominance. london: cornell university press, . alba, richard. ethnic identity: the transformation of white america. new haven: yale university press, . print. albanese, denise. new science, new world. london: duke university press, . allen, amy. ‘foucault and the politics of our selves’ in history of the human sciences. . – , . online: http://hhs.sagepub.com/content/ / / . allen, robert c (ed). channels 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defining race during the early national and antebellum periods, and laugh- ing fit to kill examines black humor’s critique of racial stereotypes in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. both books are excellent additions to the critical field of u.s. literary race studies. ian finseth’s shades of green investigates the complex entanglements of race, nature, and culture. revealing how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century understandings of race spring from natural science and philosophy and are embedded in depictions of the natural world, finseth argues for the founda- tional role of nature in the development of racial ideology. through a wide- ranging analysis of cultural discourses (natural science, natural philosophy, geography, phenomenology, aesthetics, religion, politics, and economics), he convincingly demonstrates how understandings of nature animated and delineated discussions of racial identity and, by extension, slavery. although finseth shows how extensively this issue permeated u.s. literature and cul- ture, he focuses most specifically on how representations of nature influenced antislavery thought. in deploying images of the natural world to mobilize public opinion for sociopolitical change, antislavery writers often conveyed a contradictory message that naturalized racial difference even as it accused slavery of violating natural liberty. finseth’s focus on antislavery discourse underscores the difficulty of translating cultural ideas into political action. this study is as remarkable for its depth as for its breadth. the book is book reviews american literature, volume , number , june © by duke university press american literature organized around paired chapters: the first offers an overview of the cultural discourses of the period, and the second provides a close reading of literary or visual texts in relation to those discourses. this structure allows finseth to give equal focus to cultural and literary discourses and the intersections between them. he is as interested in the aesthetic traditions (the pastoral, the georgic, the picturesque) that inform representations of nature as he is in the scientific. his serious attention to visual images of race and the landscape tra- dition is especially useful. finseth’s insistence on reading european american and african american texts side by side (olaudah equiano and j. hector st. john de crèvecoeur; david walker, martin delany, and ralph waldo emer- son; frederick douglass and harriet beecher stowe) also provides important insights into how racial position informed differing approaches to represen- tations of nature and race. most important, shades of green places the racial subject at the center of environmental literary study. in laughing fit to kill, glenda carpio documents the practices and pur- poses of african american cultural humor by tracing its long tradition from slavery to the post–civil rights era. pairing violence with humor, carpio’s study argues that black humor articulates the tragic legacy of slavery and racial injustice. by laughing in the face of this history, african americans per- form a ritual of redress. black humor serves both as a recognition of dispos- session and as a critique of racism; it speaks of grief as well as grievance. as carpio shows, black humor is more than a coping mechanism: it is a powerful form of social and political critique as well as a rich expression of creativity and pleasure. by looking at a wide range of literary (charles chesnutt, william wells brown, ishmael reed, suzan-lori parks), visual (robert colescott and kara walker), and performative (richard pryor and dave chappelle) representa- tions of black humor, carpio documents multiple strategies and varieties of black humor that have persisted over two centuries and in multiple artistic settings. through nuanced close readings, she examines an array of comedic conjure from boasting and burlesque to satire and signifying. the book’s cen- tral focus, however, is the ways in which black humor animates and defetish- izes racial stereotypes. again and again, as carpio proves, black artists use laughter as a way to reveal the chilling absurdity of these stereotypes. by deftly negotiating the ethical and political implications of such signifying writ- ten in and through the body, she articulates black humor’s risks and rewards. while she understands black humor to play in two different registers—one of catharsis and the other of tragedy—the book’s success at delineating the tenacity of racial typecasting leaves the reader not with release but with a painful understanding of just how difficult it is to change the laugh track. teresa a. goddu, vanderbilt university doi . / - - book reviews sex expression and american women writers, – . by dale m. bauer. chapel hill: univ. of north carolina press. . xi, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . uncommon women: gender and representation in nineteenth-century u.s. women’s writing. by laura laffrado. columbus: ohio state univ. press. . viii, pp. $ . . these days, one reason for studying literature is to grapple with the tex- tures of normativity: its sturdiest, most closely woven central stretches and its tangled edges. the old idea that some dominant order was undermined whenever its precepts were not fully endorsed by a literary work has mainly given way to a sense that what looks from one perspective like disruption appears from another perspective to be part of the ordinary dynamism of nor- mativity as a modern, adaptive form of power. it’s not that changes in norms are illusory—not that we are taken in by the ruses of power if we believe we see improvements—but that many changes renew and extend the power of normativity in the course of adapting it. as a result, many critics are working out new ways to describe and assess literary texts’ share in transforming the fabric of normativity. these two new studies contribute to this project, ana- lyzing ways in which women authors and their characters navigate gendered expectations. dale bauer’s sex expression and american women writers makes a major contribution to the cultural history of sexuality, properly understood as part of the history of selfhood. bauer’s central question is broad but magnificently precise: “[h]ow did self-expression become fixated on sexuality as the pre- vailing, even defining quality of the self, the trait with the most potential for cultural change from the s to the s?” ( ). this period she charac- terizes as “postsentimental” because the forms of public and private experi- ence previously configured within sentimentalism came to be reconfigured in relation to sexuality, a newly privileged domain of intimacy and authenticity. bauer focuses on women writers, perhaps in part because their writings par- ticipated so vividly in this reworking of sentimentalism. women writers also had a special investment in the opportunities for social transformation asso- ciated with sexuality once it became imaginatively independent of reproduc- tion. bauer unfolds this new “sexual imaginary” developed between the civil war and world war ii, tracing relays between works of fiction and political, sociological, and psychological theories about sexuality ( ). in this way, she defines and explores a profound change in the terms of normativity: an important transformation of the possibilities for human action, knowledge, and self-understanding. “sex expression” (mary austin’s term from ) was both “material and rhetorical” ( ), involving sexual feelings, capacities, practices, and meanings: public as well as private ways in which sexual norms operated. bauer’s his- tory of sex expression is episodic and loosely chronological, taking up instruc- american literature tive fictional trends such as highly sexualized “ugly girls” in post–civil war fiction and the changing representations of middle-aged women’s sexuality at the turn of the century, when sexuality was becoming a property of youth. along the way, elizabeth stuart phelps, edith wharton, anzia yezierska, jessie fauset, fannie hurst, and a host of other women writers ( plus some men) came into prominence for inventing terms and narrative strategies to capture the new promises, dangers, and burdens of sexuality. laura laffrado’s uncommon women focuses on a set of nonfiction writ- ings by middle-class white women. drawing on leigh gilmore’s understand- ing of “autobiographics”—autobiographical portions or dimensions of writ- ings in other genres—laffrado analyzes “self-writing” in travel narratives and sketches as well as in more conventionally autobiographical texts ( , ). uncommon women concentrates on women who had adventures—overt or covert—and wrote intriguing accounts of them. this study therefore assembles an unexpected array of women’s writings and brings them into new significance. sarah kemble knight’s travels by herself in eighteenth-century north america and s. emma e. edmonds’s cross-dressing espionage during the civil war were obviously dangerous exploits, challenging normative femi- ninity in ways that had to be soft-pedaled for publication. laffrado also demon- strates that fanny fern’s periodical writings and louisa may alcott’s hospital sketches offer more controversial materials than most readers have recog- nized, such as young female nurses’ experiences of being left alone in rooms full of men in beds. laffrado rightly insists that gendered expectations suffuse these texts, emphasizing factors such as the risks faced by women traveling alone and the forms of public censure triggered by even minor acts of female insubordination. especially interesting is the chapter on civil war writings, which proposes that public awareness of women’s wartime gender-bending contributed to the postwar sense that “prevailing assumptions regarding statehood, gender, and race appeared open to revision” ( ). although uncommon women demonstrates that texts could engage pre- scriptions for female propriety in contradictory and uneven ways, laffrado’s treatment of normativity is somewhat simplistic. her analysis mainly pits ges- tures of compliance (understood as the precondition for these narratives’ pub- lic acceptance) against materials and analyses in these writings that disrupt or unsettle gender norms, which are in turn grounded in the ideology of “true womanhood.” laffrado initially proposes that a variety of “u.s. middle-class scripts of female behavior” were at work in the nineteenth century ( ), but in practice there is not much variety encountered or much historical specificity to the norms identified: the implications of true womanhood seem static and isolated from other workings of power and privilege. the final chapter turns to harriet jacobs’s incidents in the life of a slave girl in order to “test” the gen- eralizations made about the study’s focal texts by white, middle-class women ( ). jacobs’s history certainly casts white privilege into relief. however, race and class could have been at work in the analysis from the beginning (as book reviews they only intermittently were), calling attention to the ideological sleights of hand at work in the slippery categories of “white” and “middle-class” as they collaborated with the workings of gender. nancy glazener, university of pittsburgh doi . / - - lost bodies: inhabiting the borders of life and death. by laura e. tanner. ithaca, n.y.: cornell univ. press. . xiii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . identifying marks: race, gender, and the marked body in nineteenth-century america. by jennifer putzi. athens: univ. of georgia press. . xi, pp. $ . . both laura tanner’s lost bodies and jennifer putzi’s identifying marks explore the sociocultural implications of the human body once it is marked by disease, disability, illness, or death via the tattoo, the scar, or the brand. each project is a major contribution to the field of cultural studies, theories of grief and mourning, aids scholarship, and popular culture. in lost bodies, tanner investigates spectators’ attempts to renegotiate their sociocultural relationship to the disabled or “lost” body once it is displayed in the public sphere. she evaluates this phenomenon and concludes that “cul- tural distinctions [that] force bodies into simple binaries including youth and age, ability and disability, the healthy and the dying . . . erect cultural bound- aries that enforce the illusion of stability by disrupting our identification with our own bodies as well as the bodies of others” ( ). in the presence of death, spectators strain to imagine a “living” body to ease the grieving process. the sympathy card industry, tanner observes, composes short lines of text that refuse “acknowledgment of the immediacy of grief and the irrecuperable dimensions of loss” ( ). tanner utilizes photographs of aids patients, literature and poetry, space (the waiting room), and autobiography to interrogate the ways in which people understand and respond to bodily processes. she writes, “i chart the impact of social and representational forces that pull us out of our bodies to insist—even in the face of mortality—upon the subject’s status as healthy, autonomous and whole” ( ). grief, loss, and confrontation with mortality through the lost body, according to tanner, set off the observer’s struggle for inoculation from the inevitable. the book is divided into two parts: the dying body and the body of grief. in part , tanner looks at works such as sharon olds’s the father and photographer nicholas nixon’s book people with aids. here she challenges discourses on the gaze made popular by laura mulvey’s essay “visual plea- sure and narrative cinema” ( ) and advances a revision of the scholarship of the act of seeing. she writes, “when the object of the gaze changes from an american literature attractive female form that the viewer objectifies or a screen protagonist with whom the viewer identifies to the wasting body of a terminally ill patient, the structures of looking that mulvey locates within a dynamic of visual pleasure demand to be revised” ( – ). part assesses the culture of grief. tanner discovers that theories of mourning have failed to aid her in coming to terms with her feelings after the death of her father. to manage grief and mourning, she argues for a “corporeal theory of grief,” which addresses the way “loss . . . shapes the feeling of loss.” psychoanalytic and cultural theories, she notes, “often marginalize or ignore the way in which feeling is both an emotional and a physical phenomenon” ( ). part includes discussions of works such as marilynne robinson’s housekeep- ing, don delillo’s the body artist, and roland barthes’s camera lucida; the postscript identifies episodes in popular culture such as the hbo series six feet under and explores the manner of grieving the lost body post- / . in a similar vein, putzi interrogates nineteenth-century representations of and responses to the healthy tattooed or scarred body and the sociocultural and political consequences of its appearance in the public sphere in identify- ing marks. the study illustrates that “the tattooed or scarred body marks the precise location at which the cultural status quo (or the classical body) can be called into question.” putzi explains, “physically and ideologically, the tattoo and the scar both sustain and disrupt the ‘conquering gaze’ of the classical male body” ( ). as she probes this subject across literary genres and lines of race, putzi discovers that these marks destabilize subject positions but allow for a reinscription of subjectivity and agency within sociocultural boundaries. she begins with a historical overview of the marked body and the degree to which it “always inspired a strange mixture of fascination and anxiety” ( ), then proceeds with brilliant close readings of texts in subsequent chapters, including herman melville’s typee and royal stratton’s captivity of the oat- man girls; maria susanna cummins’s the lamplighter and harriett prescott spofford’s “the strathsays”; nathaniel hawthorne’s “the birthmark”; and pauline hopkins’s contending forces: a romance illustrative of negro life north and south. each narrative “consider[s] the specifics of race, gender, and identity as well as the larger desire to mark and unmark as well as the commonalities between them” ( ). in her epilogue, “tattooed ladies,” putzi concludes that the book’s focus on the nineteenth-century body can shed light on women and the body in today’s world. she claims that “tattoo narratives” also “operate on the understanding that women’s bodies are always already marked by the cultures in which they live, and that tattooing can allow women to assert their own agency and sense of ownership of their own bodies” ( ). what is puzzling, though, is putzi’s omission of carol henderson’s scarring the black body: race and representa- tion in african american literature ( ), which is in intense conversation with putzi’s chapters on the “signifying power” of the scar in the nineteenth century as mapped onto the african american body ( ). an inclusion of book reviews henderson’s work would have augmented the spectrum of putzi’s otherwise broad scholarship, and apprised the reader of the rigorous discourses on this subject. the most fascinating elements of both books, nevertheless, are the meticu- lous close readings. each generates vivid insights that magnify the reader’s own perceptions and fears of the human body. the research is ambitious, especially regarding the historical turns contextualizing the subject matter. lost bodies and identifying marks provide valuable historical and methodologi- cal foundations for a (re)consideration of the body as it operates within and without sociocultural and political prescriptions to maintain, if not encourage, a sense of what is normal. kwakiutl l. dreher, university of nebraska, lincoln doi . / - - colonialism and the emergence of science fiction. by john rieder. middletown, conn.: wesleyan univ. press. . xii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . black frankenstein: the making of an american metaphor. by elizabeth young. new york: new york univ. press. . xii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . secret identity crisis: comic books and the unmasking of cold war america. by matthew j. costello. new york: continuum. . viii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . john rieder’s colonialism and the emergence of science fiction arises out of a lacuna in standard theories of science fiction. where darko suvin privi- leges “cognitive estrangement” as the genre’s essential feature—the de- and refamiliarizing power of imagined alterities—and where fredric jameson privileges the radical retemporalization of our disordered present into the settled historical past of some possible future, rieder refocuses our attention on the colonial gaze. he argues that because science fiction emerges along- side (and out of ) imperialist expansion, as a genre it not only “exposes what colonialism imposes” but is also produced and bound by the horizon of colo- nialist ideology ( ). following, but importantly altering, the approaches of suvin and jameson (as well as film theorist laura mulvey), rieder centers his narrativization of the history of science fiction on the colonial catastrophe. first, he argues that the psychic fuel for sci-fi encounters with time travelers, aliens, robots, mutants, and other parahuman subjectivities can be found in the social anxi- eties of a humbled europe, one which could no longer imagine itself at the center of history after having been dethroned by the copernican denial of a geocentric cosmos and by colonial encounters with nonwhite, non-christian, american literature noncapitalist others. (rieder’s description of europe suffering from identity crisis seems not unlike the epistemic panic surrounding postmodernism and cultural relativism today.) second, science fiction is a key location for what rieder calls “the reading public’s vicarious enjoyment of colonial spoils” ( ), important for the social reinforcement of imperialist ideology throughout the nineteenth century. here rieder discusses the ideological factors motivat- ing “lost race” and “el dorado” fantasies such as h. rider haggard’s king solomon’s mines or james de mille’s a strange manuscript found in a cop- per cylinder, as well as the assumptions about race and economic accumula- tion that are employed to justify the appropriation of wealth through colonial violence. third, and perhaps most crucially, he demonstrates that colonial- ism’s discourse of superior and inferior races—the colonial gaze—is a highly unstable positionality that is under constant threat of polar inversion, an instance of hegelian master-slave dialectic whose fundamental precarious- ness is enacted and reenacted throughout the history of science fiction. in an alternate history, or in future days, the colonizer knows he could well be the colonized. in this way the genre sharply critiques the violence at the heart of european imperialist expansion by replicating it, over and over, in barely sublimated forms both for and against the colonizer. the exemplary science fiction novel becomes for rieder not thomas more’s utopia or h. g. wells’s the time machine but wells’s inverted vision of an imperialized england in flames, war of the worlds, which explicitly equates the martian colonization of earth with the british extermination of the native population of tasmania. “are we such apostles of mercy,” wells pointedly asks, “as to complain if the martians warred in the same spirit?” ( ; reprint, [new york: bantam books, ], ). elizabeth young’s black frankenstein stands as an exemplary model for a study of science fiction infused with postcolonial awareness. young traces the myth of frankenstein’s monster as a figure for both white panic and black resistance from nat turner’s rebellion in —the same year a revised edi- tion of frankenstein, the first credited to mary shelley, was published in brit- ain—through early film adaptations to the stand-up comedy of dick gregory and beyond. although concerned primarily with u.s. literature and culture, the centrality of shelley’s original work marks black frankenstein as a dis- tinctly transatlantic study; young intriguingly finds an echo of the “africanist presence” of toni morrison’s playing in the dark ( ) lurking in the british literary tradition as well. young’s study likewise enriches and complicates our understanding of what paul gilroy calls “the black atlantic” by focusing on the black atlantic’s various uses of a novel from “the white atlantic,” one written by an abolitionist who grew up near an important seaport for the british slave trade and who drew on contemporaneous racial stereotypes about african physicality and miscegenary amalgamation to create her tragic-heroic “mon- ster”—demonstrating the complex appropriations and counterappropriations at work in this hybridized cultural space. book reviews naturally, the myth of frankenstein’s monster does not speak to us across the centuries with a single voice. for fredrick douglass, it is the institution of slavery that is “the pet monster of the american people” ( ); for gregory, it is the self-oppressing subjectivity of the colonized that becomes “the monster inside me” ( ). the boris karloff–like shuffling of the zombies in george romero’s night of the living dead—the rebelling spiritual descendents of the enslaved haitian zombi—becomes in young’s reading a reconceptualization of whiteness itself as self-created and self-reinforcing monstrousness, ultimately and needlessly destroying the film’s black hero. nor does this study, thorough though it is, exhaust the possibilities for rereadings of frankenstein informed by cultural theory; young’s generous introduction is outright apologetic in its delimiting of the project to a specifically african american political context and the necessary bracketing of both orientalist frankensteins and brides of frankenstein for the purposes of this work. something like rieder’s colonial gaze is the theoretical lens at the heart of matthew costello’s secret identity crisis, transformed here to reflect the new valences of the colonial order during and after the cold war. costello’s nar- rative history of marvel comics characters, especially jack kirby’s captain america and stan lee’s iron man, is a worthy contribution to both american studies and the burgeoning field of comics theory. he ably charts the turn- ing sour of america’s self-aggrandizing fantasies of superheroism, starting in the s as the nation’s perception of its own cultural superiority began to invert. the nationalistic fervor of the so-called golden age of comics— witness our eponymous superhero punching out adolf hitler on the cover of captain america # —and the contended postwar utopia of the silver age give way in the bronze age to hopeless political ambiguities and a fractured sense of national identity, organized around a chastened and corrupted nation whose rotten core is always at risk (as costello’s subtitle suggests) of public exposure. captain america discovers a fascist conspiracy operating out of the nixon white house and renounces the nation altogether, becoming nomad, the man without a country. iron man—originally a symbol of u.s. techno- logical and military superiority—turns his back on the business of war in the face of the vietnam disaster and disbands the multinational defense contrac- tor operated by his secret identity, billionaire industrialist tony stark, before descending into alcoholism and ultimately living on the streets. in the bush years these two archetypically american cold warriors even find themselves battling not supervillains but each other, squabbling over a patriot act–style “superhero registration act”; at the story’s climax, captain america is shot dead, and any last vestige of superheroic u.s. exceptionalism along with him. (but take heart, true believers! no one in comics stays dead for very long.) gerry canavan, duke university doi . / - - american literature chicano novels and the politics of form: race, class, and reification. by marcial gonzález. ann arbor: univ. of michigan press. . viii, pp. paper, $ . . translating empire: josé martí, migrant latino subjects, and american moderni- ties. by laura lomas. durham, n.c.: duke univ. press. . xvii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . with few exceptions, the question of form within latina/o studies has been a vexed one. for the most part, scholars in this field have been fixated on thematic analysis, and specifically on how texts reveal the unequal operations of power at the level of expressed content. while certainly necessary, this approach neglects how the formal parameters of a text negotiate that very ter- rain of power in ways that both complement and complicate its manifest con- tent. redressing this issue, marcial gonzález and laura lomas offer vastly different corrective strategies. for gonzález, the question of form serves as a critique of the reified opera- tions of identity politics, which facilitates oppositional solidarity at the expense of any figuration of social totality. in chicano novels and the politics of form, gonzález uses a discussion of form to advocate for the continued relevance of marxian ideological analysis for the study of chicano literature in an era when other modes of analysis, particularly feminism, queer studies, and dias- poric transnationalism, have become prominent. largely referencing the tra- dition of western marxism as theorized by georg lukács, theodor adorno, and fredric jameson, gonzález does not engage potential intersectionalities as this is not his purpose. focusing on form enables him to analyze the textual contradictions that reveal the class processes structuring those experiences. hence, political liberalism becomes the central locus of textual contradic- tion for maría amparo ruiz de burton’s novel the squatter and the don, whereas chicano nationalism is identified as that site for oscar zeta acosta’s the revolt of the cockroach people ( ). although the discussions of these texts are informative, gonzález’s greatest contribution perhaps comes in the two chapters about novels rarely discussed within chicano literary studies: danny santiago’s famous all over town ( ) and cecilia pineda’s face ( ) and frieze ( ). gonzález scrutinizes the contradictions of cultural authenticity as they informed discussions of these texts during the s. famous all over town became famously controversial when santiago was revealed to be the pseudonym of daniel james, a leftist anglo-american and longtime resident of east los angeles. for gonzález, the controversy over the authenticity of the author’s background obscures the novel’s deep engage- ment with the material conditions of chicano communities; he claims that the novel “contributes to the broadening of our understanding of the specificity of chicano novels” by critiquing the reification of identity itself under the sign of cultural authenticity ( ). he then contrasts the marginalization of famous all over town with the neglect paid to the novels of pineda, an “authentic” book reviews chicana. neither face nor frieze depicts a “chicano experience” as such, but both nonetheless encode that experience formally through the trials of a face- less brazilian and the exploitation of a ninth-century sculptor, respectively. gonzález persuasively argues that the way these novels critique the reification of cultural authenticity provides a useful lesson for literary criticism as well. lomas’s translating empire also engages the politics of form but with a much different aim. for lomas, the study of josé martí’s extensive body of work beyond the now-obligatory essay “nuestra américa” ( ) enables a critique of his appropriation within a neoliberal latin american intellec- tual tradition and a hemispheric-minded american studies. to the former’s depiction of an exilic martí enamored with the elite ideologies of the late- nineteenth-century united states, lomas counters with an account of martí’s deep suspicion of a burgeoning u.s. imperialism in latin america. to the latter’s celebration of the writer as the epitome of latin american anticolo- nialism, lomas emphasizes martí as a latino migrant who also criticized the linguistic provincialism and racial hierarchies of the united states. lomas’s martí is not the cosmopolitan exile posited by both conservative latin ameri- can studies and anti-imperialist american studies but rather the migrant intel- lectual who developed a broad transnational critique of state practices after experiencing firsthand the violence of the modern state through imprison- ment and deportation. to this end, lomas usefully reexamines martí’s relationship to ralph waldo emerson and walt whitman, vital figures of nineteenth-century u.s. intel- lectual and literary discourses often held to be major influences on martí’s thought. in two central chapters, lomas instead argues that martí, far from being the latin american echo of u.s. originals, engaged these writers’ works only to critique their core assumptions. in the case of emerson, martí refused transcendentalism’s abstracted subject of knowledge (the “transparent eye- ball” ) for a standpoint epistemology rooted in a migrant latino working-class experience. in the case of whitman, martí admired the poet’s kinetic origi- nality but questioned his expansionist impulse, one that that would engulf latin america in the name of spreading democratic freedom. but lomas’s most valuable contribution in translating empire is the fore- grounding of martí’s lesser-known works. examining marti’s career as a jour- nalist and translator during his fifteen-year stay in the united states, lomas adds greatly to our understanding of a migrant latino consciousness with roots deep in the nineteenth century. the process of translation—understood here as not simply a linguistic but also a geographical and cultural transcul- turation—becomes the key heuristic by which to comprehend martí’s trajec- tory. hence, lomas focuses on martí’s critical practices as editor of spanish- language periodicals such as la américa: revista de agrícultura, industria y comercio as well as his reportage. for lomas, the cuban writer’s commen- taries and translations fostered the creation of an alternative modernity that, in formal as well as thematic terms, contested the imperial contours of u.s. american literature modernity. she underscores the theoretical proposition that there is not a singular experience of modernity; rather, there are plural modernities that reveal the unequal distribution of social power across the nation and across the americas. while the specific emphasis of each study occasionally precludes the elabo- ration of theoretical intersectionalities ( particularly sexuality), both are valu- able correctives to the fetishization of thematic content in latina/o studies. john morán gonzález, university of texas at austin doi . / - - transcending the new woman: multiethnic narratives in the progressive era. by charlotte j. rich. columbia: univ. of missouri press. . viii, pp. $ . . native speakers: ella deloria, zora neale hurston, jovita gonzález, and the poet- ics of culture. by maría eugenia cotera. austin: univ. of texas press. . xi, pp. $ . . the formative role of women of color in the production of literature and cul- ture in the early twentieth century is the subject of two smart new studies. first, charlotte rich shatters any lingering critical complacency about the politics of the new woman in america in transcending the new woman. schol- arly attention to the new woman long ago moved beyond celebratory accounts of feminist concerns in the fiction of such canonical women writers as edith wharton, charlotte perkins gilman, and kate chopin; and the new woman’s status—and privilege—as a white, middle-class woman have been thoroughly parsed. rich further deconstructs the “iconoclastic” new woman by assessing the writings of multiethnic women writers who invoke this figure and elabo- rating on the celebration and critique of the new woman contained therein. while not the first to interject race into the discussion of the new woman, rich persuasively argues that the writings of these multiethnic american women expose the new woman and contemporary progressive feminist dis- course as inherently underscoring hegemonic constructions of u.s. culture. such authors as native americans s. alice callahan and mourning dove, african american pauline hopkins, chinese american sui sin far, mexican american maría cristina mena, and jewish american anzia yezierska expose the fallacy of “the iconic new woman’s stereotypical preoccupation with empowering a universalized notion of ‘woman’ ” that is blind to the limitations posed by race and socioeconomic status ( ); and ultimately, these women offer empowering feminist alternatives that either eschew white, middle-class norms or move freely between white and ethnic traditions. rich’s lucid and engaging prose results in a swift, satisfying read. her intro- duction offers an admirably thorough account of the new woman as a cultural book reviews and historical figure with troubling ties to the darker elements of progressive- era ideology, such as the eugenics and nativist movements. the subsequent five chapters combine biographical information and close readings to offer compelling conclusions about the political motivations and rhetorical strate- gies of these authors. rich’s first chapter on callahan and mourning dove clearly demonstrates how the familiar rhetoric of women’s rights is insuffi- cient in addressing the myriad limitations suffered by women of color, a point underscored in all subsequent chapters. a story by mena leads to the book’s most scathing critique of the new woman as an ignorant and rapa- cious consumer of mexican culture. the chapters on the more familiar figures of hopkins, far, and yezierka position these women as astute critics of the new woman and her progressive ideologies, in addition to pursuing their own multiple political and aesthetic aspirations. rich cogently argues that these multiethnic women must be read in order to fully understand the complicated figure of the new woman in the united states. the complex position of women of color in the academy in the early decades of the twentieth century is the focus of maría cotera’s native speakers. cotera strives to create a “multicultural feminist imaginary” by critically compar- ing these three anthropologists and fiction writers whose work demonstrates remarkable commonalities ( ). like rich, cotera finds fruitful the crossing of ethnic lines to demonstrate the shared gender, class, colonial, and imperial concerns expressed within the writings of these women of native american, african american, and tejana descent. in a bold move, she implements paula gunn allen’s metaphor of “las disappearadas” to describe deloria, hurston, and gonzález as “mobile, border crossing subjects” who have been invisible “in anthropological, ethnic nationalist, and feminist literary canons” ( ). because their writings avoid strict categorization according to discipline, form, and audience, their work was marginalized during their lifetimes and recuperated decades later. yet cotera’s examination demonstrates the simi- larities of these women to contemporary feminists of color regarding the merging of ideologies of nationalism and feminism, which she calls the “stra- tegic political mobility” of u.s.–third world feminism ( ). ultimately, cotera argues that u.s.–third world feminism may have its roots not in the post- s movements but in “the continuous historical contradictions of life at the cross- roads between gender, race, and nation” in the early twentieth century ( ). following the provocative introduction, cotera’s book is divided into two parts, the first delving into the anthropological writings of deloria, hurston, and gonzález and the second engaging with their fiction. part adeptly illus- trates the difficulties each experienced in her role of “informed native” anthro- pologist ( ). while these writers implemented groundbreaking methodolo- gies and were allowed greater access to critical ethnographic information because of their insider status, they also faced skepticism from their academic mentors about their presumed biases and reticence from the communities with whom they attempted to engage. indeed, a particularly amusing anec- american literature dote has hurston on an early research trip asking the townspeople of eaton- ville, florida, “pardon me, but do you know of any folk-tales or folk-songs?” ( ). part , aptly titled “re-writing culture: storytelling and the decolonial imagination,” explores the turn to fiction writing taken by the three as a revo- lutionary tool for creating new “decolonizing” narratives. cotera argues that the novels by deloria, hurston, and gonzález, which make central the experi- ences of women (in strict contrast to many contemporary ethnographies and novels), “simultaneously employ and subvert ethnographic discourse in an effort to call its descriptive power into question” ( ). in juxtaposing these anthropological writings and fictions and demonstrating the limitations of the former for these three writers, cotera’s study challenges theories of history and culture that occlude women of color. both transcending the new woman and native speakers are engaging and satisfying interventions in our under- standing of early-twentieth-century american literature and culture. robin e. field, king’s college doi . / - - glamour in six dimensions: modernism and the radiance of form. by judith brown. ithaca, n.y.: cornell univ. press. . xiv, pp. $ . . hollywood ambitions: celebrity in the movie age. by marsha orgeron. middletown, conn.: wesleyan univ. press. . x, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . in “churchgoing and the modern novel,” pericles lewis contends that although modernism “turn[ed] away from institutional religion,” it was also a period of “seek[ing] new forms of sacredness and possibilities of ritual in the profane world.” secular experiences “that would traditionally have been called ‘religious’ ” emerged, thus “blurring the lines between the sacred and the profane” (modernism/modernity [november ]: ). neither of the books under review is about religion, but the extent to which both employ the rhetoric of religion to describe cosmopolitan culture is striking within the context of lewis’s claims. certainly these texts can be construed to suggest that glamour and celebrity are profane translations of religious experiences. in judith brown’s book, glamour repackages the sensation, usually associated with gods and saints, of transcending materiality through otherworldliness. in marsha orgeron’s book, celebrity offers a godless form of salvation from the circumstances of biography and the limits of personality to anyone irradiated by the public gaze. in the secular mythology of the twentieth century, holly- wood replaces heaven as the arbiter of redemption, offering celebrity as a new context for spiritual rebirth. in glamour in six dimensions, brown argues that glamour was the perva- sive aesthetic of the early twentieth century, shaping high modernist experi- book reviews ments as much as the entertainment industry and popular culture. she thus explains what “chanel [and] champagne cocktails . . . have to do with the likes of wallace stevens and virginia woolf ” ( ). in each of six chapters, brown identifies a particular characteristic of glamour that is emblematized in both an article of popular culture and high modernism. for instance, her first chapter shows how chanel no. popularized the discourse of scent, which permitted fluid “movement between material object and ethereal effect”—a transition with which stevens’s poetry was also concerned ( ). in another chapter, the photograph is shown to have offered woolf a grammar for explor- ing the enchantment of arrested moments. the properties of each object from popular culture help explicate the various dimensions of glamour, such as its valorization of deeply meaningful moments over the impermeability of histori- cal reality. for brown, glamour is yet another form of modernism’s assault against the tyranny of realism, a way of “dematerializing and rematerializing” the body ( ), rejecting “the pressing realities of the flesh” in favor of a state of fasci- nation by materiality’s excess ( ). modernist “fantas[ies] of uplift without . . . politics” reflect a longing for apolitical modes of self- and social transfiguration ( ). insofar as religious desire can be understood as yearning for something more than what merely exists, as an acknowledgment of the limits of ratio- nal materialism, religious desire pervades the aesthetics of glamour, which “becomes a twentieth-century response to the loss of . . . spiritual belief,” a way of “[maintaining] the qualities of ecstatic illumination” once institu- tionalized religion is dismantled ( ). glamour, etymologically linked to witchcraft, designates a perceived “mystical experience” ( ), an “enchant- ment” ( ), or a “refiguration of the world . . . from filth to resplendence” ( ). brown’s diction denotes the pervasiveness in modernism of what would be called religious experiences were she describing features of a society less saturated in secularity than modernity is perceived to be. even technology, the feature of the twentieth century perhaps most associated with its departure from pre-enlightenment modes of thought and experience, is the vehicle not for grounding the modernists in rational experience but for delivering them beyond it. glamour, that is, is transfiguration through technology; perfume or cameras are used to “[take] us to the edges of subjectivity,” “[lift] us . . . out of ourselves” ( ). technology, like an encounter with god, is what “produces distance, an inhuman sheen” ( ). in hollywood ambitions, orgeron too describes celebrity in the movie age as reflecting “belief ” and “faith” in “the redemptive powers” of cinema and hollywood mythmaking ( ). she considers celebrity a secular means of “transformation” ( ), a modern-day conversion narrative reflecting less the adoption of a new ideology than a moment of illumination by a combination of the projector’s light and popular attention. orgeron’s chapters examine vari- ous figures who actively tried to mobilize hollywood in order to achieve celeb- rity status. each case study offers “insight into the ways that the very concept american literature of success—of, quite literally, ‘making it’—was being altered in the new cen- tury” by an industry that “promised to ‘make them’ in ways that they simply could not ‘make themselves’ ” ( ). the quests for fame of wyatt earp, jack london, clara bow, gertrude stein, and ida lupino take on epic proportions when we consider their striving for success as a pursuit of deliverance from the limits of flesh and circumstance as only hollywood could bestow. as stein is the single recurring character (and “four saints in three acts” the only recurring text) in glamour in six dimensions and hollywood ambi- tions, she emerges as the high priestess of cosmopolitan religious secularity. orgeron attends to stein’s peculiar status, in her own time, as “an author famous for writing that which went largely unread” ( ). she argues that stein designed the popular rejection of her texts as works that were meant to be read; in fact, stein can be seen as the originator of the new and increasingly popular genre of “optioned” texts: novels and screenplays written to be pur- chased by film studios and not read by the public. stein’s discipleship of holly- wood in the s signified her understanding that it was not only arbitrating transcendence in her era but also redefining the terms of it. “[m]oney, leisure, [and] mass recognition” were all things that would circumvent actual texts in signifying literary genius, displacing genius to such effects as fame and wealth ( ). perhaps what stein’s case illustrates is the redistribution of reli- gious experience within capitalism, which still manufactures transcendence under the moniker of “success.” the ideological pervasiveness of capitalism would not then signify cosmopolitanism’s triumph over but its saturation in religious experiences. colbey emmerson reid, york college of pennsylvania doi . / - - william faulkner and the southern landscape. by charles s. aiken. athens: univ. of georgia press. . xiii, pp. $ . . global faulkner. ed. annette trefzer and ann j. abadie. jackson: univ. press of mississippi. . xvi, pp. $ . . while they share little else, both of these books remind me of darl’s rumi- nations early in as i lay dying: “everything . . . hangs on too long. like our rivers, our land: opaque, slow, violent; shaping and creating the life of man in its implacable and brooding image” ( ; reprint, [new york: vintage, ], ). william faulkner’s place—the inescapable positionality of yokna- patawpha—continues to captivate his readers and critics. in even the most abstruse new projects in faulkner studies, his imaginative place persists in the fascination and provocation it inspires, whether his readers’ concerns are geographical or geopolitical. book reviews if faulkner imagined his cosmos as a postage stamp of native soil, charles aiken is interested chiefly in the dirt itself—the nitty-gritty geography of yoknapatawpha. in william faulkner and the southern landscape, aiken (an academic geographer) takes up four main questions about the geography of northwest mississippi and its relationship to the writer’s imaginative county. two of these questions have long occupied faulkner scholarship: “how did faulkner convert the local geography into a fictional one?” and “did faulkner create yoknapatawpha as a microcosm of the american south?” aiken seems only slightly aware of or interested in the history of these questions. neverthe- less, with regard to his remaining questions—“in what ways do the historical geographies of oxford and lafayette county emulate those of jefferson and yoknapatawpha county?” and “what is faulkner’s geographical legacy?”—he has made a significant contribution to the field. that this book is a product of many years’ labor and reflection is obvious, chiefly in aiken’s forthright fondness for the landscape and literature at hand. the most fruitful parts of his study grow out of his keen eye for the geographi- cal features of yoknapatawpha mythology and its historical lafayette county origins. the book is rich in original graphs, charts, maps, and photography that catalog and explain features of lafayette county with new clarity. aiken is at his best when he encounters and interprets northern mississippi as a geographer. he explains clearly notable features of the landscape, the human forces that altered it, and faulkner’s faithfulness in presenting both in his stories. the picture that emerges of faulkner is that of a mississippi native who understood and largely grieved the geographical changes he witnessed in his time. aiken’s failure to recognize his own best strengths in his approach to this material dilutes the force of his study, as does his scant attention to impor- tant work by literary critics and historians concerned with many of his same questions. the geographical and historical origins of faulkner’s work, as well as the symbolic significance of yoknapatawpha as a reflection of the south at large, have been ably (if inconclusively) argued for decades. recent important works by don doyle and joel williamson, for example, could have enriched aiken’s approach; instead, aiken wades into this long-running conversation with very little sense of its history. the published proceedings of the faulkner and yoknapatawpha con- ference, global faulkner continues the annual gathering’s practice of approach- ing the writer’s “implacable and brooding” world thematically. what emerges in the volume is not only a number of essays (of varying strength) about the global dimensions of faulkner’s work but also a fascinating snapshot of the global give and take in faulkner studies. indeed, global faulkner is perhaps most remarkable for the divide it reveals between u.s. scholars steeped in postcolonial theory and international scholars whose interest in theoretical approaches to faulkner is markedly less pronounced. nearly all of the u.s. scholarship is animated by the language and ques- american literature tions that have occupied postcolonial studies in recent decades. john mat- thews ably headlines this section of the book in an essay that reads the snopes trilogy as a cold war political fable. matthews is prophetic and even apoca- lyptic in his indictment of american “global plutocracy” ( ). a number of critics take up the connections in faulkner’s work between the u.s. south and the caribbean. most often beginning with thomas sutpen’s errand to haiti, these essays explore the southern slavocracy and its postbellum aftermath as both emblem and harbinger of u.s. colonial forays into the caribbean and elsewhere throughout the twentieth century. perhaps the most insightful and lucid essay from a u.s. contributor is elizabeth steeby’s treatment of charles bon as a “transnational queer figure” ( ), in which she helpfully explicates this mythical cosmopolitan whom faulkner has so provocatively imbued with an unsolvable alterity. in stark contrast to their american colleagues, the international contribu- tors to the collection pursue more seemingly straightforward questions. ital- ian critic and frequent translator of faulkner, mario materassi, revives the novel mosquitoes, arguing that this neglected work provides an impor- tant means of understanding faulkner himself as a reader of global literature. spaniard manuel broncano’s essay is downright old-fashioned in its consider- ation of faulkner’s long-standing enthrallment with miguel de cervantes and other matters spanish. recalling faulkner’s claim that he made a habit of rereading cervantes’s don quixote every year (“like other people read the bible” [ ]), broncano maps the quixotic motif in a number of faulkner’s novels as well his republican sympathies in the spanish civil war. african novelist tierno monénembo approaches panegyric in his archetypal medita- tion on faulkner. in faulkner’s novels, monénembo claims, “people are not really born: they come into the world to atone for their sin” ( ). address- ing the riddle of faulkner’s appeal to writers like himself, be they african or caribbean, monénembo incisively suggests that “it is because he tackles the two primordial questions of the literature of young nations: language and the relationship with history” ( ). thus faulkner’s apocryphal landscape sustains the elemental queries of “young” international readers (not to mention those of a geographer from tennessee) while providing substantial inducement for the earnest excava- tions of wizened u.s. theorists. clearly, we have not yet depleted the opaque, slow, and violent soil of yoknapatawpha. h. collin messer, grove city college doi . / - - book reviews red land, red power: grounding knowledge in the american indian novel. by sean kicummah teuton. durham, n.c.: duke univ. press. . xvii, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . seeing red: anger, sentimentality, and american indians. by cari m. carpenter. columbus: ohio state univ. press. . xiv, pp. $ . . in red land, red power, sean teuton moves deftly among theories of knowl- edge production, literary analysis, and recollections of personal experiences as a university professor, prison volunteer, and citizen of the cherokee nation to enact a method of literary interpretation based in what he calls “tribal realism.” his first three chapters offer rich reinterpretations of three texts canonical in american indian literature, including n. scott momaday’s house made of dawn, james welch’s winter in the blood, and leslie marmon silko’s ceremony. teuton has a keen ability to convey how tribal relationships that are based in kinship and that have endured long histories of colonial confronta- tions with the united states are essential to understanding these novels’ char- acters and dramatic tensions. a fourth chapter poignantly broadens his schol- arly insights by appreciating the political implications of poetry composed by imprisoned native men with whom teuton worked in new york state’s auburn correctional facility. a short conclusion adumbrates future studies in contemporary fiction that “explore neglected communities in indian america” ( ). inspired in part by the work of satya mohanty, teuton’s “tribal realism” embraces a “postpositivist realism” that evaluates socially constructed identi- ties “according to their comparative ability to interpret our experiences” and to produce “reliable knowledge of the world” ( ). asserting a “tribal episte- mology” as the basis for developing tribal realism, teuton reads literature to appreciate “the political emergence of a new tribal national consciousness in red power” ( ). he at times simplifies the many tribal epistemologies into a general tribal identity that is implicitly synonymous with red power and the american indian movement (aim), movements which themselves changed significantly over the decades. in treating the work of gerald vizenor (chip- pewa), he overlooks vizenor’s specific objections to some of the confrontational tactics and egos of aim during the late s. instead, he portrays vizenor’s “trickster theories” as unproductively mired in language games that frustrate a tribally grounded process of protecting native identity ( ). at one point he characterizes vizenor’s novel bearheart as “ahistorical” ( , ). but, one might ask, why not read vizenor’s work against the federal government’s imposition of blood quantum terminologies as a means of attempting to define and regulate indian identity? for example, in the columbia guide to american indian literatures of the united states since ( ), eric cheyfitz reads bearheart in the context of federal indian law so that vizenor’s term crossblood retains a historical and political significance that would seem to complement american literature teuton’s goal of “creating the social conditions for tribal cultures to flourish” ( ). in seeing red, cari carpenter takes a different tack in her readings of sophia alice callahan (creek), e. pauline johnson (mohawk), and sarah win- nemucca hopkins (northern paiute), writers who are “playing angry” and playing indian to audiences that include philanthropically minded upper-class white women (for example, members of the women’s national indian associa- tion [wnia]) who were the powerbrokers of dominant american philanthropy during the allotment era ( ). callahan’s, johnson’s, and hopkins’s autho- rial tactics of “play” represent anger to affect the political landscape while manipulating stereotypes about native identity in fictions that challenge the racially and culturally inflected gender conventions that govern the putatively proper feminine responses to injustice. carpenter does a fine job of opening up the discursive potential of anger and outrage to theories of sentiment. she convinces me that anger is indeed a tool with which native women writers powerfully negotiate for more authority while manipulating their audiences’ expectations. whereas harriet beecher stowe’s uncle tom’s cabin figures as a central reference for carpenter’s elu- cidation of sentimental theory, one imagines a companion to this volume that would engage more centrally lydia maria child, catharine maria sedgwick, and helen hunt jackson or that would develop the genre of captivity narrative or autobiography through mary jemison to chart an alternative constellation of sentimental anger. overall, the chapters’ reworkings of sentimental theories tend to homoge- nize native peoples in carpenter’s “quest to make this anger matter in indige- nous terms” ( ). in her introduction, carpenter herself notes the risk of projecting anger on various cultural systems and she admonishes that the definition, significance, and implication of anger ought to be carefully weighed in particular historical contexts ( – ). teuton’s paradigm of tribal realism would help extend carpenter’s analysis to be more specific with varying cul- tural constructions of anger and to define more clearly what she means by “nation”—a term that becomes vague. at one point, for instance, carpenter gauges johnson’s potential “nationalist” affect and effect by noting that mar- garet atwood included the poem “ojistoh” in an anthology of canadian litera- ture ( – ). in her fascinating chapter on winnemucca, carpenter brings the ambiguity between native authorship and tribal communal identity into a rich contempo- rary tension. reading winnemucca as someone who “affirm[s] her nationhood through sentimental anger,” she acknowledges the irony that winnemucca’s “toughest audience” was (and is) “her own people” ( ). carpenter explains that many in the northern paiute community distrusted winnemucca’s role as an “interpreter for the military and the white agents who ran the reserva- tions” and considered treasonous her advocacy of land reforms in the general allotment act, which sought to assimilate indians into a mold of book reviews western property-based identity that devastated communal land holdings ( ). she counters this view by reading winnemucca’s life among the piutes: their wrongs and claims ( ) as “a sustained sentimental critique of colo- nialism” ( ). in claiming that winnemucca uses “sentimentality to assert her indigenous nation” ( ), carpenter raises a host of provocative questions, including: to what extent is this “indigenous nation” synonymous with north- ern paiute understandings of land and kinship? in any case, carpenter lays out a compelling dilemma for winnemucca’s task of translating the property- centered ideology of the allotment era through a form of sentimental protest that potentially sustained native identity at a time when many philanthropists considered communal systems of native kinship pathetically uncivilized. kendall johnson, swarthmore college doi . / - - millennial literatures of the americas, – . by thomas o. beebee. oxford, eng.: oxford univ. press. . xi, pp. $ . . apocalyptic patterns in twentieth-century fiction. by david j. leigh. notre dame, ind.: univ. of notre dame press. . xvi, pp. paper, $ . . eschatological narratives had existed in the americas long before christo- pher columbus arrived equipped with a christian repertoire of millennial tropes—and they have been thriving there ever since. at certain historical moments, fantasies of the end of time arose with particular urgency. so it was in the late nineteenth century, when millennial dreams sparked violent incidents across the americas, from the red river resistance in manitoba to the war of canudos in bahia. so it was, most recently, in reaction to the turn of the millennium and the / attacks. but, even at calmer times, the stream of apocalyptic narratives seems never to subside. (as i am writing this, movie previews are featuring the apocalyptic extravaganza , an adaptation of cormac mccarthy’s postcatastrophe novel the road, and, for a younger audi- ence, the wasteland-ish animation film .) questions surrounding these narra- tives persist as well: is there anything particularly american about this obses- sion with the end of time? how do apocalyptical narratives function within existing structures of power? why is it that secular modernity, rather than weakening millennialist thinking, seems to fuel it? and what characterizes the relation of culture—particularly of literature—to apocalyptic worldviews? an impressive achievement of millennial literatures of the americas is that it suggests answers to all these questions, and several others. thomas beebee’s ambitious study spans five centuries and two continents, covering writers as diverse as ernesto cardenal, herman melville, mario vargas llosa, margaret atwood, and bob dylan. this wide archive is linked by three main arguments. first, the book claims that a certain form of apocalyptic imagina- american literature tion is particular to the americas. because european colonialists relied on the erasure of indigenous societies and histories, they turned to narratives of the end time to fill the absence. “americans in particular,” writes beebee, “tend to understand their origins by narrating their end” ( ). shaped by the colonial encounter, american eschatologies gradually gained a hybrid form, for instance when the missionaries’ christian trope of “the new jerusalem” blended with native myths of “the land without evil.” an interesting chap- ter is devoted to the “hybrid messiah”—beebee’s term for such figures as captain ahab, nat turner, wovoka, louis riel, and jim jones, who translate knowledge from the dominant culture to the language of the native in order to deliver their apocalyptic messages. the hybrid messiah’s position is pre- carious: his followers see him as savior while the mainstream regards him as antichrist. as the book shows, this multivalence of american millennialism renders it an auspicious tool in the hands of both dominant sectors and oppo- sition groups. the heyday of “oppositional” millennialism was during the second half of the nineteenth century, when, in reaction to the destructiveness of capital- ism, expansionism, and industrialization, indigenous movements such as the ghost dancers in the united states, the canudos settlement in brazil, and louis riel’s métis movement in canada adopted eschatological narratives for self-preservation and renewal. a second main argument of the book is that capitalism and scientific rationalism do not typically replace eschatological worldviews but nourish them in several paradoxical ways. beebee terms this phenomenon “eschatechnology”—the blend of the scientific and the spiritual, of god and technology, so prevalent in the cultures of america, from the let- ters of columbus to cold war–era ufology. beebee’s third argument is that literature holds a complex relation to mil- lennialism, and he suggests that literary works can be located on a continuum that runs from the “prophetic” to the “reflectively dissonant” ( ). some works of literature, that is, are full participants in eschatechnological ideologies and movements (novels such as andrew macdonald’s the turner diaries or tim lahaye and jerry jenkins’s left behind series); others treat them with criti- cism (melville’s moby-dick) or outright parody (atwood’s the handmaid’s tale). millennial literatures thus layers its account of missionaries, messiahs, and utopian communities with analyses of dozens of radically diverse literary works to form a rich and valuable cultural history. david leigh’s apocalyptic patterns in twentieth-century fiction is less interested in the interface of history and culture than millennial literatures. leigh’s rather traditional literary study analyzes the presence of eschatologi- cal themes, plots, and symbols in the works of seventeen twentieth-century authors (mostly british and american) in order to display the range of liter- ary methods and philosophical questions raised by modern rewritings of the apocalypse. leigh relies on two theoretical frameworks to shape his readings: literary critics such as frank kermode and northrop frye, who theorized book reviews the crucial function of narrative endings in conferring meaning and value to the whole, and, more importantly, theologians and philosophers such as john davenport, zachary hayes, and jürgen moltmann, who developed taxono- mies of eschatological traditions and concerns. leigh divides the study into several themes, such as “the quest for tran- scendence,” “the cosmic battle,” “the ultimate union,” and “death and transi- tion.” under these headings, he explores both “critical” and “participatory” literary works (to return to beebee’s distinction), a method that produces interesting juxtapositions: thomas pynchon and don delillo, for instance, are grouped with the catholic-inspired walker percy, and john updike is read alongside supernaturalist writer charles williams. while leigh’s sympathies often seem to lean toward the affirmative christian sensibilities of percy, wil- liams, and c. s. lewis, some of his most interesting insights emerge from the analyses of secular writers and genres. behind the irony of postmodernist classics such as pynchon’s the crying of lot and delillo’s white noise, he finds “signs of transcendence in a late twentieth-century world of indetermi- nacy and pessimism” ( ); he discovers in secular works of science fiction “insights into incarnation and resurrection that are quite compatible with . . . theological speculation” ( ). perhaps this is one point where the two books under review meet: both expose the deep and abiding influence of the ancient language of ultimacy and revelation undergirding even the most avant-garde of cultural expressions. milette shamir, tel aviv university doi . / - - invisible listeners: lyric intimacy in herbert, whitman, and ashbery. by helen vendler. princeton, n.j.: princeton univ. press. . pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . the art of twentieth-century american poetry: modernism and after. by charles altieri. malden, mass.: blackwell. . xi, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . from modernism to postmodernism: american poetry and theory in the twentieth century. by jennifer ashton. cambridge, eng.: cambridge univ. press. . x, pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . a transnational poetics. by jahan ramazani. chicago: univ. of chicago press. . xvii, pp. $ . . contemporary american poetry is a field so broad it defies definition or clas- sification, and these recent volumes demonstrate how various the academic american literature study of that poetry has become, juxtaposing old-fashioned close reading of individual poems with a closer attention to historical context, more subtle considerations of periodization, and a heightened awareness of the interna- tional context in which post- poetry has been produced. helen vendler’s invisible listeners, based on a princeton university lecture series, examines poems in which poets address “someone they do not know and cannot set eyes on, their invisible listener” ( ). for george herbert, this addressee is a deity rendered distant by conventional theology and liturgy; for walt whitman, a “comrade-reader in futurity” who can become the object of the homoerotic empathy nineteenth-century mores will not allow whitman to extend to his actual contemporaries ( ); for john ashbery, the mannerist painter francesco parmigianino, whose self-portrait in a convex mirror fur- nishes the title of ashbery’s poem. vendler would defend the single-voiced lyric from “socially oriented critics” concerned only with “the clash of classes, the domestic and political media- tions of sexuality, the fabric of community,” for whom “nothing of social value can be articulated” in the solitary lyric ( – ). (such monsters of politically correct insensitivity are probably a good deal rarer than vendler implies.) on the contrary, she asserts, “lyrics of hypothetical colloquy are an ideal staging- place for ethical questions”; in such poems “we find a kind of lyric utopia, in which possible models of human relations are produced, revised, and consoli- dated” ( – ). vendler’s close readings are always deft; she is especially good on herbert’s manipulations of traditional meters and forms. but her overall “ethical” frame is unlikely to move readers interested in how these three very disparate poets construct their “invisible” addressees within radically different social contexts and from radically different positions within poetic tradition, which vendler tends to reduce to a more or less unitary “law of art” ( ). she is most persua- sive in reading ashbery’s colloquy with parmigianino as an event in the dis- course of mid-twentieth-century art history. her readings of whitman, which assume his homosexuality without considering precisely what that would have implied for a nineteenth-century american, are rather familiar. and her interpretations of herbert surprisingly elide the fact that most of the poems she discusses under the rubric of “direct address” are either short narratives or outright dramatic dialogues. in the end, the brevity of invisible listeners constrains vendler from persuasively unfolding her rather large argument. charles altieri’s the art of twentieth-century american poetry is one of blackwell’s “introductions to literature,” and the volume fits strangely into a series intended for “general readers” and “non-specialists” (ii). nodding to the comprehensiveness of christopher macgowan’s twentieth-century american poetry ( ), altieri disclaims coverage, aiming rather to describe some of the most important issues of subjectivity with which the modernists grappled and the subsequent fortunes of the techniques they elaborated. the art of twentieth-century american poetry feels like an elaboration and extension book reviews of altieri’s painterly abstraction in modernist american poetry ( ), which similarly delineates how the modernists, in dialogue with postimpressionist painting, elaborated new models of subjective agency by which to deal with the crisis of modernity. altieri’s first chapters show how ezra pound and william carlos williams, responding to the innovations of contemporary science, henri bergson, and paul cézanne, elaborated “new realisms” of consciousness and sensation, and how t. s. eliot, mina loy, and marianne moore pursued a poetics of “imper- sonality” in reaction to the rhetorical expectations of late-nineteenth-century culture. in the political and cultural crises of the s, george oppen and langston hughes attempted to write poems that addressed social problems without recourse to public rhetorics, rhetorics which wallace stevens and w. h. auden would revive, though in significantly altered forms. finally, altieri surveys a diverse quartet of poets—robert lowell, adrienne rich, robert creeley, and ashbery—who “in different ways developed the possi- bility that modernist attitudes toward sensation could be extended to include how we appear to ourselves” ( ). altieri’s interpretations, which aside from an injection of lacanian theory remain essentially congruent with those of painterly abstraction, are of almost jamesian subtlety. he writes about poets on whom he has meditated for decades, striving once again to untangle the most precise shades of subjective stance and address. at times, as in his readings of hughes and rich, the poem itself seems to crumble under his imposing hermeneutic machinery. altieri’s readings can be very illuminating, once one has patiently teased out the den- sities of his overwhelmingly conceptual prose, but whether they are of much use to the “general reader”—or indeed to any reader beneath the advanced graduate school level—is questionable. jennifer ashton’s from modernism to postmodernism is at least superficially a response to marjorie perloff’s twenty-first-century modernism: the “new” poetics ( ). perloff argues that the poetic revolution of modernism was not superseded by postmodernism so much as it was arrested by the first world war, the great depression, and world war ii; only in the past few decades have the projects of the high modernists been reinvented and brought to maturity by such avant-gardists as the language poets, whose work might more accurately be named “late modernist” than “postmodernist.” ashton argues precisely the opposite: that postmodernist american poetry, characterized by indeterminacy and a barthesian invitation to the reader to participate in constructing the text’s meaning, is indeed very different from modernist poetry; and furthermore, that postmodernist poets, in citing gertrude stein and laura (riding) jackson as precursors, have flatly mis- understood those modernists’ projects. stein and (riding) jackson have no truck with the language poets’ celebration of indeterminacy and the materi- ality of the signifier but are instead committed to models of poetic meaning precisely dependent on authorial intention. the true precursors of postmod- american literature ernism in poetry, argues ashton, are the new critics, whose “doctrines of the heresy of paraphrase and the fallacy of intention” are the practical equiva- lent of “language poetry’s commitments to the material form of the text and readerly participation in it” ( ). ashton’s argument revolves around a distinction between the text’s mean- ing (dependent on authorial intention) and its effect on a reader, a distinction which, ashton shows, gets repeatedly confused over the history of twentieth- century poetic theory. there is a sorting-out in her final chapter, where cog- nitive theory (along with the poetry of jorie graham) demonstrates that “meaning and effect, intention and attention, logic and phenomenology, are simultaneous and not only not indistinguishable, but categorically distinct” ( ). her thesis is provocative and counterintuitive in the best sense, though her book ultimately says less about twentieth-century poetry than about its theorizations; more close and careful examinations of the poems of (riding) jackson and the language writers might have made ashton’s clear-cut divide between modernism and postmodernism rather less distinct. having edited the most recent edition of the norton anthology of modern and contemporary poetry, jahan ramazani brings an encyclopedic knowledge of the field to the task of retheorizing the relationship of poetry to nationality and ethnicity in the age of globalization. the fundamental thesis of a trans- national poetics is rather simple: categorizing poets by nationality, a principle still largely unchallenged in the american academy, is woefully inadequate for addressing twentieth- and twenty-first-century anglophone poetry. english, rather than the language of the british or u.s. imperiums, is “a world language for poets, or at least a semiglobal conduit through which poets encounter, advance, and redirect cross-cultural flows of tropes and words, ideas and images” ( ). “american” poetry as such plays a supporting role in ramazani’s study, which ranges through travel poetry, elegy, and the relationship of “high” modernist forms to postcolonial hybridity, decolonization, and contemporary afro-british poetry. ramazani emphasizes the transnationality of the ameri- cans he does address: the expatriate pound, deriving his modernist poetics from renaissance italian and chinese models; eliot, the st. louis–born new englander who would refashion himself as more english than the english, peppering the waste land with evidences of his own classical and sanskrit education; the english-born new yorker auden, elegizing the anglo-irish w. b. yeats and “putting the irishman’s poetry in the service of cosmopolitan- ism” ( ). ramazani’s is a rich book, full of methodological insights and dazzlingly eclectic in the range of poets it presents, from all quarters of the anglophone world. indeed, it covers so much territory that it resembles a critical mani- festo more than a work of criticism, a baedeker to anglophone poetries rather than a more focused rough guide. ramazani triumphantly demonstrates how poetries from kashmir to chicago, lagos to london, and barbados to brixton book reviews fit into various transnational models. one wishes, however, that his treatments of individual poets and poems were not so often fleeting and illustrative. mark scroggins, florida atlantic university doi . / - - machine-age comedy. by michael north. new york: oxford univ. press. . viii, pp. paper, $ . . ex-foliations: reading machines and the upgrade path. by terry harpold. minne- apolis: univ. of minnesota press. . pp. cloth, $ . ; paper, $ . . perhaps as a corrective to the utopian optimism that characterized the mid- s, current scholarship in media studies tends to offer a more tempered critical engagement. rather than making heady projections about posthuman futures enabled via digitization, many scholars are now instead taking stock, looking back, and attempting to provide historical context for the field in its current form. two recent books follow this trend. michael north’s machine-age comedy reconsiders the comedic mode in relation to the technology of modernity. while dominant interpretations of mechanization in relation to comedy view comedic works as critical of tech- nology, north offers a convincing counterthesis: what if in works of comedy technology functioned not as a mere object of scorn but as a source of creative inspiration? north provides a lucid survey of theoretical accounts of comedy in his introduction—touching on aristophanes, friedrich schiller, hegel, and thomas hobbes—in order to create a vector for his own approach, which is to analyze machine-age comedy against the grain. specifically, he contrasts his analysis to that of henri bergson, for whom “laugher is an expression of the natural hostility of organic life to the machine” ( ). across six chapters, north tests his thesis against a variety of sources, includ- ing rube goldberg’s fiendish machines, the paintings of wyndham lewis, the films of buster keaton and charlie chaplin, the art of marcel duchamp, and the writing of david foster wallace. his discussion of early disney animations in chapter , “mickey’s mechanical man,” is particularly illustrative. under- stood to be prime examples of the culture industry run rampant, disney films in general and mickey mouse in particular were initially endorsed by walter benjamin and sergei eisenstein. north calls the reader’s attention to an early draft of benjamin’s “work of art” essay, which describes how disney films offer a “therapeutic release of unconscious energies” ( ). although this sec- tion was redacted after input from theodor adorno, it reveals an early sym- pathy that was not uncommon among left-leaning critics. it was only after the studio’s decision to favor an organic aesthetic in its films—meant to obscure the very technology that produced them—that disney fell out of critical favor. american literature the tightly coupled relation north traces between early disney cartoons and their reception makes for a successful analysis, and his overall attention to critical and historical context is a major strength of the study. along these lines, north’s discussion of wallace’s infinite jest in the final chapter is slightly less convincing than the other sections. north offers a careful reading of this novel in light of the features he has spent the previous chapters developing, but he does not situate wallace’s novel within its own historical milieu. published in , at the height of the dot-com era, infinite jest seems discontinuous with the other examples north provides, which are informed by predigital technologies. although this section would have bene- fitted from the historical contextualization that undergirds the rest the study, this is a minor criticism. machine-age comedy is an excellent book, one that lends fresh insight to historical assumptions about modern comedy. terry harpold’s ex-foliations similarly considers technology in a historical context. all seven chapters of this detailed study explore reading technologies that have both anticipated and been made obsolete by contemporary inter- faces. by tracing the emergence of digitally born narratives from these prior forms, harpold points to shifting expectations about what such works should express and how they should operate. central to his study are the concepts of obsolescence, “historiation,” which he defines as “a form of recollection acti- vated by visible traits of the reading surface” ( ), and “ex-foliation, meaning a loosely grouped set of procedures for provisionally separating the layers of the text’s surfaces . . . with the aim of understanding their expressive concur- rencies” ( ). in the first two chapters, harpold describes how two pioneering examples in the history of reading technologies—vannevar bush’s memex and ted nelson’s “xanadu”—complicate distinctions between interior and exterior spaces of memory and writing. chapter , “revenge of the word,” reviews early claims about hypertext fiction’s privileging of the word over the image and offers several instances of works that enact this “revenge.” one of the most compelling examples he provides is digital artist giselle beiguelman’s //**code_up ( ), a “web-based re-envisioning” of michelangelo anto- nioni’s film blow-up ( ). in this work, beiguelman digitizes moments from the film and expresses them in waving patterns of code, such that filmic images yield to numbers, letters, and other written signs. the fourth chapter offers examples of experimental book technologies and the problem of obso- lescence, including, most notably, william gibson’s agrippa (a book of the dead). a more problematic moment occurs in chapter , when harpold disapproves of the word “lexia” to describe chunks of text in hypertext fiction because it has been appropriated from roland barthes without maintaining barthes’s emphasis on the reader’s participation in constructing the “unit of meaning.” while harpold’s objections are clearly articulated, his urging that the term “be dropped from the vocabulary of new media studies or else redefined in keep- book reviews ing with barthes’ original use” seems excessively prescriptive ( ). a more subtle insight comes in the next chapter, when harpold counters n. katherine hayles’s characterization of early electronic literature’s “brave beginning” and robert coover’s criticisms about the “disorderly sprawl” of the net and its fictions by saying that such attention to quality “obscure[s] intractable but basic problems of the historical currency of much about the new media” ( , , ). the final chapter, “reading machines,” provides a fascinating history of reading technologies—from agostino ramelli’s book wheel to the command-line interface (cli)—and suggests how each new technology both emerges and departs from previous innovations. ex-foliations is a rich compendium that situates current reading practices within a long historical continuum. it reveals how expectations about emerg- ing technologies are informed by prior forms, as well as how new technology has the ability to subvert such expectations. lisa swanstrom, brandeis university doi . / - - the rule of liberty by christopher e. kozak submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the king scholar program michigan state university college of law under the direction of professor glen staszewski spring, © chris kozak the rule of liberty chris kozak abstract conservative judges are frequently portrayed as enemies of civil rights. these judges typically respond to criticism by protesting that they are not prejudiced; they are only eschewing harmful “results-based” reasoning. “law” they say, “is useless . . . if it varies from day to day and from judge to judge.” the law is never fully determinate, so these judges counsel us to look to our traditions to find values, not abstract notions of justice. the appeal of this method is undeniable. it anchors us in our collective will and adopts only those values which have survived the crucible of experience. these values also have a distinct rightward tilt. and so, we are accused of being at least as wishy-washy as liberal thinkers. in this article, i demonstrate that not all traditional interpretive values are right-leaning. for most of our history, the maxim behind the rule of lenity applied in another context: slavery and freedom. based in the presumption that the natural law favored personal liberty, it required courts to interpret emancipations liberally. the canon— which i call the rule of liberty—was unquestioned in the united states until the south began to fear abolition. in the s, the south inverted the canon, presuming instead that the natural law favored slavery. this was a foundational principle of dred scott. after abolition, reactionary lawyers induced the u.s. supreme court to silently retain this presumption, and its ghost is still with us today. the rule of liberty’s pedigree rivals even the most ancient rules of construction, and it was approved by every state of our union. its demise was not due to structural flaws; it was destroyed by klansmen and confederates intent on preserving slavery. thus, there is no reason for conservatives to reject it. indeed, we should return it to its rightful place as part of our constitutional tradition. . j. harvie wilkinson iii, subjective art; objective law, notre dame l. rev. , ( ). the rule of liberty table of contents introduction ................................................................................... i. the birth of the rule of liberty ......................................... ii. the life and death of the american rule of liberty ... a. the nature of the right to freedom ................................. . the right to give freedom ......................................... . irrevocability & deference ......................................... . primacy ....................................................................... . rights inherent in freedom ........................................ b. liberty and formalism ...................................................... . capacity & standing ................................................... . proof ........................................................................... c. interpretation ..................................................................... . private law: wills, deeds & contracts ..................... . public law: legislation .............................................. . constitutional law...................................................... d. the demise of the rule of liberty .................................... iii. resurrecting the rule of liberty ..................................... a. the ghost of dred scott .................................................... b. the first constitutional moment ...................................... c. liberty in the modern world ............................................ iv. the modern rule of liberty ............................................... a. the broad-construction principle..................................... . resetting § ............................................................... . enforcing civil rights ................................................ . construing free-labor statutes ................................. b. the noninterference principle .......................................... c. the implied repeal principle ............................................ conclusion .................................................................................... introduction the rule of lenity is a staple in supreme court jurisprudence. it is an old principle, derived from the roman maxim in favorem vitae et libertatis (in favor of life and liberty). however, the romans . see generally muscarello v. united states, u.s. ( ); skilling v. united states, u.s. ( ); antonin scalia & bryan a. garner, reading law § ( ). . see, e.g., callanan v. united states, u.s. , ( ); united states v. fah chung, f. , (s.d. ga. ); jean allain, the legal understanding of slavery , - ; intisar a. rabb, the islamic rule of © chris kozak first used the axiom, not in criminal cases, but in the law of slavery. in cases of ambiguity, this rule—the rule of liberty—required roman judges to restrict slavery and favor human freedom. english and american judges alike adopted this thinking as a bedrock principle of the common law. at its most abstract, the anglo- american rule held that courts must presume in favor of liberty, and that all instruments conferring freedom must be construed liberally, in favor of freedom. surprisingly, the courts in most slave states proclaimed that this rule was “unquestioned.” but as the south began to fear abolition, its courts abruptly changed course and decided that the law ought to favor slavery. these decisions were the unseen foundation of dred scott v. sandford. following abolition, reactionary southern lawyers convinced the u.s. supreme court to silently retain the assumptions of these decisions—including dred scott—to impose a restrictive gloss on the thirteenth amendment. since then, the rule of liberty has drifted into obsolescence. then again, so has slavery. but the rule of liberty has a role in our modern legal system, for at least three reasons. first, it is necessary if dred scott is, as most people assume, fully overruled. second, it is necessary to ward against artificial restrictions like those that the south imposed on the thirteenth amendment— restrictions that enabled the rise of jim crow. the warren court lenity: judicial discretion and legal canons, vand. j. transnational l. , n. ( ). aaron x. fellmeth & maurice horowitz, a guide to latin in international law ( ). . allain, supra note , at - . . the promises of liberty: the history and contemporary relevance of the thirteenth amendment (alexander tsesis, ed., ); william m. wiecek, the origins of the law of slavery in british north america, cardozo l. rev. , - , ( ). . iii william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england - n. ( ). . see isaac v. west, randolph , - (va. ) (citing justinian, digest and lord coke, the first part of the institutes laws of england b); elder v. elder, leigh , (va. ). . e.g., harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. , (miss. ) (“slavery is condemned by reason and the laws of nature. it exists and can only exist, through municipal regulations, and in matters of doubt, is it not an unquestioned rule that courts must lean in favorem vitae et libertatis?”). . tsesis, supra note , at - . . justin buckley dyer, natural law and the antislavery constitutional tradition - ( ); dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) ( ). . see, e.g., the civil rights cases, u.s. ( ). the rule of liberty chafed at the injustices created by this system. but in its haste to end a century of quasi-slavery, the court upended separation of powers, federalism, and textualism all at once—invoking amorphous concepts of “freedom.” the rehnquist and roberts courts have rightfully pushed back against the judicial abuse these methods permit. but if the warren court taught us anything, it showed that overcorrection is dangerous. the rule of liberty presents a principled way to protect civil rights without wading into the morass of subjectivity or overcompensating for past mistakes. the rule allows courts, as one kentucky judge put it in , to decide cases using “the law as it is, and not as it ought to be.” finally, it provides an opportunity for conservative thinkers to prove that they are loyal to principles, not politics. the roberts court’s substantive canons have a distinct rightward tilt. the stated justification for these interpretive values is that they are based in our history and tradition, and not conjured by the political preferences of the justices. i do not doubt the truth of this statement. but the only judges in our history who completely rejected the rule of liberty were klansmen and confederate sympathizers, and they did so out of a conviction that slavery was a natural right, ordained by god for the benefit of the white race. these values have been forcefully repudiated by the blood of our patriots and by our constitution, leaving only the unbroken presence of the rule of liberty in our common law. thus—if history and tradition are the benchmark— . rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ). . see john f. manning, textualism and the equity of the statute, colum. l. rev. , - ( ); obergefell v. hodges, s. ct. , - ( ) (scalia, j., dissenting); antonin scalia & bryan a. garner, reading law § ( ). . am. colonization soc’y v. gartrell, ga. , - ( ) (proclaiming that those fighting for abolition were “fighting against the almighty.”); neal v. farmer, ga. , - ( ) (asserting that the right to hold slaves was a right, and that “christ, recognizing the relation of master and servant, ordained [slavery] as an institution of christianity. it is the crowning glory of this age and of this land.”). . abraham lincoln, the gettysburg address (nov. , ) (“four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. . . . [w]e here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain—that this nation, under god, shall have a new birth of freedom . . .”), http://www.abrahamlincolnonline.org/lincoln/speeches/ gettysburg.htm . u.s. const. amend. xiii. © chris kozak there is no reason for conservative judges and thinkers to reject the rule of liberty. indeed, there is every reason for us to embrace it. part i discusses the origin of the rule of liberty. part ii then traces the life and death of the rule in the united states. part iii argues that the court ought to resurrect the rule and apply it in thirteenth amendment cases. finally, part iv suggests some cases where the it could be useful. i. the birth of the rule of liberty it was one of the laws of the twelve tables of rome, that whenever there was a question between liberty and slavery, the presumption should be on the side of liberty. william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england. the rule of liberty was born in rome. although the romans tolerated slavery, they viewed it as an “institution of the law of all nations under which one is subject to the mastership of another, contrary to nature.” slaves were generally taken as captives in war, but many roman jurists felt that it violated natural law, declaring that “we compare slavery almost with death.” these judges apparently devised the rule of liberty to keep slavery in check. in general, the rule was that when the law was ambiguous, it must be interpreted to restrict slavery and favor freedom. the canon did not fade after the fall of rome. it was “so well- established in the middle ages that an attorney arguing an actual case . . . could plausibly draw upon it in argument.” from there, it was absorbed into great britain, where the rule that all presumptions cut in favor of liberty was “for centuries, a glory of english law.” this principle caused the english common law to hold a special . iii blackstone, supra note , at - n. . . servitus, encyclopedic dictionary of roman law ( ) (emphasis added). . allain - . . servitus, encyclopedic dictionary of roman law ( ). . allain - , (quoting dominicus tuschus, practicarum conclusionum juris, lit. s, concl. , no. (rome ) (“just as it is lawful to take any means to evade death, so also it is lawful to avoid slavery.”)); servitus, encyclopedic dictionary of roman law ( ); . allain - , - ; justinian, digest, lib. , tit. , § , ulpian (in obscura voluntae manumittentis, favendum est lebertati (when will is in doubt, favor freedom)). . wiecek, supra note , at - . . id. the rule of liberty animus against slavery. for the english judge, property could not lie in a human being, because all men were by nature free. “england,” they said, “was too pure an air for slaves to breath[e].” this distaste for servitude also drove the abolition of feudalism in england. blackstone pointed out that any time a lord contracted with or sued his villeins, “the law, which is always ready to catch at anything in favor of liberty, presumed that by [this conduct] he meant to set his villein on the same footage as himself.” as one prominent english judge declared, “servitude was introduced by men for vicious purposes. but freedom was instilled in human nature by god . . . the laws of england favor liberty in every case.” the english rule of liberty was thus composed of two principles. first, it recognized that, under the natural and common law, all men were born free. second, since the english positive law did not tolerate property rights in a human being, those property rights would not be enforced in england. in other words, when the positive law was indeterminate on someone’s freedom, the common law refused to assist those seeking to hold a person in slavery. lord mansfield explained this principle in more detail in somerset v. stewart. holding someone in slavery was, he said: so high an act of dominion [that it] must be recognized by the law of the country where it is used. . . . the state of slavery is of such a nature, that it is incapable of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political; but only on positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion, and time itself from whence it was created is erased from memory: it [is] so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support it, but positive law. . coke, supra note , at b. . wiecek, supra note , at . . id. at , . . paul finkelman, the law of slavery & bondage . . iv william blackstone, commentaries on the laws of england - ( ); keane v. boycott, h. bl. , ( ) (opinion of heath, j.). . sir john fortescue, de laudibus legum angilÆ (s.b. chrimes trans. ) ( ). . wiecek, supra note , at . . id. at , . . somerset v. stewart, lofft , ( ). . id. . id. © chris kozak therefore, the moment a slave set foot in england, he was free. after the slave trade was abolished, the courts applied somerset to hold that claims for the “restoration of human beings” should be decided in favor of liberty unless it could be unequivocally shown that the slaves were held under the law of another country. somerset was never overruled, but it was limited by comity to only suspend the slave power while the slave was in england. if the slave was forced back to the slaveholding country, she would be free, but if she returned voluntarily, slavery would reattach. this framework can also be described in terms of political power. the courts are not political actors, and these courts were not exercising political power. instead, the courts merely demanded that a litigant show some political authority for exercising dominion over the labor of another. in other words, he must show some express, democratic authorization for his conduct. somerset illustrates the ameliorative qualities of the rule of liberty. like its cousin in criminal cases, it denied judicial enforcement unless the positive law was clear. but although lenity only acts as a shield, liberty was frequently used as a sword: extending the law in favor of freedom when there were glitches in the positive law. the first of these cases are from feudal england, where the judges emancipated people when their lord took legal action against them. other cases involved masters who contracted for freedom, but then defended the slave’s suit for specific performance by arguing that a slave could not contract. the courts rebuffed these arguments, reasoning that the nature of a contract for freedom warranted an extension of normal legal rules. . id.; see also finkelman, supra note , at - . the admiralty courts extended this rule to cases where british warships boarded slave-trade vessels. see forbes v. cochrane, b. & c. , - , ( ). . dyer, supra note , at - . the admiralty courts later imposed the same standard on slavers caught by british warships. the amedie, acton , - ( ); dyer, supra note , at - . admiralty courts uniformly followed the amedie’s holding. the anne, acton , ( ); the fortuna, dodson ( ); le louis, dodson ( ); madrazo v. willes, b. & ald. ( ). . the slave grace, hagg. adm. ( ). . id. . see abramski v. united states, s. ct. , n. ( ) (stating that lenity applies when the court “must simply guess at what congress intended.”). . iv blackstone, supra note , at - ( ); see also keane v. boycott, h. bl. , ( ) (opinion of heath, j.). . williams v. brown, bos. & pul. , , ( ). . see id. the rule of liberty american slaveholders frequently complained that such suppletion was unlawful because it contradicted the rule of lenity. suppletion, they said, was penal, because it deprived them of vested property rights. but blackstone debunked this false contradiction long before american slaveholders were born. he observed that statutes against frauds were interpreted liberally, even though their consequences were penal. although this appeared to contradict lenity, he disagreed: “where the statute acts upon the offender, and inflicts a penalty . . . it is then to be taken strictly; but when the statute acts upon the offence, by setting aside the fraudulent transaction, here it is to be construed liberally.” criminal statutes act upon the offender. therefore, blackstone explained, “whenever an ambiguity arises in a statute introducing a new penalty or punishment, the decision shall be on the side of lenity and mercy; or in favor of natural right and liberty” this is desirable because even when the courts err, “no further inconvenience can result than that the law remains as it was . . . and it is more consonant to principles of liberty that the judge should acquit whom the legislator intended to punish, than that he should punish whom the legislator intended to discharge with impunity.” in short, lenity requires clarity when the positive law intrudes upon the natural right to be free from imprisonment. it is inherently confined to amelioration. the rule of liberty also performed this function, because the law of slavery imposed numerous disabilities on the slave. when the law was ambiguous, the courts followed the same formula: require clarity from the legislature before intruding on the natural right to personal freedom. . see harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. (miss. ). . iii blackstone, supra note , at - . . id. . id. at - n. . . id. . see, e.g., slave, bouvier’s law dictionary ( th ed. ) (stating that a slave is “[a] man who is by law deprived of his liberty or life, and becomes the property of another.” a slave “has no political rights, and generally has no civil rights. he can enter into no contract, unless specially authorized by law; what he acquires generally, belongs to his master.”). . see, e.g., dyer at - ; blackbor v. negro phill, yerger , - (tenn. ) (holding that even if a master intended to evade restrictions on emancipation, “still that will not place them in the condition of slaves. if this state designed to make such acts nullities, then express enactments should be shown.”); foster v. fosters, grattan , - (va. ); parks v. hewlett, leigh , - (va. ). © chris kozak but the law of slavery involved more than disabilities. when a master, statute, or constitution freed a slave, it “acted upon the offence” by striking out the slave status. this act inflicted no penalty, but merely freed a human being from oppression, just as a fraudulent-conveyance statute relieves creditors from the burden of fraud. such acts “must be construed according to the spirit; for, in giving relief against fraud, or in the furtherance and extension of natural right and justice, the judge may safely go beyond even that which existed in the minds of those who framed the law.” the english common law favored emancipation. thus, suppletion in favor of freedom was not offensive to the common law. as i demonstrate below, the southern judges who objected to the suppletive rule of liberty assumed that slavery was a natural right. in their minds, emancipation was not “in the furtherance of natural right and justice,” because it trenched upon the supposed natural right to hold slaves. slavery has been abolished in the united states. therefore, the suppletive rule of liberty would dominate contemporary jurisprudence. this may prove disquieting to conservative thinkers. but if originalism is honest, it must adhere equally to every legitimate aspect of our history. the rule of liberty was not devised by wild-eyed lefties trying to expand the power of the government. it is as old as our law itself, it was an integral part of the common law, and it is enshrined in the text and structure of our constitution. ii. the life and death of the american rule of liberty like most interpretation in early american law, there was no systematic doctrine for applying the rule of liberty. it was imported from england like much of early american law, and . iii blackstone, supra note , at - . . id. at - n. . . somerset v. stewart, lofft , ( ). . iii blackstone, supra note , at - n. . . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , ( ); cleland v. waters, ga. , , - ( ) (expressing “a settled conviction that [slavery] was wisely ordained by a forecast high as heaven above man’s, for the good of both races.”). . u.s. const. amend. xiii, § . . william eskridge jr., phillip p. frickey & elizabeth garrett, cases and materials on statutory interpretation - (west ). . tsesis, supra note , at . the rule of liberty judges treated it that way. it appeared as a presumption, a clear- statement rule, a tiebreaker, and a constitutional maxim. but as the sectional crisis deepened and the northern states started agitating for abolition, the southern courts annihilated the canon to justify the continued existence of slavery. a. the nature of the right to freedom the right to sue for freedom was a personal, common-law right, and did not depend on a statute for its existence. it was usually styled as a tort action for “trespass, assault and battery, and false imprisonment.” in every state, a slave could bring an action for freedom, and on a showing of probable cause, the court would enjoin the master from selling the slave pending trial. in contrast, . see, e.g., nichols v. bell, jones n.c. , - ( ) (“we know of no law or decision that authorizes [a presumption that mixed-race children were slaves]. if we had the power, we certainly have not the disposition to extend the principle further . . . [this would be] against the rule that presumptions are always in favor of liberty.”). . see, e.g., findly v. nancy, t.b. mon. , - (ky. ) (“it may be a matter of some consideration . . . whether the chancellor ought, in any case, to grant a new trial at law, for the purpose of taking away a right to freedom . . . . the case which would warrant such interference ought to be strong and clear.”). . see, e.g., isaac v. west, randolph , - (va. ) (“if this construction is doubtful, some weight is due to the maxim that every deed is to be taken most strongly against the grantor, and to the spirit of the laws of all civilized nations which favors liberty.”). . see, e.g., harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. , (miss. ) (“[assuming] it was a doubtful point, whether the constitution was to be considered prospective in its operation or not, the [masters] say, you take from us a vested right arising from municipal law. the [slaves] say you would deprive us of a natural right guaranteed by the ordinance and the constitution. how should the court decide, if construction were to really determine it? i presume it would be in favour of liberty. . .”). . see, e.g., jameson v. mccoy, heiskell , (tenn. ) (noting that tennessee’s jurisprudence on slavery “was marked by great liberality until the year , when the public mind began first to be agitated by discussions in the northern states of abolishing slavery”). . butler v. duvall, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (opinion of cranch, c.j.) (“the remedy by petition for freedom . . . existed long before, and was in daily use at the time of passing the [maryland act relating to emancipation] . . . there is no statute which expressly gives to a person, held in slavery, a right to sue for his freedom.”). . jason a. gillmer, suing for freeedom: interracial sex, slave law, and racial identity in the post-revolutionary and antebellum south, n.c. l. rev. , - ( ). . id. © chris kozak habeas corpus could not ordinarily be used to adjudicate freedom; instead, it was used by people who were being wrongfully held in slavery. the right to emancipate (or manumit) a slave was also a common-law right. . the right to give freedom the power of the owner to give, and the capacity of the slave to receive, freedom, exist in nature, and therefore may be used in every case and every way, except those in which it is forbidden by law. supreme court of north carolina, thompson v. newlin ( ) before states regulated how masters could emancipate their slaves, courts rejected arguments that the form of an emancipation was defective. almost without exception, the courts reasoned that as manumission was a common-law right, and that it could be used in any way not actually prohibited. the texas courts, for example, held that “the owner could free his slave, provided no statute prohibiting [emancipation] existed, by simply saying, “go, you are free.” eventually, states enacted statutes burdening both the process of emancipation and the right of manumission itself. however, until the courts abolished the rule of liberty, the canon routinely persuaded judges to confine these statutes to their literal terms. . see, e.g., renney v. field, hayw. tenn. , - (tenn. ); thornton v. demoss, s. & m. , , (miss. ); thompson v. newlin, ired. eq. , - (n.c. ); field v. milly walker, ala. , - ( ); clark v. dick ex rel. fla. , , ( ). this is why the southern courts refused to recognize freedom granted on habeas petitions in free states, because such cases could not actually adjudicate freedom. see, e.g., lewis v. fullerton, randolph , - (va. ). . thompson v. newlin, ired. eq. , - (n.c. ). . id. . mark v. tushnet, the american law of slavery – , - ( ). . id.; thompson, ired. eq. at - ; susan v. ladd, dana , - (ky. ). . jones v. laney, tex. , - ( ); guess v. lubbock, tex. , - ( ). see also m’cutchin v. price, hayw. tenn. , (tenn. ) (“a testator may direct that the executors shall endeavor to procure the emancipation of his slaves; and if the executor can do so, then all claims founded upon the legal impossibility of doing so, vanish.”); jones v. laney, tex. , - ( ) (“in the absence of proof of any law, custom or usage . . . forbidding [emancipation], if the deed . . . be believed by the jury to be authentic, the plaintiffs are entitled to their freedom.”) . greenlow v. rawlings, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (process); frazier v. frazier, hill eq. , - (s.c. ) (right). the rule of liberty two values sat at the heart of these cases. first was the common-law preference for liberty. second was the right of the legislature to exercise its policymaking authority. when these values collided, the courts never questioned the legitimacy of either. instead, they presumed that the legislature was not hostile to human freedom, but permitted clear text or intent to rebut this presumption. thus, general restrictions on emancipation were simply designed to order the natural process of freeing humans from bondage, and the courts would not infer a legislative policy disfavoring emancipation unless clearly stated. even total prohibitions on emancipation within the state were generally not construed to prohibit a master from sending his slave to another state to be free, since the prohibition was designed to protect citizens from the “danger” of a free african-american population. . stewart v. miller, meigs , - (tenn. ) (“[s]ubstantial compliance” with the statute could support a grant of freedom, “although there may not be the most exact regularity in the proceeding.”); rueben v. parrish, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (technicalities are not “judicial acts necessary to perfect the emancipation, but are mere police regulations”); greenlow, humphreys at - (holding that if the county judge freed a slave, the appellate courts must “presume that the proof required . . . was made”) state v. pitney, coxe , (n.j. ) (“the boy is entitled to his freedom, whether the administrators have given the security required by the act or not.”); smith v. adam, b. mon. , - , (ky. ); in re moorman’s will, catterall - (holding that where a testator manumitted slaves “if the law permits it,” the devise of freedom is valid even though the estate had to petition the assembly for a law permitting manumission after his death); cox v. williams, ired. eq. , - (n.c. ); thompson, ired. eq. at - ; alvany v. powell, jones eq. , - (n.c. ) (“the reasons upon which [emigration conditions] are based, by no means make it necessary to hold that they have not capacity to take property until they have left the state. . . . with this saying, the humanity of our laws strikes his fetters at once, and says, go ‘enjoy life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.’”). . jordan v. bradley, dudl. ga. , (ga. ); antoinette ex rel. roser v. marlow, r.m.c. , (ga. ) (holding that the intent of the statute was solely to prevent a free black population in georgia); myrick v. vineburgh, ga. , ( ) (holding that a will requiring slaves to be taken to a free state and there manumitted does not violate the anti-emancipation laws); jones v. abernathy, iredell (n.c. ) (“a power . . . to manumit is not so absolutely incompatible with slavery, that they cannot co-exist under the same [federal] government.”); shaw v. brown, miss. , - , ( ) (“it was [the master’s] intention to locate them permanently where they could be free. [he] unquestionably had that right. the only restraint upon that right is, that he shall not emancipate them with the intent to bring them back as free persons.”); atwood’s heirs v. beck, ala. , ( ) (“there is nothing said, either in the constitution, statutes or decisions of alabama, about the power of the owner to remove his slaves to a non-slaveholding state” in order to free them); ross v. verner, how. miss. , ( ); leech v. cooley, s. & m. , , - © chris kozak these rationales are ameliorative. they placed the onus on the legislature to tell the courts if state policy was unfavorable to freedom in a particular context. but there were also suppletive cases. some slave states justified this broad construction because “devises in favor of charities, and particularly those in favor of liberty, ought to be liberally expounded.” the leading case from this category was isaac v. west. a condition to freedom became unlawful between the time a deed was executed and the time the right accrued. the dispute was over who benefited from the failure of the condition, between the heirs and the slave—and the court sided with the slave: the deed may be construed to give immediate freedom, to all intents and purposes . . . if this condition was against law, as inconsistent with the right granted, it would not frustrate the grant. . . . if this construction is doubtful, some weight is due to the maxim that every deed is to be taken most strongly against the grantor, and to the spirit of the laws of all civilized nations which favours liberty. in most states, legislatures responded to these cases with restrictive statutes or constitutional amendments. some courts saw this as a cue to change course. however, even while giving full force to whatever was clear about the legislature’s intent, the courts construed these statutes narrowly at the margins. in the late s, most southern courts abruptly reversed course and decided that the law ought to favor slavery. these cases (miss. ) (“the mere collocation of words, if their meaning be the same, cannot vary their construction” if the testator tried to comply with the law in good faith). . charles v. hunnicutt, call , - , - (va. ). . isaac v. west, randolph , - (va. ). . id. . id. (citing justinian’s digest and coke’s institutes). . state v. emmons, pennington , - (n.j. ) (abandoning precedent “in favor of liberty . . . supporting manumissions, which were not very precise and determinate”); smith v. adam, b. mon. , - , (ky. ); . kitty v. commonwealth, b. mon. , - (ky. ) (allowing a slave, freed before the amendments, to stay in the state notwithstanding that the constitution required her to leave the state); walthall v. robinson, leigh , - (va. ). . myers v. williams, jones eq. , - (n.c. ) (“the true principle of our law, in relation to . . . emancipation . . . is, that it permits, but does not favor it.”); mitchell v. wells, miss. , - , - , - ( ) (“mississippi came into the union . . . with this institution, . . . protected . . . by the express provisions of [the federal] constitution . . . her climate, soil, and productions . . . require slave labor. [o]ur policy is [not] limited to the prevention of the increase of free negroes in this state.”); spencer v. dennis, gill , , (md. ) (holding that the power to free slaves was not an existing right. it was granted by statute, and thus, a master must comply with the statute). the rule of liberty did not alter the relationship between the courts and the legislature— instead, they simply replaced the common law’s preference for liberty with an invented preference for slavery: [t]he favor shown to liberty by the common law does not apply to negroes in georgia. . . . it is not apparent, that up to this period, the true character of slavery had not been fully understood [by] the south . . . . [slavery] was wisely ordained by a forecast high as heaven above man’s, for the good of both races, and [requires] a calm and fixed determination to preserve and defend it, at any and all hazards. these restrictive statutes also sparked fights over what the courts called quasi-freedom. masters, annoyed by laws that made it difficult to emancipate slaves, circumvented them by using the near- infinite morass of future interests. a few states had no issue with these devices. one delaware judge explained the position this way: it is true that slavery is tolerated by our laws; but it is going too far to say that this kind of property in slaves is precisely like any other species of property. the spirit of the age and the principles of liberty and personal rights as held in this country are equally opposed to a doctrine drawn from the ages . . . of despotism. other states voided these contraptions as frauds upon the law. these cases were uniformly based on the idea that a population of free, “entitled” african-americans within the state was undesirable. . cleland v. waters, ga. , , - ( ); drane v. bell, ga. , , ( ). . tushnet, supra note , at - . . hope v. johnson, yerger , - (tenn. ); david v. bridgman, yerger , (tenn. ) (permitting emancipation to exist as a contingent remainder following a life estate); leiper v. hoffman, miss. , - ( ) (allowing a slave to hold a contingent interest in property placed in trust for her, and holding that if she did obtain freedom, her rights would immediately vest); young v. cavitt, heiskell , (tenn. ) (“there has always been an intermediate state between slavery and absolute freedom, recognized by our courts, in which the inchoate legal right to freedom, and the vested equitable right to its benefits, have been capable of being enforced.”); purvis v. sherrod, tex. , - ( ). . jones v. wootten, harrington , - (del. ) (harrington, j., dissenting). . adams v. gilliam, patt. & h. (va. ) (holding that the law does not recognize devises creating a quasi-free status between slavery and freedom); redmond v. coffin, dev. eq. , - (n.c. ) (“qualified emancipation . . . stands upon the same ground as a bequest directly for that purpose—however praiseworthy the motive for accepting such a trust, or however benevolent the will of the donor may be, it cannot be supported in a court of justice. a stern necessity arising out of the safety of the commonwealth forbids it.”); dunlap v. ingram, jones eq. , - (n.c. ) (voiding a trust as an attempt to © chris kozak these cases reflect two antithetical views on emancipation. one followed somerset v. stewart. since slavery could only be sustained by positive law, all restrictions on emancipation must be stated clearly in the positive law and would be construed narrowly. neither would a master’s failure to observe these requirements deprive a human being of freedom. the other view, invented by the slave states leading up to the war, rested on the opposite assumption. free african-americans were a curse upon democracy. thus, restrictions on emancipation must sweep broadly, to protect whites from free african-americans. a similar dynamic appeared in cases where an heir or a master tried to return a free person to slavery. . irrevocability & deference slavery is involuntary, and cannot cease to exist till the right of the master ceases with it. . . . this right, then, during the seven years residence of lydia in indiana, was not only suspended, but ceased to exist; and we are not aware of any law of this state which can bring into operation the right of slavery once destroyed . . . . for we cannot for a moment admit that the bare treading of our soil is thus dangerous. kentucky supreme court, rankin v. lydia ( ) judgments are normally permanent. but cases involving human freedom were unique. one of the most striking of those cases was findly v. nancy. the master in findly lost a freedom suit at law, but then asked a court of equity to order a new trial. the chancellor refused: it may be a matter of some consideration . . . whether the chancellor ought, in any case, to grant a new trial at law, for the purpose of taking away a right of freedom gained at law. for as the chancellor will only interfere to take from a party a legal advantage, which, in conscience, he cannot retain, it may be doubted whether a right to freedom can ever be a claim of circumvent the emancipation laws, where the executors must hold the proceeds of the slaves’ labor for their own benefit); dougherty v. dougherty strob. eq. , - , (s.c. ); thornton v. chisholm, ga. , - ( ). . see, e.g., myers v. williams, jones eq. , - (n.c. ); morton v. thompson, rich. eq. , - (s.c. ). see generally cases cited in note . . rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ). . see kevin clermont, civil procedure’s five big ideas, mich. st. l. rev. , - ; restatement (first) of judgments § (am. law inst. ). . findly v. nancy, t.b. mon. , - (ky. ). the rule of liberty that character. . . . the case which would warrant such interference ought to be strong and clear. this sentiment pervaded judicial review of judgments in favor of freedom in many other states, even when the basis of the freedom claim was questionable. for example, a court in tennessee held that a judgment in favor of freedom was immune from collateral attacks that the master was insane and that the lower court made some technical errors. two judges in virginia caused an appellate deadlock by “presuming in favor of liberty” that the jury inferred an essential fact of the freedom claim. one pennsylvania court held that a county judge’s decision to free a slave on a writ of habeas corpus was not appealable at all. the new york courts held that marriage of a free woman of color to a slave husband did not return her to slavery. new york also held that even a bona fide purchaser “could not make a free man a slave, much less authorize the sale of him.” even the late missouri courts held that freedom, once vested, could not be stripped away except as punishment for crime. . id. . hartsell v. george, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (holding that these errors “do[] not invalidate the act of emancipation; . . . the act was consummate; . . . the character of the slave ceased . . . . [and] the jury had no right to inquire into the sanity of the [master] at the time the order of liberation was made”). . coleman v. dick and pat, wash. va. , - (va. ) (affirming by an equally divided court); betty v. horton, leigh, , - (va. ). . russell v. commonwealth, p. & w. , - (pa. ). the trial judge ruled that “to hold [the slave] under the[se] circumstances, would be contrary to the spirit of the laws of pennsylvania, for the gradual abolition of slavery.” id. the court of appeals refused the appeal on the grounds that that “no writ of error will lie to remove a judgment upon a habeas corpus” petition.” id. . marbletown v. kingston, johnson , (n.y. ) (“i cannot admit that by such a marriage, a free wife subjects herself to the custody and control of the slave husband . . . i am inclined to listen to the suggestions of policy and humanity, which i think dictate the rule, that the children of such marriages shall follow the condition of the free mother. . .”). . livingston v. bain, wendell , - (n.y. ) (“the ignorance of all parties . . . could not make a free man a slave, much less authorize the sale of him . . . although the sale in this case may not have been immoral . . . still it is nonetheless illegal.”); state v. anderson, coxe , - (n.j. ) (“the hardship [pled] by the [purchaser] . . . ought not to be recompensed by the slavery of the child.”); ponder v. cox, ga. , - ( ). . charlotte v. choteau, mo. , ( ) (“[w]hen any of the race, who were then reduced to slavery, acquired their freedom under the laws of the country in which they lived, we are aware of no law by which they, except for crime, could be again subjected to bondage. the principle that there is no © chris kozak freedom also vested by residence in a free state. the courts generally held that this right was inviolable except by an act of the legislature. the kentucky courts noted that this inviolability came from somerset’s rule that slavery cannot be supported except by positive law. once a slave resided in a free state by the master’s permission, his right to that slave was gone. and as no positive law in kentucky re-imposed slavery on a free person, the court could not do so. even deep south states, which “utterly repudiate[d] the whole current of decisions, from somerset on down,” held that when a master takes his slaves to a free state, they became free, and could only be made slaves by a voluntary return to the slave state. prescription against liberty, applied to them as well as to those of any other color.”); blackbor v. negro phill, yerger , - (tenn. ) (holding that even a design by the master to evade the emancipation laws “will not place them in the condition of slaves. if this state designed to make such acts nullities, then express enactments should be shown.”). . see rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ). dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , , ( ) (mclean, j., dissenting); davis v. tingle, b. mon. , (ky. ); mercer v. gilman, b. mon. , - (ky. ); hunter v. fulcher, leigh , (va. ); vaughan v. williams, fed. cas. , (c.c. ind. ). . rankin, a.k. marsh. at - (“slavery is sanctioned by the positive law of this state, . . . but we view this as a right existing by positive law . . . without foundation in the law of nature.”). . id. . id. (“this right then, during the seven years residence of lydia in indiana, was not only suspended, but ceased to exist; and we are not aware of any law of this state which can bring into operation the right of slavery when once destroyed. . . . for we cannot for a moment admit, that the bare treading of [kentucky] soil is thus dangerous.”). the courts limited this holding in to operate only as a suspension of the slave power when the slave was out of state, similar to the holding in the slave grace. see graham v. strader, b. mon. , - (ky. ). . willis v. jolliffe, rich. eq. , - (s.c. ) (“they were free from the moment when, by the consent of their master, they were placed upon the soil of ohio to be free. i have no idea that the soil of ohio per se confers freedom. it is the act of the master which has that effect. . . . to permit the devise in their favor to operate is, we are told, contrary to the policy of south carolina . . . but i should feel myself degraded if . . . i trampled on law and constitution, in obedience to popular will. there is no law in south carolina which . . . declares that the trusts in their favor are void.”); guillemette v. harper, richardson , - (s.c. ) (“[somerset] carries the law further than i would willingly acknowledge. but if the master . . . assents in any way to his freedom, there can be no objection to the validity of freedom thus acquired. . . . if the slave [voluntarily] returns to a country where slavery is recognized, he ipso facto is remitted to his original condition.”); cleland v. waters, ga. , - ( ) (“i utterly repudiate the whole current of the rule of liberty in other cases, the irrevocability principle appeared as a version of equitable estoppel. once a slave had acted free for several decades, the courts refused to void the right at the insistence of the master or his heirs, premised on some oversight or delay. the courts also permitted the slave to rely on oral promises that she was free, but barred masters from invoking the same rule. these decisions, from somerset down. . . . still, whenever removed to a free country to remain there permanently, they cease to be slaves.”). . cully v. jones, iredell , - (n.c. ) (“[w]e are clearly of the opinion that [the executor], whose duty it was to give the bond [cannot] take advantage of that omission. . . . after so long an acquiescence, almost anything will be presumed, in order to give effect to the act of emancipation.”); mayo v. whitson, jones n.c. , (n.c. ) (holding that after a half-century, the court’s failure to put the emancipation in the record would not permit the next of kin to claim the slave); jarman v. humphrey, jones n.c. , - (n.c. ) (when the master ( ) acted like the slave was free in previous proceedings, and ( ) acquiesced in the slave’s conduct as a free person for a long time, then “every presumption ought to be made in favor of his actual emancipation according to all the requirements of law.”); oatfield v. waring, johnson , - (n.y. ) (“i have no doubt, that suffering the plaintiff to act as a free man, without any claim or pretence that he was a slave, until this suit was brought, would authorize the inference of a manumission . . . all presumptions in favor of personal liberty and freedom ought to be made.”); scott v. waugh, s. & r. , - (pa. ). but see, e.g., mahan v. jane, bibb. , - (ky. ) (“though in doubtful cases we may presume in favor of liberty, we cannot indulge it in a cause where the testimony is as clear and decidedly opposed to the verdict as this.”). . judy ex rel. monk v. jenkins, hill eq. , - (s.c. ) (“until the seizure [of a wrongfully freed slave] is actually made, the emancipated slave must stand on the footing of any other free negro . . . the woman was never seized, and being now dead, never can be.”); miller v. regine, hill , - (s.c. ) (holding that when a slave had lived as a free person for twenty years, heirs could not challenge the emancipation); wells v. lane, johnson , - (n.y. ) (“[a]fter such . . . a lapse of time, to authorize the plaintiff to claim her as his slave, would be extremely unjust.”). . phebe ex rel. pepoon v. clarke, mill. , - , (s.c. ) (holding that when a master treated a slave as free and told people she was free, his heirs could not re-enslave her); state v. m’donald, coxe , (n.j. ) (“in equity, a thing agreed to be done is looked upon as done; and in a case where the liberty of a human being is involved—where the promise is coolly and deliberately made—it ought to receive from this court a similar construction. it is far better to adopt this rule than to suffer promises thus made, in a matter of so great consequence to a human creature, to be violated or retracted at pleasure.”); tom v. daily, ohio , , - ( ); hinklin v. hamilton, humphreys , - (tenn. ); geer v. huntington, root , (conn. ) (holding that one conversation where a mistress said her slave would be free at twenty-five was sufficient to prove freedom); united states v. bruce, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (“as between the master and slave, [an] informal paper, with © chris kozak cases rested on the same maxim: in equity, “all presumptions in favor of personal liberty and freedom ought to be made.” in a similar vein, the courts used this principle to put strict conditions on the master’s ability to revoke a grant of freedom, if they allowed him to do so at all. some states held that even an informal grant of freedom was irrevocable. but nearly all states and the u.s. supreme court held that once a master executed a deed or will, the slave was free against all the world. in the words of one court: “‘once free and always free,’ is the maxim of maryland law . . . freedom having been once vested, by no compact between the master and the liberated slave, nor by any condition subsequent . . . can a state of slavery be reproduced.” the rule also appeared as a form of deference to political actors. several south carolina courts refused to disturb jury verdicts granting freedom, reasoning that emancipation was “more of a political than legal character, and, in a great degree [must] be decided by public opinion.” one court in tennessee refused to actual manumission, [is] valid”); ralph v. duncan, mo. , ( ) (holding that giving a legal document to a slave could be sufficient to prove freedom). . tongue v. crissy, md. , ( ); isaac v. mcgill, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (“there were only casual conversations in which some expressed their unwillingness to go to africa. to hold that such conversations . . . should be their solemn decision to remain slaves, rather than be free, would outrage every principle of justice.”). . oatfield v. waring, johnson , - (n.y. ). . porter v. blakemore, coldwell , - (tenn. ) (holding that parol evidence is sufficient to establish a right to freedom when other circumstances suggest that it is reliable); jones v. laney, tex. , - ( ) (holding that an “owner could free his slave, provided no statute prohibiting [emancipation] existed, by simply saying, “go, you are free.”). . manns v. givens, leigh , - , - (va. ) (“[s]o far as the master is concerned, from the moment [the deed] is executed . . . it is final and complete. . . what power can the executor have to defeat his wishes by a revocation, or by seizing the slaves? such a proposition appears to me to extravagant to be maintained.”); fulton v. shaw, randolph , - (va. ) (a master cannot free a slave but retain an absolute right to enslave her children); forward v. thamer, grattan , - (va. ) (a master cannot divest his slaves of freedom by a condition subsequent); town of colombia v. williams, conn. , - (conn. ) (holding that the words “set at liberty” put a slave “in a permanent condition of freedom, and implies the extinguishment of a right, which the master had over the slave, and not the mere cessation of actual authority.”); fenwick v. chapman, pet. , ( ) (“when an executor permits manumitted slaves to go at large and free . . . he cannot recall such assent by his own act.”). . spencer v. dennis, gill , (md. ). . white v. comm’r, richardson , - (s.c. ) ( - decision) (“it would be difficult, if not impolitic, to define by . . . inflexible rules the line of the rule of liberty review a university’s interpretation of a land-grant statute that conferred , acres of land on a former slave. and when a statute gave county judges authority to give the state’s assent to freedom, judgments in favor of the slave were not reviewable. these rules vanished as the south panicked over the prospect of abolition. in the words of one georgia court: “our law does not allow conveyances, nor contrivances, nor time, to convert a slave into a free man.” a north carolina court reversed a verdict in favor of freedom even when the evidence was in conflict. other courts abolished the reliance arguments, rejecting emancipations not made in the precise form required by law. the same courts seemed unconcerned about applying legislation retroactively to void gifts of freedom that were lawful when made. when slaves insisted that this injured their vested right to freedom, the courts responded stiffly: “the law declares them chattels.” before the demise of the rule of liberty, the law in these cases was rooted in the somerset tradition. slavery could only be supported by positive law, and once a master surrendered that right, the gravitational pull of the common law resisted all but the clearest separation . . . the question of the reception of colored persons into the class of citizens, must partake more of a political than legal character, and, in a great degree, be decided by public opinion, expressed in the verdict of a jury.”); sally v. beaty, bay , - (s.c. ) (“if the [slave] chose to appropriate the savings of her extra labour to the purchase of this girl, in order afterwards to set her free, would a jury of the country say no? [the trial judge] trusted not. they were too humane and upright, he hoped, to do such manifest violence to so singular and extraordinary act of benevolence.”). . university v. cambreling, yerg. , , - (tenn. ) (“this argument is addressed to us in vain. the board of commissioners of north carolina has . . . adjudged that the negro frederick . . . was entitled to [the land]. [this is] conclusive.”). . lewis v. simonton, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (“the proceedings of the tribunal entrusted by law to give the assent of the state [to emancipation] cannot be impeached . . . unless upon their face they be absolutely void.”); greenlow v. rawlings, humphreys , - (tenn. ). . escheator v. candler, ga. , ( ). . bookfield v. stanton, jones n.c. (n.c. ). . redmond v. murray, mo. , ( ) (“manumission is a mere gratuity under our laws, and a mere intention or promise by the master, not consummated in the manner pointed out by law, however solemn such promise may be made, can confer no power or capacity to have it enforced.”) . gordon v. blackman, rich eq. , - (s.c. ), on reh’g, blackman v. gordon, rich. eq. , - ( ); finley v. hunter, strob. eq. , - (s.c. ). . see id. © chris kozak statements by the legislature. the later cases, inverting this principle, required textual or intentional clarity from the master or the legislature before they would enforce the right to freedom. these decisions are necessarily rooted in the mirror-image of somerset: that the natural order of things favors slavery, and that nothing, short of positive law, can free a slave or give him rights. . primacy it has also been contended in argument, that although the compact vested a right to freedom, as yet it was never acknowledged . . . the right cannot be coerced. as well might it be said that a vested right of inheritance by an heir held by an intruder, could have no remedy . . . if rights of property can thus be coerced by appropriate remedies, much more ought the right to freedom, compared with which, all other rights sink into insignificance. kentucky supreme court, rankin v. lydia ( ) antebellum litigation often involved multiple claimants asserting a right to slave. unfortunately, one of those claimants often was the slave. most courts solved this conflict by declaring that the right to freedom prevailed over property rights. the courts also looked with disfavor on complaints that freeing the slave would deprive a master of their vested rights. the mississippi courts, confronting one such conflict, noted wryly: what are these vested rights, are they derived from nature, or from the municipal law? slavery is condemned by reason and the laws of nature. it exists and can only exist, through municipal regulations, and in matters of doubt, is it not an unquestioned rule that courts must lean in favorem vitae et libertatis? . . . [t]he [masters] say, you take from us a vested right arising from municipal law. the [slaves] say you would deprive us of a natural right guaranteed by the ordinance and the constitution. how should the court decide, if construction were to really determine it? i presume it would be in favour of liberty. . .” in cases where creditors pursued slaves to settle debts, the courts routinely found that emancipation had priority over all other financial interests. in most states, creditors could only reach the . rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ). . see, e.g., id.; harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. , (miss. ). . id.; jarrot v. joseph, gilman , - , - (ill. ). . see, e.g., susan v. ladd, dana , - (ky. ) (“slaves . . . occupy the double character of property and legatees, or quasi legatees. and, as freedom is a legacy above all price, humanity, justice, and the spirit of the laws, inculcate the propriety of placing them in the most favored class of legatees.”); the rule of liberty slave after all other assets were exhausted—and even then, they could only hire them out until the debt was paid. creditors could not choose to take freed slaves over less liquid forms of property. in other cases, the grant of freedom superseded property interests and other testamentary maxims. reasoning that “there is a manifest difference between a gift of freedom and a gift of property,” the tennessee and kentucky courts held that the rule against perpetuities did not apply to grants of freedom. dower rights were also inferior to gifts of freedom. and even donations to charity, which received favorable treatment at common law, failed before grants of freedom, “lest it might deprive some or all of the manumitted slaves of . . . that liberty secured to them by [the testator’s] benevolence and humanity, which is supposed to have been an act no less meritorious” than gifts to charity. as the sectional crisis deepened, the south retreated from this super-strong rule. the north carolina courts made emancipation an ordinary property right. neither did emancipation prevent sale, parks v. hewlett, leigh , - (va. ) (“emancipation is not strictly a gift of property. it is the exoneration of a human being from the bonds which our institutions have fastened on him, and which the beneficence of our times has authorized the master to remove.”). the only exception to this rule was in cases of actual fraud. woodley v. abby, call. , - (va. ). but even this was not a unanimous rule. see id. at (tucker & roane, jj., dissenting). in another case, creditors who could have (but did not) perfect their security interest in a slave before the master emancipated him could not recover the slaves even on a showing of actual fraud. milly v. smith, mo. , - ( ). . see, e.g., dunn v. amey, leigh , - (va. ); ferguson v. sarah, j.j. marsh. , (ky. ); harry v. green, humphreys , - (tenn. ); armstrong v. pearre, coldwell , - (tenn. ) (“the bequest of freedom is of a higher nature than a pecuniary legacy, and . . . will not abate . . . to satisfy such a legacy, or be compelled to contribute if it is absorbed by the debts.”); but see allein v. sharp, gill & john. , - (md. ) (requiring the rest of the estate to be sold before the slaves, but permitting them to be sold at that point). . wilson v. barnett, gill & john. , - (md. ). . wood v. humphreys, grattan , - , - (va. ); ludwig v. combs, met. ky. , - (ky. ). but see woodland v. wallis, md. , ( ) and smith v. dunwoody, ga. , , ( ). . lee v. lee, dana , (ky. ); graham v. sam, b. mon. , (ky. ). . william & mary coll. v. hodgson, . munford , - (va. ). . cox v. williams, ired. eq. , (n.c. ) (“[t]he owner of a slave cannot defeat the rights of a creditor by manumitting the slave.”); bennehan’s ex’or v. norwood, ired. eq. , (n.c. ); © chris kozak because creditors need not obligated to wait indefinitely for payment. other states privileged creditors over emancipation. until the states began repudiating the rule of liberty, the courts almost uniformly treated freedom as superior to property. this superiority prevailed even when the interest was held by an innocent third party. thus, the rule was founded not on the injustice of holding a human in slavery, but on the sheer power of the natural right to freedom. had this rule rested on a common-law distaste for slavery alone, the courts would not have permitted emancipation to prejudice the rights of innocent third parties. instead, it was rooted in the common-law conviction that “freedom is a legacy above all price,” and so property rights were necessarily inferior to it. . rights inherent in freedom freedom in this country is not a mere name . . . and it makes itself manifest by many public acts . . . transfers its possessor, even if he be black, or mulatto, or copper-colored, from the kitchen and the cotton-field, to the court-house, and the election ground. . . . in some states renders him a politician, takes him to the ballot box—and above all, secures to him . . . trial by jury. tennessee supreme court, vaughan v. phebe ( ) once free african-americans became more numerous, the courts were confronted with their role in deciding the status of a free person of color. the states vehemently disagreed on this subject, but the majority rule was that freedom itself conferred all civil rights on a person without further legislation. they usually left it to the legislature, however, to confer political rights, like the right to vote. the courts of south carolina, maryland, mississippi, alabama, tennessee, pennsylvania, connecticut, massachusetts, indiana, wisconsin, and texas held that the very status of freedom gave people of color the right to acquire, hold, transmit, and dispose of property on equal terms with white persons. the pennsylvania . shaw v. mcbride, jones eq. , - (n.c. ); lane v. bennett, jones eq. , , (n.c. ). . bynum v. bostick, dessaussure , (s.c. ) george v. corse, har. & gill. , , (md. ). . susan v. ladd, dana , - (ky. ). . vaughan v. phebe, mart. & yerg. , - (tenn. ). . in re real estate of hardcastle, harper , - (s.c. ); carmille v. carmille, mcmullan , - , - (s.c. ); bowers v. newman, mcmullan , - (s.c. ); hughes v. jackson, md. , ( ); shaw v. brown, miss. , ( ) (“[f]ree negroes are only the rule of liberty courts described these rights as “incident to the grant of his freedom.” most states also held that unless the positive law imposed disabilities, the free black person had the same inherent personal rights as the white person. these included the rights to sue, to demand due process, to petition for habeas corpus, to testify, to pursue a lawful profession, to be free from unreasonable debarred, by our laws, of the rights secured to them . . . so far as the exercise of those rights may be positively prohibited, or may be directly dangerous to the conditions of our slaves.”); mathews v. springer, fed. cas. , - ( abb. u.s. ) ( ); berry v. alsop, miss. , ( ); tannis v. doe ex rel. st. cyre, ala. , - ( ) (“[i]ncapacity [to hold property] can only be fixed upon [a free person or color or an emancipated slave] by express legislative enactment, or by necessary implication.”); nelson v. smithpeter, coldwell , - (tenn. ) (holding that the ratification of the thirteenth amendment inherently gave former slaves the right to hold property); foremans v. tamm, grant , - (pa. ) (“the effect of the manumission is to give the colored man the right to acquire and dispose of lands as fully as the white man . . . [as] an incident to the grant of his freedom. there is nothing in the [law] . . . that excludes the colored man.”); town of colchester v. town of lynne, conn. , , ( ); roberts v. city of boston, cushing , - (mass. ); smith v. moody, ind. , - , - ( ); in re booth, wis. , - ( ); webster v. heard, tex. , ( ). . foremans, grant at - . . state v. bender, harrington , n. (del. ) (“negroes are allowed the same redress for injuries to their persons as whites. . .”). . mayor v. winfield, humphreys , - (tenn. ). . see renney v. field, hayw. tenn. , - (tenn. ); weddington v. sam, b. mon. , - (ky. ); coston v. coston, md. , - ( ); in re turner, fed. cas. , - ( abbot u.s. ) (chase, chief justice); state v. philpot, dudl. ga. , - (ga. ). . state v. bender, harrington , n. (del. ); united states v. mullany, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (“[c]olor alone does not disqualify a witness.”); handy v. clark, houston , - (del. ); gurnee v. dessies, johnson , (n.y. ). . carey v. washington, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (“although free colored persons have not the same political rights which are enjoyed by free white persons, yet they have the same civil rights, except so far as they are abridged by the general law of the land. among these civil rights, is the right to exercise any lawful and harmless trade, business, or occupation.”); the william jarvis, fed. cas. , (c.c. mass. ) (holding that a louisiana law was unconstitutional because it prohibited free seamen of color from going ashore with white people. “it is no avail to say that congress have not, in express terms, said that negroes may be seamen on board of american vessels. it is sufficient that there is no prohibition, and that all persons, of every shade of color, stand upon the same ground of right to constitute part of the crew.”). © chris kozak punishments and restraints on free choice, and to invoke the protection of the state from violence. some states even allowed freed slaves to sue their masters for wrongful enslavement. the real conflict between the states centered around the right to vote. some states held that the act of giving freedom itself “adopt[ed] into the body politic a new member” and obligated the government to respect their rights on the same level as those of a white man. michigan, confronting the intervening effect of the thirteenth amendment on its election law, declared: the reasons for drawing distinctions between classes are notorious; the course of events has, with the destruction of slavery, . . . modified public opinions. . . . we cannot truly interpret our constitution upon voting, without consideration to the fact that it sprang from prejudice. . . . we have never attempted to make color a test of veracity in the witness box. . . [n]o one has advanced the notion that a preponderance of mixed blood . . has any bearing upon fitness to possess political privileges. this perspective on freedom demanded that “[i]f the rights of the black man are to be assailed, let it be done boldly.” other states held that free persons of color had no political rights, and some of the more liberal states later overruled decisions . cooper & warsham v. city of savannah, ga. , - ( ) (holding that a free person of color could not be imprisoned for the failure to pay a fine or a debt); banks v. banks, coldwell , - (tenn. ) (holding that abolition voided a legal requirement that a slave leave the state to claim property). . in re booth, wis. , - ( ) (holding that a free person of color “is entitled to the full protection of our laws; so long as he is unclaimed.”); bender, harrington at n. (del. ) (“negroes are allowed the same redress for injuries to their persons as whites. . .”). . paup v. mingo, leigh , , - (va. ); scott v. williams, devereux , (n.c. ); matilda v. crenshaw, yerger , , - (tenn. ). other states allowed the claim, but limited it to cases where the right to freedom was clearly established. warfield v. davis, b. mon. , (ky. ). other states rejected the tort. russell v. cantwell, s.c. (s.c. ). . fisher’s negroes v. dabbs, yerger , - (tenn. ). . g.h. moore, notes on the history of slavery in massachusetts ; roberts v. city of boston, cushing , - (mass. ). . people v. dean, mich. , - , - ( ); coger v. n.w. union packet co., iowa , - ( ) (“in our opinion the plaintiff was entitled to the same rights and privileges . . . the doctrines of natural law and christianity forbid that rights be denied on the ground of race or color.”); town of colchester v. town of lynne, conn. , , ( ) (“the master of [a] slave, by relinquishing all claims to service and obedience, effectually emancipated her; and thus she became sui juris, and entitled to all the rights and privileges of other free citizens”). . brittle v. people, neb. , - , - (neb.) . see, e.g., bowers v. newman, mcmullan , - (s.c. ). the rule of liberty treating free persons of color equally. many of these decisions invoked reasoning eerily similar to that which would later appear in dred scott. georgia asserted that manumission conferred nothing except the right to movement, and that the free african-american had no rights except by statute. these cases, therefore, wholly repudiated the rule of liberty. however, other states held that while free persons of color had less rights than white persons, this was only because the slave clauses in the u.s. constitution precluded the political freedom of the african-american. all political rights, therefore, must be conferred by statute. another set of cases involved segregation. some free states, while acknowledging the equal rights of persons of color, endorsed segregation. other courts held that mixed-race children had a right to attend white schools. these states reasoned that segregation was illegal unless authorized by a “sovereign authority.” there is significant disagreement in these cases. but there are two lessons to be drawn from this brief survey. first, most states— even deep south states—recognized that civil and personal rights vested in the african-american simply by being free. in fact, some courts held that depriving slaves of these rights must be done by . state v. claiborne, meigs , - (tenn. ). . see, e.g., id. (“free negroes have always been a degraded race in the united states . . . with whom public opinion has never permitted the white population to associate on terms of equality, and in relation to whom, the laws have never allowed . . . the immunities of the free white citizen. . . . but free negroes were never [citizens] in any of the states. . . . in the sense of magna charta, or of our constitution.”). . bryan v. walton, ga. , - ( ) (“[t]he status of the african in georgia, whether bond or free, is such that he has no civil, social, or political rights or capacity, whatever, except such as are bestowed upon him by statute. the act of manumission confers no other right but . . . freedom from the dominion of the master, and the limited liberty of locomotion . . . to become a citizen of the body politic, capable of contracting, of marrying, of voting, requires something more than the mere act of enfranchisement.”). . hobbs v. fogg, watts , - , - (pa. ) (holding that a person “though free as the winds,” “may be no freeman in respect of its government.” the court admitted that the issue was ambiguous, but resolved doubt considering the bargain struck by the constitutional convention); hudgins v. wrights, hen. & m. , (va. ) (holding that the bill of rights only protects whites). . e.g., foremans v. tamm, grant , - (pa. ). . roberts v. city of boston, cushing , - (mass. ); burton v. schepf, mass. , - ( ). . van camp v. logan, ohio st. , - ( ). . clark v. bd. of directors, iowa , - ( ). © chris kozak legislation. second, chief justice taney’s view of african- americans was in a distinct minority. most states did afford free blacks civil rights; there were common-law rights that the white man was bound to respect. most states also held that the legal disabilities of african-americans stemmed from necessity, safety, racial purity, or some policy mandate—and not, as chief justice taney thought, from the supposed inherent inferiority of the black man. the weight of authority in these cases paints a picture of an antebellum judiciary that firmly believed in the somerset vision of freedom. moreover, they felt empowered to enforce it. freedom existed in the law of nature, and could only be restricted by clear, positive law. once given, freedom from slavery could not be revoked. when the right to freedom and the right to property conflicted, the presumption was in favor of liberty. and when the positive-law disabilities of slavery were removed, the freed man—by default—gained civil and personal rights (at least), or citizenship (at most). this was the core of the rule of liberty. but the canon also appeared in a procedural context, beating back a perennial enemy of civil rights: formalism. b. liberty and formalism formalism—the rigid adherence to an existing legal framework—has frustrated more than one attempt at protecting civil rights. this is not a new phenomenon. in the nineteenth century, formalism provided courts with opportunities to make emancipation practically impossible. property could not sue; how, then, could slaves enforce a deed giving them freedom? even if a slave could sue, his master had the right to control his movement. and even if a slave could gather evidence, many freedom claims rested on ancestry from a free mother—things that might only be provable through hearsay. but when a master offered formalism in argument, the rule of liberty frequently beat it back and afforded the slave a window to assert his claim, if indeed he had one. . see the civil rights cases, u.s. , - ; griggs v. duke power co., f. d ( th cir. ), rev’d u.s. ( ); tyler v. cain, u.s. , - ( ); shelby cty. v. holder, s. ct. , - ( ). the rule of liberty . capacity & standing although the law of this state considers slaves as property, yet it recognizes their personal existence, and, to a qualified extent, their natural rights. [they] must, of course, have a right to seek and enjoy the protection of the law in the establishment of all legal documents of emancipations . . . to this extent, the general reason of policy which disables slaves as persons, and subjects them to the brute condition of property, does not apply; and the reason ceasing, the law ought also to cease. kentucky supreme court, in re bodine ( ) a slave generally could not “do anything, have anything, or acquire anything, but what must belong to his master.” thus, in capacity cases, the courts routinely confronted the first paradox of slavery: are slaves people or property? formalism required courts to choose one box or the other. for the overwhelming majority of judges, however, recognizing the right to freedom without a remedy to enforce it violated basic maxims of the legal system. thus, many courts ameliorated the harsh doctrines of formalism with their powers of equity, at least until the system collapsed into the rule that slavery was a natural-law good. the southern states generally “suppose[d] that a slave, who is capable of nothing else, is at least capable to take his freedom.” there were at least three different rationales for this relaxation of the slave codes. georgia rejected the formalist interpretation because it was “too technical” and because it would effectively abolish emancipation as a legal device. virginia took an equally pragmatic approach: allowing emancipation but refusing standing would “keep the promise to the ear, and break it to the hope.” . slave, a new dictionary & glossary ( st ed. ). . see generally allain, at - ; tushnet - . . see ashby v. white, eng. rep. ( ) (holt, c.j., dissenting) (“if then when a statute gives a right, the party shall have an action for the infringement of it, is it not as forcible when a man has his right by the common law?”). . e.g., manns v. givens, leigh , - (va. ); peters v. van lear, gill , - (md. ); redding v. findley, jones eq. , (n.c. ) (“[t]here is inherent legal capacity to assent to all those incidents which go to make the emancipation itself effectual.”). . cleland v. waters, ga. , - ( ). . manns v. givens, leigh , - (va. ) (“in giving them an interest in having the deed proved, the act of assembly gave them a right also to have it done: otherwise it would indeed ‘keep the promise to the ear, and break it to the hope.’”) © chris kozak kentucky and tennessee provided more complete reasoning. although slaves were property, the law recognized freedom as a natural right. thus, in these cases, slaves “must be considered as natural persons, entitled to some legal rights . . . and, to this extent, the general reason of policy which disables slaves as persons, and subjects them to the condition of brute property, does not apply; and the reason ceasing, the law ought also to cease.” the recognition of the natural right to freedom was crucial: the common law refused to contemplate the absurdity of a right without a remedy. thus, if the natural law held that a slave could be freed, that right was forcible even if the positive law did not acknowledge it. like they did in other contexts, the courts eventually began to cut back the rule of liberty. most states held that slaves could not contract for their freedom or enforce contract rights to freedom in disputes between third parties. virginia and alabama reversed course and held that nothing but the positive law could give the . in re bodine, dana , - (ky. ); ford v. ford, humphreys , - (tenn. ) (“a slave is not in the condition of a horse . . . he is made after the image of the creator. he has mental capacities, and an immortal principle in his nature, that constitute him equal to his owner, but for the accidental position in which fortune has placed him . . . the laws cannot extinguish his high born nature, nor deprive him of the many rights which are inherent in man . . . he can make a contract for his freedom, which our laws recognize, and he can take a bequest of his freedom, and by the same will he can take personal or real estate.”). . in re bodine, dana at - . . id. (“unless, then, there can be such an absurdity as a legal right without any remedy, the plaintiffs may proceed in their own proper names.”). . cf. ashby v. white, eng. rep. ( ) (holt, c.j., dissenting); rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ) (“if rights of property can thus be coerced by appropriate remedies, much more ought the right to freedom, compared with which, all other rights sink into insignificance.”). in some cases, the right to freedom prevailed even where other procedural hiccups could have technically obstructed it. see bell v. jones, md. , - ( ) (refusing, on a successive petition for freedom, to apply a fee-shifting statute to force a slave to pay the master’s legal costs for defending the first petition); mary v. talburt, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (holding that a slave’s act of running away did not bar a subsequent petition for freedom); thornton v. davis, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (refusing to “suffer the merits of [a freedom case] to be smothered in the technicalities of special pleading.”). . shanklin v. johnson, ala. , - ( ); clark v. pease, n.h. , ( ); contee v. garner, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ); hall v. united states, u.s. (otto) , - ( ) (applying mississippi law). but see logan v. commonwealth, grattan , - (va. ); ford, humphreys at - . . thompson v. wilmot, bibb. , - (ky. ); major v. winn, b. mon. , - (ky. ). the rule of liberty slaves the power to choose freedom, much less enforce it. this rule necessarily either ( ) abandoned the right–remedy mandate in slave cases because the common law did not protect slaves, or ( ) concluded that the slave could have no legal right to freedom at all. until the southern states began to see slavery as a natural-law good, courts uniformly held that the slave codes were necessities, not fundamental truths. this assumption was grounded in somerset and the western tradition that slavery must have support in statutory law. the somerset logic also demanded that any civil disabilities of slaves come from positive law. since these laws were regulatory, they prevailed in other civil matters. but when the natural right to freedom was concerned, the positive-law reason for the law ceased, and therefore, the law ceased with it. . presumptions & proof all presumptions should be indulged in favor of human freedom. kentucky supreme court, davis v. tingle ( ). ordinarily, a rebuttable presumption of slavery rested upon an african-american. but this presumption applied only in clear . bailey v. poindexter, grattan , (va. ) ( - decision); williamson v. carter, grattan (va. ); hooper v. hooper, ala. , ( ) (“[t]he owner’s executor . . . will . . . not be compelled by the court, at the instance of the slave, to carry him to the state to which the will directs him to be carried for emancipation.”) . see neal v. farmer, ga. , ( ) (“if the common law be applicable to a state of slavery, it would seem to be applicable as much in one as another particular. if it protects the life of the slave, why not his liberty? and if it protects his liberty, then it breaks down, at once, the status of the slave. . . it is absurd to talk about the common law being applicable to an institution which it would destroy.”) . see catterall at (quoting a southern judge who spoke of “such limitations and guards as rendered the free negro, not dangerous but as a useful member of the community, however humble he might be.”); redmond v. coffin, dev. eq. , - (n.c. ) (citing “a stern necessity arising out of the safety of the commonwealth”); hobbs v. fogg, watts , - , - (pa. ) (lamenting “the necessity of [slave] disabilities”); tindal v. hudson, harrington , - (del. ) (speaking of the “necessary relations of master and slave”). . davis v. tingle, b. mon. , - (ky. ). . davis v. curry, bibb. , (ky. ); fox v. lambson, halsted , - (n.j. ) (“color . . . affords a presumption of slavery.”); johnson v. tompkins, fed. cas. , , (c.c. e.d. pa. ) (“it is not permitted to you or us to indulge our feelings of abstract right . . . the law of the land recognizes the right of one man to hold another in bondage.”); scott v. williams, devereux (n.c. ). © chris kozak cases. in other cases, the courts almost uniformly refused to indulge in a presumption of slavery. for most courts, there were too many “probabilities . . . in favor of the liberty of these persons, [and] they ought not to be deprived of it on mere presumption.” thus, whenever someone was not clearly of pure african descent, the burden of proof lay on the person asserting the right to slavery, regardless of the litigating posture of the parties. any other rule “would lead us into darkness, doubt, and uncertainty, for they are as various as the admixture of blood between the races, and against the rule that presumptions are always in favor of liberty.” this same rule automatically reversed the presumption in favor of slavery when the person had been permitted to act as a free person. other courts went further. justice story held in that, as the slave trade was an offense against both the law of nature and the . gobu v. gobu, taylor n.c. , (n.c. ) (“i am not aware that the doctrine of presuming against liberty, has been urged in relation to persons of mixed blood . . . and i do not think it reasonable that such a doctrine should receive the least countenance. such persons may have descended from indians in both lines, or at least the maternal; they may have descended from a white parent in the maternal line or from mulatto parents originally free, in all which cases the offspring, following the condition of the mother, is entitled to freedom. considering how many probabilities there are in favor of the liberty of these persons, they ought not to be deprived of it upon mere presumption.”). . gregory v. baugh, leigh , - (va. ) (“no possible contrivance, short of reducing the whole race to absolute slavery, could be better calculated to obscure and confound their right to freedom, and to destroy the evidence of it . . . proof that a party is descended in the female line from an indian woman, and especially, a native american, without anything more, is prima facie proof of his right to freedom.”); daniel v. guy, ark. , ( ) (“if it be doubtful [if the plaintiff is white or black], there is no basis for legal presumption, but it is safest to give him the benefit of the doubt.”). . nichols v. bell, jones n.c. , - (n.c. ) (“we know of no law or decision, which authorizes such a presumption [in favor of slavery] . . . if we had the power, we certainly have not the disposition to extend the principle further . . . let the presumption rest upon the african color; that is a decided mark.”). . fox, halsted at - (“a long fruition of all the rights and privileges of a freeman raises a violent presumption of freedom.”); hunter v. shaffer, dudl. ga. , (ga. ) (“the fact that those persons have been considered free, and enjoyed their liberty and property for nearly a half a century in a neighboring state, that they have formed contracts of marriage with free white citizens, will require this court to presume them free.”); minchin v. docker, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (“although color is prima facie evidence of slavery, yet the fact that the [person] had, for a long time, publicly acted as free, turned the presumption the other way.”); burke v. joe, gill & john. , - (md. ); state v. harden, spears , n. (s.c. ) (“proof that a negro has been suffered to live in a community for years, as a free man, would, prima facie, establish the fact of freedom.”). the rule of liberty law of nations, the burden of proof always lay on the claimant to show that he was entitled to hold the slave. regardless of color, these states held that the presumption of freedom, guaranteed by the common law, applied to everyone. as one delaware court put it: at the common law there was always a strong presumption in favor of freedom. in the first settlement of his country, the fact of the existence of the negro race in a state of bondage to the whites, and a large majority of that color being slaves, was considered sufficiently strong to outweigh the common law presumption, and to introduce a legal presumption that a colored person is prima facie a slave. yet the state of things has changed; and cessante causa, cessat et ipsa lex. there are in this state about , persons of color; of whom , are free, and , slaves. a large majority of all persons of color in the united states are free. in point of fact, therefore, there is no reason to presume slavery from color; in opposition to the strong common law presumption, that every man having the human form is a freeman. other courts refused to presume slavery without affirmative proof of title, even when the facts plausibly suggested slavery. illinois justified this presumption by invoking natural justice: with us the presumption is in favor of liberty; and the mere claim of the defendant to hold the plaintiff as a slave, and the fact of his having resided with the defendant during the time when the services were rendered, devolved no legal necessity on the plaintiff to prove his freedom . . . the rule, in some or most of the slaveholding states, from considerations of public policy, is undoubtedly that the onus probandi lies with the party asserting his freedom. this rule, however, is conceived and founded in injustice. it is contrary to one of the fundamental principles upon which our government is founded: and is repugnant to natural right; nor can there be, in my judgment, sufficient grounds of public policy, to justify a . la jeune eugenie, fed. cas. , - (c.c. mass. ) (story, circuit justice) (adopting the holding of the amedie) (“i am bound to consider the [slave] trade an offence against the universal law of society and in all cases where it is not protected by a foreign government. . . . the onus probandi rests on the claimants to establish the legitimate existence of the trade.”); see also fales v. mayberry, fed. cas. , (c.c. r.i. ). this holding was later reversed in the famous marshall-era decision, the antelope, u.s. (wheat) , ( ) (holding that the slave trade can only be made piracy by positive law). counsel for the slaves cited the rule of liberty in argument, but the court ignored it. see id. at , - ; dyer - . . state v. dillahunt, harrington , (del. ); state v. griffin, harrington , (del. ). . butler v. craig, har. & mch. , (md. ) (“[n]o presumption of such a conviction arises from the petitioner and her ancestors having always been held in slavery.”); dighton v. freetown, mass. , (mass. ). © chris kozak departure from the well-settled rules of evidence governing all other cases, and adopting one which inverts a rule drawn from natural justice. as powerful as these presumptions were, they could not prove freedom. but for quite some time, the courts relaxed the rule against hearsay and the general bar on parol evidence in order to accommodate claims to freedom. while most cases justified these lenient rules based on necessity, one court pointed out that this evidence carried the same reliability guarantees as the traditional hearsay exceptions: freedom in this country is not a mere name . . . and it makes itself manifest by many public acts . . . transfers its possessor . . . from the kitchen and the cotton-field, to the court-house, and the election ground. . . . it is difficult to suppose a case, where common reputation would concede to a man the right to freedom, if his right were a groundless one. but slowly, following the u.s. supreme court in mima queen v. hepburn, courts began to overrule these cases and adopt a formalistic rule that demanded direct proof of the right to freedom. . kinney v. cook, scammon , - (ill. ); bailey v. cromwell, scammon , (ill. ) ([t]he presumption of law was, in this state, that every person was free, without regard to color . . . . the girl being free, and asserting her freedom in the only modes she could, by doing as she pleased, making purchases, [and] contracting debts, could not be the subject of a sale.”); hone v. ammons, ill. , - ( ) (“the moment the defendant proved that the negro was on our soil, he established prima facie that he was free . . . the bare claim of title by hone was no evidence” to rebut this presumption). . state v. jeans, harrington , (del. ). . jenkins v. tom, wash. va. , (va. ); mahoney v. ashton, har. & mch. , - , - , (md. ); shorter v. boswell, har. & john. , (md. ); davis v. forrest, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ); geer v. huntington, root , (conn. ); dowrey v. logan, b. mon. , - (ky. ); united states v. west, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ). the courts refused to show the same leniency to the master. lucy v. pumfrey, addison , - (pa. ) (refusing to permit a master to introduce hearsay evidence that his unregistered slave was known by a different name, which was on the registry, because that would “reduce that certainty of a registry to uncertainty. . . . fraud and perjury would be let in, to make slaves of negroes really free. the fault lies with the master, and he must bear the consequences.”); cato v. howard, har. & john. , - (md. ). . gregory v. baugh, leigh , - (va. ). . vaughan v. phebe, mart. & yerg. , - (tenn. ); miller v. denman, yerger , - (tenn. ) . vaughan v. phebe, mart. & yerg. , - (tenn. ). . see, e.g., walkup v. pratt, har. & john. , (md. ); mima queen v. hepburn, cranch , - ( ); glover v. millings, stew. & p. , - (ala. ); abercrombie v. abercrombie, ala. , ( ). the rule of liberty the virginia courts opined that “our judges, (from the purest of motives i am sure), did, in favorem libertatis, sometimes relax, rather too much, the rules of law, and particularly the rules of evidence.” justice duvall dissented in mima queen, pointing out that hearsay was admissible to prove, for example, the ancient boundaries of land. he argued that hearsay must therefore be competent in freedom cases because “the right to freedom is more important than the right to property.” the thrust of these cases was that formalism—while perhaps generally appealing—should not play a major role in freedom cases. human freedom was too important to be smothered by the inequitable spillovers caused by formalism. thus, the courts structured the rules in these cases to guard against wrongful enslavement, even if those structures permitted some fraud or abuse. indeed, this structural advantage forms the very basis of both lenity and liberty. c. interpretation the final set of cases where the rule of liberty appeared was in the interpretation of legal documents. it appeared in the mundane probate case, the high-profile constitutional law decision, and everything in-between. like in the previous two sections, the courts applied the rule liberally until the south eradicated it. . gregory, leigh at (opinion of carr, j.). . mima queen, cranch at (duvall, j., dissenting). . this is not an unfamiliar tactic. cf. phila. newspapers v. hepps, u.s. , ( ) (“we recognize that requiring the plaintiff to show falsity will insulate from liability some speech that is false, but unprovably so . . . . [but] ‘[t]he first amendment requires that we protect some falsehood in order to protect speech that matters.’”). . iii blackstone, supra note , - n. (“[f]or whenever any ambiguity arises in a statute introducing a new penalty or punishment, the decision shall be on the side of lenity and mercy; or in favour of natural right and liberty; or, in other words, the decision shall be according to the strict letter in favour of the subject. . . . and it is more consonant to principles of liberty that the judge should acquit whom the legislator intended to punish, than that he should punish whom the legislator intended to discharge with impunity.”) had england needed to deal with institutional slavery, blackstone could have easily continued his analogy: “and it is more consonant to principles of liberty that the judge should free him whom the law makes a slave, than that he should enslave him whom the law declares to be free.” © chris kozak . private law: wills, deeds, and contracts if [a] construction is doubtful, some weight is due to the maxim that every deed is to be taken most strongly against the grantor, and to the spirit of the laws of all civilized nations which favours liberty. virginia supreme court, isaac v. west ( ) in private-law cases, the rule of liberty operated as a super- strong contra perfornem rule. courts generally construed ambiguities against the drafter of an instrument. but added to that rule was the fact that the right in question was freedom, and courts generally required clarity or contravening state policy before they would frustrate a grant of freedom. isaac v. west was followed in most states. the courts routinely interpreted private legal documents to favor freedom by permitting the humane treatment of slaves, by implying grants of freedom, by construing conditions precedent to freedom narrowly, by creating default rules favoring emancipation and by . see, e.g., elder v. elder, leigh , (va. ); cromartie v. robison, n.c. ( jones eq.) , (n.c. ); concklin v. havens, johnson , - (n.y. ). . mcleish v. burch, strob. eq. , (s.c. ) (holding that a direction to the administratrix that she should only make slaves work as much as necessary to pay taxes would not be set aside at the behest of the next-of-kin); ford v. porter, rich. eq. , - (s.c. ) (affirming a testator’s instruction to treat slaves as humanely as the law will allow.). . hall v. mullin, har. & john. , - (md. ) (holding that when someone devises property to a slave, he frees them “by implication, or by the true construction of his will, taking all its parts together. . . . under those parts of the will by which property was given to her . . . her freedom by implication, is indispensably necessary to give efficacy to those clauses of the will.”); davis v. wood, b. mon. , - , (ky. ) (holding that the use of “negro” in a will, instead of “slave” should be interpreted to give an immediate right to freedom, not a future right to freedom). but see, e.g., bell v. mccormick, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ) (holding that there is no implied emancipation when the master conveys a legacy to a slave but also directs him to be sold). . jacob v. sharp, meigs , - (tenn ); pleasants v. pleasants, call. (va.) (construing ambiguity to mean a present right to future freedom, not a mere promise of future freedom); erskine v. henry, leigh , - (va. ); graham v. sam, b. mon. , (ky. ) (following the same principle, not just “in view of the clearly presumed intention of the testator, but in obedience to the dictates of humanity.”); snow v. callum, dessaussure , (s.c. ) (holding that the words “and her increase” mandated that the children of a slave were free when born while their mother was awaiting freedom). . caffey v. davis, jones eq. , (n.c. ) (holding that a testator need not expressly state that the children of slaves, born before freedom accrued, follow the parents into freedom: “had [slave parents] at the termination of the life the rule of liberty applying cy pres when the grant (as written) would be illegal. even after slavery was abolished, some courts continued to interpret these documents liberally, in order to give full effect to freedom—some on the grounds that strict construction would be “contrary to the policy of the united states.” one massachusetts court explained the rationale for enforcing the rule of liberty after abolition. a testator devised a substantial fortune with the goal of persuading the public to abolish slavery. after the amendment intervened, the court sustained the trust: the law of massachusetts has always been peculiarly favorable to freedom . . . the constitution of the united states uniformly speaks of those held in slavery, not as property, but as persons; and never contained anything inconsistent with their peaceable and voluntary emancipation . . . the bequest itself manifests its immediate purpose to be to educate the whole people upon the sin of a man’s holding his fellow-man in bondage . . . . the charitable bequests . . . cannot, in the opinion of the court, be regarded as so restricted in their objects, or so limited in point of time, as to have terminated and been destroyed by the abolition in the united states . . . neither the immediate purpose of the testator—nor his ultimate object— has been fully accomplished by the abolition of slavery. following the historical pattern, however, some states repudiated this thinking. they overruled the cases holding that a devise of property implied a grant of emancipation. they required surgical precision from masters before they would enforce any right to freedom, subordinated freedom to other property rights, and estate, been unable to comply with the condition [entitling them to freedom], their issue . . . would have gone with them into servitude to the remainderman . . . why any more necessity that the testator should mention [the] issue [in the will] . . . to give liberty to such increase, than to doom it to slavery?”) . boon v. lancaster, sneed , , - (tenn. ). . cowan v. stamps, miss. , - , - ( ) (“to require these people to remove . . . would seem an unnecessary hardship, and . . . it would be against a wise public policy to impose a condition of emigration in order to accept a bequest, not imposed by a testator, but by a prior law since abrogated . . . removal . . .was not a condition precedent in the mind of the donor, but a mode of giving freedom, a pre-requisite, imposed by law.”). this hearkens back to the pre- crisis theory of emancipation laws as police regulations, not as broad statements of policy. see also, e.g., haley v. haley, phil. eq. , - (n.c. ) (ignoring the condition because it would be contrary to the policy of the united states). . jackson v. phillips, allen , , (mass. ). . id. at - , - , - . . atkins v. kron, ired. eq. , , (n.c. ); kirkpatrick v. rogers, ired. eq. , - (n.c. ). . see, e.g., taylor v. am. bible soc’y, ired. eq. , , (n.c. ) (voiding a grant of freedom when a mistress said “if i could in any way effect © chris kozak declared that applying cy pres to grants of freedom would be “monstrous.” the theme of these cases was the primacy of state laws favoring slavery and the newfound inherent inferiority of the african-american. cases interpreting deeds and contracts are more sparse. but the general rule seemed to mirror isaac v. west, at least in virginia: “[u]nless the opinion pronouncing the construction . . . be clear and disembarrassed of all reasonable doubt, the law entitles the [slave] to the benefit of the doubt, and the most favorable construction upon the deed.” kentucky also refused to require exacting clarity. during the brief period where north carolina favored freedom, the courts enforced a grant of freedom to a child even though it failed to mention meritorious services—a legal requirement—and even though the child was too young to have met the requirement. other courts refused to allow a subsequent sale to void a grant of freedom, even when the purchaser was ignorant of the grant. for these it, i would emancipate [my slaves]. i do not wish to entail slavery upon them,” because she “nowhere leaves them their freedom.”); curry v. curry, ga. , - ( ) (holding that a slave could not choose between freedom and slavery, and then holding that the emancipation clause was not severable because the court was not sure what the master would have done if he knew the slave had no power of choice); maria v. surbaugh, randolph , - (va. ) (without an express statement that children born during the life estate are free, they must be enslaved); johnson v. johnson, b. mon. , - (ky. ); ellis v. jenny, rob. va. , - (va. ). . drury v. grace, har. & john. , - (md. ). . am. colonization soc’y v. bass, ga. , - , - ( ) (“the monstrous doctrine of cy pres is not to have given it one inch of ground . . . the bequests of the will as to the negroes cannot be executed under the ‘cy pres’ doctrine without manifesting . . . any general intent to manumit . . .”). . e.g., cromartie v. robison, n.c. ( jones eq.) , (n.c. ) (“we think proper also to say, in putting a construction upon the will now before us, we have a single eye to the intention of the testator, without reference to the notion that courts should favor charities, and lean in favorem libertatis; for, however humane we may suppose the feeling that prompts, it is not established that public policy favors the emancipation of our slaves; and although the principles of the common law look with favor upon the transition of a bondsman, or villain, to the state and condition of a free white man, yet very different conclusions may be involved, when the question is between the condition of a slave and that of a free negro.”). . logan v. commonwealth, grattan , - (va. ). . see, e.g., fanny v. bryant, j.j. marsh. , (ky. ) (holding that a deed freeing a woman “and her increase” on a certain date in the future granted a present right to future freedom). . sampson v. burgwin, dev. & bat. , - (n.c. ). . see, e.g., isaac v. farnsworth, head , - (tenn. ). the rule of liberty judges, “the manumission does not [merely] rest upon the principles of a contract, . . . but it is an act of benevolence, sanctioned by the statute, and made obligatory, if in writing.” the contrary cases followed the same pattern—masters must confer freedom and rights clearly, and the fundamental law of the land favored slavery. . public law: legislation [g]overnors might be presumed to be disposed to do much to conciliate the rich and powerful at the expense of the weak and defenseless . . . all men are by the law of nature free: and without some positive declaration of the sovereign power of the state to the contrary, all judicial opinions, in my opinion should set at liberty every individual who sues for his freedom. missouri supreme court, marguerite v. choteau ( ) the issue of slavery was often subject to legislation. the most common kinds were statutes abolishing slavery, statutes banning the importation of slaves, and the federal fugitive slave act. but the rule of liberty also appeared in cases interpreting criminal statutes, in questions involving retroactivity and implied repeals, to resolve ambiguity, and (most importantly) to interpret the northwest ordinance. as a general rule, courts interpreted statutes abolishing slavery in favor of the slave. pennsylvania’s gradual-abolition statute— which imposed meticulous registration requirements—provides the most useful example. when the construction of this statute was in . ketletas v. fleet, johnson , - , - (n.y. ). . allen v. peden, car. l.r. , (n.c. ) (striking down a legislative act freeing slaves because such an act was “plainly in violation of the fundamental law of the land.”); mayho v. sears, iredell , - , (n.c. ) (interpreting neutral language in a deed to enslave children even though their mother would be free); franklin v. waters, gill , - , - (md. ) (holding that an obligation for a master to pay wages to a freed slave must be stated clearly); jason v. henderson, md. , ( ) (holding that a free person of color could not sue a person unlawfully holding him in servitude). . marguerite v. choteau, mo. , ( ) (opinion of tompkins, j.); errata, mo. . one judge was absent, and, the other judge dissenting, the court affirmed the decision below in favor of the master. marguerite, mo. at . this decision was later overruled and decided in conformity with judge tompkins’ view of the law. marguerite v. choteau, mo. , ( ). the u.s. supreme court denied review for want of a substantial federal question. choteau v. marguerite, u.s. (pet.) , ( ). . see helen t. catterall, judicial cases concerning american slavery and the negro - ( ); finkelman, supra note , at - © chris kozak doubt, the pennsylvania courts generally construed it against the master. the courts justified this on considerations of humanity, the purpose of the statute, and laches by the owner, who had the ability to be careful. even the most trivial of oversights sometimes caused the master to lose his slave. connecticut’s treatment of its importation statutes was similar. these statutes, among other things, freed all slaves “left” in the state, with an exception for travelers. citing somerset, the court interpreted the word “left” as imposing forfeiture even without proof of intent to leave slaves in the state: “is it true, that if a person does not intend to do an act, and yet does it, that the act is done? . . . this slave has been brought and left in this state, contrary to [law]; and therefore, . . . she cannot be claimed or treated as a slave, under our laws.” the courts also used their equitable powers to expand the scope of statutes to assist slaves. early cases in virginia invoked “principles of humanity” to expand the scope of a law prohibiting the mistreatment of indentured servants. new york refused to eject a slave from land he received for serving in the revolutionary war, reasoning that by giving him the land, the legislature impliedly removed the relevant slave-code disabilities. in other cases, early courts interpreted ambiguous words in a statute to favor freedom. when later-enacted statues were . id.; see, e.g., respublica v. betsey, dallas , , - (pa. ) (opinions of atlee, j., and rush, j.); commonwealth v. barker, s. & r. , (pa. ). . betsey, dallas at , - (opinions of atlee, j., and rush, j.). . id. at , - (opinion of bryan, j.). . barker, s. & r. at (holding that the failure of a master to indicate his occupation on the slave register, as required by statute, was grounds for forfeiture). but see wilson v. belinda, s. & r. , (pa. ) (“[w]here there appears to have been an intent to comply honestly . . . the construction should be liberal in favor of the master.”); marchand v. peggy, s. & r. , - (pa. ) (holding that the rule did not apply to the threshold issue of territorial jurisdiction). . jackson v. bulloch, conn. , - , - ( ). the dissenting judge, engaging in some excellent textual analysis, pointed out that this stretched the text farther than was reasonable. id. at - (bissell, j., dissenting). . gwinn v. bugg, jefferson , - (va. ). . new york ex rel. jackson v. lervey, cowen , , - (n.y. ) (“[t]he disabilities of the patentee and the heir, arising from a state of slavery, are removed by the acts authorizing the grant. . . . the legislature intended to remove the disabilities incident to slavery.”). . butt v. rachel, munford , - (va. ); reno v. davis, hen & m. , (va. ) (“[i]n a case of doubt, the law of humanity ought to turn the scale.”); ex parte ferrett, mill , (s.c. ) (holding that the word the rule of liberty inconsistent with earlier laws favoring slavery, the courts freely held that the slave laws were impliedly repealed. but until the courts began deconstructing the rule of liberty, they rigorously enforced the presumptions in the opposite situation—when a newer law or sentiment favored slavery. lenity and liberty called for courts to exercise their discretion “whenever possible in favorem libertatis, and for the amelioration or avoidance of human suffering.” but in criminal law, these principles pointed to opposite results. in prosecutions involving slavery and freedom, the rule of lenity required affirmative proof of both mens rea and most necessary attendant circumstances. but this was not a universal rule. lenity did not apply when the defendant attempted to escape an involuntary-servitude indictment by arguing that the statute was being extended to new circumstances not specifically intended by congress. congress passed peonage statutes specifically to address debt bondage in new mexico, but the u.s. attorney in georgia used it to charge two defendants who were holding african-americans in servitude. the defendants argued (a lá holy trinity) that although their conduct might be within the letter of the statute, “[i]t is not within the statute, because not within the “indian” would not be expanded to enslave asian indians); state v. belmont, strobhart , - (s.c. ) (“i am for adhering to the decision . . . that spares the race of shem.”) . robin v. hardaway, jefferson , , (va. ); hannah v. davis, tucker , (va. app. ); hudgins v. wrights, hen & m. , - (va. ); jenkins v. tom, wash va. , (va. ). . state v. taylor, mccord , - , (s.c. ); campbell v. campbell, ark. , - ( ) (“the act [limiting the number of free blacks in the state] was . . . but a measure of self-defence . . . we will tolerate the evils resulting from the emancipation of our own slaves, until the sense of the people may require an avowed change in policy.”); redd v. hargrove, ga. , ( ). but see mordecai v. boylan, jones eq. , - (n.c. ) (applying a law retroactively to defeat an emancipation). . united states v. fah chung, f. , - (s.d. ga. ) . birney v. state, ohio , ( ) (“we know of no case where . . . action is held criminal, unless the intention accompanies the act. . . . it cannot be assumed that an act which . . . involves no moral wrong . . . should be made criminal, when performed in total unconsciousness of the facts that infect it with crime.”). . united states v. darnaud, fed. cas. , - (c.c. e.d. pa. ) (“the slave trade, however horrible it may be, is not [piracy] . . . [t]he element, therefore, of citizenship [of the united states], is an essential condition of the crime.”). . united states v. mcclellan, f. , - (s.d. ga. ) . id. © chris kozak spirit of the law.” they also cited lord coke on the rule of lenity, where he says: “acts of parliament are to be so construed as no man that is innocent or free from injury or wrong be, by a literal construction, punished or endangered.” the court impaled the defendants on this last argument. the judge admitted that it was probably true that congress was targeting new mexican peonage. but invoking lenity in this case was barred by the thirteenth amendment: [how] can it be contended that the conduct of the prisoners, as described in this indictment, as innocent or free from injury or wrong? is it not inimical to the amendment of the constitution which defines involuntary servitude? is it not involuntary servitude to seize by force, to hurry the victim from wife and children, to incarcerate him in a stockade, and work him in range of the deadly muzzle of the shotgun, or under the terror of the lash, and continue this servitude as long as resentment may prompt, or greed demand? it is true that a literal construction will not be favored, if the object be to punish those who are innocent, or free from injury or wrong. this was the decision of the supreme court in [holy trinity] . . . there the statute was construed in favor of liberty. . . but what parallel is there between the holy ministrations of the man of god, though serviceable and laborious, and the conduct of lawless and violent men who would seize helpless and pathetic negroes, and for their own selfish purposes consign them to a life of involuntary servitude, compared to which the slavery of the antebellum days was a paradise. and it otherwise appears that the construction of this act which seems to us proper is in salutary accord not only with the spirit of congress in adopting it but with other statutes for the same general purpose, which portray unmistakably the consistent purpose to stamp out on american soil any and every form of involuntary servitude. . . . this is another instance of the exercise by congress of the power granted by the thirteenth amendment to prevent involuntary servitude.” essentially, such a barefaced attempt to recreate slavery—a crime malum in se, if there ever was one—was constitutionally ineligible for lenity. finally, the rule of liberty also appeared in interpretations of the northwest ordinance, which said that “there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory.” until , courts uniformly agreed that the ordinance was constitutional. . id. . id. . united states v. mcclellan, f. , - (s.d. ga. ). . the northwest ordinance, act of july , , art. , stat. . . winny v. whitesides, mo. , - ( ) (“we did not suppose that any person could mistake the policy of congress, in making this provision. . . . sound national policy required, that the evil should be restricted, as much as the rule of liberty these courts, particularly the courts in missouri, imposed near-strict liability on masters who brought their slaves into the territory. according to these courts, the ordinance was a “fundamental law, for those who choose to live under it.” thus, if the master stayed in missouri for any longer than necessary, his slaves became free. and when it was doubtful whether the ordinance operated to free a slave, the courts erred in favor of liberty: i remark, however, that if the plaintiff’s freedom was at all doubtful under the ordinance . . . the court would, in favor of liberty, infer that he was born since the adoption of the constitution, in a case where the evidence leaves the fact doubtful . . . but i should never feel warranted in resorting to such a construction, to deprive a human being of his liberty, or deny him the rights of humanity. the presumption is in favor of liberty . . . if i entertained a doubt i should be compelled to decide in favor of liberty. the u.s. supreme court declined to review any of these cases until dred scott, citing either the lack of a substantial federal question or holding that the ordinance was properly construed. . constitutional law admitting it was a doubtful point, whether the constitution was to be considered prospective in its operation or not, the [masters] say, you take from us a vested right arising from municipal law. the [slaves] say you would deprive us of a natural right guaranteed by the ordinance and the constitution. how should the court decide, if construction was really to determine it? i presume it would be in favour of liberty. possible. what they could, they did. [the people] said, by their representatives, it shall not vest within these limits, and by their acts for nearly half a century, they have approved and sanctioned this declaration.”); merry v. tiffin, mo. , (mo. ) (“the ordinance is positive, that slavery cannot exist; and . . . we, or any other court, [cannot] say otherwise.”). but see dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , - ( ). . la grange v. chouteau, mo. , (mo. ), writ denied, lagrange v. choteau, u.s. , ( ). . julia v. mckinney, mo. , - ( ) (holding that convenience is not an excuse for delay); rachel v. walker, mo. , - ( ); la grange, mo. at . (“[a]ny sort of residence contrived or permitted by the legal owner, upon the faith of secret trusts or contracts, in order to defeat or evade the ordinance . . . would doubtless entitle a slave to freedom.”); ralph v. duncan, mo. , - ( ) (temporarily hiring out a slave to someone in missouri resulted in the slave being free). . jarrot v. joseph, gilman , - , - (ill. ). . menard v. aspasia, u.s. (pet.) , ( ) (opinion of mclean, j.) (“the title of [the master] does not arise under an act of congress.”). . lagrange, u.s. at (opinion of marshall, c.j.). © chris kozak mississippi supreme court, harry v. decker & hopkins ( ) the most significant applications of the rule of liberty were in constitutional law. it is common knowledge that the constitution would not exist had the north and south not compromised about slavery. this compromise resulted in the fugitive slave clause, which forced courts to arbitrate disputes between northern and southern citizens. these disputes gave birth to american conflicts-of-law rules. in prigg v. pennsylvania, the first major conflicts case before the u.s. supreme court, the question was congress’s power to enact the fugitive slave laws and northern states’ ability to free slaves within their borders. justice story began with somerset: by the general law of nations, no nation is bound to recognize the state of slavery, as to foreign slaves found within its territorial dominions, when it is in opposition to its own policy and institutions, in favor of the subjects of other nations where slavery is recognized . . . this was fully recognized in [somerset]. although the entire court agreed that slavery must be supported by positive law, justice story found one: the fugitive slave clause. the clause “manifestly contemplate[d] the existence of a positive, unqualified right on the part of the owner of the slave, which no state law . . . can in any way qualify, regulate, control, or restrain.” but this was the extent of the clause’s reach, as far as northern courts were concerned. with the exception of a few cases urging comity for the sake of preserving the union, northern courts refused to recognize slavery except as declared by express federal law. their position was, essentially, that while the constitution . harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. , (miss. ). this case is representative of the opinions of the courts in (at least) missouri, tennessee, maryland, and virginia at the start of the nineteenth century. finkelman - . . commonwealth v. holloway, s. & r. , - (pa. ) (the [founders] had the whole subject of slavery before them, . . . it was no easy task to reconcile the discordant prepossessions . . . but the business was accomplished by acts of concession and mutual condescension.”). . prigg v. pennsylvania, u.s. (pet.) , - ( ). . id. . id. . id. . e.g., willard v. people, scammon , - (ill. ). . white v. white, head , - (tenn. ) (enforcing an emancipation in a will even though the testator died in mississippi and the mississippi courts voided the emancipation); lemmon v. people, n.y. , - , , (n.y. ) (“every sovereign state has a right to determine by its the rule of liberty acted as a sort of “treaty” mandating the recognition of the right to recapture fugitive slaves, it could not be extended by equity to any other case. therefore, the common-law rule of liberty—including the irrevocability principle—was binding. laws the condition of all persons who may at any time be within its jurisdiction . . . [the master] has no more right to the protection of this property than one of the citizens of this state would have upon bringing them here under the same circumstances, and . . . the [fugitive slave] clause of the constitution . . . has no application to this case.”); jackson v. bulloch, conn. , - , , - ( ) (declaring that slavery was “a system of such a character, that it can claim nothing by the law of comity, which prevails among friendly states upon subjects of a different class . . . it [is] local, and must be governed entirely by the laws of the state, in which it is attempted to be enforced.”); commonwealth v. aves, pickering , , - (mass. ) (holding that slavery, being “contrary to natural right, and effected by the local law, is dependent upon such local law for its existence and efficacy, and being contrary to the fundamental laws of this state, such general right of property cannot be exercised or recognized here.”); selectmen v. jacob, tyler , (vt. ) (“no inhabitant of the state can hold a slave; and though the bill of sale may be binding by the lex loci of another state or dominion, yet when the master becomes an inhabitant of this state, his bill of sale ceases to operate here.”); jack v. martin, wendell , (n.y. ). . in re sims, cushing , - (mass. ) (“but the right, thus secured by the constitution to the slave owner, is limited by it, and cannot be extended, by implication or construction, a line beyond the precise casus foederis. the fugitive must not only owe service or labor in another state, but he must have escaped from it.”). in other words, it cannot be extended beyond the object in the mind of the people who framed the law. cf. iii blackstone - . . in re sims, cushing at - ; rodney v. illinois central ry. co., ill. , - ( ); anderson v. poindexter, ohio st. , - ( ) (opinion of bowen, j.) (“slavery is entirely local . . . and is repugnant to reason and natural law. . . . in this state not only are our institutions opposed to slavery but the ordinance . . . prohibits its introduction here for any purpose. . . . strengthened by the clearest principles of natural law, and by the decisions of courts of high character . . . [the slave] coming into this state by the consent of the master, obtained the freedom of which he had been deprived by local municipal legislation. his servitude ceased, and there is no law which can bring into operation the right of slavery once destroyed.”); see id. at - (opinion of brinkerhoff, j.) (“the absolute freedom of all persons at birth is a fundamental principle . . . this principle was, by the ordinance of , impressed on the soil of ohio . . . the moment any person comes within . . . ohio, his personal rights are determined by the laws of ohio [except in cases of fugitive slaves]. . . . the enslavement of a man once free, presents the monstrosity of a legalized wrong; the policy of ohio is to maintain the rights of men.”); id. at - , (opinion of swan & scott, jj.) (“whatever construction may be given by the supreme court of the united states to the constitutional provision relating to fugitives, whereby the laws of a free state are rendered inoperative, it is limited to cases coming within that provision.”); commonwealth v. holloway, s. & r. , - (pa. ) (holding that a child in utero at the time his mother escaped was not a fugitive within the clause). . see supra notes - ; supra subsection ii.a. . © chris kozak southern cases displayed the same state-centric ideas. except for a few cases respecting freedom given by northern law, southern courts rejected northern judgments freeing a slave. the default rule in the south was that even a small showing that slavery was tolerated in another state was sufficient to require the courts to protect the rights of the master. eventually, the southern courts expanded the fugitive slave clause by equity, interpreting it as a promise that their slaves would be protected under all circumstances: mississippi came into the union . . . with this institution, . . . protected . . . by the express provisions of [the federal] constitution. . . . ohio . . . chooses to take to her embrace, as citizens, the neglected race, . . . regarded, at the formation of our government as an inferior caste. . . . ohio can never confer freedom on a mississippi slave, nor the right to acquire, hold, sue for, nor enjoy property in mississippi.” this sentiment also translated into broad constructions of the clause and its enforcing statutes, on the federalist reasoning that the clause placed the slave power under federal protection. tangential to the conflicts question was how states, as independent sovereigns, would interpret their own constitutions. the supreme judicial court of massachusetts, citing the rule of liberty, held that a constitutional provision saying that all men were born “free and equal” impliedly abolished slavery. although slavery had . e.g., harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. , (miss. ). . scott v. emerson, mo. , - ( ); lewis v. fullerton, randolph , - (va. ); maria v. kirby, b. mon. , , (ky. ); mahorner v. hooe, s. & m. , , (miss. ). . see, e.g., charlotte v. choteau, mo. , - ( ). . mitchell v. wells, miss. , - , - , - . . see ex parte hill, ala. , - , , ( ) (opinion of walker, c.j.) (“the fugitive-slave law was passed to protect . . . a clear constitutional right of a class of citizens in the united states. . . . in many of the states, the execution of the law was prevented; the powers of the confederate government are given to it for the benefit . . . of all the people in all the states; and the historic lesson teaches us that the execution of the laws, passed by virtue of those powers, can not be safely left to the control of local tribunals.”); fugitive slave law cases, fed. cas. , (c.c. n.y. ) (stating that the fugitive slave act is “designed, first, to substitute officers of the federal government in the place of the[] state magistrates; and second, to arm the officers with sufficient power and authority to enable them to execute the law against any resistance actual or threatened, and in whatever form it may be presented.”). . commonwealth v. jennison, proc. mass. hist. soc. - , , (mass. ) (opinion of cushing, c.j.). but see state v. post, spencer , - , - (n.j. ) (holding the opposite on the same language). the rule of liberty also appeared in the arguments of some advocates, even if it was ultimately rejected. see, e.g., ex parte bushnell, ohio st. , - ( ) (argument of the rule of liberty previously been permitted, “nowhere is it expressly enacted,” and “a different idea has taken place with the people of america, more favorable to the natural rights of mankind, and to that natural, innate desire of liberty . . . without regard to color [or] complexion.” this idea, and the declaration that all men were born free, were: [t]otally repugnant to the idea of being born slaves . . . the idea of slavery is inconsistent with our own conduct and constitution; and there can be no such thing as perpetual servitude of a rational creature, unless his liberty is forfeited by some criminal conduct or given up by personal consent or contract. this view of the law was explicitly based on the logic of somerset. once constitutions began to abolish slavery and grant new protections to civil rights, the courts were confronted with new interpretive issues. in ohio, the constitution guaranteed all “free white citizens” the right to vote. but there was no bright line between black and white persons—and so the ohio courts held that anyone nearer white than black was protected. the ohio courts reaffirmed this principle in the wake of dred scott, snidely repudiating the court’s holding that african-americans could not be citizens: we do not think [authority] can be found which will countenance the idea that any the least admixture of african blood will preclude a person from being considered a citizen of the united states . . . . it seems too clear an argument that, had the phrase “citizen of the united states” [meant purely white], the word white would have been applied. counsel) (“[s]lavery is so odious a nature, that the power to recognize its existence can be derived only from an affirmative grant . . . that honored maxim . . . requires every doubtful phrase to be construed in favor of liberty . . . in all the constitution, the word slave . . . is not there . . . vainly do you read the whole instrument in search of any express grant.”); the antelope, u.s. (wheat) , , - ( ) (argument of counsel); dyer - . . id. . jennison, proc. mass. hist. soc. at (opinion of cushing, c.j.). . id.; winchendon v. hatfield, mass. , , - ( ); commonwealth v. robinson, thach. cr. cas. , - (mass. ) (holding that a person, “[h]aving been brought into this state by her master, cease[s] to be a slave . . . it being established law, that the moment that the master carries his slave into a country where domestic slavery is not permitted, he becomes free.”); commonwealth v. aves, pickering , - (mass. ). . jeffries v. ankeny, ohio , - ( ); thacker v. hawk, ohio , - ( ) (rejecting the one-drop rule). this rule was later applied to void statutes prohibiting schools from accepting “colored” students. lane v. baker, ohio , - , ( ). . anderson v. miliken, ohio st. , - ( ). © chris kozak these interpretations laid the groundwork for the court to invalidate a law permitting elections inspectors to refuse a ballot based on their “visual inspection” and belief that a person was % black. “what the legislature cannot do directly it cannot do by indirection . . . the law is partial by imposing unreasonable burdens of proof . . . [it] is calculated to impair and defeat the colored man’s right to vote, but such seems to be its leading, nay its only object.” then came the thirteenth amendment. the u.s. supreme court did not see a thirteenth amendment case until , and only spoke in dicta until . but some state courts commented on the amendment in the meantime. both the california and indiana courts held that the initial civil rights act was constitutional under the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments. california, removed from the fervor of the war, provided some striking reasoning: the thirteenth amendment was intended to make all men born in the united states . . . equal before the law with respect to personal liberty . . . . it would be a remarkable anomaly, if the national government, without the thirteenth amendment, could confer citizenship on aliens . . . irrespective of race of color, and cannot with . . . that amendment confer on those of the african race . . . all that the civil rights act seeks to give them.” . monroe v. collins, ohio st. , - , - ( ). the statute permitted inspectors to deny someone the right to vote if he had a visible admixture of african blood and could not prove his whiteness by affirmative evidence. it also allowed black blood to be proven by reputation, but required white blood to be shown by direct testimony. id. . monroe, ohio st. at - , - (“if the legislature have power to abridge suffrage of black men of visible admixture, then they can exercise the same power in regard of white men of visible admixture, then they can exercise the same power in regard to white men of black hair, of low stature, of small fortune . . . . between the legislative power and the legal elector, . . . the constitutional protection stands as a bulwark for the protection of his right to vote.”). . slaughter-house cases, u.s. ( wall.) ( ); civil rights cases, u.s. ( ). . people v. washington, cal. , - (cal. ); smith v. moody, ind. , - , - (ind. ). . washington, cal. at - . the rule of liberty the rule of liberty had substantial power in constitutional law cases. that power was largely split along ideological lines—it was potent in many northern courts and despised by most southern judges. but these cases were decided largely after the south began deconstructing the rule of liberty and replacing it with a rule that whites had a natural right to hold african-americans in slavery. d. the demise of the rule of liberty with the exception of [a few cases], founded mainly on the unmeaning twaddle, in which some human judges and law writers have indulged, as to the influence of the “natural law,” “civilization and christian enlightenment,” in amending, proprio vigore, the rigor of the common law . . . the cases and text-writers are uniform in declaring that slavery, as it exists in this country, was unknown to the common law . . . and hence its provisions are inapplicable. . . . masters and slaves cannot be governed by the same common system of laws: so different are their positions, rights, and duties. supreme court of mississippi, george v. state ( ). many southern courts reacted to the sectional crisis and the missouri compromise by annihilating the rule of liberty and asserting that the law ought to favor the cherished institution of slavery. some southern judges lamented this turn of events, noting, “until fanaticism and folly drove us from that position, the law of our state has uniformly favored emancipation . . . with such limitations and guards as rendered the free negro, not dangerous but as a useful member of the community, however humble he might be.” this “fanaticism and folly” extended not only to laws governing emancipation, but was the origin of the rule that a slave, once freed, received only the right to freedom of movement. this shift demanded a new theory. england was no help— somerset had been limited, but its core principles were never . george v. state, miss. , ( ). . tsesis - ; andrews v. page, heiskell , (tenn. ) (“before the unconstitutional, and impertinent interference, of intermeddlers in other states . . . the uniform course of decision in this state was shaped with a view to ameliorate the condition of the slave.”). . catterall at . . tsesis , - ; bryan v. walton, ga. , - ( ) (“[t]he status of the african in georgia, whether bond or free, is such that he has no civil, social, or political rights or capacity, whatever, except such as are bestowed upon him by statute. the act of manumission confers no other right but . . . [t]o become a citizen of the body politic, capable of contracting, of marrying, of voting, requires something more than the mere act of enfranchisement.”). © chris kozak overruled. so the southern courts inverted the rule of liberty. the freedom of african-americans was not a natural law good. neither was slavery a necessary evil: it was “the cornerstone of american democracy rather than the rock on which it must break.” the georgia courts were particularly venomous. one judge proclaimed that abolitionists were “fighting against the almighty.” another asserted that “christ, recognizing the relation of master and servant, ordained [slavery] as an institution of christianity. it is the crowning glory of this age and of this land.” other cases are scattered throughout the previous sections of this article, repudiating nearly every other facet of the rule of liberty. then came dred scott. chief justice taney held that black people, slave or free, could never be citizens of the united states: [t]he legislation and history of the times, and the language used in the declaration of independence, show, that neither the class of persons who had been imported as slaves, nor their descendants, whether they had become free or not, were then acknowledged as a part of the people, nor intended to be included in the general words used in that memorable instrument. . . . they had for more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect; and that the negro man might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. although the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments are widely understood as overruling dred scott, southern states continued to treat the theory underlying the decision as binding, namely, that slavery was a natural-law good. the maryland courts therefore held that even after abolition, the incidents of slavery remained lawful, because slavery was part of . see, e.g., george v. state, miss. , ( ). . dyer - ; tushnet - ; harrell v. watson, n.c. , - (n.c. ) (complaining that slavery should not be looked at as something wicked, but as something established and made lawful by the laws of the state, recognized by the constitution, and handed down from father to son as a tradition). . am. colonization soc’y v. gartrell, ga. , - ( ). . neal v. farmer, ga. , - ( ). . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , ( ) . see, e.g., bell v. maryland, u.s. , - ( ); keyes v. sch. dist. no. , denver, colo., f. supp. , (d. colo. ); state v. dearmas, a. d , (r.i. ). . calhoun v. calhoun, s.c. , - (s.c. ) (“for upwards of two centuries, slavery existed in south carolina, owing its origin to now statutory provisions . . . it existed as a common law institution . . . although not recognized by the common law of england, it lawfully prevailed in her american colonies.”). the rule of liberty the natural law. therefore, as “[s]lavery [was] established by the municipal law of the state, rights vested under the municipal law . . . are not affected by a change or abrogation of th[at] law.” several courts continued to enforce limitations on emancipation from the pre-war era, and voided transfers of property to slaves by citing the slave codes. south carolina even said that the reconstruction constitution of the state—which voided all contracts based on slave property—was unconstitutional under the contracts clause of the u.s. constitution. these contracts, the court said, must be valid because they were “consistent with the public opinion which prevailed in south carolina when [they] w[ere] entered into.” the intellectual gymnastics in these cases are astounding. but they are part of our history, and the results they wrought remained in our law until the warren court era. even then, the court did not revive the rule of liberty, but instead granted near-unlimited deference to the federal government to protect civil rights. this theory, as applied to the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, has been peeled back in recent years—and the roberts court can be trusted to overrule the thirteenth amendment version as well. but the roberts court has also leaned heavily on “traditional” canons of interpretation, and so it should replace warren-court deference with a principle based on the ancient history of the rule of liberty. iii. resurrecting the rule of liberty neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as punishment for a crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist in the united states, or anywhere subject to their jurisdiction. -u.s. constitution, amendment thirteen . williams v. johnson, md. , - ( ). . id. . rosborough v. rutland, s.c , , (s.c. ). . cobb v. battle, ga. , , ( ); rosborough, s.c at , ; mcmath v. johnson, miss. , - ( ). . calhoun, s.c. at - ; blease v. pratt, s.c. , ( ). . calhoun, s.c. at - . . jones v. alfred h. mayer co., u.s. , ( ) . id. at - . . see, e.g., city of boerne v. flores, u.s. , ( ); shelby cty., ala. v. holder, s. ct. , - ( ). . see eskridge, frickey & garrett , - , - ; scalia & garner - . . u.s. const. amend. xiii. © chris kozak the southern states, having lost on the battlefield, waged a second war in the courtroom, attempting to limit the scope of new laws favoring freedom and civil rights. this strategy worked, yielding decisions like the inaptly named civil rights cases. couched in the language of “states’ rights” and federalism, the supreme court slowly adopted - s southern jurisprudence on liberty and slavery. a. the ghost of dred scott the u.s. supreme court first confronted the thirteenth amendment in the slaughter-house cases. although the case involved no question of slavery, the court discussed basic principles of the amendment. first, the amendment preserved abolition as “the main and most valuable result” of the war in the constitution “as one of its fundamental articles.” second, the amendment referred to human servitudes only. third, the prohibition on “involuntary servitude” was meant to “forbid all shades and conditions” of servitude, since “the purpose of the article might have . see michael a. ross, the supreme court, reconstruction, and the meaning of the civil war, j. sup. ct. hist. , - ( ) (“in the crescent city, john archibald campbell, a former united states supreme court justice who had resigned from the court to join the confederacy, launched an all-out legal campaign designed to thwart louisiana’s reconstruction government. while some white southerners turned to violence to fight the new order, a cohort of reactionary lawyers turned to briefs rather than bullets in the effort to destroy the biracial governments in the south.”). . see, e.g., civil rights cases, u.s. , ( ). . see tsesis - ; ross, supra note , at (“[a]t the turn of the twentieth century . . . most white americans, including historians, came to agree that . . . it was also good that reconstruction (the ‘tragic era’) failed and that white supremacy was restored. by the end of the s, it was clear that . . . the struggle to define the meaning of the civil war had been won . . . by the ideological descendants of andrew johnson.”). . u.s. ( ). . the case involved a challenge to a state-sanctioned monopoly because it placed an involuntary servitude on property. slaughter-house cases, u.s. at - . the court dispensed of this issue in a few sentences. see id. at (“to withdraw the mind from the contemplation of this grand yet simple declaration of personal freedom of all the human race . . . and with a microscopic search endeavor to find in it a reference to servitudes, requires an effort, to say the least of it.”). . id. at . . id. at . the rule of liberty been evaded, if only the word slavery had been used.” fourth, the court proclaimed that the amendment was not limited to those of african descent, as its text “forbids any other kind of slavery, now or hereafter.” finally, the court seemed to adopt the “mischief rule” as a means of interpreting the amendment. congress responded to these grand dicta by passing the civil rights act of , the first attempt to raise african-americans to equal footing with whites. the act, among other things, prohibited private racial discrimination. the court, however, threw out several convictions under the act, holding that the law was beyond congress’s authority. although the thirteenth amendment abolished slavery, “decree[d] universal civil and political freedom throughout the united states,” and gave congress authority to punish private individuals for imposing the badges and incidents of slavery, it held that private discrimination was not an incident of slavery. what, the court asked, had racial discrimination to do with slavery? nothing. “the long history of african slavery in this country gave us very distinct notions of what it was, and what were its necessary incidents,” and discrimination was not among them. legally enforced service? yes. physical restraint of movement? yes. incapacity to contract, sue, testify, and hold property? yes. imposing harsher sentences on slaves than on free persons? yes. but congress had used the thirteenth amendment to legislate these barriers out of existence, and not purported to adjust “the social rights of men and races in the community.” the thirteenth amendment “has respect, not to distinctions of race, or class, or color, but to slavery,” and it “would be running the slavery argument into the ground to make it apply to every act of . id. at . . id. at (“but what we do say, and what we wish to be understood is, that in any fair and just construction of any section or phrase of these amendments, it is necessary to look to the purpose which we have said was the pervading spirit of them all, the evil which they were designed to remedy . . . until that purpose was supposed to be accomplished, as far as constitutional law can accomplish it.”). . the civil rights cases, u.s. , ( ). . id. at - . . id. at . . id. at - . . id. at . . id. at . . id. at . . id. at - (citing act of april , , § , stat. ). . id. at . © chris kozak discrimination” based on race. in justice bradley’s mind, the black man’s rights “[we]re to be protected in the ordinary modes in which other men’s rights are protected.” by “ordinary modes,” the court meant state law, which ostensibly required all businessmen to open their venues to all “unobjectionable” persons. free persons of color prior to abolition, the court insisted, had never demanded that racial discrimination was unlawful. the thirteenth amendment did not change this, as it “merely abolished slavery.” and that disposed of the case. under this tangled mess of formalism is the sinister ghost of dred scott. although the court paid lip service to the “universal civil and political freedom” guaranteed by the amendment and said that congress had power to punish privately imposed badges of slavery, it instead read both principles out of the amendment entirely. certainly, congress could attack the legal disabilities of slavery. it could compel the law to treat people of color the same as white persons. the only truly private action congress could reach was the physical restraint of one’s liberty under the involuntary- servitude clause of the amendment. indeed, until , the only way the amendment applied to private actors was through forced-labor statutes. it did not allow congress to protect other “individual rights” of african-americans by prohibiting whites from forcing them to leave their chosen professions or voiding restrictive covenants. allowing congress to do more would federalize too much authority that belonged to the states before the thirteenth amendment was passed. . id. at - . . id. at . . id. at . . id. at - . . id. at . . id. at ; see also united states v. harris, u.s. , - ; baldwin v. franks, u.s. ( ). . clyatt v. united states, u.s. ( ); pollock v. williams, u.s. ( ); taylor v. georgia, u.s. ( ); united states v. gaskin, u.s. ( ); united states v. reynolds, u.s. ( ); bailey v. alabama, u.s. ( ). . hodges v. united states, u.s. , ( ). . corrigan v. buckley, u.s. , ( ) (holding that the amendment does not protect the individual rights of african-american). . hodges, u.s. at (“[i]f, as we have seen, [the amendment] denounces a condition possible for all races and all individuals, then a like wrong perpetrated by . . . . any men upon any man on account of his race, would come within the jurisdiction of congress, and that protection of individual rights, which, the rule of liberty in short, congress’s actual power under the thirteenth amendment looked something like this: slavery involuntary servitude § nullified laws upholding slavery (civil rights cases) prohibited the control by which personal service is coerced for another’s benefit (bailey v. alabama) § (state action) overturn laws disabling african-americans from holding property, suing, contracting, etc. (civil rights cases) void state laws criminalizing default, leaving employment, etc. (bailey v. alabama) § (private action) ? punish peonage; forced labor; restraints on personal liberty (clyatt v. united states) thus, even though the court held both ( ) that slavery and involuntary servitude were distinct prohibitions; and ( ) that congress could punish privately imposed badges of slavery, it never permitted congress to exercise that power. by constructing this framework, the court revived the logic of dred scott: that under the u.s. constitution, “whether they had become free or not,” african-americans were “so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” such inferiority had nothing to do with slavery; in fact, this personal inferiority was why enslaving the african-american was “just” to begin with. therefore, the text of the thirteenth amendment, operating only on slavery, did not reach so far as to change this status. and “[i]t would be running the slavery argument into the ground” to hold that congress could change it. prior to the th amendment, was unquestionably within the jurisdiction solely of the states, would be transferred to the nation.”). . the slaughter-house cases, u.s. , ( ); bailey, u.s. at . . the civil rights cases, u.s. , ( ). . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , ( ). . id. . civil rights cases, u.s. at - . . id. at - ( ). © chris kozak this is a clear-statement rule in favor of slavery. it assumes that in the absence of clear, positive guarantees in the constitution, african-americans had no federal rights that the courts could protect from private infringement—except the right to freedom of movement. but this is precisely the rule advocated by the late southern courts, which held that without intervention from the positive law, all the incidents and disabilities of slavery must remain undisturbed, even if the institution is abolished. although congress could eliminate the legal incidents of slavery, it refused to say whether this stemmed from abolition or equal protection. this is backwards. the abolitionists won both the literal and the constitutional war over slavery, and so their perspective on the law of slavery and freedom has been constitutionalized. it would be bizarre if the rationale and assumptions of chief justice taney survived the thirteenth amendment, even if the holding did not. b. the first constitutional moment the rule of liberty demonstrates that the court was not writing on a blank slate when it first interpreted the thirteenth amendment. neither was chief justice taney. but dred scott was not unanimous. justice john mclean dissented: excoriating the majority, not for racism, but for ignoring the rule of liberty. . the court made this in its discussion of the fourteenth amendment. ross, supra note , at (“the court, [justice] miller wrote, was not willing to undo federalism, and radically change the whole theory of the relations of the state and federal governments to each other and both these governments to the people . . . ‘in the absence of language which expresses such a purpose too clearly to admit of doubt.’” (quoting the slaughter-house cases, u.s. , - ( )). . bryan v. walton, ga. , - ( ). . cf. williams v. johnson, md. , - ( ) (“[n]egro slavery and the slave trade were not only recognized as lawful, but sanctioned and protected by all of the enlightened and commercial nations of europe. . . . the cases, therefore, in which it has been held that actions based upon statute law, fall with the repeal of the law, do not apply. slavery being established by the municipal law of the state, rights vested under the municipal law . . . are not affected by a change or abrogation of the law.”) . civil rights cases, u.s. at - . . ross, supra note , at - (discussing how the reconstruction amendments were “the north’s terms of capitulation to the defeated south.”). see generally bruce ackerman, we the people ( ); professor ackerman’s primary concern is constitutional change outside the article v process. however, the idea of a “constitutional moment” carries even more weight when “higher lawmaking” in national politics is accompanied by a formal amendment. see id. at - . the rule of liberty justice mclean first recounted the history of the rule of liberty. judges in rome, europe, and england held that “slavery can exist only within the territory where it is established; and that, if a slave escapes, or is carried beyond such territories, his master cannot reclaim him, unless by virtue of some express stipulation.” the court adopted this principle in prigg v. pennsylvania with no dissent. it had also been adopted by the courts in the slave states— not through amorphous concepts of liberty, but on “the law as it is, and not as it ought to be.” the law, according to these courts, was that slavery “exist[ed] by the positive law . . . without foundation in the law of nature, or the unwritten and common law.” this history compelled the conclusion that slavery was a state institution. the founders were careful “to guard the [constitution] so as not to convey the idea that there could be property in a man,” and therefore only created a federal right to recover fugitive slaves. in construing the constitution, mclean cautioned against relying on . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , (mclean, j., dissenting) (citing grotius, lib. , ch. , , ; grotius, lib. , ch. , , ; wicqueposts ambassador, lib. , p. ; martin ; case of the creole in the house of lords, ; phillimore on international law , ; barn & cres. (k.b.); somerset v. stewart, lofft , ( )). . dred scott, u.s. at (mclean, j., dissenting) (“the state of slavery is deemed to be a mere municipal regulation, founded upon and limited by the range of the territorial laws.”). . daniella lapidous, the scotus marriage decision, in haiku mcsweeny’s (june , ), https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/the-scotus- marriage-decision-in-haiku (“hark! love is love and / love is love is love is love. / it is so ordered. ”). . id. at (quoting rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ) (“in deciding the question (of slavery), we disclaim the influence of the general principles of liberty, which we all admire, and conceive it ought to be decided by the law as it is, and not as it ought to be. slavery is sanctioned by the laws of this state, and the right to hold slaves under our municipal regulations is unquestionable. but we view this as a right existing by the positive law of a municipal character, without foundation in the law of nature, or the unwritten and common law.”)). . id. at . . id. . id. at (“our independence was a great epoch in the history of freedom; and while i admit the government was not made especially for the colored race, yet many of them were citizens of the new england states, and exercised the rights of suffrage when the constitution was adopted . . . . many states, on the adoption of the constitution, or shortly afterward, took measures to abolish slavery within their respective jurisdictions . . . and it was a well-known fact that a belief was cherished by the leading men, south as well as north, that the institution of slavery would gradually decline, until it would become extinct.”). © chris kozak “a traffic which is now declared to be piracy.” if the court did so, “[w]hy confine our view to colored slavery? on the same principles, white men were made slaves. all slavery has its origin in power, and is against right.” justice mclean then turned to the heart of the case: whether scott became free by residing in illinois. he started again with prigg: the fugitive slave clause was inserted in the constitution because of the rule of liberty. otherwise, every free state could slowly destroy slavery by providing an incentive for slaves to run away. but the deal reached by the framers only conferred federal power on cases where the slave, “held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof . . . escap[ed]” into another state. thus, if a master began living in a free state, he lost the ability to hold a person in slavery, because the fugitive slave clause did not apply: [i]f slavery be limited to the range of the territorial laws, how can the slave be coerced to serve in a state or territory, not only without the authority of law, but against its express provisions? what gives the master the right to control the will of his slave? the local law, which exists in some form. but where there is no such law, can the master control the will of the slave by force? . . . where no slavery exists, the presumption, without regard to color, is in favor of freedom. . . . where the law does not confer this power, it cannot be exercised. since no federal law could support the slave right—and since no state law did support the slave right—scott became free residing in illinois. under prigg, this was “not mere argument, but it is the end of the law, in regard to the extent of slavery.” sandford’s only way to win the case, then, was to show that scott became re-enslaved by returning to missouri. but justice mclean pointed out that the rule of liberty forbade this. moreover, the irrevocability principle was part of state common law . id. . id. at (emphasis added). . id. at - . . id. at - . . id. at . . id. at - . . id. at . (emphasis added). . id. at - , - (citing commonwealth v. pleasants, leigh (s.c.); betty v. horton, leigh (s.c.); spencer v. dennis, gill. (md.); hunter v. belcher, leigh (va.); harry v. decker & hopkins, walk. miss. (miss); rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. (ky. ).; griffith v. fanny, va. rep. (va.); rhodes v. bell, how. ). the rule of liberty in illinois and missouri—something the court could not change. neither had missouri passed legislation re-enslaving scott. and “it would be singular if a freeman could be made a slave by the exercise of a judicial discretion. and it would be still more extraordinary if this could be done, not only in the absence of special legislation, but in a state where the common law is in force.” even if the rule of liberty was a mere suspension of the slave power while the slave was in a free jurisdiction, the slave grace required voluntary return to a slave state. scott had been kidnapped. thus, under rule-of-liberty conflicts principles, scott was free. additionally, it was a fundamental rule of constitutional law that states could not strip away rights granted by another state. “if a state may do this, on a question involving the liberty of a human being, what protection do the laws afford? so far from this being a missouri question, it is . . . within [federal diversity jurisdiction].” justice mclean and chief justice taney had fundamentally different assumptions about slavery. taney began with the inferiority of the african-american; mclean began with the rule of liberty. judges speak of the democratic process as the means to decide on . dred scott, u.s. at - (mclean, j., dissenting). . id. . id. . id. at - ; see also guillemette v. harper, richardson , - (s.c. ) (holding that a freed slave involuntarily returned from ireland would remain free in south carolina). . dred scott, u.s. at - (mclean, j., dissenting) (“it would be a mockery of law and an outrage on his rights to coerce his return, and then claim that it was voluntary, and on that ground that his former status of slavery attached.”). . id. at - (quoting rankin v. lydia, a.k. marsh. , - (ky. ). (“if, by the positive provision of our code, we can and must hold our slaves in the one case, and statutory provisions equally positive decide against that right in another, and liberate the slave, he must, by an authority equally imperious, be declared free. every argument which supports the right on the master on one side, based upon the force of the written law, must be equally conclusive in favor of the slave, when he can point out in the statute the clause which secures his freedom.”). . id. (quoting rankin, a.k. marsh. at - . (“free people of color in all the states are, it is believed, quasi citizens . . . although none of the states may allow them the privilege of office and suffrage, yet all other civil and conventional rights are secured to them; at least, such rights were evidently secured to them by the ordinance in question . . . if these rights are vested in that or any other portion of the united states, can it be compatible with the spirit of our confederated government to deny their existence in any other part? is there less comity existing between state and state; or state and territory, than exists between the despotic governments of europe?”)). . id. © chris kozak public values. but the process spoke: it said taney was wrong. the war and the thirteenth amendment cemented one side of this debate in the constitution in a way no other amendment has. it makes far more sense to say that justice mclean’s dissent—and therefore, the rule of liberty—ought now to control cases based on the amendment that overruled the majority opinion. c. liberty after abolition perhaps the most significant objection to the rule of liberty is that slavery no longer exists. the rule of liberty was, after all, invented to limit the evils of slavery and to hedge against wrongful enslavement. since neither justification has any force in the modern world, a reasonable objection could be made that there is no place for the rule in the modern legal system. this argument makes two fatal errors. first, it ignores the fact that historically, american courts used the rule of liberty for suppletion, not just amelioration. this principle goes all the way back to blackstone, who acknowledged that “in the extension of natural right and justice, the judge may safely go beyond even that which was in the minds of those who framed the law.” second, it is founded on an interpretation of the amendment that the court has always rejected. it assumes that the amendment only abolished slavery, nothing more. but even while imposing a restrictive gloss on the amendment, the court has always asserted that the amendment reached beyond slavery itself to the badges and incidents of slavery. indeed, to read the amendment any other way would bow to the segregationists who thought that the amendment merely nullified state laws establishing or upholding slavery. while the precise scope of this power is properly debatable, the court has never asserted that it did not exist. . see e.g., obergefell v. hodges, s. ct. , - (roberts, c.j., dissenting); daniella lapidous, the scotus marriage decision, in haiku mcsweeny’s, (june , ), https://www.mcsweeneys.net/articles/the-scotus- marriage-decision-in-haiku (“i support you all / no, really, i do, but this / isn’t our problem”). . see supra notes - , - and accompanying text. . iii blackstone, supra note , at - , n. . . the civil rights cases, u.s. , ( ); jones v. alfred h. mayer co., u.s. , - ( ). . see civil rights cases, u.s. at ; bryan v. walton, ga. , - ( ). . u.s. const. amend. xiii, § . the rule of liberty congress added § for a reason. it is naïve to think that upon ratification, all the various disabilities, disadvantages, and racial animi associated with slavery vanished. indeed, history illustrates that the opposite is true: jim crow, segregation, peonage, discrimination, and lynching are only a few examples of the traditional “badges and incidents” of slavery. declaring what these incidents are need not be left to congress’s imagination, and the courts need not abdicate all judicial review. the incidents are well-documented, and a court can examine them through historical inquiry. to fully “enforce” the abolition of slavery, congress must have power to describe and punish these historical incidents. otherwise, the ghost of dred scott can legally haunt those who are supposed to be completely free. iv. the modern rule of liberty we value the rule of lenity because it is as old as our law itself. but for most of western history, the rule of liberty enjoyed the same status. in many states where slavery was vital to the economy, courts allowed the principle to control—or at least inform—their decisions. since the rule of liberty was so well- established in emancipation cases, a constitutional abolition of slavery should be girded with an equally powerful maxim. finding a substantive canon in the thirteenth amendment is not outlandish. most major substantive canons have no textual basis at all. lenity comes from history and perhaps the due process . south carolina attempted to hamstring the amendment by only ratifying § . tsesis ( ). . see generally allain - (collecting historical essays on the legal understanding of slavery in the united states); george a. rutherglen, the badges and incidents of slavery and the power of congress to enforce the thirteenth amendment, in tsesis, at ; laura f. edwards, the reconstruction of rights: the fourteenth amendment and popular conceptions of governance, j. sup. ct. hist. , ( ) (describing the pervasiveness of private violence in the south to reinforce antebellum notions of african-american inferiority). . see, e.g., supra note . . see scalia & garner § , at - ; antonin scalia, assorted canards of contemporary legal analysis, case w. l. rev. , ( ) (endorsing the rule of lenity because it has, through long usage, “acquire[d] a sort of prescriptive validity, since the legislature presumably has them in mind when it chooses its language”); john f. manning, textualism and legislative intent, va. l. rev. , ( ). © chris kozak clause. the avoidance canon was invented to protect the court’s institutional capital or to enforce constitutional norms without saying so. and the federalism canons are rooted more in common-law sovereign immunity than in the tenth or eleventh amendments. in fact, the court has forcefully asserted that there are principles of interpretation that—because of our common-law history—are rooted in the text and structure of the constitution. this tradition provides a framework for understanding the modern rule of liberty. it is a default rule, enshrined in the text and structure of the thirteenth amendment. like sovereign immunity, there is a tsunami of state jurisprudence recognizing it as integral to the common law. and although contrary authority does exist, it would mock history to say we ought to interpret the words of the abolitionist with the default rules of the slaveholder. but what would this default rule look like? in the modern world, the rule of liberty manifests itself through three principles. those principles are ( ) the broad-construction principle; ( ) the non-interference principle; and ( ) the implied-repeal principle. a. the broad-construction principle the most straightforward application of the rule of liberty was that every instrument conferring liberty should be construed liberally, in favor of freedom. the courts sometimes departed from this rule because of the private-law version of the whole-act rule or . see, e.g., sutherland on statutory interpretation § : , at ( th ed., west ). . e.g., eskridge, frickey & garrett, supra note , at - ; see also alexander bickel, passive virtues, in the least dangerous branch - ( ). . see eskridge, frickey & garrett, at , - ; atascadero st. hosp. v. scanlon, u.s. , - ( ); alden v. maine, u.s. , - ( ); . cf. hans v. louisiana, u.s. , - ( ); seminole tribe of fla. v. florida, u.s. , - ( ); alden, u.s. at - . . see generally einer elhauge, statutory default rules: how to interpret unclear legislation ( ). . alden, u.s. at - (reviewing the history of the sovereign immunity doctrine). see generally chisholm v. georgia, u.s. (dall.) , ( ) (iredell, j., dissenting). . see, e.g., elder v. elder, leigh , (va. ) (“i approve of the principle declared by this court, in the case of isaac v. west, that every instrument conferring freedom should be construed liberally, in favor of liberty”); iii blackstone - n. . the rule of liberty because of countervailing state policy. but the thirteenth amendment is an unequivocal declaration of freedom, and there is no subsequent constitutional text that dilutes its effect. therefore, when interpreting both sections of the thirteenth amendment, the courts should operate under a clear-statement rule in favor of liberty. in other words, to render the amendment inapplicable to a case, the opposing party must show by clear and convincing historical evidence that the amendment should not apply. the proper application of this principle will bring more coherence to interpretations of both § and § of the amendment. . resetting § the common law presumed that freedom from domination was the natural order of things. at various times in western history, the positive law restricted freedom. these restrictions included the slave disabilities, such as the lack of any rights to make contracts, to sue, to hold property, to vote, and many others. however, the courts, constrained by the rule of liberty, were loath to apply these laws to things not envisioned by the legislature. this history illuminates the court’s initial misunderstanding of the amendment. the court treated § as if it simply forbade a certain form of human domination. in reality, it did much more than that. the amendment certainly overturned the legal regime that allowed people to be held as property. but by barring any positive slavery-related restrictions on human freedom, it—by itself— restored to the african-american the fundamental rights of the common law, withheld from the slave only because of slavery. in other words, the civil rights of slaves were suppressed only by the democratic power of the legislature. but once that power was . suprrier v. parker, b. mon. , - (ky. ); cleland v. waters, ga. , , - ( ). . see, e.g., somerset v. stewart, lofft , ( ); marguerite v. choteau, mo. , ( ) (opinion of tompkins, j.); errata, mo. . see generally philip pettit, republicanism: a theory of freedom and government (oxford u. press ). . see slave, bouvier law dictionary ( th ed. ); opinion of daniel dulany, har. & mch. , (md. ); united states v. mullany, fed. cas. , (d.c. app. ); hudgins v. wrights, hen. & m. , (va. ); ex parte boylston, strobhart , - (s.c. ). . see, e.g., findly v. nancy, t.b. mon. , - (ky. ); logan v. commonwealth, grattan , - (va. ) © chris kozak shattered by the constitution, no valid legislation remained to suppress a former slave’s civil rights. thus, congress did not need to pass legislation in securing african-americans the civil rights to sue, testify, hold property, make contracts, and to be treated equally before the law. those rights automatically vested in the african-american when the amendment was ratified, and are cognizable in a § action even without legislation. these are the “reflex” rights of the amendment that the court alluded to in its early dicta. modern courts have lost sight of these rights in recent years, holding that thirteenth-amendment rights may only be asserted by statute. this is only partially true. some thirteenth-amendment wrongs are only redressable if congress says so. but in addition to the pure right to be free from chattel slavery or involuntary servitude, reflex rights are protected by § regardless of legislation enforcing them or not. by historical accident, the thirteenth and fourteenth amendments overlap on this point. but it is important to recognize these reflex rights, because congress cannot create new rights with its enforcement powers; rather, it can only enforce existing rights. the broad-construction principle therefore adds two things to § cases. first, it acts as a hedge against political hostility towards civil rights. but the inherent rights conferred by § are not . the structure of the amendment itself is sufficient to make this point. but there is also substantial evidence that this was the intent the reconstruction congresses. see ross, supra note , at - , - ; michael a. lawrence, second amendment incorporation through the fourteenth amendment privileges or immunities and due process clauses, mo. l. rev. ; michael a. lawrence, radicals in their own time ( ). . see the civil rights cases, u.s. , ( ). . see, e.g., palmer v. thompson, u.s. , - ( ); alma soc’y, inc. v. mellon, f. d , - ( d cir. ); sumpter v. harper, f. d , ( th cir. ); naacp v. hunt, f. d , ( th cir. ); but see foster v. mci tcomm’ns corp., f. d ( th cir. ) (holding that the right to be free from racial discrimination in employment is a substantive right guaranteed by the thirteenth amendment); vann v. kempthorne, f. d , (d.c. cir. ) (noting that a tribe’s act of denying a group of native americans the right to vote would violate the thirteenth amendment). . see civil rights cases, u.s. at . . see city of boerne v. flores, u.s. , ( ). . e.g., manny fernandez & eric lichtblau, justice dept. drops a key objection to a texas voter id law, n.y. times (feb. , ), https://www.nytimes.com/ / / /us/justice-dept-will-drop-a-key-objection-to- a-texas-voter-id-law.html?_r= the rule of liberty remedial in the sense that they require congressional action—they are self-executing, and the courts do not injure separation of powers by enforcing them. neither are they subject to majoritarian will: they are personal, constitutional rights guaranteed by § . the rights protected by this framework are any rights withheld from a group of people because of slavery. this is mostly a historical question. but since history can be fuzzy, the rule of liberty’s default principles require courts to be cautious when holding that rights are not guaranteed by § . to avoid liability for an injury to a group of people in a § case, the government must show by clear and convincing evidence that the disability was historically imposed without regard for the slave status. this standard avoids the polarizing rational-basis/strict-scrutiny paradox. plaintiffs cannot invoke the judicial sledgehammer of strict scrutiny by conjuring hypotheticals where a harm could be related to slavery. but neither can defendants prevail by identifying a reason—any reason—that a harm has no relationship to slavery. a plaintiff should prevail if any historical authority exists showing that the harm was connected to the slave status. in cases of historical doubt, the court should resolve the issue in favor of liberty. second, the rule widens the group of rights which congress can enforce if it chooses to do so. the court has indicated that congress can only enforce existing rights. but the broad- construction rule requires that this foundation be robust, not narrow. any rights cognizable under the § test described above are a legitimate basis for congressional enforcement legislation. the § question is how far congress may go to enforce these rights. . see civil rights cases, u.s. at (noting that fourteenth amendment legislation must be “corrective in its character,” but thirteenth amendment legislation “may be direct and primary”). . the self-executing nature of § is something that has also never been seriously disputed in the supreme court. see id. at ( ). . see generally susan h. bitensky, an analytical ode to personhood: the unconstitutionality of corporal punishment under the thirteenth amendment, santa clara l. rev. ( ); andrew koppelman, forced labor: a thirteenth amendment defense of abortion, nw. u. l. rev. ( ). . see, e.g., ryan d. walters, the thirteenth amendment “exception” to the state action requirement: an originalist reappraisal, geo. mason u. c.r.l.j. ( ); see civil rights cases, u.s. at - . . this also avoids the obnoxiously subjective intermediate-scrutiny standard. see craig v. boren, u.s. ( ) (rehnquist, j., dissenting). . see city of boerne v. flores, u.s. , ( ). © chris kozak . enforcing civil rights the amendment invests congress with authority to “enforce this article by appropriate legislation.” the court’s most recent interpretation of § is half a century old, from the warren-court era. the case involved a question nearly identical to that in the civil rights cases, except the court reached the opposite result. congress, the court said, must be able to “rationally . . . determine what are the badges and the incidents of slavery, and the authority to translate that determination into effective legislation.” prohibiting racial discrimination in housing cases was not an irrational response to race-based slavery; therefore, the statute was constitutional. the reign of rational-basis as the yardstick of congress’s reconstruction authority is over. although jones is still good law, it is the last relic of its era. the court has taken a narrow view of some cases obliquely touching the amendment’s substance; and while those cases have not reached the core of the amendment, they can be easily extended to reach a formalist result. the rule of liberty provides a more solid basis for preserving the scope, if not the reasoning, of jones. the broad-construction principle, antebellum federalism principles, and federal courts’ treatment of fugitive-slave rights all point in this direction. the same sort of default clear-statement rule applies here to congress’s authority: the person challenging a statute must show by clear and convincing evidence that the legislation targets conduct that has no relationship to slavery as it existed in the united states. blackstone provides a helpful place to start. civil-rights statutes are often coercive, forcing individuals to do things they would rather not. this might seem sufficient to warrant strict construction under the rule of lenity. but blackstone acknowledged that statutes against frauds, although usually categorized as remedial, had consequences that were penal—they voided a contract in which the loser may not be at fault. however, blackstone still insisted . u.s. const. amend. xiii, § . . jones v. alfred h. mayer co., u.s. , - ( ). . see id. . id. . id. . see city of boerne v. flores, u.s. , - ( ). . see, e.g., united states v. kozminski, u.s. , , - ( ); palmer v. thompson, u.s. , - ( ). . iii blackstone at - n. . the rule of liberty that these statutes be construed broadly: they act upon the offense, not the offender, to void certain things as contrary to law. thus, in seeking to root out offenses—as opposed to the offenders—“the judge may safely go beyond the things in the mind of those who framed the law.” this aligns nicely with congress’s reasons for including § in the amendment. the drafters predicted, correctly, that some state judges and southern citizens would refuse to recognize the reflex rights granted by section . section therefore gave congress power to overturn the disabilities of slavery, and it clothed congress with authority to punish white citizens who maintained that african- americans were inferior to them. this kind of power is the minimum necessary if the amendment abrogated dred scott entirely. the court has raised two objections to this result. first, that the amendment has nothing to do with race; and second, that such broad authority impinges on the police powers of the states to protect “individual rights.” it is true that the amendment does not mention slavery but even a modicum of context shows that american slavery was emphatically racial, at least in the years just before the war—and certainly in the mind of chief justice taney. the federalism rationale is equally unavailing. the thirteenth amendment shifted a massive amount of power from the states to the federal government. slavery was a state institution, protected by . id. . see, e.g., penick v. columbus bd. of ed., f. d , ( th cir. ) (“the civil war, in which , men died, was fought in large measure over the slavery question. at its end congress and the required number of states adopted the thirteenth amendment to abolish slavery. two years later congress [became] intensely aware that many southern states were passing laws to continue the subjugation of former slaves by statutes aimed directly at them.”). . the civil rights cases, u.s. , - ( ) . id. at ( ); hodges v. united states, u.s. , - ( ). . civil rights cases, u.s. at - . . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , ( ). . united states v. rhodes, f. cas. , (c.c.d. ky. ) (swayne, circuit justice) (“[the thirteenth amendment] trenches directly on the power of the states and the people of the states. it is the first and only instance of a change of this character in the organic law. it destroyed the most important relation between capital and labor in all the states where slavery existed. it affected deeply the fortunes of a large portion of their people. it struck out of existence millions of property. the measure was the consequence of a strife of opinions, and a conflict of interests, real or imaginary, as old as the constitution itself. these elements of discord grew in intensity. their violence was increased by the throes and convulsions of a civil war. the impetuous vortex finally swallowed up the evil, and with it forever the power to restore it.”). © chris kozak federal agreements—guarantees that had been construed broadly against the north. the southern states believed that the fugitive slave clause was designed to safeguard their right to hold slaves, because history taught them that the right could not “be safely left to the control of local tribunals.” the fugitive slave acts received the same broad construction from the federal courts. the framers of the thirteenth amendment acted against this looming context and the rule of liberty. the constitutional replacement of the federal power to protect the slave right should therefore be construed broadly against the states and their citizens. the broad-construction principle therefore adds two things to § jurisprudence. first, when congress acts to protect the inherent rights guaranteed by the amendment, it stands on both § and § . section provides a floor of judicial protection that congress cannot reduce. section allows congress to enforce this protection by tailoring remedies to specific social problems. in these cases, the § clear-statement rule should apply. second, congress can exercise its § power to go beyond protection, and into enforcement. these cases largely consist of acts to punish private racial animi, for example, in housing, businesses and public forums, employment, and physical violence. these . prigg v. pennsylvania, u.s. (pet.) , - ( ). . see ex parte hill, ala. , - , , ( ) (opinion of walker, c.j.) . fugitive slave law cases, fed. cas. , (c.c. n.y. ); prigg, u.s. at - . . see robert j. kaczorowski, epilogue: the enduring legacy of the thirteenth amendment, in tsesis at – . see also generally robert j. kaczorowski, congress’s power to enforce fourteenth amendment rights: lessons from federal remedies the framers enacted, harv. j. on legis. ( ). . cf. prigg, u.s. at , (“congress, then, may call [its enforcement power] into activity, for the very purpose of giving effect to that right.”). . jones v. alfred h. mayer co., u.s. , - ( ); u.s.c. §§ - . griffin v. breckenridge, u.s. , ( ); u.s.c. § ( ). . u.s.c. § -e (a). although this section of the civil rights act of was based squarely on the interstate commerce clause, the logic of jones would have also justified it under the thirteenth amendment. see civil rights act of , pub. l. no. - , § , stat. (july , ). private racial discrimination in housing and in employment are on similar legal planes; congress’s authority should apply to each equally. see jones, u.s. , - . . united states v. cannon, f. d ( th cir. ); united states v. hatch, f. d ( th cir. ); united states v. maybee, f. d ( th cir. ); u.s.c. § . the rule of liberty are “badges and incidents” of slavery in the sense that the slave codes permitted whites and masters to use these tools to reinforce their status as better than the “degraded” african-american. this private animus was the keystone of slavery in the united states. though state law no longer supports this conduct, states are not obligated to prohibit it. congress, therefore, must have power to deal with these problems through legislation. states may justifiably provide varying levels of civil-rights protection to their citizens as part of their function as “laboratories of democracy.” but underneath those protections is the federal right not to have blackness be a negative factor in a person’s private life. this right cannot vary from state to state. congress, therefore, can use § to punish private conduct that a master or a white person could legally commit under the slave codes. these statutes ought to be constitutional unless the person challenging the law shows that no state permitted a white person to commit the conduct proscribed by the statute. properly construed, then, congress’s power under the thirteenth amendment should look something like this: slavery involuntary servitude § nullified laws upholding slavery; conferred civil and personal rights on african- americans prohibited the control by which personal service is coerced for another’s benefit § (state action) provide remedies and procedures for violations of § rights void laws criminalizing default, provide remedies; . see william m. carter, jr., the abolition of slavery in the united states: historical context and its contemporary application, in tsesis at - ; edwards, supra note , at - ); ross, supra note , at - . . see id. . this article only considers the amendment’s application to african- americans because of the united states’ unique history with african slavery. this logic might be applicable to private prejudice against people of other races; however, that is an issue for another time. cf. slaughter-house cases, u.s. ( wall.) , (“if mexican peonage or the chinese coolie labor system shall develop slavery of the mexican or chinese race within our territory, this amendment may safely be trusted to make it void.”). © chris kozak § (private action) prohibit private race-based discrimination; punish hate crimes punish peonage; forced labor; restraints on personal liberty these § rights are “dependent, as to their mode of execution, solely on the act of congress.” thus, in these cases, a court cannot establish a remedy itself as it might under § , even if congress could legally do so. however, in cases involving the scope of these laws, the broad-construction principle requires courts to presume that congress meant for the statutes to sweep broadly. in deciding these cases, the traditional tools of statutory interpretation become helpful, with one notable exception. the thirteenth amendment shifted power over an entire area of the law from the states to the national government, and it limited the ninth and tenth amendments in the process. thus, arguments based on the various federalism canons cannot be used to blunt the scope of these statutes or mandate textual clarity. congress is justified in assuming that when it exercises its § authority, it need not speak with surgical precision on a federalism question that was settled by the civil war. . construing free-labor statutes i have written elsewhere about the constitutionality of free- labor statutes—laws enacted to protect the right to be free from involuntary servitude, such as prohibitions on peonage and forced labor. these statutes are almost exclusively penal, and so the question arises whether the rule of liberty has any application in these cases. applying the canon in lenity–liberty disputes seems slightly quixotic: if the canons are opposites, then applying them both in the same case should yield a net zero result. but the canons are not opposites—they are inverse applications of the same . prigg v. pennsylvania, u.s. (pet.) , ( ) (analyzing the fugitive slave clause). . see chris kozak, orginalism, human trafficking, and the thirteenth amendment, xi s.j. pol’y & just. (forthcoming ); see also united states v. mcclellan, f. , (s.d. ga. ) (“it does not seem to me that [peonage] is a question upon which the courts of the country should be astute to discover reasons to nullify an act of congress made in favorem libertatis.”). . see karl llewellyn, remarks on the theory of appellate decision and the rules or canons about how statutes are to be construed, vand. l. rev. , - ( ). the rule of liberty principle, and thus may align or diverge depending on the interpretive problem. lenity has more relevance in malum prohibitum crimes (things unlawful just because we say they are) than over malum in se crimes (things inherently wrong). this is one way where the courts can— and have—set cases apart. in united states v. mcclellan, an early peonage prosecution, the defendants argued that the means-of- coercion element of the statute was ambiguous, and therefore could not apply to them. the southern district of georgia, in a striking move, held that the rule of lenity only applied when the defendant was morally “free from injury or wrong.” it would not, by construction, permit defendants to avoid punishment when they were so obviously trying to recreate slavery. this makes intuitive sense. if slavery is, as the romans thought, one of the most grievous violations of the natural law, crying foul because you were not quite evil enough is disingenuous. lenity, therefore, is inappropriate, and the courts should reject these arguments when raised by defendants who quibble about the means- of-coercion element of the offense. unless the facts charged are so clearly outside the statute that no reasonable person could think he was committing a moral wrong, the courts should uphold the indictment. the fair-notice justifications for lenity in these cases are nonexistent—every person in the united states should be aware that forced labor and slavery are unconstitutional in the same way that censorship, self-incrimination, and state religion are unconstitutional. . eskridge, frickey & garrett, supra note , at - ; oliver wendell holmes jr., the common law ( ). . united states v. mcclellan, f. , - (s.d. ga. ). . id. . id. (“but how can it be contended that the conduct of the prisoners, as described in this indictment, as innocent or free from injury or wrong? is it not inimical to the amendment of the constitution which defines involuntary servitude? is it not involuntary servitude to seize by force, to hurry the victim from wife and children, to incarcerate him in a stockade, and work him in range of the deadly muzzle of the shotgun, or under the terror of the lash, and continue this servitude as long as resentment may prompt, or greed demand . . . and for their own selfish purposes consign them to a life of involuntary servitude, compared to which the slavery of the antebellum days was a paradise.”) . allain - , (quoting dominicus tuschus, practicarum conclusionum juris, lit. s, concl. , no. (rome ) (“just as it is lawful to take any means to evade death, so also it is lawful to avoid slavery.”)); servitus, encyclopedic dictionary of roman law ( ). © chris kozak this is the answer, as well, to the argument that the rule of lenity is based on nondelegation, not fair notice. the constitutional prohibitions on slavery and involuntary servitude are self-executing against the individual, and in this way, they are unlike any other part of the constitution. thus, free-labor statutes do not just flow from congress’s democratic decision to punish—the condemnation also flows from the constitution itself. nondelegation is therefore less salient here, since the courts have inherent power to interpret the constitution. however, the traditional, non-slavery aspects of lenity should remain intact, even in these cases. intent is one example: courts were (and are) unwilling to dispense with a traditional mens rea in criminal cases, in the absence of clear legislative intent. there is no reason to abandon this common-law rule in free-labor cases unless congress clearly imposes a lower standard. b. the noninterference principle the rule of liberty also precluded judicial interference when political actors granted freedom. the noninterference principle required near-absolute deference in these situations, because the court’s equity powers could not extend to void the right to freedom, except in the clearest of cases. democratic power can legitimately be used to grant freedom or to restrict it. however, under the rule of liberty, judicial power cannot not be used against raw political power that favors liberty. the thirteenth amendment did not repeal article i’s delegation of legislative powers to congress, nor did it divest the courts of their article iii authority to say what the law means. however, in a world where the executive has discretion to enforce the law, the rule of liberty has special force when the executive interprets the law to favor liberty. the rule of lenity—in its due- . see eskridge, frickey & garrett, supra note , at ; dan kahan, lenity and federal common law crimes, sup. ct. rev. . see ahkil reed amar, remember the thirteenth, const. comment. , ( ). . birney v. ohio, ohio , ( ); torres v. lynch, s. ct. , - ( ). . see, e.g., findly v. nancy, t.b. mon. , - (ky. ) (“it may be a matter of some consideration . . . whether the chancellor ought, in any case, to grant a new trial at law, for the purpose of taking away a right to freedom . . . . the case which would warrant such interference ought to be strong and clear.”). the rule of liberty process and separation-of-powers form—appears here in the exercise of prosecutorial discretion. liberty has its own role. one of these cases recently ended in a tie before the supreme court. united states v. texas involved the president’s authority to interpret the immigration and nationality act to allow certain undocumented immigrants to work. texas’s primary argument was that the statute conferred no such authority on the executive. in an ordinary statutory-interpretation case, texas might be right. however, the free use of labor has long been recognized as a component of liberty protected by the thirteenth amendment. allowing the president to give someone the right to remain here (which the president may do) but not the right to work here creates a caste of residents who are economically paralyzed in a condition similar to slavery or the jim crow south. the rule of liberty has something to say about this deadlock. executive interpretations ordinarily receive deference so long as the statute is ambiguous and the result is reasonable. the rule of liberty suggests that if the executive interprets an ambiguous law to favor liberty, the courts should defer to it—reasonable or not— unless and until the political branches act. this is what courts do when prosecutors decline to file charges. these decisions are afforded near-absolute deference because the courts will not compel the executive to prosecute someone at the behest of a third party. . see nader v. saxbe, f. d , n. (d.c. cir. ). see generaly peter l. markowitz, prosecutorial discretion power at its zenith: the power to protect liberty, b.u. l. rev. (forthcoming ). . texas v. united states, f. d , - ( th cir. ), affirmed by an equally divided court, s. ct. ( ). . id. at - . . see, e.g., pollock v. williams, u.s. , - ( ); clyatt v. united states, u.s. , ( ). . oral argument, united states v. texas, no. - , at : - , - , - (question of alito, j.) (“i’m just talking about the english language. i just don’t understand it. how can . . . it be lawful to work here but not lawful to be here?”). . chevron, u.s.a., inc. v. nat’l res. defense council, u.s. , - ( ) . nader v. saxbe, f. d , n. (d.c. cir. ) (cataloguing the long history of this rule). as a practical matter, this deference is absolute. see id. . see id. (citing, e.g., inmates of attica corr. facility v. rockefeller, f. d ( d cir. ); peek v. mitchell, f. d ( th cir. ); newman v. united states, f. d (d.c. cir. ); united states v. cox, f. d ( th cir. ); milliken v. stone, f. d (s.d.n.y. ), aff’d, f. d ( d cir. ). © chris kozak similarly, when the executive attempts to “alleviate human suffering” and does not violate vested rights in the process, the courts should not interfere. unreasonableness, arbitrariness, or caprice in executive action is inappropriate when the result violates vested rights. but when the executive bends ambiguous rules to alleviate burdens on human liberty, that unreasonableness inflicts no harm aside from offending the political convictions of the party not in the white house. take texas as an example: congress may restrict the employment liberty of illegal immigrants, but it should do so clearly—not by implication, inference, or judicial interpretation. if the executive violates the political opinions of the country, congress or an election can remedy it. the courts do not exist to weigh in on political disputes about immigration policy; they exist to protect individual rights. and permitting someone to work violates no one’s vested rights. c. the implied repeal principle it is commonly accepted that the thirteenth amendment repealed the three-fifths clause and the fugitive-slave clause of the original constitution. but the rule of liberty often persuaded courts to hold that slave-law statutes were impliedly repealed by laws only slightly inconsistent with slavery. it is possible, then, that the thirteenth amendment limited other portions of the original . see, e.g., marbury v. madison, u.s ( cranch) , ( ). . see texas v. united states, f. d , - , - ( th cir. ), affirmed by an equally divided court, s. ct. ( ); id. at , - (king, j., dissenting). the intense division between the judges and justices in this case—not to mention the sometimes-impenetrable labyrinth of the ina— strongly suggests ambiguity. . see marbury, u.s at . . another way to frame this argument is as a nonjusticiable political question. the judicial power can act upon a controversy where the executive “sport[s] away the vested rights of others.” id. but when the executive “professes a constitutional or legal discretion, nothing can be more perfectly clear than that their acts are only politically examinable.” id. . see, e.g., evenwell v. abbot, s. ct. , - ( ) (alito, j., concurring in the judgment) (three-fifths clause); penick v. columbus bd. of ed., f. d , ( th cir. ) (fugitive-slave clause). . robin v. hardaway, jefferson , , (va. ); hudgins v. wrights, hen & m. , - (va. ); campbell v. campbell, ark. , - ( ); commonwealth v. jennison, proc. mass. hist. soc. - , , (mass. ) (opinion of cushing, c.j.). the rule of liberty constitution insofar as they supported slavery. hate speech is a good candidate for this thought experiment. the supreme court has generally been intolerant towards hate- speech laws. there are good reasons for this, sounding in democratic legitimacy and fear of censorship. but there are also good reasons to believe that the thirteenth amendment diluted protection toward some race-based hate speech, and that congress has power to punish it as an incident of slavery. the first amendment has never shielded all expression. threats, defamation, and obscenity are beyond the pale of protection. they are not protected, generally, because they harm while adding nothing meaningful to public dialogue. but in antebellum south carolina, calling a free person a “negro” or a “mulatto” was actionable defamation. the courts refused to protect this speech because if true, it would subject the person to the disabilities in the slave codes. in other words, they removed it from the ambit of protected speech because it was harmful to its victims. the parallel between these cases and modern hate-speech laws is not perfect. calling someone a n____r has no effect on their legal status. but these cases still have some force. race-based hate speech has no purpose other than to harm, to intimidate, to invoke the dual- caste system of slavery, and to reinforce the perceived inferiority of the black person. thus, there is room in first amendment jurisprudence for another historical exception: speech that has no serious literary, scientific, or historical value but that is solely intended to degrade the african-american is not protected. but this is the extent of liberty’s reach. when deciding cases on the margin of the “serious . see, e.g., r.a.v. v. city of st. paul, u.s. ( ). . compare generally james weinstein, hate speech bans, democracy, and political legitimacy, const. comment. (forthcoming ) with jeremy waldron, dignity and defamation: the visibility of hate, harv. l. rev. ( ). . virginia v. black, u.s. ( ) (threats); n.y. times co. v. sullivan, u.s. ( ) (defamation); roth v. united states, u.s. ( ) (obscenity). . roth, u.s. at - (“all ideas having the slightest redeeming social importance . . . have the full protection of [first amendment] guarantees. but . . . obscenity [i]s utterly without redeeming social importance . . . .”). . eden v. legare, bay , (s.c. ); smith v. hamilton, richardson , (s.c. ). . see generally kevin w. saunders, degradation: what the history of obscenity tells us about hate speech ( ). © chris kozak literary, scientific, or historical value” test, the courts should err in favor of lenity. if the criminal avenue is too severe, this theory could still be used to sustain a federal tort statute on the same topic. this exception could be seen as an impermissible authorization for congress to regulate all hate speech—or even all race-based hate speech. this assumes too much. it is true that the bright history of the west is riddled with discrimination and prejudice against women and minority groups. it is true that the amendment protects all people from slavery. but african-american slavery is the original sin of the united states; it is the most vile thing we have done to other humans. no other group of people in american history have been subjected to the vicious and evil degradation that african- americans have experienced. “difficult and intractable problems often require powerful remedies,” and if any problem in our history can be considered intractable, it is slavery and the racial hatred of blacks that slavery nurtured in the heart of the white american. a prohibition on hate speech against the african- american rests squarely on this footing; other bars on hate speech do not. the first amendment cannot protect speech that is inextricably intertwined with an institution that the constitution destroyed. conclusion “all slavery has its origin in power, and is against right.” . see generally sandra l. rierson, race and gender discrimination: a historical case for equal treatment under the fourteenth amendment, duke j. gender l. & pol’y ( ). . see, e.g., the fredrick douglass papers, series one, – (john w. blassingame ed. ) (“the first work of slavery is to mar and deface those characteristics of its victims which distinguish men from things, and persons from property. its first aim is to destroy all sense of high moral and religious responsibility. it reduces man to a mere machine. it cuts him off from his maker, it hides from him the laws of god, and leaves him to grope his way from time to eternity in the dark, under the arbitrary and despotic control of a frail, depraved and sinful fellow-man.”) . kimel v. fla. bd. of regents, u.s. , ( ). . dred scott v. sandford, u.s. ( how.) , ( ) (mclean, j., dissenting). adorned by power: the individualized experience of the mojo bag religions article adorned by power: the individualized experience of the mojo bag danielle clausnitzer department of religion, georgetown university, washington, dc , usa; dlc @georgetown.edu received: august ; accepted: september ; published: september abstract: in america, no religion better exemplifies the power of the individual than hoodoo. within these peripheral communities in the south, enslaved persons created spaces in which individual practitioners could choose which rituals, objects, and beliefs they prioritized for their own salvation. out of this tradition of “selection” came the development of adornments like mojo bags, an amalgamation of objects, both natural and manufactured, that connect the individual directly with the sacred. when adorned with these mojo bags, primarily under clothes to assure contact with the skin, practitioners are provided with the power they have previously been denied. i will argue in my paper, therefore, that this method of adornment provides the locus of power needed to address the psychological and physical bondage practitioners faced during the period of enslavement, highlighted by the case of frederick douglass’ use of a root that led to his success in fighting with mr. covey. keywords: hoodoo; literature; american south; frederick douglass; mojo bags . introduction constructed on the outskirts of american society in the th and th centuries, hoodoo exemplifies walter conser and rodger payne’s notion of religion at the “crossroads” or “places of power and transformation[,] . . . place[s] of energy and movement . . . potency and potential . . . [and] also places of exchange” (conser et al. , p. ). forging a practice out of a conglomeration of influences, primarily african traditional and diasporic in nature, practitioners of hoodoo incorporated a multiplicity of ritual objects, practices, and understandings into their preexisting conceptions of the sacred. in doing so, these practitioners thereby established highly individualized and contextualized understandings of divinity and “magick,” or what is understood as a type of magic constructed within the context of a folk culture or tradition, based on accessibility and the perceived “work”-ability with which they were provided within the oppressive slave system. in this paper, i, using fredrick douglass’ use of high john the conqueror root in his conflict with the slave-breaker covey, will explore the mojo bag, as original root work in the african diaspora community and as commercialized magick in the urban migration. touching upon the context in which this highly individualized expression of belief arose, i will also examine the importance of the mojo bag, through careful analysis of its use and construction by individual root doctors and practitioners, for whom its contents are particularized, as well as its significance for understanding african diaspora religions. by using such a distinctive symbol of this belief system, i will, in turn, break from continuing criticisms of the commodified nature of hoodoo and argue that, similar to douglass’ experience with mr. covey, the power of these symbols is contained within the believers’ ability to imbue them with spiritual authority. through my engagement with scholars such as carolyn morrow long and jeffrey anderson, both of whom touch upon this issue of commodification, i will further reiterate the complex, highly individualized, and discrete nature of the hoodoo belief system in the american south. by demonstrating this novel iteration of hoodoo’s religions , , ; doi: . /rel www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions http://www.mdpi.com http://dx.doi.org/ . /rel http://www.mdpi.com/journal/religions religions , , of allowance for individual practitioners to construct their own experience with this multifaceted belief system, i will focus on the highly personal practice of constructing mojo bags within this multifaceted tradition and its development in recent centuries. . why are mojo bags so important? hoodoo can be defined most accurately as “ . . . the folk, spiritual controlling, and healing tradition originating among and practiced primarily, but not exclusively, by captive african americans and their descendants primarily in the southern united states” (hazzard-donald , p. ). though it is almost universally associated with the african-american population in the american south, hoodoo cannot be accurately described without taking into account the variability of its influences and ritual engagements (ibid.). this diverse and multifaceted belief system manifests itself in the “conjure” traditions we so closely associate with folk magick, ritual objects, and, in some cases, witchcraft. using mircea eliade’s concept of hierophany can better help us conceptualize the nature of this folk religious practice. in his work patterns in comparative religion, eliade describes the phenomenon of hierophany as some phenomenon that “expresses in some way some modality of the sacred and some moment in its history” (eliade and sheed , p. ). in other words, hierophanies are an irruption of the sacred in profane time (doniger et al. , p. ). in hoodoo practice, it is the “two heads” or learned hoodoo practitioners that acknowledge this break in profane space, as it is believed that they “can see into two worlds: the corporeal world of everyday existence [or the profane] and the invisible spirit world [or the sacred]” through engagement with a variety of ritual objects and practices (hazzard-donald , p. ). one of the most profound and well-known manifestations of this power in hoodoo practice is the mojo bag, a tied bag that contains a conglomeration of seemingly non-magical substances that, when combined and “tied” together, create the means by which a hoodoo practitioner can lay either a trick or the “depositing [of] a hoodoo amulet or powders . . . so as to harm or change the behavior of the person targeted,” (ibid.) on another person or create positive change in their lives (whitten , p. ). drawing from a plethora of geographic and religious influences, this “magick” remains endemic to the individual as the substances both reflect the multifaceted history of the user and are, in turn, believed to be a “personalized item that carries your personal energy” (bird , p. ). these bags contain a plethora of different symbolically magick elements and are worn in a place where the bag can make contact with the skin, relying on the principle of contagion or the idea that “objects, once in contact, continue to influence each other” (anderson , p. ) to establish a transference of magick from the elements of the bag onto the wearer. the traditionally profane concept of “contamination” is thereby restructured in hoodoo, as it no longer reflects a movement from the sacred to the profane, but instead highlights the expanding sense of the sacred, as the “sacred” is both instilled into the formerly profane “bag” by the wearer and, subsequently, reincorporated into the wearer through her belief in the power of its contents. in frederick douglass’ memoir, a narrative life of frederick douglass, this conferral of power is revealed in his dealings with the slave master known as “mr. covey,” a notoriously violent slave-breaker who, after just a week, “gave me a very severe whipping, cutting [my] back, causing the blood to run, and raising ridges on [my] flesh as large as [my] little finger” (douglass and garrison , p. ). following this initial beating, douglass’ time with mr. covey continued to devolve into a constant cycle of battery and intimidation which, after a particularly cruel beating, leads douglass to flee the estate and head into the woods where he encounters a hoodoo practitioner named sandy. in his dealings with this “old adviser,” douglass is handed a piece of root and told: i am aware of the criticisms exacted upon eliade in regards to the assumptive and general nature of his analysis of religion, however his engagement with “hierophany” or materialism and religion on the periphery of traditional religious societies creates a useful framework for my discussion of hoodoo. for more information on mojo bags see (whitten ). religions , , of i must go back to covey; but that before i went, i must go with him into another part of the woods, where there was a certain root, which, if i would take some of it with me, carrying it always on my right side, would render it impossible for mr. covey, or any other white man, to whip me. (ibid., p. ) this root, high john the conqueror, is famous for its use in defending slaves against their abusive masters. like frederick douglass, “john,” or “high john the conquerer” was an enslaved person living in the american south. like douglass, “john” faced countless hardships during his enslavement in mississippi though; “no matter how much the white folks put on him, john always survived” (lester and feelings , p. ). “john” was not only able to survive under these conditions, but soon learned to thrive under them, as he became famous for constantly eluding bondage through both trickery and “magick.” thus, his success in “tricking” his slave master, highlighted in the power of the root bearing his legacy, is carried forward through symbolic understanding alone. this “power” in the subversive legacy of high john becomes apparent in the continuation of frederick douglass’ story. when returning to mr. covey’s property, douglass is met with a warm welcome from his usually irate master. immediately douglass remarks that he “was half inclined to think the root to be something more than [he] at first had taken it to be” (douglass and garrison , p. ). douglass begins to accept that the root is the source of his power and confirms this inference when he becomes “resolved to fight; and, suiting [his] action to the resolution . . . seized covey hard by the throat.” (ibid.) fascinated by his own strength in this moment, douglass simultaneously ascribes a greater sense of power to the root attached to his right hip and, in doing so, instills in himself a confirmation of his own power to overcome the bounds of slavery that had almost broken him. thus, in this moment, the root with which he “worked” the system of slavery had become an individuated source of power, giving him and only him the power to both subdue and physically control mr. covey. it becomes clear that, with douglass serving as a symbol of the power contained within this belief system, this particularized adornment is a vital part of not only facilitating the overthrow of oppressive forces in the lives of countless hoodoo practitioners who shared this experience of empowerment, but also in realizing their own agency in such a dehumanizing system. . how are these mojo bags constructed? exemplified by frederick douglass’ experience with sandy the conjurer, hoodoo emerged in the th century as an individual and highly peripheral tradition. facing harsh physical and mental turmoil at the hands of their slave masters, slaves forged hoodoo out of the confluence of peripheral “outgroup” communities. social identity theory argues that “[d]uring socialization [a] child finds a location in the established ‘social construction of reality . . . overlaid by society’s definition of these groups as ‘we’ or ‘they’” (tajfel and turner , p. ). this denotation of value assigned to these groups of “us” or “not us”, then, constructs the behaviors these children exhibit throughout their lives, namely their reaction to the “outgroup” populations that exist within society, creating the foundation for discrimination through the internalization of a perceived ingroup and, in the case of african american populations in the american south, an “outgroup.” (ibid., p. ) these “outgroups” consequently are pushed both figuratively and physically to the outskirts of society as, in the th century, “slaves who were not employed as house servants were . . . moved out of their owners’ houses through the inclusion of this relation, and in turn this root’s reception, i do not mean to imply that frederick douglass, and a number of other enslaved persons during and beyond this period have readily accepted the religious ideology present in hoodoo. just as frederick douglass was wary of the effects this root would have on his relationship with covey, so too were many enslaved persons unsure of the effect of hoodoo on their own lives. and, though this may be true, douglass, and some others, it should be noted, chose to accept the potential power held within these roots and utilized them within their daily lives, despite such initial misgivings. religions , , of to cabins explicitly designated for their use,” (winberry and vlach ) subsequently physically isolating them from the normative white populations they served. these populations were by no means static, as the constant death, movement, and displacement of enslaved and minority populations caused a continuous fluctuation in the nature of information being disseminated within these groups. these religious influences, with their ability to transgress racist boundaries, led to a mechanism for support amongst enslaved populations. consequently, african “outgroups” were able to form their own belief systems that “answered the deeply felt needs within the slaves’ own community,” instead of being forced to favor those within the “ingroup,” white communities (yokley and raboteau ). this provided a space “that would protect the race from the psychological encroachments of racism and the physical oppression from society” (hemenway , p. ). periphery or the existence of “crossroads,” as rodger payne constructs it, therefore allowed for the creation of an “ingroup” culture of support within the system that was designed to promote the inferiority and dehumanization of african-american populations. in the same way that frederick douglass accrued agency through his individual will to fight with mr. covey aided by the high john the conqueror root, other hoodoo practitioners exercised their ritual and mythological knowledge of hoodoo to instill the sacred into not only the objects around them but also allow this amalgamation of cultural representations to inform their perceptions of self without attention paid to race, class, or history. called a variety of names including “bag of tricks, . . . nation sack, gris-gris, hand, mojo, trick bag, luck ball, or flannel [all of which employ] herbs and other magickal ingredients . . . ” (bird , p. ) even the nomenclature of the “mojo bag” is heavily reliant on the cultural context to which it belongs. though “nation sack” is a terminology native to tennessee and “gris-gris” is native to south carolina’s coastal region and louisiana, the terms represent the same conferral of power as frederick douglass’ rootwork and, in turn, on the enslaved and oppressed as themselves ritually sacred and effective, due to practitioners’ choice to imbue such a power in these substances. the contents of these mojo bags are also representative of the individualized “crossroads” culture from which hoodoo emerges. drawing upon sacred objects from a variety of different locales such as asafetida, a pungent root common to the middle east and india, as well as influential persons such as moses, is the traditional hoodoo conjure man, who continues to influence ritual hoodoo thought as practitioners make use of his “ th and th books” (anderson , p. ; chireau , p. ). for hoodoo practitioners, not unlike frederick douglass, these variegated nomenclatures and materials come into play based on their situation, their history, and their individual understanding of ritual sacredness. the process of constructing these mojo bags also serves to highlight the multiplicity of influences that continue to affect this belief system. in addition to asafetida, various constructed and natural elements as well as a clear “intention” are utilized to create the ideal “bag” for each individual practitioner. take for example the process of assembling a “kinnikinnik offering” which is used “as a special way to honor and remember your loved ones on their birthday or anniversary, in a medicine bundle to attract good health and deter negative spirits, or before beginning ceremonial work” (bird , p. ). based on the traditional algonquin indian word for the bearberry plant, hoodoo practitioners draw upon this special combination of juniper, branches, tobacco, and a series of other ingredients that draw their histories from african-american, american-indian, and other influences to engage with their individual ancestors. by embracing the multivalent religious influences that pervaded and still pervade the life of african-american people living throughout the united states, these highly personal manifestations of ritual culture serve as a reminder of the truly individualized nature of african-american being. the full recipe, in addition to numerous others, can be found in: (bird ). religions , , of . does this individuality still exist? recently in hoodoo scholarship, new critiques have been raised regarding the “authenticity” of modern hoodoo adornment. in conjure in african american society, jeffrey anderson states that hoodoo has, in the th century, undergone a process of what carolyn morrow long identifies as “commodification.” following the massive shift in african-american urbanization in the s, the authenticity of hoodoo has been called into question. due to issues of accessibility and portability, african-american practitioners turned to mail order or, what has long been considered by scholars such as jeffrey anderson, “faux” hoodoo products instead of “authentic” hoodoo goods, prescribed by a witchdoctor. according to long, “the trend toward the commodification of traditional charms [that] began around the turn of the twentieth century and accelerated in the s” marked a period in history during which the formerly handmade charms of the hoodoo root workers became manufactured and began to be sold en masse throughout the south (long , p. ). anderson builds on her assertion that the materialist “soul” of hoodoo was lost during this decade as he asserts that “[b]y the early twentieth century . . . [h]oodoo was undergoing profound changes” the most prevalent of which was this “commodification” (anderson , p. ). the belief system, again according to anderson, entered an era during which “a form of conjure without conjurers” arose (ibid., p. ). it seemed as though, according to the conclusions shared by long and anderson, that in the s, s, and s, hoodoo had all but broken from its individualistic roots, a tangible result of the trend amongst modern hoodoo practitioners of “commodifying” hoodoo practice for the purpose of self-preservation and income, thereby contaminating what she identifies as the “true” nature of the religion. though their conclusions summarize the historical trend toward the mass marketing of hoodoo goods and substances, what these scholars fail to acknowledge is the capability of a religion like hoodoo not only to change but adapt to a variety of cultural norms, thereby retaining its individuality. consequently, by assuming that factors such as economic success deny this belief system any credibility, these scholars in turn neglect to acknowledge the very independence from such accusations that practitioners exercise in their choice to instill the sacred into these “inauthentic” products. just as frederick douglass imbued into and constructed his own conception of “freedom” on the root he was given, so too do these practitioners confer their belief in the functionality of these mojo bags regardless of their origin, or susceptibility to economic pressure. and, in doing so, regardless of their origins or authenticity, these hoodoo rootworkers invite the sacred into relation with them. anderson, examining migration and the universalization of hoodoo practice, makes the claim that “[t]hroughout the nation conjurers’ charms were giving way to commodities” (ibid., p. ). for anderson, these commodities, now available online and in stores across america, marked the end of hoodoo practice as practitioners of hoodoo no longer experience the informed consultation required to establish the proper “mojo bag” and, therefore, the locative, individualized source of power. this process of detachment is further problematized for anderson because of the success of “novel” and often non-african-american conjure shops and, subsequently, ritual objects in order to “exploit” the black population in america. figures like donald miller and his nephew, both descendants of russian jewish immigrants, as well as felix figueroa, who exhibits an outspoken skepticism in dealing with hoodoo ritual objects despite their choice to sell these objects in the pharmacies they owned, are seen as the antithesis of “true” hoodoo practice, as their racial difference and economic intentions cause a visible and intentional rift in past and present manifestations of conjure tradition. though these scholars make an assertion that hoodoo’s integrity has been compromised in the modern era, by assuming that hoodoo is a racially determined and locative entity that reflects the desires and understandings of the african-american community without taking into account the non-african-american influences and contexts, scholars such as anderson also assert a fixed “african-american” communal identity by assuming that it “ . . . is an essence, [or] ‘an ahistorical natural kind with a permanent and intrinsic set of features” (harlan , p. ). however, according to such pragmatists as william james, “[t]he truth of an idea is not a stagnant property inherent in it. truth happens to an idea. it becomes true, is made true by events. its verity is in fact an event, a process religions , , of . . . ” (james ). in the same way that culture is remade with every generation (asante , p. ), “conjure” culture continually rethinks and reshapes itself to both adapt and develop in opposition to this changing american culture. therefore, in assuming that hoodoo culture retains a sort of african essentialism in the face of urban and economic development, scholars like anderson reduce religions such as hoodoo to fixed, unchanging religious entities and continue to uphold the same eurocentric conceptions of african-american ahistoricity that have continually repressed notions of a modern african-american religiosity and, subsequently, denied african-american people the agency to create their own, fluid, religious perception. additionally, african-american communities across the united states “still tell of hoodoo’s efficacy [and] the[se] potential believers still seek help from a tradition now forced to the margins of black culture . . . ” (hazzard-donald , p. ). this belief in the efficacy of hoodoo has evolved as a direct result of the perception of ritual objects like mojo bags, wherein the practitioner, and not the society at large, determines the worth of the ritual objects within it and, in turn, allows the sacred nature of the contents to imbue power into the self. within the practice of “conjure,” essentialist concerns for historically determined “authenticity” or “purity” of religious practice or belief are far from the minds of practitioners as “the users of spiritual products have transferred to these manufactured goods their belief in the properties of traditional charms, rendered magical because they are composed of symbolic ingredients and activated by symbolic rituals” (long , p. ). like douglass, whose belief in the magic of the root he was given was contingent on its success in both empowering him and calming his master mr. covey, african-american hoodoo practitioners continue to build and sustain their own conceptions of hoodoo based on personal and individual experience rather than on institutionalized and often formerly or currently oppressive religious doctrine. the maintenance of individualized conceptions of hoodoo continually arise as a consequence of the involvement of the practitioners themselves in constructing an individual standard of religious practice as, “in [their] epistemic acts . . . [they] do not passively register being on an internal screen, but rather participate in the dynamic elevation, transformation, and fulfillment of both the knower and the known through the inauguration of a new relationship” (ferrer and sherman , p. ). essentially, these practitioners cannot be said to have “lost” but instead “adapted” hoodoo to fit a more normative and business-oriented model of modernity inherited by the european and american influences they have historically incorporated into their belief system. . conclusions since the importation of african slaves to america began in the th century, african-american populations in the united states have worked continually to undermine the oppressive system of institutionalized enslavement and, later, racism that sought to dehumanize them. hoodoo, emerging in the th century out of the amalgamation of influences in peripheral communities in the united states, provided these african and african-american slaves with at least some of sense of the empowerment they were looking for. through the use of ritual objects such as mojo bags, slaves like frederick douglass were able to assume a perceived sacred power, allowing them to resist, and in douglass’ case, both control and fight with their enslavers and oppressors. consequently, as hoodoo continued its development in the united states, this legacy of “ingroup” power and support seemed to disappear, as the “commodification” of hoodoo seemed to distort its “authenticity.” despite this claim by scholars that hoodoo has been wholly “commodified,” a number of african-american people across the american south and beyond continue to embrace this process of “commodifying” in order to profit from the ritual “magick” that had helped their ancestors establish an individual sense of agency. in so doing, these practitioners retain hope in the future of this belief system, choosing to uphold their individualized interpretations of the sacred over scholarly predictions regarding the demise of hoodoo. despite this modicum of hope retained by its practitioners, conflicting accounts of the “commodification” of hoodoo practice seem to indicate that the future of this individualized religion religions , , of remains somewhat tenuous. in recent decades, due to the continued association of hoodoo ritual culture with “magic,” the practice of hoodoo has become something of a novelty to primarily white, non-practicing consumers (anderson , p. ). for hoodoo practitioners looking to sell their goods, it has therefore become more profitable to rely “on stereotypes of . . . [h]oodoo to attract their primarily white clientele” (ibid.) than to promote the sale of historically accurate ritual objects that appeal to modern, african-american practitioners of hoodoo. additionally, white shop owners seem to dominate the mainstream hoodoo market, undermining the ability of african-american people to rely on their religious beliefs to assure their economic empowerment. as hoodoo continues its movement into mainstream white culture, it seems as though this belief system seems destined to lose, not only its connection to african-american culture, but also its peripheral consciousness. for practitioners of hoodoo, however, this peripheral religion maintains an overwhelming effect on their individualized identity. subsequently, despite the great deal of scholarly attention directed towards its demise, sincere practitioners of this belief system continue to retain their perception that hoodoo remains a powerful legacy within the religious discourse on the periphery today, a legacy that can still empower those individuals that choose to affirm its “work”-ability. reference conflicts of interest: the author declares no conflict of interest. references anderson, jeffrey e. . conjure in african american society. baton rouge: louisiana state university press. anderson, jeffrey e. . hoodoo, voodoo, and conjure: a handbook. westport: greenwood. asante, molefi kete. . kemet, afrocentricity and knowledge. trenton: africa world press. bird, stephanie rose. . sticks, stones, roots & bones: hoodoo, mojo & conjuring with herbs. st. paul: llewellyn publications. bird, stephanie rose. . the big book of soul: the ultimate guide to the african american spirit. charlottesville: hampton roads pub. chireau, yvonne patricia. . our religion and superstition. in black magic: religion and the african american conjuring tradition. berkeley: university of california press. conser, walter h., rodger m. payne, and rodger milton payne. . southern crossroads: perspectives on religion and culture. lexington: the university press of kentucky. doniger, wendy, eliade mircea, willard r. trask, and wendy doniger. . with a foreword by wendy doniger; shamanism: archaic techniques of ecstasy. princeton: princeton university press. douglass, frederick, and william lloyd garrison. . narrative of the life of frederick douglass, an american slave. wortley, near leeds: printed by joseph barker, p. . eliade, mircea, and rosemary sheed. . patterns in comparative religion. lincoln: university of nebraska press. ferrer, jorge n., and jacob h. sherman. . introduction. in the participatory turn: spirituality, mysticism, religious studies. albany: state university of new york press. harlan, david. . the degradation of american history. chicago: the university of chicago press books. hazzard-donald, katrina. . mojo workin: the old african american hoodoo system. champaign: university of illinois press. hemenway, robert e. . zora neale hurston: a literary biography. london: camden press. james, william. . pragmatism, a new name for some old ways of thinking; popular lectures on philosophy. new york: longmans, green, and co. lester, julius, and tom feelings. . black folktales. new york: grove press. long, carolyn morrow. . spiritual merchants: religion, magic, and commerce. knoxville: university of tennessee press. conversation with jeffrey anderson, november . religions , , of tajfel, henry, and john c. turner. . an integrative theory of intergroup conflict: the social psychology of intergroup relations. bristol: university of bristol. whitten, norma e., jr. . contemporary patterns of malign occultism among negroes in north carolina. the journal of american folklore : – . [crossref] winberry, john j., and john michael vlach. . back of the big house: the architecture of plantation slavery. geographical review : . [crossref] yokley, raytha l., and albert j. raboteau. . slave religion. review of religious research : . [crossref] © by the author. licensee mdpi, basel, switzerland. this article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the creative commons attribution (cc by) license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /). http://dx.doi.org/ . / http://dx.doi.org/ . / http://dx.doi.org/ . / http://creativecommons.org/ http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ . /. 	introduction 	why are mojo bags so important? 	how are these mojo bags constructed? 	does this individuality still exist? 	conclusions untitled 	
   benevolent	
  design	
  and	
  the	
  beloved	
  community:	
   legacies	
  of	
  technological	
  discourse,	
  progress,	
   sanctuary,	
  and	
  support	
  in	
  and	
  around	
   historically	
  black	
  colleges	
  	
   and	
  universities	
   a dissertation
	
 submitted to
	
 the temple university graduate board 	
   in partial fulfillment
	
 of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy
 	
   by jason b. esters august examining committee members eli goldblatt, advisory chair, english roland williams, english shannon walters, english marc lamont hill, media studies & production ii abstract this dissertation is an interdisciplinary rhetorical project that explores the discourse of race and technology in the african-american experience, particularly at hbcus. it examines hbcus as a site that historically and actively embodies the african- american rhetorical tradition, resists american racial animus, and works as a conduit and a corrective for the discourse of race and technology in america. the first argument this dissertation makes is that there has been an ongoing discursive tradition of technology within the institutional framework of hbcus that long prefigures “the digital divide” debate. these conversations not only envision how best technology can be used, but also how hbcu leaders envisioned an approach to technology in order to accomplish community goals. the second argument that this dissertation attempts to make is that this persistent discourse within hbcus is infused with an ethos of community well-being and support. i am referring to this notion of support as a “techno-ethos”: something hardwired into the dna of hbcus since their inception, and, when ignored, can have disastrous, embarrassing, or counterproductive results. finally, this dissertation acknowledges the value of applying theories of technological discourse to the study of hbcus and offers avenues of practical application for the successful use of a techno-ethos of support for hbcus on a programmatic and institutional level. iii acknowledgements i would like to thank god for the completion of this dissertation, which is a testimony to the reality that he keeps his promises. i could not have conceived of or finished this dissertation without my family. i would like to thank my parents, johnnie b. esters and garay l.m. esters for their steadfast belief, encouragement, and support for me during my life and especially during my entire graduate school career. it has been a long difficult road, but we did it! to my brother and sister, johnathan and joyee, thank you for always giving me a new story from home and reminding me of who i am and where i’m from. i thank the love of my life, my wife, dionne d. willis, for the love and sacrifices she has made over the years as i have worked on my dissertation. thank you for those early post-it notes that you would leave in my binder, little bursts of hope and sunshine on an otherwise lifeless draft. thank you for the early mornings and long afternoons when you would handle all of life happening in and around our home, just so i could write. i would like to thank my children, biko, jd, lily, and joa for bringing me joy at the most unexpected times and in the most unexpected places. thank you for inspiring me to keep pushing through. watching and hearing you read (and understand!) parts of my dissertation on a cold winter day was one of the best moments of this process for me. i can’t wait to read your dissertations, your books. much love and appreciation to eli goldblatt, my dissertation advisor, committee chair, advocate, mentor, and friend. from the time i arrived at temple you have been in my corner, fighting for me. even more importantly, you modeled for me how university scholarship could bring together social justice, education advocacy, and writing in a way iv that was both inspiring and authentic. i am so grateful that god chose you to be my champion and i hope to invest in other scholars the full measure of what you have invested in me. thanks to the other incredible scholars who served on my committee over the years: susan wells and roland williams who shepherded me through the proposal process and gave me insightful, critical responses on my first dissertation draft. shannon walters and marc lamont hill, your pointed feedback has made a better scholar and has made this a stronger project. special thanks to belinda wilson and sharon logan for cheering me on throughout my graduate school career and making sure that i never missed an important opportunity or a deadline. thank you. v table of contents	
   page abstract ........................................................................................................................ ii acknowledgements ............................................................................................... iii list of tables ........................................................................................................... viii list of figures ........................................................................................................... ix prologue ...................................................................................................................... xi chapters . introduction ......................................................................................................... the spectre of technological discourse in today’s conversations about hbcus ..................................................................................................................... chapter overview .................................................................................................. . hbcus and reading the african-american technological experience .......................................................................... is it for us?: what troubling questions about technology reveal to us ............ investigations into african-american culture and technology ............................ adam banks’s taxonomy of access and rhetoric of design ............................... . a history of violence and the institute of colored youth, - : the origins of technological discourse at hbcus ........................................................................................... the climate of technological discourse and racism in antebellum philadelphia ............................................................................................................ violence and the vision for the institute of colored youth .................................. the failure to reconcile race and technological discourse ............................. a new hope and a fresh perspective .................................................................. vi . from photograph to factory: du bois and washington’s technodialectic failure during the great migration .............................................................................................. the photograph and the infograph: du bois and washington’s joint tool for “substance” ............................................................................................ washington as technocrat and his “training of the hand” ............................... du bois as eugenicist and his afrofuturism ....................................................... the great migration: a shift in the potential of technological space ............... error messages: programmatic missteps in technology integration .................. migration as an occasion for reinvention and the factory as a cultural communicator ...................................................................................................... conclusion ........................................................................................................... . disruptive technologies and vernacular insurrections: developing a technoethos around hbcus during the transition from civil rights to black power ....................................................................................................... messianic leadership and the technology of representation ............................ black power as vernacular insurrection and technological discourse .............. the black panther party of self-defense: greater than the man’s technology ............................................................................................... intercommunalism: an attempt to build a technological discourse of black political thought ................................................................................... the jackson state killings: the discourse of militarism, new directions in black power, and a technoethos of sanctuary .............................. jackson state: aftermath ..................................................................................... an appreciation for the gibbs-green plaza: a conclusion ................................ . the beloved community and further opportunities for research ..................................................................................................... theorizing the digital divide before al gore invented the internet ................... vii further opportunities for research: digital portfolios and the perils of not paying attention .................................................................................................. further opportunities for research: discourse, stem, and a “culture of support” ........................................................................................................... epilogue ...................................................................................................................... works cited .............................................................................................................. viii list of tables table page . comparison of the black panther party’s october and march platforms .................................................................................................................... ix list of figures figure page . photograph. hbcu presidents meet with president trump. ........................................ . photograph. hbcu presidents with president trump and kellyanne conway. .......... . twitter post. astead. ................................................................................................... . twitter post. pièce de résistance. ............................................................................... . twitter post. marybeth gasman. ................................................................................ . cartoon. edward william clay. “grand celebration ob de bobalition ob african slabery.”. ........................................................................................................ . photographs. (left) howard university sewing class. (right) howard university carpentry class. .......................................................................................................... . photographs. (left) claflin university woodwork shop. (right) agricultural and mechanical college blacksmithing shop. .......................................................... . photographs. (left) howard university pharmaceutical laboratory. (right) howard university chemistry laboratory. ................................................................. . photographs. (left) only negro store of its kind in the u.s. at state street, chicago, illinois. (right) fisk university students and teachers in training school. .......................................................................................................... . photographs. (left) african-american man, head-and-shoulders portrait, facing slightly left. (right) african-american man, head-and-shoulders portrait, left profile. ....................................................................................................................... . photographs. (left) african-american woman, head-to-waist portrait, facing slightly left. (right) african-american man, head-to-waist portrait, left profile. . ................................................................................................................ . print. w. e. burghardt du bois. income and expenditure of negro families in atlanta, georgia. ..................................................................................... . prints. w. e. burghardt du bois. (left) occupations of negroes and whites in georgia. (right) negro population of georgia by counties. ....................................... . print. w. e. burghardt du bois. city and rural population, . ........................... x . prints. (left) w. e. burghardt du bois. negro businessmen in the united states. (right) students at atlanta university. conjugal condition of american negroes according to age periods. ............................................................ . prints. w. e. burghardt du bois. (left) the amalgamation of the white and black elements of the population in the united states. (right) the rise of the negroes from slavery to freedom in one generation. ................................................ . editorial cartoon. chicago defender, august , . “haven’t we followed him about far enough?” .......................................................................... . editorial cartoon. the messenger, july . a. phillip randolph, founder and editor of the messenger, idealistically described the “new crowd negro” as “educated, radical and fearless.” ............................................................................ . photographs. william h. kelly, iii, august , . (left) the infamous thompson tank. (right) “the thompson tank, a forgotten artifact.” ...................... . photograph. (left) gibbs-green plaza (c. ). (right) gibbs-green memorial. .................................................................................................................. 	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   	
   xi prologue i went to my church one weekday evening to attend a bible study being led by a man named reverend walter mitchell. mitchell was eighty-three years old at the time, and the years had been unusually kind to him. he was a handsome man, whose wrinkles worked more as character lines, and i’m sure no congregant would have placed his age above sixty-five judging him solely by his face, especially while he was sitting down. there is an old adage in the black community that, “good black don’t crack,” and it aptly applied to mitchell because when he stood, he looked even younger. he had a distinctive stability about him: lean and strong. when mitchell stood, he stood straight, almost at attention, but without the militaristic tension in his back and shoulders. his shoulders, neck, and face were relaxed, but his chest and torso were taunt and at the ready, like a concert baritone. not surprisingly, he sounded like one. he had a rich, sonorous, leathery voice that was full of time. time watching and learning and doing and thinking. mitchell was both theologian and historian and had dedicated his scholarship to uncovering and preserving the foundations of the traditional black church. when discussing these black church beginnings, mitchell also gave the congregation a brief, but illuminating, primer on history. no one, he said, gives the same version of history or event. history is skewed to the interests and agenda of those writing, or recording that history. history then, he argued, is a matter of perspective. for instance, carter g. woodson is considered the “father of black history,” but he also wrote a history of black elites. in retrospect, mitchell’s contention was that “you should teach history like you teach out of a family album. the truth of the matter is, we can’t just know our xii history, we need to own it.” mitchell challenged all of us in the congregation that night to confront what he called our “inbred shame about our history.” the appeal and charm of individualistic, materialistic culture disappear once we know our destiny, our god-given purpose. he reminded us that it is those with power that determine normalcy. it is power that determines what is acceptable, and it has been african americans that have been the victims of such power arrangements. what i remember most from reverend mitchell is a story he told of a visit to east africa. after touring uganda, he crossed over into kenya with a group of guides and ministers from kenya and the united states. one of the kenyans, an avid musician, a percussionist, began to talk to the group about kenya’s history of “the talking drum.” he began with preslavery ritualistic beliefs about the drum, that it carried not only messages in its rhythms, but also souls and spirits. he told of how african slave traffickers from other countries were the ones to first reveal to western slave traders that the drum was not only a musical instrument, but possessed communicative powers in this world and the next. he explained that though these african traffickers knew the power of the drum, they could not decipher the messages or significance of the kenyan drum. most drums produce duotones, a low and a high pitch that can be varied; the kenyan drum produces a third tone, a tritone that enables the drummer to create complex polyphonic syncopations and tones. it was an art, a skill, a feat of technical expertise that was never really snuffed out. “our drums,” the kenyan percussionist claimed, “can say anything.” one of the american ministers in the group was a little skeptical and doubted that in the twenty-first century there were still enough people fluent in this “drum cipher” to really be able to say anything. xiii so the percussionist made this offer: the american minister would give him a message to convey by drum to a drummer in another town. since the group would be visiting a village the next day that was home to a cousin of his, the percussionist would stay behind and, once given a drummer’s signal, would convey the american minister’s message to his cousin, who would give it back to the minister in front of the entire group. the minister agreed. the next afternoon, when the group made it to the next village on their tour, they were immediately taken to the home of the percussionist’s cousin. once he was told of the arrangements, he smiled a little bit, got his drum, and asked the minister for the message. the minister smiled a little and asked the man to walk outside for a moment. in front of a room full of witnesses, he pulled out a small, black, crank- operated radio from his bag, went to the back of the man’s house, and placed the radio on a chair. he then took his bag and placed it at the front door. surely, he must have thought, it’s going to be tough to convey the words transistor radio by drum. he then asked the man to come back inside and contact his cousin for the message. the percussionist’s cousin began to play a very short syncopation, like a jazzy s.o.s. all of a sudden, the beat was picked up by other drummers and echoed through the distance. and in short order, frenetic series of drum beats, rhythm and life came back to the group. after about three minutes, the percussionist’s cousin looks around, goes to the back of his house, rummages about, finds the radio, shows it to the group, and puts it in the bag. the american minister, bewildered, exclaims, “that’s exactly what i told your cousin to tell you to do! did he just tell you ‘find the radio and put it in the bag’?” xiv the percussionist’s cousin said, “well, in a matter of speaking. what he told me was to find he who sits without being invited, who speaks but never listens, and take him, and put him in his home.” with that, he grabbed his drum and called his cousin to come to the village to eat dinner with them. my hope is that this dissertation helps to bring (and place) some of the notions about technological discourse, progress, historically	
  black	
  colleges	
  and	
  universities, and the african-american experience back home. chapter introduction the spectre of technological discourse in today’s conversations about hbcus the year was when the public intersection of technology and historically black colleges and universities (hbcus) were placed on full display for the first time in a very long time. it is not often that an issue concerning hbcus has been anything close to front page news, yet in , there were two notable instances that garnered national attention and exposed the complex discourse of hbcus and technology in unexpected ways. the first occurred on monday, february , , at the white house. in one of his first public engagements on the topic of education in america, the newly elected president of the united states, donald trump, invited the presidents from all of the federally recognized hbcus to meet with him and members of his executive team, including vice president mike pence and secretary of education betsy devos, and be present for the signing of presidential executive order entitled, “the white house initiative to promote excellence and innovation at historically black colleges and universities.” this executive order was to supersede executive order , which was signed by president barack obama on february , . since president jimmy carter issued the first executive order on hbcus in , the executive order has been a tool for u.s. presidents to attempt to appease a constituency of middle-class black america without having to do any of the heavy lifting that is required to affect education policy on the federal level. the executive order has also allowed each subsequent u.s. president to avoid being put at political risk by addressing the “savage inequalities,” as jonathan kozol termed it, that exist in america in general and black america in particular. anticipating such a move on the part of the trump administration, a consortium of hbcu presidents met in december of and, in conjunction with the united negro college fund, developed a ten-point plan outlining particular ways that president trump could add the concerns of their institutions to his national agenda. in addition to reissuing the presidential resolution on hbcus, the ten-point plan identified other high-value investments in hbcus: providing avenues for building infrastructure, restoring and protecting pell grants, and convening a white house summit on hbcus were all investments they hoped the president would make to honor his vocal commitment to the institutions. with the white house meeting and signing of the executive order, many of the more than ninety university presidents in attendance hoped to articulate the importance of these goals and build a stronger connection, both politically and financially, with the trump white house than they had under president obama, where hbcus had seen their funding levels fluctuate greatly. given president trump’s inflammatory, xenophobic, and racist remarks on the campaign trail to the presidency, many of the hbcu presidents approached the meeting with apprehension tempered with a small measure of cautious optimism. originally, the meeting’s agenda had called for the college presidents to engage a small audience of the president’s staff, including pence and devos; the hbcu presidents would share prepared remarks and speak on issues that were important to hbcu growth and development. afterwards, there would be time for discussion and planning for the future. some of the presidents were able to speak for a few minutes: florida memorial university president dr. roslyn clark artis emphasized the importance of training and developing more science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (stem) graduates. spelman college president dr. mary schmidt campbell defended the role of hbcus in revitalizing communities. claflin university president dr. henry n. tisdale described the necessity of funding title iii programs (sands). yet, after some brief formalities and introductory remarks, the group was surprised by a seemingly impromptu summons from the white house chief of staff for a photo op with president trump. unfortunately, most of the prepared comments and discussion were cut short by pressing calls from the oval office. the discussion with the hbcu presidents and their prepared remarks were summarily dismissed as the entire group was whisked to the oval office for said photo. this was disconcerting to many of the university presidents in attendance. as walter kimbrough, president of dillard university, described: the goal was for officials from a number of federal agencies (about were there including omb) and secretary devos to hear about hbcus. that all blew up when the decision was made to take the presidents to the oval office to see the president. i’m still processing that entire experience. but needless to say that threw the day off and there was very little listening to hbcu presidents today―we were only given about minutes each, and that was cut to one minute, so only about of maybe or so speakers were given an opportunity today. (medium.com) this impromptu photo op raised the ire of many. it denied the hbcu presidents an opportunity and a platform for discussion, which had been the main reason why so many hbcu leaders came to the white house in the first place. it also troubled several members of the hbcu delegation that the focus of the day for the administration had shifted from discussion to photograph, from substance to appearance. as jelani cobb of the new yorker points out, “it confirmed the meaningful role that photographic evidence has in trumpism: he accessorizes with crowds and possesses an unyielding appetite for photography as validation.” the photo op was, as cobb described, “the price of admission,” and after being brought to the table through the front door, there was an expectation that there would not/should not be any complaints about getting the proverbial crumbs from the master’s table. to complicate matters, the problems inherent within the so-called photo op would take a backseat to the controversies that surround the actual photo. african-american media outlets like theroot, hiphopwired, and thegrio took umbrage with the photos of seemingly jovial, cordial, happy college presidents encircling the president of the united states. several articles saw the photo as a performance in bad taste and accused the hbcu presidents of “boot-licking,” “shoe-shining,” and other terms associated with minstrelsy and subservience (figure ). the social media response was even harsher. part of the reaction was tied to the lack of formality to the photos; there was an obvious attempt to create a sense of trust and familiarity through the visual image that struck a discordant tone with many african americans. this view was further confirmed when one group shot surfaced of the presidents encircled around president trump at his desk, with presidential aide kellyanne conway positioned haphazardly in the center of the photo on the couch, casually kneel-sitting, on her cell phone (figure ). the hbcu alumni community found the photos unprofessional at best. they thought they showed a total lack of respect for these school and community leaders who, each individually, hold an incredible amount of social, political, economic, and educational capital within their own communities, as well as nationally, and suggested that the photos spoke to the true lack of concern the administration had for the plight of hbcus. figure . photograph. hbcu presidents meet with president trump. figure . photograph. hbcu presidents with president trump and kellyanne conway. suffice to say, the photo op was a fiasco. it was widely panned as a blatant attempt from the administration to gain favor from a constituency that voted overwhelmingly against trump in the election. the new york times offered the opinion that president trump had squandered and “negated” the opportunity to project a “message of unity” with its lack of formality and decorum (rogers). the washington post called it a “swing and a miss” for the administration (bump). the los angeles sentinel reported that the photo op was a “debacle,” with many of the hbcu presidents leaving the event with “mixed emotions.” on several media platforms including twitter and npr, kimbrough indicated that in his prepared statement to the group, he wanted to talk about the importance of the pell grant program, which funds over percent of students at hbcus. in his prepared remarks, kimbrough wanted to let the administration know that “pell is a great investment especially at hbcus where new studies indicate we do the best job, as brookings noted ‘vaulting lowest-income kids into the top quintile as adults” (medium.com). johnny taylor, president of the thurgood marshall college fund, who had expressed a sense of positivity before the event, even with the acknowledged suspicions, noted that the administration’s posturing was “unprecedented” and “bizarre” (svrluga). tashni-ann dubroy, president of shaw university, posted on facebook that the most important thing to come out of the meeting was the gathering of ninety hbcu presidents who were all “called to serve” and who stood in solidarity with the other hbcu presidents who declined their invitations, noting that they were “all in the good fight together.” other hbcu presidents would take her lead, finding other avenues to deliver the prepared remarks they were unable to give, inform their constituencies of what had happened, and give commentary to the events of the day. interestingly, the images from the photo op, all showing slight variations of the hbcu presidents informally standing and smiling with the potus were all being used to give context to competing narratives around that monday’s meeting. articles published in print or on the web before : p.m. on monday tended to use the photo as the backdrop for optimism in the administration’s outreach or suspicion of its motives. some used the image to project a quality of shrewdness on the part of the college presidents, while others focused on their shameful gullibility. articles used the image to discuss the white house’s (and by association, conway’s) momentary lack of decorum or decried it as systemic disrespect of people on the margins. a few used the images as commentary on the media’s hypersensitivity to occurrences that were nonstories in the white house, while others thought the media was not sensitive enough to the struggles of hbcus. the point here is that the meanings generated by photos themselves ushered in a host of narratives that were in flux on monday evening. even with the mellifluous voices giving meaning to the photos, they are best seen as rhetorical acts of marginalization. the photo op was a passion play of silencing; it embodied a kind of rhetorical violence that destroyed much of the intentionality of the moment in the hbcu constituents’ point of view. and it was an act of subjugation through definition as much as it was a deliberate act of silencing. in “can the subaltern speak?,” gayatri chakravorty spivak surmises that intellectual pursuits in the western world are always produced for, subjected to, or in support of the economic interests of the western world. spivak questions the legitimacy of western institutions when they engage in the representation of marginalized groups or individuals. spivak’s examination of the way western culture simultaneously represents the culture of “others,” even as it seeks to define that culture, is an appropriate consideration in this case. western culture defines those who are marginalized according to its “hegemonic vocabulary” ( ). as one reviewer of spivak’s work explains: spivak points to the fact that the west is talking to itself, and in its own language, about the other. like other commodities, data or raw material (ethnographical ,for example) is harvested in the third world country and taken back to the west, to be produced and sold for the benefit of the western readers and especially the western writer....she believes that the west is obsessed with preserving itself as subject, and that any discourse is eventually about the discoursing agents themselves. (cultural reader) the way the general public receives and perceives marginalized cultures is always tainted by the political and economic interest of those in power. it is one of the dominating characteristics of representation in western hegemony. the west, as spivak believes, will only examine, and ultimately present, “the other” under the auspices of its own paradigm. to relate to the other on any other terms produces moments of flux, of disjointedness. in this way, american institutions, for example, avoid scrutiny whenever they represent the other (in this case, hbcus) because western culture validates its representation through the auspices of inclusion, which subjugates the other. and it was here, just as social media began to turn its attention to this once- routine presidential formality, right in the midst of a photo oscillating between its doubled narrative, and on the heels of african-american educational leaders, who now inhabited an unexpectedly restricted space, weighing the consequences of telling their own stories with fulfilling the economic needs of their institutions. it was at this particular disjunction where betsy devos made arguably the most infamous tweet of . in order to get control of the undercurrent of building bad press before the actual signing of the executive order by the president on the next day, devos put out a press statement through her office in support of the meeting, a statement that generated yet another level of controversy. i have reproduced the statement here in its entirety: a key priority for this administration is to help develop opportunities for communities that are often the most underserved. rather than focus solely on funding, we must be willing to make the tangible, structural reforms that will allow students to reach their full potential. historically black colleges and universities (hbcus) have done this since their founding. they started from the fact that there were too many students in america who did not have equal access to education. they saw that the system wasn’t working, that there was an absence of opportunity, so they took it upon themselves to provide the solution. hbcus are real pioneers when it comes to school choice. they are living proof that when more options are provided to students, they are afforded greater access and greater quality. their success has shown that more options help students flourish. their counsel and guidance will be crucial in addressing the current inequities we face in education. i look forward to working with the white house to elevate the role of hbcus in this administration and to solve the problems we face in education today. her official statement was troubling on many levels. for starters, it trivialized america’s legacy of racial discrimination and minimized the role of hbcus in combating that reality. devos’s eagerness to use hbcus to leverage support for her political agenda by suggesting that the creation of hbcus were sparked by the ideological bent that informs the increasingly divisive notion of school choice in public education was shamefully transparent and roundly criticized for its lack of historical context. in all honesty, historically, it was just . . . wrong. it was inaccurate and misleading, almost laughably so, to the many who have attended or have served hbcus. even to those with only a passing understanding of the history of hbcus could see something amiss in devos’s commentary. this leads to the second troubling concern: the consequences of misguided history. according to matthew desmond and mustafa emirbayer’s understanding of racial domination, devos constructed a “soft version” of an ahistorical fallacy, where the allusion to inequalities in education are positioned as a product of a modern-day phenomenon as opposed to part of a long legacy of american racism ( ). to make matters worse, she presents this suggestion within the framework of the school choice argument, which has been divisive among african-american educators at all levels of public education, as if it were a foregone conclusion. “school choice” is not just a premise for an argument about education. it is a rhetorical gambit to shift the perceived locus of agency that hbcus possess away from the embattled legacy of racism, discrimination, toil, and hard-fought persistence to an anesthetized, simplistic, and politically expedient narrative of agency that is supposedly a direct result of hbcus’ collective freedoms. it also points to an argument about the structure and function of hbcus that exploits a gap in our understanding of technological discourse. that gap is mirrored in the ways we are taught or encouraged to think about innovation. the framing of hbcus as an early example of “innovation in education” plays dangerously on the deficit american culture, history, and identity has created when it comes to the struggles of african americans in the american system of public education. in their article “the rhetoric of technology as a rhetorical technology,” john lynch and william kinsella establish one of the principal components of both rhetorical and technological discourse as the priority it gives to invention or innovation. they argue that notions of invention and its processes are at the heart of rhetorical discourses of technology. similarly, those discourses can be seen as investigations into how one builds, how one uses, or how one is used by agency. in this way, “[a] rhetorical study of technology, then, is about how agency is reconfigured by the rhetorical strategies that attend the steps in inventing and disseminating a new technology” ( ). most of the innovation presented by discussions and conversations of hbcus presents an innovation that is reactionary. it is an innovation that is shown to appear almost in spite of creativity. it is the innovation of survival, of secondhand, of limited resource but fertile minds and resilient mindsets. that kind of innovation has its value, but it is often described to black people and black institutions as the hallmark of our ingenuity. devos posits hbcus are an embodiment of and a mechanism or apparatus for school choice, which not only removes the agency of resistance that has defined those institutions for generations, but also undercuts and delegitimizes the advocacy for the role of hbcus articulated by the college and university presidents earlier that day. innovation, in this case, is not an apparatus of creativity; it is a methodology of the state. the critical response to the meeting, and specifically to the coda that was devos’s statement, was swift. devos was roundly criticized by national media and the hbcu community. withering critiques came from all sides of the previously ignored end of the political spectrum. this was one of those rare instances where the public could see how the sausage was being made, as devos positioned a rhetorical suggestion in the guise of a historical truth in order to further her (and by proxy the administration’s) political aims. many critiques used the rhetorical structure of the “meme” on social media to castigate devos’s obvious blunder as a rhetorical misappropriation (figures , , and ). remarkably, the white house’s mishandling of the hbcu presidents continued into tuesday when, instead of providing the opportunity for the conversation that had been prematurely aborted the previous day, the administration scheduled yet another photo op. during the photo, president trump signed his executive order, which moved the hbcu . figure . twitter post. astead. figure . twitter post. pièce de résistance. figure . twitter post. marybeth gasman. white house initiative from the department of education to the white house. obviously, social media provided a revealing medium for this event; however, what is more revealing are the rhetorical acts at play to control a narrative of technological discourse about history, structure, reform, and innovation. a clear pattern of subversive practices is evident here, practices which depict how the photograph was being used to silence the voices of hbcu institutional leaders, and how the discourse of “innovation” was being used in an attempt to co-opt an important aspect of the historical narrative of hbcus. in this moment, the hbcu community was in the crux of resistance. considering how these particular photos came to be, hbcu leaders resisted allowing the photo to speak for them. this is especially important when considering that university presidents today are rarely, if ever, the face or voice of their institutions in the public sphere. the presidents themselves, by making their uncertainty public and allowing their humanity be exposed through the veneer of the photograph, were able to acknowledge some of the events leading up to the photograph that was causing them to question the commitment of the administration. by revealing their tension, they destabilized the meeting and photo op as an apparatus of the white house and refashioned it, in the moment, into a tool of resistance. ultimately, many hbcu leaders and advocates expressed a measure of disappointment with the executive order, which fell short of offering the wide-scale improvements that many had sought. several were of the opinion that the executive order lacked any substantial revision from the obama-era order, which was considered tepid at best. though hbcu presidents had championed the move from the department of education to the office of the white house in order to avoid bureaucratic red tape, the move did not come with any additional funding. david wilson, president of morgan state university, criticized the executive order for, at best, maintaining the status quo, noting that it was not “substantially different than what has been in other hbcu executive orders.” morehouse president john s. wilson, jr., echoed those sentiments, circulating a statement that concludes that, even with advance talk of changes like an aspirational goal of to percent for federal agency funding to hbcus, a special hbcu innovation fund, large boosts in pell grant and title iii funding, and extra tax breaks for those in the private sector who contribute to hbcus. but, instead of the long- awaited executive order containing or signaling any of those outcomes, the shift of the white house hbcu initiative from the department of education to the white house was largely symbolic. (morehouse college) in an incident full of technologically mediated representations, the white house seemingly lost the battle of optics and rhetorical framing. instead of taking their lumps and moving on to other pressing issues, devos and the trump administration decided to double down. devos accepted an invitation from dr. edison o. jackson, president of bethune-cookman university, to make the commencement address at its graduation ceremony in may, to the chagrin of many. although many bethune-cookman faculty voiced their displeasure with the selection of devos, most did not air their disagreements in public. bethune-cookman alumni attempted to address the ill-timed and potentially disastrous choice through its board of trustees, perhaps recognizing that taking the matter public would stoke the growing derision. but the fire had already been lit, and bethune-cookman students had no qualms and utilized social media, radio, pamphlets, and flyers to air their grievances and plan for appropriate action to be taken. on graduation day, devos’s speech was met with “hundreds of students standing and turning their backs” to her as she gave her speech. amid what the media described as a “chorus of resistance,” the faculty issued a letter of no support to the administration, and many students, who expressed their dissatisfaction with the culminating moment of their college careers being hijacked by politics, expressed their disappointment and frustration across the media spectrum. it was student and alumni reactions that dominated the coverage from traditional news media, cable, internet news sites, and social media for the twenty-four hours immediately following the commencement ceremonies. there is more to this story, but for the moment it is important to recognize one thing: the president’s meeting with hbcu presidents, betsy devos’s follow-up comments on twitter, and her commencement address at a hbcu provided a glimpse into the complex discourse of power, race, historicity, technology, and resistance that has always been a part of the hbcu institutional experience. and it still has incredible resonance today. the second public intersection of race, technology, and hbcus received a lot less publicity, but is equally important in terms of its impact, though on a smaller scale. on march , , several national media outlets ran a remarkable story about howard university, one of the most prestigious hbcus in the united states. usatoday, cnnmoney, nbc news, tech news sites like engadget, the verge, and recode―even national public radio―all ran the story of how google was going to open howard university west at its national headquarters. the article was notable because of a few reasons. first, it was unquestionably positive. the sum of the articles surrounding the white house meetings in february had a positive spin; they were still tainted by the overall controversies. in fact, since , the only articles reaching national distribution that have had positive overtones in regards to hbcus were articles that profiled appearances of famous scholars, politicians, dignitaries, or celebrities (most often for graduation). until this piece in , almost all other articles (excluding the ones reporting the meetings at the white house or the executive order) that reached the national wire dealt with the loss of accreditation or the threat of school closure, a crisis in school infrastructure, alleged misconduct of school officials and students, or animosity between faculty, students, or staff. suffice to say, much of the national coverage has been negative and the subsequent public perception of hbcus have relegated them to third- rate institutions. second, the partnership between howard university and google established a howard university satellite campus on google’s campus in mountain view, california. howard university would have its own space within the googleplex. not a kiosk. not an intern. but a campus. this is significant. the discrepancies between the allocation of technological resources between predominantly white institutions and minority-serving institutions have been at the heart of the technology question since the mid-nineties and the coining of the phrase “the digital divide.” what many people realized then, and still wrestle with now, is that even when president bill clinton was advocating for “a computer in every classroom,” the implementation of technological infrastructure in underserved communities was often haphazard or poorly thought out. in addition, if someone wanted to experience a community that was immersed in technological innovation, they would have to go somewhere else, probably to a location that was culturally isolating or foreign. the revelation of the howard university/google partnership opened up a host of possibilities―and questions. what does it mean for a historically black college to be embedded in a business and technological subculture such as google? how does it mitigate those thorny distances between institutions of higher learning and enterprises such as affirmative action, tokenism, and institutional discrimination? will the two institutions be too close for comfort? is this the answer? can howard remain culturally distinct and culturally relevant in the midst of google’s influence? the ideas and aims of a partnership like this aren’t new, but the way it carries out its mission through this unique rhetoric of space is exciting and warrants more investigation. the final reason why this story is so remarkable is how the news outlets reported it. when the story broke on march rd, no outlet that reported the partnership quoted a source from howard university. every outlet that day, except for howard university’s own press release, utilized google’s statement on the partnership, interviewed a google spokesperson or executive or profiled google’s other acts of diversity and inclusion. nor were any howard voices added to the conversation on march th, when additional outlets picked up the story. on march th, businessinsider reported the story and provided a brief quote from howard university president dr. wayne frederick. businessinsider would go on to do a feature story on the construction of the campus for its tech section on june th, which provides an inside look at the design and functionality of the space. the article focuses on the head designer, danish kurani, ceo of the design firm and an import from google, who has been embedded in howard’s engineering department as an adjunct professor. even so, there is a notable absence of voices from the greater howard university community. howard university and google’s potentially groundbreaking partnership illustrates a notion of technological access that is both familiar and strange. by inverting the trickle-down economics that often accompany technology acquisition and access in minority communities―building community inside where it is as opposed to the tech going to where the community resides―the partnership opens up new possibilities for both creative control and innovation. however, the lack of perspective on the initiative from howard’s point of view in the media coverage (which was overwhelmingly positive) raises some important questions about who gets to tell the story of innovation and how one can build a culture around technology in the midst of a technoculture that already seems so dominant, so demanding, and oftentimes so different than what one could imagine. i share these stories because they illustrate the landscape of discussion around technology, progress, and african americans that this project seeks to explore. when we think of technology, we generally think about the computer. or the internet. or social media. or our phones. we are sucked in, seduced by these things, to be sure, but we are not drawn to technology because of the intimacy we share with these particular inventions. we are drawn to technology, in part, because we have been socialized to perceive the importance of technology, its influence, and its potential. since the beginning of the twentieth century, we have become increasingly intimate with our inventions. however, throughout american history, technology has had one particular meaning within the western world: progress. one reason why technology is always associated with a certain forward trajectory is because it is always associated with access―not just access to more (and better) information―but access to more geographic locations, to social interaction and mobility, and to ingenuity, determination, and even god’s providence. in america, technological innovation has been central in carving out our national identity as one of the most advanced nations in the world. in his work, they made america, harold evans suggests that it is not the technological innovations that america created that made it the most progressive nation in the world, but the way technology was integrated into its national identity. david e. nye confronts head on the question of national identity and technology in his essay, “technology and cultural difference.” these conversations about american machine making and inventiveness conjure up a difference between the use and creation of technology in america and europe. nye suggests that, in actuality, american creation of technology wasn’t really unique, noting that there was often “free exchange of technical information throughout international networks” ( ). what was unique, however, was the service of technology in formulating a national character and agenda. in fact, nye postulates that though cultural, social, and economic forces played significant roles in forming american national identities, even to the extremes of exceptionalism, the adoption and adaptation of technology in america produced a nexus for the reinforcement of identity formation and the exploration of the impact of technology on diverse cultures. nye classifies american attitudes towards technology as distinctive moves motivated by american exceptionalism; that is, the idea that america is uniquely situated not only as a growing global force, but as a country that exemplifies and models global leadership and behavior. in effect, the united states is the chosen, the righteous among nations, with autonomous political, social, and even spiritual authority which grants american citizens the self- perception of being both fundamentally different and tacitly superior to denizens of other countries. equally important here is the move made by many americans in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to quantify a distinctive technology that was “fundamentally different from that of europe” (nye ). nye attributes john atlee kouwenhoven with identifying a specific purpose in american design: american technological artifacts, such as the model t, the american ax, and the clipper ship, “were characterized by simplicity, plainness, efficiency, and a functional aesthetic. furthermore, americans began to build machines designed to last only a short time . . . [emphasizing] immediate practical results, and assumed that the machines would be replaced frequently” ( - ). it is this same deterministic “engine” that reductively, seductively builds the case for technology’s role in american culture, while at the same time easily reinforcing nationalistic dogmas, such as racism. it is technology, in this way, that is presented to the american public as the fulcrum for “progress.” technological innovation has always been a unique characteristic of america’s national identity; however, technology is not just about more efficient and economical means towards american progress. it is also about access, representation, identity, innovation, implementation, systems of value delivery, and oppression. technology then, within the framework of american culture, is more than a collection of artifacts, but a system of narratives as well. the causal narrative of technology as “an independent entity, a virtually autonomous agent of change” . . . informs the popular discourse of technological determinism. it is typified by sentences in which “technology” or a surrogate like “the machine” is made the subject of an active predicate: “the automobile created suburbia.” “the atomic bomb divested congress of its power to declare war.” “the mechanical cotton picker set off the migration of southern black farmworkers to northern cities.” “the robots put the riveter’s out of work.” “the pill produced a sexual revolution.” in each case, a complex event is made to seem the inescapable yet strikingly possible result of a technological innovation. many of these statements carried the further implication that the social consequences of our technical ingenuity are far reaching, cumulative, mutually reinforcing, and irreversible. (smith et al. xi) this dissertation defines technology as a systematic enactment of scientific or sociological ideas in material, physical, or rhetorical space. as such, this dissertation does not examine any one particular technology—no singular artifact, apparatus, or appropriation is its focus. rather, this dissertation endeavors to explore technological discourse, or the conversations around technology, as a systematic enactment of scientific or sociological ideas in material, physical, or rhetorical space. often our default operating assumption is that technology is an artifact of culture, while language is a conduit for culture. this project examines the space within the african-american experience where technology and language intertwine. thinking about technology as part of the rhetorical system within and the articulation of african-american communal, social, and political advancement is directly connected not only to philosophical ideas of technology and discourse, but also the sociolinguistic ones that imagine the linguistic sign as a key marker for the human condition and ones that are encoded within cultural artifacts and systems. in other words, speech—the word—will always have its power, but a greater emphasis should be placed in thinking about how technology fits into the major questions african americans have faced regarding collective freedom, equality, and socioeconomic mobility. are the signs and symbols embedded in technology actualized or realized? do they share the same meanings with the larger culture? in addition to exploring technological discourse, this dissertation also explores the notion of a “technoethos” as it relates to those subsequent discourses. theresa enos and shane borrowman in their article, “authority and credibility: classical rhetoric, the internet, and the teaching of techno-ethos,” use ancient thinkers to reinforce ideas of ethos. when considering the authority and credibility of information from the internet, they utilize the notions of ethos from the works of aristotle, cicero, and quintilian in order to ground their students’ contemporary understanding of ethos. “with this beginning, it becomes easier to move students into a critical awareness of the importance of those in cyberspace and in their own writing” ( ). here, contemporary compositionists are using the past to teach students today. this not only illustrates how the same rhetorical issues continually resurface in new forms, but also how attention to the ethical aims inherent in using and inventing technology can help bring students to an awareness of where they fit within the discourse about technology. interestingly enough, both joel dinerstein (swinging the machine: modernity, technology and african american culture between the world wars) and enos use variations of the term technoethos to ground their discussions. for dinerstein, it is the fusion of intrinsic value placed within a newly minted and mechanized american culture which dictate both a “pace of life” and―to use a jazz metaphor―determines which players play what changes. for enos, the technoethos she refers to is much subtler, more individualized. it is the value that one adds or accepts when engaged in the social milieu of modern technology. both see the conversations, the rhetorical acts, shaped by technology as key to understanding its potential value. for this project, i am considering technoethos to be the rhetorical expression, political agency, and social values embedded within a particular technological discourse. both of the instances that i present earlier in this introduction are unique in terms of the technological discourses about hbcus that they present and the “ethos” that motivates that discourse. the first presents a discourse of resistance, one that is often ignored in the conversation, and justification for the existence of hbcus. this is a counternarrative to the most prevailing discourse around hbcus: that of inferiority. it also shows the tension within a present technological discourse, in this case, the discourse around innovation. the other raises questions around the conception and perception of how to create sites of innovation, how sites of innovation can come into being, and for what purpose. it presents a discourse that is slightly more familiar, but notable nonetheless for its rare presentation of proactive innovators who design, but who are african american, and remain culturally distinct as they do so. this dissertation is an interdisciplinary rhetorical project that explores the discourse of race and technology in the african-american experience, particularly at hbcus. it examines hbcus as a site that historically and actively embodies the african- american rhetorical tradition, resists american racial animus, and works as a conduit and a corrective for the discourse of race and technology in america. it also examines how hbcus, its leaders, and constituents work to build, engage, and critique the discourse of technology and progress and consider what impact that dialogue has on hbcus and other african-american institutional frameworks. african-american leaders and thinkers have struggled with a particular tension, deciding how to gain access to the technology that figures into the american dream of progress, ensuring that the systems that make that particular use of that technology a viable means of progress are, in fact, in place, while also considering ways that said technology can be reconfigured to address the distinct role and challenges african americans face in america. this tightrope walk has produced moments where technology has played different roles in the formation of african-american identity in the past century or so, especially in the development and social relevance of hbcus. sometimes these roles attempt to coincide with what we have come to expect within the american narrative of progress: self-determination, exceptionalism, free-market capitalism. yet at other times, technology seems to work in a decidedly different manner from the great orchestrations of the american dream machine. african americans have had to write and fight their way back into american discourses of history; reclaim their part of the institutional framework of america, not just as beasts of burden, but as creators, interpreters, and challengers of american culture, ideology, and institutional networks. this project also attempts to examine technology as an american cultural product of power which resists clandestine cultures from disrupting its systems of domination. in turn, that technology can become a real or imagined force de resistance for those who seek advancement without accepting the status quo. we often think of technology as a domineering force, either as an unassailable juggernaut that leaves a changed landscape in its wake or even as a beast to be tamed that, left unchecked, would devour and destroy the essence of human endeavor. this dissertation works to analyze how african- american leaders and writers have articulated technology’s role, map out the persistent discourse of how technology has affected african-american experience, and describe how african americans have viewed technology’s role in the attempt to rectify, reify, and recognize their place in america. i do not mean to suggest that the phenomenon of today’s computerized and digitized technological marvels are not unique in space and time. however, i would like to attempt to situate the discourse within a larger context of nineteenth- and early- to mid- twentieth-century notions of african-american progress and how those ideas could possibly shed light on the various instances of apprehension, disdain, and expectation toward technology. in a sense, this dissertation is a reclamation project. the purpose is not to establish the contribution of african americans to american ideals, technical or otherwise, but to puzzle together attitudes and ideas about technology as a tool for advancement or uplift. though this project draws from a variety of disciplines, i envision it primarily as a rhetorical and evaluative one where i can explore the sociopolitical import of technology through rhetorical readings of well-known and lesser known works of african-american leaders, while at the same time examining their platforms for racial uplift. my goal is to show a line of continuity between the meditations about technology presented by our intellectual forefathers and current discussions regarding technology and progress, particularly in hbcus. there is a tendency to want to place the narratives of hbcus within frameworks of domination, deficit, and intolerance. american technological discourses have often affirmed those approaches to hbcus. however, hbcus have shown that part of their struggle has been to find liberating spaces within those discourses, while at the same time resisting the urge to be consumed by them, offering narratives, rhetoric, programs, and opportunities that are distinctly their own and work for the personal, professional, and psychosocial well-being of their students in particular and the institutions at large. my dissertation makes two principle arguments that are revealed within the fields of intersection that are clearly in operation in the two examples discussed earlier. the first argument is that there has been a discursive tradition of technology within the hbcu community since the founding of the first hbcu in . these conversations not only envision how technology can best be used, but also appropriates technology in order to accomplish community goals. this discursive tradition reveals successes and failures, trials and taboos. part of the conversation around technology and hbcus is wrapped up in ideas about community. this seems very familiar to us within the context of higher education today. much of the studies of digital media, technology, technology culture, social networks, game theory and computing revolve around the idea of technological artifice as an addendum, substitution, catalyst, or disturbance to community. thus, the second argument that this dissertation attempts to make is that this persistent discourse within hbcus is embedded with an ethos of community well-being and support. i am referring to this notion of support as a technoethos: something hardwired into the dna of hbcus since its inception and, when ignored, can cause malignancies in the institution. it is source code that is buried in the framework of design within african-american institutions of higher learning and, when not executed, can have disastrous, embarrassing, or counterproductive results. chapter overview much of my research focuses on particular historical moments that provide windows into this discourse: in my introduction and first chapter, i used two incidents, the invitation of hbcu presidents to the white house for the signing of executive order and the howard university-google partnership that will produce howard university west to explore questions around the intersection of technology, progress, and the african-american experience within the context of hbcus. both incidents, i argue, open up intriguing lines of investigation around the discourse of technology that has a long history within hbcus. in chapter , “hbcus and reading the african-american technological experience,” i argue that there is a nuanced (though often ignored) tradition of debate, engagement, and application of technology within the african- american tradition. although the contributions of african-american inventors, scientists, and technologists have traditionally dominated the technological discourse of race and technology in the public sphere, the excavation of lost histories in the african-american technological tradition and contemporary intersections of race and technology have grown significantly. this chapter outlines threads of scholarship around this intersection of african americans, technology, and educational space, specifically as it relates to hbcus. i suggest that adam banks’s taxonomy of technological access from his book, race, rhetoric and technology: searching for higher ground, is especially useful in examining the relationships between hbcus and the rich legacy of technology within the african-american experience. in chapter , “a history of violence and the institute of colored youth, - : the origins of technological discourse at hbcus,” i describe how hbcus have been influenced by american technological discourse from the beginning. i argue that the creation of the first institution of higher learning for african americans—the institute for colored youth (icy), which in time would become cheyney university— demonstrates the way american technological discourse intersected with african- american progress, an intersection that presented the framework for a discourse of technology and the african-american experience that is bodied and racialized. as hbcus in general, and icy in particular, emerged as a training ground for “the mechanical arts” and a refuge from violence, the institution and its stakeholders struggled to construct language and practices to navigate the rhetorical and physical tensions that threatened their survival. this chapter also reveals how black leadership built on those echoes of discourse to frame their visions of technology, a vision of technology that helped to influence, shape, and encourage the growth of hbcus at the turn of the century. i argue that frederick douglass’s attention to the potentials of the telegraph and the necessities of industrial education illustrate a strategy for how black leaders appropriated technological discourse for the purpose of institution building. i suggest that, though a role that has been destabilized today, black leaders of hbcus are still relevant as the “mouthpieces” of the community through the unique rhetorical position of the hbcu as cultural communicator. chapter , “from photograph to factory: du bois and washington’s technodialectic failure during the great migration,” looks at w. e. b du bois and booker t. washington as influencers and products of hbcus in order to examine how the discourse of technology functioned within their sociopolitical imaginations. i suggest that du bois and washington’s views of technology influenced the discourse around identity politics and social mobility during the apex of the great migration era. the juxtaposition of “technical education” and a “liberal education” as the education stances of du bois and washington is oft interpreted as a statement of their attitudes toward the role of technology in african-american progress during the first quarter of the twentieth century. in actuality, this accepted binary is a bit misleading in this case: du bois and washington shared rather complementary ideas of how technology fit into the equation of racial uplift, especially in demonstrating the legitimacy of the hbcu at the turn of the century. what is even more interesting is that these same ideas expose a climate of tension between how prominent african-american leaders see technology usage and the desired appropriations of technology by the influx of working class african americans placed front and center by the great migration. the reality was that as scientific and industrial technologies developed throughout the second industrial revolution and through the progressive era, du bois’s fascination with eugenics and washington’s unwavering focus on agriculture and domestic labor as technologically solvent practically ignored new approaches in science in favor of conventional and comfortable wisdom, an approach which had an adverse effect on hbcus. chapter , “disruptive technologies and vernacular insurrections: developing a technoethos around hbcus during the transition from civil rights to black power,” explores the discourse of technology in and around the climate of student protests during the transition between the civil rights and black power movements. this chapter looks at hbcus as not only a site of contested social power, but also as a site that embodied engagements with technology emblematic of the time and prompted a reevaluation of technological discourse. technological discourse in the black community was shifting from the appropriation of technology for the purposes of representation, which was key in the civil rights movement, to technological liberation, which was a major theme in the polemics of the black arts/black power movements. i argue that the often ignored and misunderstood student killings at jackson state university in marked a shift in communal ideology for african americans politically, intellectually, and geographically. moreover, it served as a catalyst for a new direction in african-american technological discourse, one focused on creating sites of technological promise and security that would better address what huey p. newton called “the technology question.” my conclusion and final chapter, “the beloved community and further opportunities for research,” presents three follow-up opportunities for study that i believe this dissertation encourages. the first, entitled, “how hbcus theorized a black technoethos before al gore invented the internet,” examines some of the intellectual debate around the digital divide and situates it within the marginalized, but historically persistent, conversation of the role technology will play in the quest for racial uplift and socioeconomic progress. i argue that before the term was popularized through presidential address and national policy initiatives in the mid-nineties, hbcus responded to the growing technological discourse that would become the digital divide. i suggest that hbcus theorized how to address some of the most pressing issues of the digital divide by positing a technoethos that countered the rhetoric of deficit that surrounded technology acquisition and imagined technological innovation and racial uplift as a result of an atmosphere of love and support. the second is entitled, “assessment and the perils of not paying attention.” it describes my desire to investigate further how the conversation around digital portfolios was an opportunity lost to many hbcus because of the battle against the larger narrative of assessment culture. here, i outline how external forces within the culture of higher education can have a detrimental effect on the technoethos of the “beloved community.” i argue that the culture of assessment on the program level and the narrative of accreditation on the institutional level has had the unintended consequence of shifting hbcus away from developing core institutional values around technological creativity and utilization, even as they attempt to meet those critical pedagogical goals. in my final opportunity for study, “discourse, stem, and a culture of support,” i maintain that the success of stem education in hbcus is a direct result of embedding a culture of support for the beloved community within its programmatic framework. in this study, i hope to add to the current research in african-american rhetoric. african-american rhetors such as raymond keith gilyard, molefi kete asante, elaine richardson, and ronald jackson all call for greater attention to contemporary sites of language and resistance. in addition to acknowledging an overlooked part of its long story and history, i hope this project helps to legitimize hbcus as a site of interdisciplinary study within the african-american rhetorical tradition, particularly in the way it applies the theories of technology to the discourse of an african-american institution with a long legacy of trials, triumphs, tragedies, and tribulations. finally, this dissertation is designed to offer avenues of practical application for the successful use of technoethos for hbcus on a programmatic and institutional level. chapter hbcus and reading the african-american technological experience there are some common stories that link the african-american experience to technology, but those stories also raise questions about the public’s common understanding of that relationship. the most familiar association of hbcus and technology is through its long history of industrial education within its institutions. unbeknown to most, the profile of the first hbcu was much more diverse than just industrial education. although there was no former path for the higher education of african americans before reconstruction, the genesis of the first hbcus date back to well before the civil war. the first hbcu and the subject of this dissertation’s next chapter, cheyney university, was established in in southeastern pennsylvania. though it was not a degree-granting institution until , it is credited as the first of its kind. what is interesting is that cheyney achieved most of its success as an institution that found a balance between the liberal and industrial arts. the first degree-granting institution, lincoln university, would be founded in , about twenty miles away, as an institution to train black teachers in the region and was not industrial at all, gaining the reputation as “the black princeton.” in , ohio’s wilberforce university, was the first institution of higher learning established by free african americans and is recognized as the first private hbcu. most treatments of the origins of hbcus acknowledge their establishment before the civil war, but generally attribute most of the significant developments in the history of hbcu development to the period after the civil war between and and after the second morrill act in , the time when industrial education become a focal point for the education of former slaves. during reconstruction, there was an outpouring of public support for higher education for african americans, which led to important social reforms. among them was the freedmen’s bureau, an organization of mostly white northerners who believed that former slaves could be a vital part of the american economy as free labor and, with help, could be full participants in american society. the freedmen’s bureau did not allocate funds directly to african americans to establish schools; they funneled money to the many christian philanthropic organizations that possessed a missionary zeal towards building institutions of learning for former slaves in america. organizations like the american baptist home mission society, the american missionary association (ama), the freedmen’s aid society of the methodist episcopal church, and the presbyterian board of missions for freedmen accounted for the formation of many black colleges and received over $ million in funding from the freedmen’s bureau before (obas; watkins). because tensions in the south were still high after the civil war, the freedmen’s bureau was met with both resistance and violence. in response, the bureau fell back to advocating a more compromised position: to leverage the agricultural expertise of former slaves, while also looking for ways prop up the american economy, an economy that was based in slave labor. their programs sought to impact land acquisition, agricultural enterprise, and education. by underwriting the philanthropy of other organizations, the freedmen’s bureau played a significant role in the creation of hbcus such as howard, hampton, atlanta, and fisk. from june through august , more than $ million in bureau funds were spent on black schools, contributing to educational opportunities for more than , students (obas ). obas points out that “while on the surface these actions appeared altruistic many missionary organizations held racist views and felt that blacks were scientifically incapable of comprehending and engaging in intellectual discourse” ( ). christian organizations supporting the foundation and construction of institutions spoke interchangeably of opportunities to “christianize” and “civilize” the nation’s blacks. a mantra for many black schools at the time that engaged in industrial education, including hampton, tuskegee, fisk, was that their purpose was to teach “the dignity of labor,” a notion that provides the overarching theme in the latter half of booker t. washington’s autobiography, up with slavery. it was not a philosophy he coined, but one that he adopted from those first white architects of the early hbcus (particularly samuel chapman armstrong, principal of hampton institute); washington was just their most ardent proselytizer. it was the persistent view of african-american intellectual inferiority which led white philanthropists to focus black education on areas of expertise that would build on industries that relied on manual labor. relegating blacks to programs of study that focused on agriculture maintained the position of social “indentureship” that they had in slavery. it also reinforced equality as a social taboo, even in the midst of a shifting socioeconomic order. arguably, american society was most accepting of the education of a multitude of emancipated blacks because the proposed instructional aims of many of the hbcus built during this time reinforced the social norms of racial discrimination. to participate in the new america, african americans would have to follow the old rules (obas; williams; parillo; watkins; allen and jewell). at this time, industrial education was more of a state-sanctioned apparatus for economic recovery than it was a pathway for educational attainment. this perspective is an important one to consider when examining the impact of the second morrill act. the institutions most associated with the origins of the hbcu are the ones that were born out of this legislation. the second morrill act, which congress enacted on august , , “required states with racially segregated public higher education systems to provide a land-grant institution for black students whenever a land-grant institution was established and restricted for white students,” according to the u.s. department of education’s office of civil rights. after the passage of the act, public land-grant institutions specifically for blacks were established in each of the southern and border states. because the morrill act specifically earmarked capital resources for training in agriculture and related fields, the institutions of higher learning that took advantage of the second morrill act had a clear focus on industrial, agricultural, and mechanical fields of study. the problem, as walter allen, joseph jewell, and kenneth redd suggest, is that the allocation of the second morrill act has rarely, if ever, been distributed fairly. a policy brief created by the association of public and land-grant universities’ (aplu) office for access and success explains that under the morrill act of , which created the vast majority of land-grant institutions, and the second morrill act, which established eighteen black land-grant universities, the federal government committed to providing financial support to schools so long as states matched that level of support. most states have not, prompting the aplu to reprimand states for “failing to provide the nation’s , historically black land-grant universities the same level of one-to-one matching dollars they provide other land-grant institutions that receive federal funding” ( ). inherent in the land-grant funding process was an institutional bias that shifted the enforcement of equitable distribution of funds to states—which, given the attitude of most states towards former slaves at the time, was an egregious oversight—and allowed congress, pontius pilate-style, to wash their hands of any responsibility for the racism that may affect the handling of those funds. even so, several private african-american institutions found it hard to resist the impact of the government funding provided through the act and placed their schools under public control to take advantage. however, the black schools that were established as a direct result of the second morrill act—alabama a&m university, alcorn state university, central state university, delaware state university, florida a&m university, fort valley state university, kentucky state university, langston university, lincoln university, north carolina a&t state university, prairie view a&m university, south carolina state university, southern university, tennessee state university, tuskegee university, university of arkansas pine bluff, university of maryland eastern shore, virginia state university, west virginia state university—had an even greater impact on the spread of industrial education. the point here is to highlight this forgotten element of the hbcu industrial narrative which is that during reconstruction, many hbcus that engaged in industrial education were not free to deliver education as they saw fit and had to guard against the state-sanctioned institutional aims and the material resource deficits that were embedded in their creation. in this case, the american public responded well to a narrative of industrial education that limited educational and social economic attainment for african americans while at the same time paving the way for a new order of social interaction reminiscent of slavery, except this time it would be wage slavery. on the other hand, the reality of new schools and new opportunities provided african americans with a narrative of progress that had been longed for and was long overdue. this latter narrative is an important aspect of the ongoing discourse that is germane to hbcus, demonstrating that it is the one that is often acting in passive resistance, akin to musical counterpoint, to the american culture’s dominant discourse of technology. perhaps it is those forgotten elements of the hbcu narrative that have led to a generally negative mainstream perception of hbcus. in the history of the united states, there have been institutions of higher learning for african americans. of those, still exist today. some were subsumed and consolidated into other institutions. some suffered because of financial hardship or administrative failures that proved to be insurmountable. others were victims of the country’s current thrust toward assessment and had been sanctioned into extinction by accreditation bodies. these kinds of stories about hbcus are the ones that most frequently appear in media and often add to the common misperception that hbcus are inferior institutions of higher learning. at the same time, media often fails to account for the effects of segregation on the historical legacy on these schools. hbcus are often accused of being sites of being racially essentialist in regard to its culture and “monolithic” in regard to its student population. yet, this charge seldom acknowledges that hbcus have never barred a student from admittance because of race or creed. as of , almost one fourth of the student body in america’s hbcus is not african american (gasman et al. ). their diversity also extends to the students’ socioeconomic status and its faculty (gasman and commodore ). hbcus are criticized for financial mismanagement, a signal that foreshadows the argument that their lack of resources is a result of their own undoing. however, for years, the federal government, through the rule of law, ensured that hbcus would never receive the same amount of funding as predominately white institutions. in fact, “historically, hbcus have always been underfunded in comparison to their pwi counterparts” ( ). the leadership of hbcus is also under suspicion. gasman finds that hbcu leaders are considered the face of their institutions―a living log. hbcus have found their leadership to be victims of stereotyping. the constructed narrative around hbcu leadership is that it is autocratic, rampant with money management issues, and ill equipped to navigate the spaces of those who create policy. ( ) in a recent op-ed piece for inside higher ed, alvin j. schexnider identifies several reasons for the decline of hbcus in the latter half of the twentieth century, his principle contention being that it was desegregation that first “devastated” the stability of the hbcu, and there is corroborating evidence to support this view. the thurgood marshall college fund reports that only percent of african-american high school graduates choose to attend hbcus, compared with percent during the civil rights movement. they also predict that the number of hbcus in the u.s. will drastically fall from to about by the year . schexnider does offer several solutions for hbcus to regain traction and thrive in the twenty-first century: importantly, commitments to creating new business models, fashioning strategic partnerships around a new vision for the institutions, a renewed spirit of communication and shared governance among its shareholders, and hiring fresh talent in administrative and other high-return positions. but he lists these worthwhile pursuits as a kind of to-do list for stability and offers no examples of the many hbcus that do this kind of necessary work and have had sustained success. these kinds of narratives have damaged the credibility of hbcus and the education they provide. these narratives are familiar to the cursory knowledge of hbcus possessed by most americans, but there are other stories, too. some hbcus were victims of the social and political climates of their day, while others could not stand against the tides of violence that threatened the very existence of its stakeholders. and still, some thrived and thrive still. thomas garner and carolyn calloway-thomas suggest that “an innovative rhetorical posture develops when african americans are elevated as subject (foreground) or represented as main characters in the dramas of cultural life rather than relegated to the status of the other (background) or supporting actor”( ). as a result, african-american rhetors can pinpoint black rhetorical perspectives within overarching social and cultural spheres without having to justify a black presence or overall relevance. quinton stroud presents the concept of counterstory as a means of combating negative and racist narratives that are often propagated by the media. the counterstory, stroud explains, is a means to “build community, challenge perceived wisdom, open new realities for those often found voiceless in dominant discourse, and teach others the possibility of creating a richer, more complex narrative than the ones that dominate the dialogue surrounding hbcus” ( ). counterstory effectively combats anti-hbcu media bias by combining contemporary understanding with data-driven evidence and personal/professional experience. stroud examines the media responses of three hbcu presidents, dr. walter kimbrough, dr. larry robinson, and michael j. sorrell, in order to demonstrate how hbcu leaders can be instrumental in using counterstory to combat complacency, challenge dominant discourse, and further the struggle for reform.” stroud concludes that the power of counterstory does not rest in its utility as a reactionary defense. rather, its true power resides in its capacity to create “edifying” narratives and discourses to convey the history, legacy, reality, and potential of hbcus. the goal, as stroud sees it, is for hbcus to build their stories, not from the individual exigence of their own institutions, but from the fabric that overlays the collective experience of hbcus across the country. counternarratives, in this fashion, are a necessary tool in creating a corrective narrative framework to examine and discuss hbcus. this kind of counternarrative exists within the sphere of confluence with hbcu and technology. though hbcus received percent of black high school graduates in , they still award percent of all degrees received by black americans. by , that number had risen to percent. part of that increase is due to hbcus’ investment in science and technology education. in the last twenty years, hbcus have been stellar in the fields of stem. in fact, the one area that has seen incredible growth, development, and success has been in the area of stem education. even though our nation’s hbcus make up just percent of colleges and universities, they produce percent of african- american students with bachelor’s degrees in stem fields. xavier university, an hbcu, awards more undergraduate degrees in the biological and physical sciences to african-american students than any other university in the nation. a recent report from the national science foundation revealed that twenty-one of the top fifty institutions for educating african-american graduates who go on to receive their doctorates in science and engineering are hbcus. hbcus have implemented proven practices to assist students in stem fields to obtain rich professional experiences, research opportunities, and mentorships; navigate through courses and financial challenges; and drive students to postbaccalaureate success. stem in hbcus have provided a powerful counternarrative to the often dire broadcasts and predictions of the present and future of hbcus. this chapter is an exploration of narratives and counternarratives within african-american technological discourse. in chapter , i argue that there is a nuanced (though often ignored) tradition of debate, engagement, and application of technology within the african-american tradition. although the contributions of african-american inventors, scientists, and technologists have traditionally dominated the technological discourse of race and technology in the public sphere, the excavation of lost histories in the african-american technological tradition and contemporary intersections of race and technology have grown significantly. this chapter outlines threads of scholarship around this intersection of african americans, technology, and educational space that are specifically relevant to an investigation of technological discourse in hbcus. i suggest that adam banks’s taxonomy of technological access and his emphasis on an african-american rhetoric of design from his book, race, rhetoric and technology: searching for higher ground, is especially useful in examining the relationships between hbcus and the rich legacy of technology within the african-american experience. is it for us?: what troubling questions about technology reveal to us many years ago, i was in an office-supply store to pick up a few items for a course i was teaching that night. while at the checkout, i happened to see one of my former writing center colleagues and a fellow hbcu graduate, whom i had not seen in years. to the ire of the people in line with us, we excitedly began catching up, talking about our families, old friends, and most of all, our graduate studies. she was just about to begin her second semester of graduate work and i was beginning my own research into the various manifestations of technology in african-american literature. as i recounted my discoveries of some of the more interesting places where technology intersects with african-american literature and lore i had found and began to sort through some of the (what i thought were) the most intriguing avenues for possible research, my friend interrupted me in midsentence and plainly asked, “so, is it for us?” my colleague was not asking this question because she thought, as a black woman, she was restricted in her ability to use any form of technology she deemed useful or prudent to her activity or happiness. any casual observer can see that today there are fewer barriers of access to the use of personal technologies than ever before. everyone has a smartphone. personal computers and netbooks can be bought at a fraction of the cost of even five years ago, making them affordable across socioeconomic lines. however, my colleague’s question brought attention to an aspect of technology’s role in the african-american experience that was more than personal. she did not ask, “is it for me?” she asked, “is it for us?”, firmly making an inquiry that was not about the personal and individualistic. this was not a question driven by individual agency; the individual agency of the end user was never in question then, nor is it in question now. this was an inquiry that has more to do with systems, institutions, policies, and widespread beliefs and practices than singular instances of technoconsumerism. she was drawing attention to a checkered past, and her question, for me, offered a glimpse into the ways black people have internalized the historical tension between blacks and technology. even as the american public often imagines emerging technologies as wells of limitless potential, the hard truth is that in the battle for equality against racism, color consciousness, socioeconomic disparity and eurocentric hegemony, the technologies that have been erected through these impulses retain traces of their regime’s genius and intentions, exacting sometimes striking, sometimes terrifying penalties for transgressions against its code, its binaries. at the beginning of the twenty-first century, many subscribed to the myth that, as we moved further into the digital/information age, america would become increasingly more color-blind. technology would lead the charge into a postracial america. and yet, in many ways the opposite has happened. america is as divided along its racist fault lines as it ever has been, if not more so. why? it is true that technology is one means of erasing the visible markers of racism, but that is what makes it so potentially dangerous; it keeps intact its subtlety. it keeps intact the discrimination, the underlying prejudice. though it becomes limited in its visibility, it is not limited in its visuality, its ability to conjure racial epigraphs and images because it operates indirectly. it keeps intact the sideway looks, the silent glances. the little deaths. it has the ability to center within its confines the tugs and pulls that keep racism alive. and those are the mechanisms that keep institutionalized racism in play. grappling with this kind of race-tinged public discourse of science and technology can lead to very real, very uncomfortable encounters with the overt kind of prejudice and discrimination that used to be considered out of time and out of place today. an instance of this was prompted by an incident that happened in my third year of graduate school. i was working as a teacher’s assistant and, while talking about student papers with two of my fellow tas, one of them goes into a story about a friend who was teaching mathematics in an inner-city high school. he goes on to say that his friend, a math teacher, had a student, an african american, in his class who was doing horribly. when he talked to the child’s mother, she flat out said that she did not want her child to learn math. shocked, the ta’s friend asked why. the mother allegedly responded that she “didn’t want her child learning the white man’s magic.” now it was my turn to be shocked. the comment turned my stomach into a knot and provoked quite a bit of ire in my response, not so much because this colleague had repeated what he had heard, but because of the eagerness with which he retold his tale. my white colleague seemed to easily and readily accept two premises that disturbed me. first, that there is a prevailing sense in the lower-income portion of the black community that looks at mathematics, and to a larger degree, the applied sciences and technology, as the sole inheritance of white (mostly male) people, a “white magic” under the proprietary and mysterious function and whims of white people. this proclamation of mathematics and magic juxtaposes two subtly familiar―yet often inaccurate and misleading―racial paradigms for understanding the known and unknown world. it creates/reinforces a divide between the presumption of scientific discovery and inquiry as the foundation of western thought and civilized society and the african diaspora’s (at least america’s) unwavering rejection of technological innovation and exploration. the known world is translated in terms of the primitive, while the unknown or unexplored world is considered the realm of the “supernatural” (the mother’s alleged rejection of the teacher’s attempts to teach her child algebra and her subsequent description of higher-level math as “white magic”). secondly, that as a member of the black intelligentsia, the token “making good” of his opportunities, and a former statistic who “beat the odds,” i would cosign my colleague’s amazement and disdain for that mother’s lack of hunger for a good education for her child, and i would lament with him about the state of urban black america without questioning the source, intent, language, and implicit meanings in what my colleague said he heard and what he repeated to me. though i admit that it is possible that my colleague was relating to me what his colleague had experienced verbatim, in my experience working with local junior high and high school students within the public school system, i encountered parents with fears for their children; distrust of administrative and school district policies and procedures; frustration with lack of communication between teachers and students; guilt and self- loathing over lacking the requisite skills, knowledge, practice, and time to better assist their children’s education―yet still full of the desire that their children should have every educational advantage possible―i find the conversation to be unlikely. what is more likely is that i found myself in a rhetorical situation that embodied some of the racial fantasy and myth that underscores many of the assumptions concerning african- american attitudes towards technology. to categorize african americans as technophobic or spectacularly unsophisticated when it comes to new technologies are gross generalizations, and i certainly do not want to imply that either are true; however, both of these racialized notions are undercurrents of the two aforementioned conversations and harken back to earliest days of higher education for blacks in america. at the heart of both of these anecdotes is a pressing counterweight to conceiving technology as totally accessible to the african-american agents in question: fear. the fear of what human beings could become as a result of all-encompassing conquering technology is lived out in the historical conundrum that is american slavery. henry louis gates argues that as early as , in the life and body of the african slave, “literacy was both a technology and a commodity” ( ). it was a commodity in that it was the currency by which a slave’s intellect (and thus, humanity) could be weighed and measured. it was also the standard by which a slave could engineer his or her own freedom. according to gates, literacy, in this case formal writing, was a technology that not only served as a system of communication, but as a gatekeeper or gauge for humanity as “europeans sought to measure the ‘sublimity’ of the africans by their progress in the so-called arts and sciences” ( ). gates goes on to show that the provenance of formal writing could raise an african to a status akin to personhood, but also reveals the careful manufacturing of a mythos that sought to deny the arts, writing, and letters (again, the technology, measures, and currency of uplift) from the histories and narratives of african people. some, such as gillian mciver, argue that the first border crossing of technology and man occurs in the body of the slave. the slaves . . . were treated not so much as animals but as man-machines, semi- human but undeserving of human status [which] engendered a fear and anxiety in colonial-antebellum society that is mirrored in the unease and anxiety toward the cyborg man-machine in th century culture. (“framing the th century”) these considerations suggest that the history of technology and the african-american experience is interwoven with the presence/absence of embodiment, even in its earliest years. this apparent amalgamation of man and machine feels like a modern phenomenon, but it is not. it is one that has early roots in african-american slaves, whose cultural value in america was directly tied to their ability to work and work more efficiently, without any consideration for their humanity. one need only to look to the myth of john henry to get a glimpse of the fundamental and profound distrust for the returns of technological progress. the reconstruction era, coupled with westward expansion and industrialization, marks the appearance of the john henry myth, a steel-driving slave who lost his life racing against the steam-engine locomotive that would replace his labor and identity. it is the early twentieth-century recapitulation of john henry and casey jones. both masters of the railroad, but one toils from the outside of the seat of power, hammer in his hand, proving, striving, testing his mettle, punishing his psyche, seeking to affirm his identity until it kills him. all the while, the other rides the rails into infamy, self-assured in controlling both the machinations of progress and its direction. it is true that the place of african americans within the discourse of technology in america (and the discourse of writing, for that matter) at times expresses a tension between possessing fully human identity and the traditionally much-lower status as a social construct. yet, we cannot divorce the discourse of technology around african americans from the legacy of violence, racism, bodily harm, and bodily coercion. to discuss the role of technology in the lives of african americans without acknowledging the legacy of violent intersection between technologies and the african-american experience is one dimensional and shortsighted. that violence, whether it be physical, emotional, or rhetorical, is often embodied and carries with it a hint of visceral consequence that can be seen throughout the african- american tradition. there has been a line of cautious investigation that is almost sporadic, ephemeral in the way it haunts and probes the linkages of technology to the very beginning of the african-american experience and the traditions of african- american literary criticism and theory. they are the questions that beg for answers. in many ways, these momentary explorations can seem almost like offhand remarks in otherwise significant works. these incidences, taken separately, do not possess a singular argument for the role of technology within the african-american experience, but together they uncover underlying truths that have often been ignored. the intersections of embodiment and technology continue to make strange appearances in the lore, letters, and literature of the african-american experience. after slavery, the periods of reconstruction and industrialization mark the appearance of the john henry myth that would replace his labor and identity. the black body becomes a site of medical and anthropological investigation at the turn of the century, which becomes commentary for w. e. b. du bois’s essays and fiction, walter white’s fire in the flint, and various physicians in early twentieth-century medical journals. in the harlem renaissance, george schuyler satirizes some of the issues and aspirations of the “new negro” through the guise of technology in black no more. a decade later, the focus turns to the effects technology has on the african american in the urban environment. ellison’s nameless protagonist in invisible man laments in confusion as he is encased in a technologically sound medical examination tomb. at one point, when asked his mother’s name, he begins to wonder if the machine is his mother, a move that technically undercuts the protagonist’s humanity even further. a similar process befalls the steel-working brothers at the heart of william attaway’s blood on the forge. during the civil rights movement of the s and early- to mid- s, television brought into unsuspecting homes the images, sounds, and sound bites of social inequality. television was the medium that delivered reality and persuasiveness to the prophetic rhetoric―what bradford t. stull would call the brilliant “emancipatory composition”―of martin luther king, jr. and malcolm x (who some credit with the first sound bite). during the rise of black power and the black arts movements, the advent of war technology issues in an era where technology becomes a tool for revolution in the midst of racial unrest, as evidenced by the poetry and drama of amiri baraka, haki madhubuti, sonia sanchez, and the satire of ishmael scott reed. the “newly discovered” afrofuturism present in black science fiction and speculative fiction highlights writers such as octavia e. butler, samuel ray delany, jr., nalo hopkinson, and steven barnes, who imagine a technology steeped in the afrocentric tradition without the interpolation of eurocentric hegemony or as something that could possibly transcend traditional boundaries of race altogether. still other emerging writers, such as colson whitehead and reginald mcknight, critically engage notions of technology in their fiction and use them as a backdrop to ask introspective questions about what it means to be african american in today’s information and digital age. these writers/scholars expose a tension between african americans possessing a fully human identity and the role technology plays in constraining those basic aspirations and consigning them to the much-lower status as a social construct. they are important to note, not only because they chart the traces of technological discourse throughout familiar places within the african-american tradition, but also because of their impact on black life. the black community does not hold them in high esteem simply because of their scholarly pursuits. they are our warriors, our standard-bearers. our philosopher kings and queens. they and their writing embody the strength and the struggle of the african-american experience and, as such, are exemplars within the african-american rhetorical tradition. hbcus, as well as other institutions of learning in the black community, use them as foundations for their intellectual strivings and epistemology of social justice and racial equality. so when their voices speak of the spectre of technology, it is worth paying attention. investigations into african-american culture and technology there are three main lines of investigation in the study of african-american culture and technology that impact this study of technological discourse in and around hbcus. they are: ) the contributions of black scientists, technologists, and inventors; ) lost or forgotten histories that catalogue african-american interactions within a framework of technological culture; and ) intersections of race and technology that resonate within the twenty-first century african-american experience. it is no secret that african americans have had to write and fight their way to being recognized as important players in the american discourses of history. however, part of that reclamation positions black people not as beasts of burden, but as creators, interpreters, and challengers of american culture, ideology, and institutional networks. in response, the first line of investigation into the complex relationships of african americans and technology―exploring the contributions and achievements of african- american inventors and scientists―is the most popular in the public sphere. these contributions are often the first pieces of evidence that we offer to the black community of the black presence within the narrative of american technology. works like robert hayden’s african-american scientists and raymond webster’s firsts in science and technology are characteristic of these worthwhile, but often cursory, explorations into the african americans whose individual technical brilliance is ignored. this line of investigation does present some complications, however. the idea of purging our national conscience, national history, and national presence of the observable black presence is nothing new or unique in america or anywhere else. however, selectively isolating individual technologies/technologists as hallmarks of an essentialistic african-american expression of technology is a problematic approach, precisely because its isolation removes it from a more fruitful narrative of the collective role african americans have played during the drumbeat of technological progress in america. it is an issue that is made apparent in black communities every february during black history month, when well-meaning teachers, parents, and community activists post their “black history facts” on billboards and posters; what used to be part of a series of chain e-mails have now taken on a new life as social media posts featuring short videos or memes. one such message that has been traveling around black america in cycles that speak to this idea with regard to technology is entitled “a world without blacks.” in its most recent incarnation as a social media video, it points to the imaginative and inventive role african americans have had in the creation of these “yet-to-be” united states. the video starts just as the chain e-mail had fifteen years ago: it begins with the premise that a group of white americans―tired of the shiftlessness, lasciviousness, and utter futility of the black race―come together and, through sheer will and thought, “wishes” african americans away. the power of the collective mind of this group erases the presence and contributions of blacks from america’s past, present, and future. this incarnation of genocidal fantasy is almost quaint in its violence (as most fairytales are). the innovations lost in a world without blacks—no stoplights (garrett morgan), no elevators (alexander miles), no widespread agriculture (george washington carver), no automatic gear shift (richard spikes), no lamps (lewis latimer), no air conditioners (frederick mckinley jones)—throw the world in the video into chaos, yet in reality they constitute a figurative drop in the pan of american ingenuity. the black history ties are supposed to bind our contributions to a much larger legacy of american inventiveness. the e-mail works as an announcement and reclamation that we, too, sing america through the careful, artful manipulation of gear clicks, lever pulls, and combustible engine bangs. this has less to do with creative capacity and more do with cultural expectations of progress. the african-american inventions and inventors noted here have not only shaped america with their dignified labor, but have also fashioned new ways for us to experience the world. as a signature to some of these forwarded e-mails, there is often a quote attributed to martin luther king, jr. that states, “by the time we leave for work, americans have depended on the inventions from the minds of blacks,” and that “black history includes more than just slavery, frederick douglass, martin luther king, jr., malcolm x, marcus garvey, and w. e. b. du bois.” the e-mails reveal an oft-assumed and subtly presented notion that, though blacks have always demonstrated the necessity and capacity for invention, the full agency of utilization lives most vigorously in the white mind. what is interesting to me is that there are entire websites dedicated to debunking the “myth” of these inventions being products of african-american ingenuity. what these sites are conspiring to do is control the possible associative identities of black netizens by debunking the possibility of a history of invention beyond creative linguistic moves. rayvon fouché argues that much of the discussion of black inventors is predicated on the myth of the black inventor that fits within the bifurcated framework americans have built to discuss and historicize the african-american experience. that, first and foremost, their mere existence makes them “race-champions” or “technoheroes.” their feats of ingenuity allow them to project a positive image, embody intellectual equality (and sometimes superiority) to the white man, achieve eventual accolades for critical achievements―even when financial success was denied or unobtainable. many black inventors did not see their scientific work as exercises of racial uplift or see themselves as part of the upper echelon of african americans pushing for racial progress. in fact, fouché finds that several of the most notable african-american scientists actively worked against being characterized as african american, preferring to allow their work to speak for them. all patents or inventions by blacks did not constitute an artifact that was “first” of its kind, nor did patents equal financial success. and finally, all black inventors dealt with racial oppression differently and on their own individual terms ( - ). unfortunately, as fouché points out, [t]his evolution in the representation of black inventors has produced conveniently packaged mythical heroes for public consumption . . . as a result, the realities of their lives―their achievements, accomplishments, and failures―are twisted and stretched to no longer correlate to their actual existences. ( ). in response, several scholars have conducted engaging, in depth explorations and profiles of african-american inventors, scientists, and technologists. fouché’s black inventors in the age of segregation, patricia carter sluby’s the inventive spirit of african americans: patented ingenuity, and portia p. james’s the real mccoy: african- american invention and innovation, - all make worthwhile contributions to this endeavor. fouché confirms this approach. he notes: by probing the connections between african americans and technology, we can understand a great deal about the ways in which african americans have negotiated an adversarial american society that has been strongly influenced by the ideological agendas mediated through technology. by looking more closely at the relationships between communities of black people and technology, we can observe how technology can subjugate african americans. but at the same time, we can identify how african americans consume and use technology and produce meanings for technological artifacts, practices, and knowledge that regularly subvert the constructed meanings of these technological products. it is in this counterhegemonic way that the relationships between african americans and technology are sites where african americans have gathered resources during their struggle for racial equality in past centuries. ( ) the second line of investigation has been the excavation of encounters of african- american society and culture with technological progress and niche technologies themselves. these accounts have provided rich narratives that reveal a depth and complexity to the historical relationship between technology and the african-american community. bruce sinclair observes that most scholarship on the history of race ignores the presence and impact of technology they have had on racial prejudice and discrimination in america. at the same time, scholarship that investigates the history of science, technology, and innovation present histories that are “utterly innocent” of race, giving scant attention to the ways in which the realities, complexities, and even the perilousness of racism has affected american perceptions and usage of technology ( ). in recent years, there has been an interdisciplinary push to uncover what i am calling “lost histories,” which foreground the historical, cultural, and ontological relationship intersections of race and technology. these lost histories often take what was once considered aberrations in the research findings, or tangential matters in the midst of larger academic concerns, and works to produce a counternarrative that begins with the perception that race and technology are inextricably bound together. ron eglash broke new ground with his “african influences in cybernetics” and his interdisciplinary study of fractals in african craftwork, architecture, weaving, and engineering structures, positing that the structures were not incidental, but were the product of community legacies and intentional structural practices. eglash’s study prompted the search for other connections between race, the african-american experience, and technology. sinclair’s technology and the african-american experience: needs and opportunities for study and carroll pursell’s a hammer in their hands: a documentary history of technology and the african-american experience are important collections that archive important moments of racial and technological intersection throughout american history and culture. david mcbride’s missions for science: u.s. technology and medicine in america’s african world, clarence g. williams’s, technology and the dream: reflections on the black experience at mit, - , and venus green’s race on the line: gender, labor, & technology in the bell system, - examine the impact of race in technological spaces of innovation that have global implications. histories of this kind have made their way into the general public’s consciousness through works like hidden figures: the american dream and the untold story of the black women mathematicians who helped win the space race by margot lee shetterly and the immortal life of henrietta lacks by rebecca skloot, which interrogates the role of black women’s subjectivity and their role in technological innovation as the producers of that technology in concrete and visceral ways. unfortunately, this heightened attention to these lost histories of technology within the african-american experience has not extended much to the study of hbcus. though this is a gap in the literature that this project seeks to explore, there is some notable research that has addressed the historical connection between race, technology, and hbcus. nina e. lerman’s work provides perhaps the strongest example and the one most relevant to this project. she examines how ideologies of technology and race shaped the industrial education models of the earliest institutions of higher learning for african americans, arguing that: [w]e have tended to easily to view industrial education as a monolithic and standardized educational alternative to what might be called the black college model, treating it as an unexamined ‘other,’ a foil rather than a phenomena in need of exploration. ( ). lee a. craig’s study of black educational attainment and the second morrill act of , as well as other researchers, focus primarily on the development of industrial education in hbcus as a social necessity carried out in various early black institutions, including cheyney university, tuskegee university, and hampton university, and chose not to examine the rise of industrial education through the lens of the scientific, technological, or racial discourse. arguably the most useful investigations for this project have been those that explore the intersection of race and technology by examining cultural communities. some of these works are broad explorations of american national identity, like the works of leo marx, (the machine in the garden), david e. nye (electrifying america, american technological sublime), which offer a lens to begin contextualizing the african- american experience of technology. cultural histories, like sarah e. chinn’s technology and the logic of american racism: a cultural history of the body as evidence and john t. barber and alice a. tait’s the information society and the black community, argue for more nuanced portraits of race and the digital age. other collections, such as lisa nakamura and peter chow-white’s race after the internet and thuy linh n. and alondra nelson’s technicolor: race, technology, and everyday life examine the shifting attitudes of technology in consumer and material culture and how myths of “racelessness” in cyberspace and american culture have fractured. the approach of exploring the presence of race, particularly african americans, within subcultures of american technology have extended to studies of particular institutions, which is evident in cecilia a. conrad’s building skills for black workers: preparing for the future labor market, john t. barber’s the black digital elite: african american leaders of the information revolution, and catherine squires’s african americans and the media. theoretical foundations that are important to acknowledge in my exploration of technology, such as louis althusser’s theory of the ideological state apparatus and pierre bourdieu’s theory of fields, along with works that build a theoretical frame for understanding the politics of the “other,” like frantz fanon’s black skin, white masks, paolo freire’s pedagogy of the oppressed, and the aforementioned spivak’s “can the subaltern speak?” serve as reference points for these intersections. equally important to african-american discourse communities that are actively engaging issues of technology and agency is the field of composition and rhetoric. composition studies that determine how technology informs different discourse communities are invaluable. most importantly, composition gives me a critical approach to observe african-american writers immersed in different rhetorical practices and traditions interacting with technology on very personal levels. it gives me means of interpreting how to negotiate and mediate technology as tools (to write or progress), symbols (of status or access), and subject (what they think). cynthia l. selfe’s work, technology and literacy in the twenty-first century: the importance of paying attention, offers critical paradigms for examining the uses of technology in the fields of composition and literacy learning and gives some timely insight into the effect computer-based technology has on student writers, particularly african-american students. there are works in cyberspace studies, composition studies, and computer literacy that also explore the myth of objectivity often associated with technology, such as lisa nakamura’s keeping it ‘virtually’ real, donna j. haraway’s simians, cyborgs, and women: the reinvention of nature, and sherry turkle’s the second self: computers and the human spirit, respectively. the works of geneva smitherman, keith gilyard, along with beverly moss’s ethnography and composition and elaine richardson’s african american literacies help me situate each rhetorical community within its proper context. these texts provide me with critical paradigms for examining the uses of technology in the fields of composition and literacy learning and gives some timely insight into the effect computer-based technology has on student writers, particularly african-american students. some of the most fruitful and innovative work has been geared towards exploring the intersections between music, race, and technology. in swinging the machine: modernity, technology and african american culture between the world wars, joel dinerstein describes the period between the world wars as the “machine age” and that it was paced by the african-american rhythms and syncopations of jazz and the blues aesthetic. he identifies these musical expressions as “survival technology” in african- american culture. these innovations in black music are at the heart of alexander weheliye’s call for new narratives in black culture and technology. numerous scholars contribute to the body of literature that connects hip-hop and hip-hop culture to black cultural practice, the rhetorical tradition, and technological innovation. weheliye notes that popular music has been a domain where african- american culture in particular has been the site of numerous technological innovations and the dissolution of stereotypes between black culture and the role of technological expertise within it. but even that begrudging acknowledgement by some can seem condescending when accompanied with a certain prejudicial, racial logic that says that it would only be natural for those of african descent to make their seemingly few technological contributions in the field of music. though music has been one of the few sanctioned areas where african americans have been allowed the freedom to develop our own creative expressionism and carve out distinct technological spaces and uses, it is by no means the only technological space we have carved out of american culture. as weheliye surmises: as a result, both the long history of technological innovations in black popular music and the global spread of hip-hop show that black culture and technology are not always at odds but can fruitfully enhance each other. rather than replaying that all too well-known track―the “digital divide”―we might do well to find a new groove, which will enable the emergence of different narratives about the intermingling of technology and black culture. ( ) this is especially the case with hip-hop culture. yusuf nuruddin offers that hip-hop, because of its linkages to the ethos of black power and the black aesthetic movement, can act as an intergenerational bridge for students, alumni, faculty, and administrators of hbcus. tracy hall and barbara martin demonstrate that hip-hop is a “culturally relevant pedagogy” and can be a useful tool in improving student engagement and retention ( ). emery petchauer, carmen kynard, and adam j. banks present sampling practices and djing as practices that embody the principles and aesthetics of the african-american rhetorical tradition on college campuses. banks, in particular, is interesting because in his work, digital griots: african american rhetoric in a multimedia age, he reveals how the dj functions as technological innovator and rhetorical practitioner and how the remix, a staple of hip-hop music and culture, functions as a site of affirmation, reclamation, and transformation. as lisa corrigan observes, “like alondra nelson, alexander g. weheliye, and others, banks argues that as digital griots, djs project an afrofuture where they imagine future spaces populated by black people pursuing passionate, positive rhetorical projects” ( ). like dinerstein, banks sees the digital/lyrical mash up of the remix as a “survival technology,” one that is rhetorical in its operations. there has been a thread of scholarship that has explored how the music of the african-american experience demonstrates the multifaceted interplays of this kind of black technology. the layers of tensions of historicity, legacy, and subterfuge; the dynamic interplays of undeniable ingenuity and expressions of black identity; and the music that stems from black life is that patchwork quilt, that tapestry, but it is also that which lies underneath. my grandmother, my mother’s mother, big mama, we called her, stitched quilts by hand. she made those quilts from scraps of fabric she bought and she borrowed; some scraps were given to her and others she repurposed from the tattered edges of the family’s clothes, even the curtains. in her lifetime, big mama had one man, one husband, nine children, and sixty-nine grandchildren and all of us have a quilt made by that woman’s hands. i received my quilt when i was about two years old and i still have (and use) my quilt to this day. and i love my quilt. now, i do not know the story of my quilt: where its patches come from, which ones were bought, which ones were from big daddy’s favorite pair of overalls, which ones were from the curtains that hung in the room my mother shared with her four sisters, or which squares were from something big mama had made before. i just know that it was made by her hands, for me. and in the nighttime, i would pull it over me, tamp down the edge of the quilt under a pillow, lock out the cold and the noise and the oxygen and would hear myself breathe―slowly, heavily―that rarefied air in big mama’s quilted cocoon, and i would imagine myself being whatever i wanted to be. i loved the quilt because it was warm, and big mama made it, and made it for me. but i also loved it for the atmosphere of experience that it allowed me to have under its worn and colorful patches at night. it is this atmosphere of experience, that warm inviting space, that provides the kind of furtive environment that is at the heart of this study. with that said, though this dissertation does not focus on how black musical expression like polytonal drums, jazz, djing or rapping functions as a kind of black technology, it does constantly acknowledge its presence and influence in creating the atmosphere of experience that allows institutions and its stakeholders to wrestle with the technology question in terms that are increasingly their own. adam banks’s taxonomy of access and rhetoric of design i believe that here it is important to turn back to adam banks because it is his earlier work that deepens an investigation into the agency of african americans when it comes to technology. the issue that arises consistently in the scholarship that studies these intersections of race and technology is not rooted so much in progress as it is in access. banks problematizes this concept of access and develops a rhetorical lens that not only examines the african-american experience from the standpoint of technology, but it also broadens the scope of what technology means. with that said, i would like to take a moment and discuss what i consider to be the banks’s most intriguing and useful ideas. banks’s taxonomy of access and theoretical framework for understanding discourses of race and technology from a rhetorical perspective are critical to better understanding the role of technology within the institutional legacy of hbcus. banks points out that technological systems in america are embedded with and infected by an “exploitive impulse,” a tendency that has its roots in the racist underpinnings of america’s history and its present. this reality exists in tension with the driving narrative of possibility and unfettered access that often accompanies technological gain in america. for banks, the african-american rhetorical traditions— the traditions of struggle for justice and equitable participation in american society— exhibit complex and nuanced ways of understanding the difficulties inherent in the attempt to navigate through the seemingly impossible contradictions . . . ” (xi). banks questions the tendency to essentialize issues of technology as either/or propositions of . . . whether technological advancement and dependence leads to utopia or dystopia, whether technologies overdetermine or have minimal effects on a society’s development, or whether people (especially those who have been systemically excluded from both the society and its technologies) should embrace or avoid those technologies. ( ). instead, he counters, it is the african-american rhetorical tradition that best reflects groups of people who consistently refused to settle for the limiting parameters set by either/or binaries. he suggests that african americans have always looked for a “third way,” a means of situating african-american uses of and purposes for technology that are distinct from strictly western appropriations and understandings of technology and unencumbered by racist assumptions inherent in those understandings. banks uses the concept of “the one”—a founding philosophical and musical principal exposed by the funk masters of parliament/funckadelic in the s—as a metaphor for the purposeful occasions of unity within the african-american rhetorical tradition among the cacophonous voices and methodologies that have added to that tradition. banks sets up his exploration of rhetorical practices much like houston baker describes in his examination of the “blues matrix.” both studies intrinsically follow a “rhetoric of design” rooted in both african and african-american communicative and social interactions, and both have a similar trajectory: baker’s blues matrix seeks out the almost transcendental liberation from hardship and emotional pain cataloged in blues music, literature, and speakeasies; the “higher ground” banks searches for is the record of transformative unity sought after by scores of african americans looking for equality, opportunity, and, above all else, access. in chapter , entitled “defining access,” banks conceptualizes technology as both a means to an end and human activity. he opens up this definition by applying more nuanced categories to the technological issue that centers the digital divide, that of technological access. banks’s taxonomy for understanding technological access in race, rhetoric, and technology is one that not only expands the definition of technology, but also serves as a valuable lens to observe moments in african-american rhetorical history. banks divides technological access into five categories: material access, functional access, experiential access, critical access, and transformative access. material access refers to the proximity to, ownership of, and ability to use the most relevant communication and creative technologies available for community and individual benefit. banks maintains that the conditions for material access are hugely affected by the economic disparities in our society. and yet, even the fundamental reworking of wealth and digital equity advocated by those within the discourse of the digital divide does not fully address the complexity of the inequalities centered on technology or the new directions where the conversation must go. though material access dominates discussions about technology access, banks rightly indicates that the way we approach issues of technology in the public sphere―like the digital divide, for example―are rhetorical problems as well as material issues because “technology issues have always functioned as a metaphor for imagining collective black futures” ( ). ultimately, arguments for material access dominate public and political discourse, but often fail to address the deeper, systemic concerns that are a part of america’s technological identity. functional access pertains to the knowledge and skills necessary to use technologies, tools, and systems effectively. it is the faculty of knowing how to best use those artifacts that constitute material access to reach desired benchmarks and goals. however, banks cautions that “just like functional literacy, it is insufficient for economic or political power or for many kinds of participation in the nation’s social or cultural structures” ( ). this alludes to the idea of various degrees of functional access as a measurement of utility and benefit: functional access maybe the ability to work with technologies without full awareness of the implications and without a developed sense of agency, but it may also be the activity of working to achieve that agency. experiential access recognizes that people must actually use the technology in ways that are both relevant and holistic in their lives. banks emphasizes that experiential access also includes the “involvement in spaces where technologies are created, designed, and planned and where policies and regulations are written” ( ). this leads to another aspect of this that banks delves into in much greater detail later: an understanding of the undergirding utility of design. in his chapter entitled, “through this hell into freedom: black architects, slave quilts and an african american rhetoric of design,” banks uses african-american slave quilters as an example of a “rhetoric of design” that is more than just a visual aesthetic, but one that sees a . . . set of principles for design taken from the work of people who used their work to aid some sense of collective struggle, a kind of heuristic that can be applied to design processes regardless of the different aesthetic choices one might make. ( ). although this way of thinking about design and its future applications may fit better within some of banks’s other classifications of access, i wanted to point out an important connection banks makes between a technological artifact use and its usefulness; what a thing is designed to do and what it is designed for are both components of its function. critical access is the ability to understand, critique, augment, and “resist or avoid” technology or technological discourse in response to one’s position as an agent. it is the capacity to weigh the benefits and consequences of utilizing a technology and having the authority to act on that decision. it is here, most often, where the rubber meets the road, so to speak, and paths to access are massaged, manipulated, or broken down entirely. those who engage in critical access have an understanding of how systems of technologies work within larger sociopolitical agendas. they also understand how language structured around those agendas and technologies affect their constituencies. when it comes to their own agency, critical access requires practitioners to strike a balance between strategic, pedagogical, and budgetary goals during implementation of new technological innovations. to illustrate further, banks produces a wonderful analogy to supermarket discount cards: supermarket savings cards provide a more relevant—and seemingly ubiquitous—technological example. these cards, offered by large supermarket chains, are used to track consumer purchases. these chains then use, sell, and trade the information with many other corporations in order to create demographic profile of communities and make decisions on whether to expand or withhold products and services to them, just as credit card companies and other corporations do...african americans and many other groups of people face important decisions about whether or not they should own or use these cards, and if they do, under what terms. just as operation breadbasket organized consumer education and boycotts in the s to encourage black consumers to withhold their business from companies that did not hire black people, it is past time for african americans to engage in targeted and mass protests and boycotts of supermarkets, science and technology departments in universities, and corporations in the technology sector that fail to recruit, hire, or promote african americans and members of other underrepresented groups while they spend billions of dollars on myriad programs (including the h b visa program) to recruit technical talent from overseas. ( ) in sum, it is during considerations of critical access that many of the cultural, social, and socioeconomic questions are asked. this is also the place where philosophical and ideological battles around technology use come to the fore. when these battles are won, the spoils of the battle should enable occasions for transformative access. transformative access is and has been the goal for those african americans engaged in the technology question. it is also the most difficult form of access to actually achieve. banks describes it as an ultimate objective, one where african-american rhetors not only argue for and work towards “genuine inclusion in technologies and the networks of power that help determine what they become,” but also . . . call attention to the ways that the interfaces of american life, be they public facilities, education, employment, transportation, the legal system, or computer technologies, have always been bound up in contest over language, and have always been rhetorical—about the use of persuasion, in these cases, towards demonstrably tangible goals. (italics mine) ( ) banks illustrates how malcolm x’s speech “ballot or the bullet” and king’s “remaining awake through a great revolution” are compelling examples of how “transformative access can serve as ”the one” around which african americans can engage in a unified, collective struggle, while appreciating the many differences that come together in african-american identity. even as banks expertly makes his case for reexamining technological access, one of the tensions that exist in banks’s work is that this access works primarily as a means of reading technology within the african-american experience and does not emphasize ways to excavate, to build, or to extend technology within the experience. wendy olson points out many noteworthy critiques in race, rhetoric, and technology and sees banks’s work as a significant contribution to fields of african-american rhetoric, literacy studies, and technical communication, but also wishes that banks would have provided more discussion on ways african-american rhetorical strategies can be used to “counter other racist technologies.” asao inoue observes that although race, rhetoric, and technology does show a concern for how institutions can address racism and educational access, and “[w]hile banks doesn’t address this issue directly, he offers theoretical possibilities in [his chapter on soul and pedagogy]; however, he mainly stays at the classroom level, not the institutional one” (kairos). banks “returns to ‘the one’ as a way to understand and critique technological access and transformation, providing a few brief pedagogical suggestions for ‘making access real’ and a ‘technological agenda for african american rhetoric.’” one of the weaknesses of “the one” is that it is an ideological statement, more of a state of being than a means of getting somewhere. the generous theoretical space that banks creates invites us to be critical and expansive, and the notion of access gives us a language for examining the import of technology in a wide array of african-american rhetorical spaces. but in some way there has to be a spark, a catalyst, something to enact the transformative quality that banks seeks at the end of his taxonomy and at the end of race, rhetoric, and technology. there must be some animus to bind the word to its promise of transformation, to give it life. banks’s understanding of access successfully presents technology as a site where, as elaine richardson says of other black literacy practices, african americans “carve out free spaces in oppressive locations such as the classroom, the streets, the airwaves” ( ). however, it only marginally addresses how african-american rhetors, leaders, and freedom strugglers have succeeded―and at times failed—to achieve a level of transformative access. it only scratches the surface of concerned pedagogues like inoue and his students, institution builders like my concerned hbcu colleague and myself, who stand at this juncture looking for answers, wondering, muttering some combination of “what in the hell happened?”, “who’s responsible?”, and “how in god’s name am i going to fix it now?” banks is astutely aware that these considerations, as important as they are, are “barely first steps,” noting that [t]here are many projects that remain for students, teachers and scholars who are interested in the relationships that exist between communication and the technologies that enable us to speak, write and share thoughts with each other, and to eliminating both the digital divide and the lack of important dialogue about it that i’ve called the digital discursive divide. ( ) banks goes on to encourage minority scholars in rhetoric and composition to develop their own frameworks of understanding and carry out their own projects, declaring that “we must insert ourselves, however that has to be done, in dialogues that have begun without us.” banks admonishes us for becoming close minded as we retreat further into the specialization of our disciplines, imploring us to “become interdisciplinary again” so that we can understand the connections between discourses, literacies, and technologies. by investigating the paths towards transformative access in hbcus, i see myself answering this call to connect interdisciplinary research and rhetorical practices in african-american culture. to these ends, banks’s discussion of access works as a point of departure for the pressing issues that hbcus have had to contend with since their inception: how do we construct pedagogy, programs, and institutions that respond to needs of african americans and their larger communities? is affluent in technology usage and the multiplicities of access, and most importantly, builds upon and extends a legacy of transformation for those who enter its midst? how do we use the tools we have? how do we begin in our planning? in our design? how can we measure our success? what steps do we have to take to build environments that encourage and promote “transformative access”? how do we take the next steps alluded to by banks to move from reading rhetorical situations as enactments of transformative access to actively constructing, by hook or by crook, our own liberating spaces that consider the defining technologies of our time and circumstances? these are the questions that haunt many of the texts that have been discussed in this chapter, but exist as a constant source of momentum for the existence and efficacy of hbcus. banks does provide a possible avenue for answering these kinds of questions when he conceptualizes a “rhetoric of design” within the african-american tradition. banks emphasizes the role of black designers who are engaged in the work of “collective struggle” through their rhetorics of design. these rhetoricians not only fit squarely into the african-american rhetorical tradition, but also design into their tools, texts, and spaces the sets of codes―the sign systems―that can help people navigate through the hell of any physical or virtual landscape ( ). when describing the characteristics of such rhetoric, banks is quick to point out that this rhetoric is . . . not public work—at least it should not be entirely public for african- americans. it is not for those who represent the public faces of black struggle, whether they be malcolm, angela davis, al sharpton, david walker, or ida b. wells. those public figures, at least in their public roles of demanding that the codes and in the faces of america and his technologies be changed and made just for all its citizens, cannot be asked to then go right to laws, design the freeways and buildings, plan new urban communities, and transform the computer industry. critique can clearly be transformative, but the actual work of planning and designing transformed spaces and technologies has to be underground work, even when public figures participate in it. ( ) it is a simple point that banks makes, but a critical one. institution building does not happen through the charismatic utterances of black leadership; it is forged in the trenches where the entire strata of stakeholders work together through collaboration and conflict to bring together the vision and praxis that polemics of design are different than that of representation. banks reminds us that “critique alone will not interrupt these practices” of systemic oppression ( ). rhetorical and intellectual analyses are necessary for a proper examination of the ways technological discourse has been used to enslave and marginalize african americans. however, there needs to be attention to the patterns and structures of resistance that black people have created in order to combat this oppression. as banks suggests: in other words, this approach to design would challenge its “practitioners to, like the slave quarters, design the signs and sign systems to lead people to freedom into the artifacts themselves, and like black architects attempted to do, design and build spaces and technologies that take freedom for granted, creating spaces in which black people, once free, can live, work, play, worship, and communicate as free people, no matter how far off a genuine freedom might seem to be. ( ) one feature of an african-american rhetoric of design is that it privileges the work of lay people, black coders, who appropriate, innovate, create, and build in order to combat oppression and achieve a measure of collective freedom. black quilters, for example, who have had their artistic production and craftsmanship marginalized, created intentional artifacts of resistance. jacqueline l. tobin and raymond g. dobard argue that black women systematically designed their quilts with specific patterns of symbols, stitches, designs, and cyphers that helped former slaves navigate the underground railroad ( ). banks remarks that tobin and dobard’s account suggests ways that even the most seemingly innocuous artifacts and the most routine examples of design can help counter highly organized systems of power and help people find “freedom” ( ). banks is astute and just to explore the rhetoric of quilts as black technology here. tobin and dobard present an excellent example of the way african americans have used quilts as an embodied rhetoric that fulfills all of larry neal’s requirements for black art (functional, collective, revolutionary), an african-american rhetoric of design to battle against the forces of oppression from the bottom up. when one understands the notion of an african-american rhetoric of design and then experiences the works of a quilter and visual griot like gwendolyn magee, it opens up an entirely new world of experience. even so, houston baker, in my opinion, is a kindred spirit in theorizing an approach to african-american rhetorics of design. one of the reasons why banks is dead-on about moving away from the materiality of access and moving closer to culturally relevant critiques of an african-american rhetoric of design is because, as houston baker notes in blues, ideology and afro- american literature, “the ‘material’ is shifty ground” ( ). baker recognizes that, in expressing critiques in, say, political economy, where “production as well as ‘modes of production’ must be grasped in terms of the sign” or “as a code existing in a relationship of identity with language,” that which can normally be interpreted symbolically or semiotically can also be seen or defined as text. however, baker also wants to extend his view past text laden semiotics to the lived experiences and “labor conditions of people designated as “the desperate class.” the people, for him, are the word made flesh: they “constitute the vernacular.” it is the lifeblood of their daily existence that reveals, scripts, and utilizes the code. when we think about the meaning of the vernacular, our first thought is of the indigenous language of a people and not the word’s meaning in reference to the human condition, that of “a slave born on his master’s estate” ( - ). that baker is confronted with these thoughts while searching for a distinctive african-american subjectivity and while considering the place of the modes and means of production is no coincidence. the harsh physical trails and conditions of african- american slavery, their materiality, so to speak, and “the rhythms of afro-american blues” began to transform baker’s conceptions of that material state, causing him to see the intermingling of the material and vernacular expression as a kind of hegelian phenomenology of spirit, one that produced an “ancestral matrix that has produced a forceful and indigenous american creativity” ( ). in this context, examining the progress of hbcus through the rhetorical framework of access makes sense. access is a term that explicitly confronts struggle with external forces; when considering progress, this is not necessarily so, for while progress is necessarily affected by current trends, social conventions, and the significant events of history, its measure is regulated by an internal sense of trajectory, accomplishment, and purpose set by the striving party. this dual determinism creates a more accurate barometer—or compass if you will—for tracking the significant, if not sweeping, movements and small revolutionary acts that lead to specific considerations within the legacy of hbcus. just as baker’s blues matrix lays the african-american experience on an axis of tension and conflict, pinpointing rhetorical and literary moments that express the hardships, inequalities, and fleeting escapes from a lovelorn life, my hope is that my exploration of african- american technological discourse within hbcus functions as a kind of institutional matrix as well, locating moments of invention and inventiveness, transcendence and transformation, amid the struggles, successes, and failures that the hbcu community and its stakeholders have gone through as they have operated on the margins of american culture, history, and education. banks’s taxonomy of access gives those and other similar experiences a trajectory towards transformation. what we now need to do is identify stepping stones from our collective past and carve out the path—the steps—that will lead to that transformation. chapter a history of violence and the institute of colored youth, - : the origins of technological discourse at hbcus during the first week of october , the cheyney school for teachers held an exciting week of activities, celebrating its centennial anniversary. this was a milestone, not only because the institution had persisted for one hundred years, but also because of the toils that the school had to labor under in order to survive and thrive as the first institution of higher learning for blacks in america. the campus that week was full of alumni, former teachers, well-wishers, students, and the black elites of the city―philadelphia’s finest. notables of the african-american political and academic communities were there as well to share in the moment and to appreciate cheyney’s accomplishments. on the first day of festivities, there was a panel discussion on the institution’s legacy and humble beginnings. the keynote speaker of that panel was w. e. b. du bois. as du bois observes in his address, the creation of an institution of higher learning for blacks was novel in , but it was a project that did not exist in a vacuum. du bois takes time to outline the scores of individuals and institutions that acknowledged the inhumanity and incongruity of slavery, as well as the trust to educate blacks in america before the end of the civil war. some of these individuals were quakers of lore, like george fox, william penn, and anthony benezet, but others were catholics and methodists. more importantly, du bois emphasizes the role of strong black leadership in the education of african americans in america long before the founding of cheyney in . he asserts that his paper that morning was “interested not so much in what quakers and others did for negroes as in the response which their efforts inspired among the negroes themselves” ( ). he lauded men like richard allen and absalom jones, former students of benezet who would eventually found the african methodist church, as “men of intelligence and real leadership” ( ). he charted a brief history of free schools for blacks dating two hundred years before the founding of cheyney that stretched geographically from the west indies to louisiana. there were several black schools in philadelphia at the time of the founding of the institute of colored youth. there were at least six private schools for black children that were owned and operated by blacks and at least that many schools that were established by white religious or antislavery organizations. these schools had a rich history. the city’s first school for blacks was established in by the bray associates, an anglican philanthropic society, despite opposition from white philadelphians. bethel church began a sunday school in . absalom jones enlarged one school and opened another in . public schools for blacks were established in and another in , almost fifteen years after the legislature passed “a comprehensive plan for educating poor children” that excluded blacks (“historical society of philadelphia” h ). “everywhere,” du bois declared, “negroes helped in their own education, cooperated with those who were working for them and even beyond this, established in many cases and financed their own schools early in the th century” ( ). in this, du bois situates the founding of cheyney not just in the minds and desires of paternalistic quakerism, but nestles it within a surprisingly long tradition of black agency and accomplishment in education here in america. du bois goes on to identify other conditions of redress that had a hand in shaping the inception of an institution like cheyney. he details the importance of the first national convention of negroes, which had its first conventions in philadelphia in and . this first convention, as du bois explains it, had two primary items on its agenda: the first problem was to figure out a response to the racial violence against african americans that had become commonplace in the northern cities, particularly cincinnati, boston, and philadelphia. the second was to better educate the increasing number of blacks that were coming into these cities. du bois maintained that although blacks “ . . . had schools scattered here and there . . . they were especially weak in trade schools and means of training young negroes to earn a living. the convention sought to establish such a school” ( ). at this moment, du bois presents the history of the institution that was probably most familiar to his audience that day: richard humphreys, a west indian ex-slave owner, living in philadelphia at the time, bequeathed at his death in , $ , to found an institution “having for its object the benevolent design of instructing the descendants of the african race in school learning in the various branches of the mechanical arts and trades and in agriculture. in order to prepare, to fit, and qualify them to act as teachers.” the institution was founded in and at first taught farming and shoemaking to boys on a country tract of land. in , it was incorporated and jonathan zane another quaker added $ , to the endowment. an evening school was added and then a day school in . finally a building was erected on lombard street known as the institute of colored youth with charles l. reason of new york in charge. ( ) this brief summary of the first years of cheyney, from here on referred to as the institute of colored youth, or icy, was common in promotional materials distributed by the school and would be repeated time and again by other speakers and administrators during the week of celebration, almost like a mantra. however, what is uniquely intriguing here is the way du bois frames the creation of the institute of colored youth as not only an exercise of quaker philanthropy, but as intentionality spawned from a continuous legacy of black educational agency, especially in the midst of physical violence and socioeconomic disenfranchisement. du bois’s contextualization for the catalyst and purpose for icy serve as a launching point for this chapter. this chapter describes how hbcus have been influenced by american technological discourse from the beginning. i argue that the creation of the first institution of higher learning for african americans―icy, which in time would become cheyney university―demonstrates the way american technological discourse intersected with african-american progress, an intersection that presented the framework for a discourse of technology and the african-american experience that is bodied and racialized. as hbcus in general, and the icy in particular, emerge as a training ground for “the mechanical arts” and a refuge from violence, icy and its stakeholders struggled to construct language and practices to navigate the rhetorical and physical tensions that threatened their survival. this chapter also reveals how black leadership built on those echoes of discourse to frame their visions of technology, a vision of technology that helped to influence, shape, and encourage the growth of hbcus at the turn of the century. i argue that frederick douglass’s attention to the potentials of the telegraph and the necessities of industrial education illustrate a strategy for how black leaders appropriated technological discourse for the purpose of institution building. i suggest that though a role that has been destabilized today, black leaders of hbcus are still relevant as the “mouth pieces” of the community through the unique rhetorical position of the hbcu as cultural communicator. the climate of technological discourse and racism in antebellum philadelphia considering that the circumstances surrounding the establishment of the first hbcu can grant insight into the beginnings of the discourse of technological or scientific proficiency in hbcus and the effects a climate of apprehension, fear, and violence on developing an institutional ethos of protection and uplift. with this in mind, in order to better understand the circumstances that influenced the trajectory of icy in its initial years, it is helpful to understand the climate of technological discourse in america in during the s and s, particularly in antebellum philadelphia. antebellum america saw the invention of the steam engine, the expansion of railroads, the rise of the telegraph, and the popularity of the photograph. steam-powered printing and the rotary press dramatically decreased the cost of print media, which precipitated the rise of newspapers, pamphlets, and flyers. james marten of “scientific american” reports that: . . . by the s and s newspapers such as the trio of new york papers founded during this time—the tribune, the sun and the herald— were sold for a penny . . . these communication technologies facilitated the anti-slavery campaign that started in earnest in the early s, allowing abolitionist broadsides, brochures, books and newspapers to be distributed cheaply and widely throughout the north. (marten) society was transformed, seemingly overnight, and the period ushered in an expectation for continuous progress and excited the public imagination. americans viewed industrialization and the promise of these and other inventions as the tools that would enable lives destined for prosperity. technological innovation was part of the american national identity. founding fathers thomas jefferson and benjamin franklin were famous inventors. samuel morse and robert fulton became mythic figures. nathaniel hawthorne captured the imagination of nineteenth-century readers in his novel, the house of seven gables, which through the character of clifford expresses the starry- eyed wonder of the technical marvels of his day. his quotable musings of utopian zeitgeist have moved readers ever since. however, not everyone shared in the excitement. writers such as thomas carlyle and henry david thoreau derided the mechanical age from distancing man from his humanity. innovations in farming, agriculture, and manufacturing were beginning to allow countless individuals to harness the natural resources the vast expanse of america had to offer. the term “technology” as we use it today is often attributed to a popular textbook entitled elements of technology. in it, the author, harvard professor jacob bigelow, presents technology as a critical component of nineteenth-century progress and ideology. but he also places an emphasis on the original greek meaning of techne—the greek root of technology—to refer to “the techniques and bodies of knowledge for manipulating the world around us” (kassum, leo marx). he suggests that: “the application of philosophy to the arts may be said to have made the world what it is today” (bigelow ). by the end of the antebellum period, the more common modern meaning of technology as the useful application of scientific knowledge to material ends will dominate, but for bigelow, technology is not merely a means to an end; rather, technology is an art, one to which a philosophy of existence and achievement are applied. bigelow was not alone in this more nuanced, rhetorically sensitive, view of technology. at first glance, alexis de tocqueville seemingly ignores the critical import of these innovations and the seismic shift they engendered in american culture and society in his most well-known work, democracy in america. however, benjamin storey reads tocqueville’s attention (or lack thereof) to technology differently. storey suggests that tocqueville did not presuppose that industrialization was “an independent material cause” of american progress. rather, he saw that . . . technology is at the heart of how we understand ourselves; it is democratic america’s poetic self-image. his analysis of technology is in the first place focused on why we see ourselves and our world . . . to read tocqueville on technology, then, is to seek a better understanding not only of technology, but of ourselves. ( - ) michael sacasas echoes this sentiment, observing that tocqueville, in the tenth chapter of volume two, “why the americans are more addicted to practical than to theoretical science” explores the essence of technology through the guise of “practical science.” sacasas explains: in tocqueville’s day, the word technology did not yet carry the expansive and inclusive sense it does today. instead, quaint sounding phrases like “the mechanical arts,” “the useful arts,” or sometimes merely “invention” did together the semantic work that we assign to the single word technology . . . [i]n tocqueville’s case, “practical science” was often opposed to “theoretical science.” (“technology in america”) the two phrases captured the distinction we have in mind when we speak separately of science and technology. interestingly, “mechanical arts” is a term that embodies some fluid meaning as well. the term was originally conceived in the medieval period as artes mechanicae, which was a division of labor and practice seen to be inferior to the liberal arts. the mechanical arts, including trade, cooking, agriculture, architecture, weaving, and blacksmithing were considered as “servile” or ‘base” occupations and unworthy of a freeman’s status. that perception of the mechanical arts endured until modern times, especially in the agrarian american south. however, by the nineteenth century, the mechanical arts had become the term that the general public in cities like new york, philadelphia, and boston associated with the industries of technological progress and invention: engineering, construction, craftsmanship, metallurgy, architecture. the mechanical arts were a pathway of possibilities for those who were industrious, hardworking, and possessed talent and ingenuity―all qualities that were considered a part of america’s growing national character. of course, the sites for the mechanical arts were also stained with another aspect of america’s national identity: systemic racism. benjamin banneker, an african- american inventor, astronomer, and surveyor who constructed the first clock in america, was a contemporary of both franklin and jefferson, but it is clear in banneker’s correspondence with jefferson that jefferson did not believe in the intellectual capacity of black people for invention, even as enslaved people of the african diaspora were exploited for their brilliance (banneker, “notes on the state of virginia”). “let yr negros be taught to be smiths, shoemakers & carpenters & bricklayers: they are capable of learning anything,” writes edmund white in a letter to the governor of the carolina colony in (sinclair ). still, slave owners in america “linked the supposed endurance for hard, menial labor to brutish intelligence, and then justified enslavement on the grounds of such limited capacities” ( ). the franklin institute, founded in specifically for the purpose of exploring the mechanical arts, did not permit african americans to attend its lectures or classes. subsequently, this was an attitude that haunted not only plantations and other agricultural centers, but also other spaces where the mechanical arts were practiced or developed. clearly, technology had a special place in the american imagination, but so did race, and there was a confluence of those cultural totems, especially in the white imagination. one had within it the societal strivings of a nation; the other drew up perceptions of a people trying to hold them back. one was majestic in its increased visibility and was lauded. the other was mocked and denigrated for its increased visibility. american society sought to limit the status of african americans, ignore their contributions, and minimize their plight, especially in the midst of the growing abolitionist sentiment. the black presence was always threatened with erasure, and the strivings of african americans were, in every aspect of life, seen as something separate from the broader spectrum of progress igniting the fervor of “ordinary” americans. even as african americans contributed a significant portion of the skilled labor in mid-nineteenth century philadelphia as “caterers, mechanics, seafaring men, coachmen, carters, shopkeepers and traders, waiters, cooks and barbers . . . washerwomen and domestic servants . . . ” du bois in his work, the philadelphia negro, finds that racism against blacks proliferated the industrial centers. so much racial discrimination and animosity existed that it threatens to derail the gains that blacks had made as a community in philadelphia. du bois identifies that . . . three major contributory forces were to undermine and practically disrupt the progress that the free negroes had been making. they were the rapid increase of foreign immigration, the increase in numbers of free negroes and fugitive slaves, especially in philadelphia, and the rise of the abolitionists and the slavery controversy. although, for the most part, in a low and degraded condition, and thrown upon their own resources in competition with white labor, they were nevertheless so inspired by their new freedom and so guided by able leaders that for something like forty years they made commendable progress. meantime, however, the immigration of foreign laborers began, the new economic era of manufacturing was manifest in the land, and a national movement for the abolition of slavery had its inception. the lack of skilled negro laborers for the factories, the continual stream of southern fugitives and rural freemen into the city, the intense race antipathy of the irish and others, together with intensified prejudice of whites who did not approve of agitation against slavery―all this served to check the development of the negro, to increase crime and pauperism, and at one period resulted in riot, violence, and bloodshed . . . . . . [w]hite citizens themselves made no distinction between negroes already well established and leading reputable and productive lives and the newly-arrived negroes, and soon a definite tide of ill-will turned against all the negroes . . . racial hatred [had] become so intense among the lower classes that with the upper and middle classes doing nothing to lessen it, in a series of violent riots erupted which were directed chiefly against the negro, and which continued until after the war. ( ) the tensions that du bois describes here was a northern phenomenon, but had particular import in philadelphia. in response to the growing sense of prejudice, discrimination, and violence, and to foster a sense of worth and well-being, african americans founded their own voluntary associations, especially “african” churches, episcopal, and methodist. major cities had an african society that provided philanthropic assistance and moral uplift for the poor and deprived and published pamphlets, sermons, and speeches defending rights of citizenship (lewis ). that sense of community cohesion took tangible form in street processions commemorating the ending of the african slave trade. a parade that culminated in addresses at boston’s african meeting house on july , , became the starting point for annual processions on bastille day, which blacks celebrated as their own independence day ( ). one of the most radical documents of black protest ever published was walker’s appeal . . . to the colored citizens of the world but in particular and very expressly to those of the united states of america. in this document, which was first printed and distributed in , david walker analyzed slavery as the manifestation of the larger american evil of racism. it was also a call to action for africans and their descendants in america. between and , african americans in the philadelphia area had already established almost one hundred social and charitable organizations; over half of these organizations were women’s societies. according to the historical society of pennsylvania, by , these organizations were distributing $ , every year for the relief of the sick, disabled, or distressed. scornful of all this “african” agency, opposition to the public celebrations and the social activity took the form of anonymous “bobalition” broadsides published first in boston, and later internationally, and were written in what david waldstreicher terms “literary blackface,” which was ungrammatical or nonsensical language, a curious dialect that portrayed african americans as incapable of rational speech and logical thought ( ). broadsides were the pop art of the s; robert michael lewis defined it as “nonsensical dialogue that ridiculed the intelligence and citizenship rights of african americans ( ). douglas a. jones, jr. adds that the broadsides acted as “performative texts,” which “became the lexicon with which white northerners both heard and saw black speech in the early nineteenth century,” especially when paired with the equally popular racist minstrel songs of the early s, such as “jim crow” (c. ) and “zip coon”―known today as “turkey in the straw” (c. ). the minstrel music, along with the broadsides, mocked the enthusiasm for abolition. african americans, the broadsides declared, were: . . . ill-educated, over-dressed, overbearing, and overassertive in demanding equal rights. crude woodcut illustrations showed women with huge hats and veils and fans inappropriate for their low social standing, and men with pseudo-classical names clad in gaudy militia uniforms and bearing huge swords or broomsticks, or sporting the fancy hats, canes, and tail-coats of gentlemen. those who celebrated abolition were depicted as “vain,” “pompous,” and “incapable of restraint and industry ( ). music as a technological discourse, especially with regard to the african- american tradition, is an argument that has been substantiated and does not bear repeating. what i want to suggest here is that minstrel music of the antebellum period provided a base block on which others would construct and deliver subtle messages about the ingrained incongruity of african americans as informed, willing, and capable participants in technological progress and the mechanical arts. minstrel songs like the “bobalition songs” had deeper roots than the songwriter’s creative imagination. the title, and title alone, appears in several of the bobalition broadsides. in “bobalition of slavery!!! grand selebrashum by de africum shocietee!!!!”, issued from boston but printed in greenfield, massachusetts on july , , the song “possum up a gum tree” accompanies the spoof toast, “massa [henry] clay—if he want brack man go lib in africa, why he no go show him de way heself.” in “grand bobalition of slavery” ( ), the nonsense toast to “de land of our faders; where dey catch elephant in a rat-trap— dough he good ways off, we find him in bosson to-day,” is followed by “moosic— ’possum up a gum tree.” in “grand bobalition” or “great annibersary fussible” ( ), the “de tate of maine” toast that receives “ cheer, laugh” precedes “moosic—’possum up a gum tree” ( ). these themes would be picked up and magnified in the art of edward w. clay. clay’s late s print series, life in philadelphia, was a grotesquely racist portrayal of philadelphia’s black upper class. clay began the series in after returning from overseas trips to london and paris, where he was greatly influenced by george and robert cruikshank’s life in london drawings. his depictions of african-american social mobility, formal attire, organizational and institutional life, and everyday interactions catered to most of the negative stereotypes associated with african americans during the antebellum period. his renderings reified the social separations that defined antebellum race relations in the white imagination, even as several of those barriers in philadelphia had begun to weaken because of its vibrant community of free blacks who were well educated, built institutions, owned property, participated in local government, and conducted their own affairs. life in philadelphia consisted of fourteen engravings that lampooned african americans for “[taking on] the trappings of bourgeois urban life” and who “were overreaching and out of place.” the african americans illustrated by clay were always free men and women engaged in social striving, but always buffoonishly confused and misinformed: they can try to imitate civility and culture, but they will never fully possess it. though they aspire―as clay uses one of his characters, miss chloe, (convers) to say ― they “aspire too much” and will ultimately comically and tragically fail (“color lines”). the images not only satirized black life, but also delivered its racist messages in other rhetorical ways, particularly in the way it depicts black bodies and black language. the juxtaposition of exaggerated anatomical positions, with clay’s satirical gaze trained on colorful, outlandish attire worn by the african americans in his sketches, create scenes of genteel monstrosity. the language is a gross misappropriation of black dialect, a comic styling that clay is given credit for popularizing and that would remain popular in some form for the next century. what’s interesting here is that black dialect, the language of newly freed slaves trying to acclimate themselves to life as free people of color, or the common street language of philadelphia’s bars, brothels, and street brawls was frowned upon, even despised by the black elite of philadelphia. this was a fact which exposed some of the burgeoning class consciousness and intraracial divides that would continue to grow with the influx of african americans into philadelphia after the civil war (and a second influx during the great migration) and plague the black community well into the twentieth century. and so, for the upper echelon of the country’s black free men and women―men and women who were teachers, philosophers, doctors, lawyers, ministers, members of organizations (e.g., the links, the freedmen’s bureau, and the freemasons)―to be misrepresented in a speech that was nigh barely legible and scantily intelligent was galling to many african americans in the city. rhetorically, the depictions stripped away the voices (and the genius) of philadelphia’s upwardly mobile black community, not by muting them, but by transmorphing their language into nonsensical artifice. in clay’s vignettes, african americans were never shown as slaves, they just sounded like them. in clay’s version of the bobalition broadside, he repeats many of the racist toasts and tropes of earlier versions, but adds a few personal touches to reflect the tensions in philadelphia at the time. his engraving entitled, “grand celebration ob de bobalition ob african slabery” shows a raucous celebration of drunken african-american men dressed in their colorful finery, several of whom give toasts. the supposed joke for the readers is the apparent lack of intellect and understanding around social issues that mark each man’s toast. along with repeated toasts about william wilberforce, “de orator ob de day” (when i jus hear him begin he discourse, tink he no great ting, but when he come to de end ob um, i think he like de scorch cat more better dan he look, “moosic— ’possum up a gum tree”) and the white man (. . . mighty anxious to send niggers to de place day stole him from, now he got no furder use for him), clay couples two racialized notions of technological discourse: that the descendants of africa lack the capacity for technological invention (de genius de merica―he invent great many cruious ting: wonder who fust invent eating & drinking. cheer & ober.) and lack the prerequisite understanding of scientific knowledge (de sun―wonder why he no shine in de night putting nigger to dispense ob de candle.). clay typified the attitude towards the upward mobility of african americans during this time in philadelphia. his attacks on highbrow culture and african-american institutions through racialized cartoons that transformed the black middle class through mimicry and minstrelsy were part of the flora that racialized the technological discourse in and around philadelphia at the time. figure . cartoon. edward william clay. “grand celebration ob de bobalition ob african slabery.” jenna m gibbs observes that life in philadelphia “became a standard phrase to refer to fashions, trends, and―most especially―black philadelphians’ social practices and sartorial choices” ( ). it is no wonder that life in philadelphia became immensely popular, not only in america, but also in europe. clay visited london in the s at the height of the life in london craze and then emulated the new genre in his cartoon series life in philadelphia. clay, however, transposed the class-based divisions of london to race-based stratification in philadelphia. he burlesqued free blacks’ aspirations to a middle-class lifestyle and inclusion in the body politic: the urban white dandy of london was now an overdressed black american. by the s, the transatlantic flow was reversed when london cartoonist george tregear reworked clay’s racist cartoons under the title black jokes and used his new versions of life in philadelphia to disparage not only america’s “great experiment” but also black freedom in the british west indies ( ). clay is arguably one of the most memorable visual artists of the period, precisely because of his ability to capture the trepidations of philadelphia society as the call for the abolition of slavery became louder, more widespread, and more fervent. to put in contemporary terms, clay isolated the fear of a black planet in the imagination of the white mind. clay’s images became part of the popular imagination and the social fabric of antebellum america. they were on sheet music covers, figurines, and book and magazine illustrations. countless numbers of nineteenth-century engravers, lithographers, cartoonists, and illustrators adopted clay’s visual strategies to transform what began as a local look at black life in philadelphia into a national taxonomy of race. his ideas, ones that wove social, political, and corporeal commentary on blackness, dominated american visual culture’s contribution to national debates over race and power. just as the telegraph was a central component of communication in the nineteenth century, so too were clay’s depictions of the black community in life of philadelphia, which was a trans-atlantic communication device that conveyed, disseminated, and normalized the racist ideology of antebellum america. the race riots would continue for the next decade, the popularity of minstrel music would continue to rise, as would the transatlantic success of clay’s racist portrayals of the black middle and upper class, all of which would carry an undercurrent of technological discourse that rejected the participation african americans in the building towards industrial and technological progress. ultimately, this rejection was spoken and unspoken, violent and subtle. whatever the medium, it was entirely based on the assumed moral and intellectual inferiority of black people. it was in this climate that richard humphreys made the decision to assist african americans in their quest to educate thousands of their race in the mechanical trades as a measure of social equality and gainful employment in a society that had placed an increased social significance in technological arts. violence and the vision for the institute of colored youth richard humphreys was born to a slaveholding family on tortola in the british virgin islands. as a young man, his religious and social sensibilities began to change, and he began to associate himself with the religious society of friends, also known as friends or quakers. like many other north american offshoots of protestantism, the quakers have their roots in the religious and political dissent of christians in the mid- to late- s. what made the quakers distinctive were their relatively progressive social views and their rejection of slavery. it was to this cause that humphreys, a gold and silversmith by trade, moved to philadelphia in . after witnessing the “crisis of violence” against minorities that plagued several northern cities, including philadelphia, along with the mounting tensions brought about by an influx of immigrants, a skilled workforce which often displayed as much animosity towards blacks as most white americans during the time, humphreys dedicated himself and his philanthropy to addressing the economic disenfranchisement of african americans. humphreys was reportedly spurred to action by the race riots of . whether it was the local rioting caused by the emancipation speeches and calls for social equity delivered by frances wright darusmont in june and july of or news of the two weeks of racial carnage that ravaged cincinnati, killing and displacing hundreds of african americans in august of that year, is impossible to know. it is important to note that the catalyst and the development of the first historically black institution for higher learning grew out of this climate of racial violence and hostility, especially in philadelphia. not long after the riots of , humphreys changed his will to reflect what he hoped would be an ongoing commitment to young black men and women in philadelphia. according to the foundation created to manage his affairs, upon his death in , humphreys “left an estate of over $ , , $ , of which he bequeathed to thirteen members of the philadelphia yearly meeting of the society of friends for the purpose of establishing a school for . . . instructing the descendants of the african race in school learning, in the various branches of the mechanical arts and trades and in agriculture . . . in order to prepare and fit and qualify them to act as teachers in such of those branches of useful business as in the judgment of the said society they may appear best qualified for . . . on june , , the trustees met with the executors, signed the receipt, and received $ , . , the amount after the inheritance tax. five years would pass before the trustees would meet again. no records have been found that give an explicit reason why the trustees did not meet again for such a long time to discuss the prospects for creating a mechanism for fulfilling humphrey’s dying wishes. nevertheless, there is evidence that suggests that they may not have felt safe to do so. several race riots had put the city on edge and made entrees into improving the social welfare of blacks in the region incredibly uncomfortable, if not outright dangerous. the school proposed by the national convention of negroes in was to have been a college established in new haven “ . . . for the liberal education of young men of color, on the manual-labor system . . . by which, in connection with a scientific education, they may also obtain a useful mechanical or agricultural profession” (convers ). unfortunately, the citizens of new haven vehemently rejected the idea. the school faced similar opposition from the town of canaan, new hampshire. charlene convers, in her history of cheyney university entitled a living legend: the history of cheyney university: - , deduces that “it is reasonable to assume also that even the more broad-minded whites who might have wanted to sell preferred to avoid the censure or even violence that could possible [sic] ensue upon such a sale.” this attitude was confirmed in the annual report from the following year, where the managers admitted that “there were those openly opposed to [the institute]. . . . ”( ). in addition to a lack of white public sentiment for african-american education, the race riots had increased in their ferocity and had put the city on edge. in , a demonstration against the abolitionists took place, and, in , arguably the most serious riot occurred. of the race riot in philadelphia in , john runcie reports that america was besieged by a crisis of violence that was tearing away at the social fabric of its northern cities, from the “ungentlemanly deportment” of congress to the antiquated public pistol duels on the streets. runcie quotes evangelical firebrand lyman beech who bemoaned that “the whole land [of america] is defiled with blood . . . we are murderers, a nation of murderers.” many newspapers in philadelphia during the time saw this violence as a repudiation of the north’s perceived moral superiority to the south, which many people believed was full of savages, both black and white. runcie remarked, “as newspaper editor joseph chandler put it, ‘let no one lift up his eyes and groan against the south. bowie knives, dirks, and pistols are worn shown and used in philadelphia as well, if not as much as they are in mobile.’” ( - ). runcie observes that: what really alarmed many americans at this time was the rapid growth in the amount of mass or collective violence. “their majesties the mob” were active on many different fronts, lynching thieves and gamblers, disrupting elections, and persecuting catholics, negroes, mormons and abolitionists. these were years which were filled with labor riots, race riots, and nativist riots. some of them were mere incidents, others lasted for several days at a time and required military intervention and the imposition of martial law before peace was restored. people died in these riots; convents, churches and private property were burnt and destroyed; martyrs were created. ( ) the riot, which would come to be known as the flying horse riot of , began when a mob, some numbering of several hundred people, attacked a popular amusement attraction on south street, a carousel machine known as the flying horses. “it was an attraction that was popular with both negros and whites living in the neighborhood.” the mob, which, according to reports, was mainly young white immigrants and mechanics/skilled laborers, destroyed the building that contained the carousel and quickly overran the blacks who were trying to stop them. growing larger, the mob quickly moved in mass several blocks west of the city into the black neighborhood of moyamensing (currently east passyunk in south philadelphia) where they “began an orgy of destruction, pillaging and intimidation, which was repeated on the following two evenings” (runcie ). during three consecutive nights, negro homes were torn down or burned, churches were wrecked, people were assaulted on the streets, and several persons were killed. the police had great difficulty in quelling the mob. violence would continue in when a mob assembled in front of pennsylvania hall―which was built especially for abolitionists to hold their meetings―and burned it to the ground on the day of its dedication, while firemen, who were detained by the crowd, stood helplessly and watched. perhaps it was the racial violence of the city that caused the twelve quaker executors of humphrey’s will to lay low for five years after his death. whatever the reason, the committee committed to planning the institution at the beginning of . on saturday, february , , a large group of the original committee, along with other interested friends (quakers) met in order to ratify the institution’s preamble and constitution: article st the association shall be styled ‘the african institute,’ and its object shall be the education and improvement of the children and youth, of the african race, by instructing them in literature, science, agriculture and the mechanic arts. article nd the association shall always consist of members of the religious society of friends; and every person being and continuing a member of that society, who shall pay to the treasurer, the sum of twenty dollars or upwards in one payment, or of two dollars or more annually, shall be a member of this association. article rd the officers of the association, shall be a secretary, treasurer and thirteen managers, all of whom shall be chosen annually from among the members; but in case of failure to elect officers at the stated time, those in office shall continue until others are chosen. the secretary and treasurer shall be ex-officio members of the board of managers. article th the management of the concerns of the association, shall be entrusted to the board of managers, who shall have power to appoint and employ officers and teachers under them, and to make such rules and regulations for their own government and that of the institution which may be founded, as they shall deem proper and expedient, provided such rules and regulations are not inconsistent with these articles. article th the association shall meet annually, at such time and place as it shall determine, and fifteen members shall be a quorum for the transaction of business. at these meetings the board of managers shall present their minutes, and a report of their proceedings during the preceding year, of the state of the institution and of the treasurer’s account. article th the board of managers shall have power to call special meetings of the association, when they deem it expedient, and also to fill any vacancy which may occur in their number, by death, resignation or otherwise. article th so much of the preamble, and of the first two articles of this constitution as declares the objects of the association, and that its members shall always be members of the society of friends, shall not be changed. (board of managers, february ) the first two articles of the new association are important because they set the groundwork of intention for the newly named “african institute.” naming the new school the african institute placed it within the continuum of the aforementioned black schools, churches, and organizations already engaged in the teaching and uplift of african americans in philadelphia. it also meant that the quakers involved in establishing the new school and who were acting as executors of humphrey’s will were likely aware of the then contemporary use of the moniker of “african” as a sign-symbol of racial uplift. the vision for the subject matter that would be taught at the school was also consistent with the programs of study (liberal arts) in black schools at the time and the desire to expand that education to include science (which would be scientific theory, mathematics, and physics) and the mechanical arts (the employable trades). notably, agriculture is identified as a separate area of study, a detail that resists the conflation of agriculture as the site of the mechanical arts, which would become the dominant narrative of industrial education in the african-american experience decades later. the second article designates the society of friends and its members as the source of stewardship of this endeavor. in and of itself, this stipulation was not an uncommon one. religious organizations would often require in their charters that members of leadership must subscribe to that denomination or house of worship. at the next meeting on april , , the committee changed the name of the african institute to the “institute of colored youth.” there is no information given to suggest why the change in name was made or that any vigorous debate was had. given the violence of the time, the managers may have felt that the name change helped to insulate their efforts from possible attack. places that had “africa” in the name were being attacked for their bold stances on social equality and abolition. an “institute” for colored youth could be a school or an orphanage―or a labor camp. they may have agreed that the change was warranted to avoid further delays towards their efforts in building a school. the next month, the managers met at arch street to approve the circular that would be used to advertise their new initiative and obtain subscriptions. convers provides an excerpt from the circular below: should sufficient funds for the purpose be procured, it is designed to obtain a farm in the vicinity of the city where a portion of the day shall be spent by the children under the care of suitable superintendents and teachers in acquiring school learning and a part also in agricultural or mechanical labours by which they may be trained to industry and obtain a knowledge of some useful trade or business. ( ) within the year, the association and its members selected amongst themselves managers, who would form various committees to plan the construction and work of the institution and trustees who would manage its finances. by january of , the association had accumulated $ , for the purchase of a farm for the school (icy-corporation minutes, january ). yet, more than two years after the adoption of the constitution of the institute of colored youth, the institute still did not have a home. nor did it have any teachers, students, or classroom materials. in fact, the board of managers scarcely met over that two-year period to move the school forward. as convers details: in their march annual report, the board admitted not yet having realized their aim of improving the lot of colored youth, but their failure was not due, they said, to a want of exertion of their part. it was due rather to difficulties “ . . . and embarrassments which require time and perseverance to remove.” ( ) there is no indication within the annual reports of the exact nature of these “difficulties” and “embarrassments.” convers speculates that the financial crisis of , which would last for almost a decade, was a consideration for why the managers were not zealous with their solicitation of subscriptions, but the greater obstacle may have been the climate of animosity towards blacks that had reached a fever pitch in the city. from the annual reports and committee reports dating from to , the most important topic of discussion in the records is centered on the procurement of a farm for the school. the first order of business for the managers was to procure farmland. the farm committee called a special meeting on june , , to report that they had found an owner, oliver wilson, who had a farm of acres about seven miles from the city on old york road to sell. on june , , the farm committee confirmed that it had drawn up a contract with wilson and made a down payment on the farm. six of the managers’ names were added to the deed, and the group formally created a committee which would operate the farm. in a report dated august , the committee made recommendations that would act as a strategic plan for the school’s operation for its initial years, and they reveal some interesting details about the institute of colored youth at this time. the farmland on which the school resided would largely remain farmland. hopefully, the managers could find the right family to cultivate it so that it could become an economic driver for the school in time. the students would be boys from the local orphanage a few miles away. furthermore, the students were young; managers took the unique step of taking “exclusive control” of the setting up a conservatorship for the students that for some students could be a decade of guardianship. the students’ initial education would not be revolutionary. there was no mention of the trades, sciences, or mechanical arts at this point and no mention of forthcoming efforts to move in that direction. in the first year, students would take on “the ordinary branches of education.” the rest of their time would be dedicated to housework, gardening, and farm work. in the institution’s second and third years, they would double the number of students from the preceding years and introduce those students to the same program of study. during the first three years, the managers believed that “not many mechanical avocations could be introduced, yet the children would be well employed in getting a sound english education and cultivating habits.” the managers hoped that by observing the students over the years, they could better determine which students had aptitudes for particular kinds of trades and “different mechanical pursuits which might be advisable to be introduced into the establishment.” how they would arrive at those conclusions, given the lack of expertise the managers had in the mechanical arts and trades, is unclear. according to the january board of managers meeting, the farm committee reached a contract with issac jones on january , , a local farmer, to farm the land, but there was still a pressing need to find a teacher, a gardener, and a superintendent for the school. by april , , the previous tenants had vacated the farm, but it was unprepared for school operations. no pupils could be taken as the managers lacked plans of action for the administration of the school. they had neither an admissions process nor any real sense of an appropriate curriculum. the teaching committee had not been successful in finding a suitable person—one who could both superintend the garden and teach, so the managers decided to let the farmer do all of the gardening and find a female teacher for the students. though the committee of managers had a few candidates, they had no teacher for instruction in august of . the school’s farmland had been idle for months, which, as convers opines, probably drew the ire of the quakers. so, the managers “determined to get started one way or another” and held a special meeting on september , , where the teaching committee submitted that cyrus b. bean, a young man qualified to serve as the caretaker and instructor of the children, be hired. now that a teacher had been finally secured, the managers went ahead with plans for the actual opening of the school. the committee of instruction, formed in february after the purchase of the farm, “was directed to be present at the opening of school to convey the lads to the farm and furnish the teacher with books, slates, and other necessities, while the committee of admissions was authorized to send to the institute “on trial” such boys as they thought proper on and after october , ” (convers ). on that day, the nearby shelter for colored orphans relinquished five boys to the institute for instruction: robert fulton, george thomas, george farmer, jacob hegedore, and augustus bolivar, all between the ages of eleven and fourteen, enrolled in the institute. the institute of colored youth received good students. the managers were pleased that the boys “were found able to read, write, cypher and spell, having some knowledge of geography as well” (board of managers minutes, november, ). the boys were also found to be well-behaved and mannerly, attending to their studies with enthusiasm. they spent much of their initial time on the farm working the soil, attempting to make the most of a growing season that would now be incredibly short because of their late start. education in the area of trades, sciences, or mechanical arts was virtually nonexistent; convers acknowledge that “the boys had made a number of articles, of clothing and bedding,” but these were “items for the house” ( ). they did not make shoes; they fixed them. they did not make clothes; they mostly mended them. in the annual report of , the boys’ meager production from the garden was attributed to their small stature and size, but the yields per person were perfectly acceptable for subsistence farming. from the descriptions given in the managers’ monthly and annual reports and the commentary added by convers, much of the manual activity completed by the boys seemed to be not the industry of trade, as humphreys’ original will and the institution’s original constitution had outlined, but it was the industry of survival. the duel missions of running a farm and running a school began to take its toll on the operations of the fledgling institute. on january , , the farm committee—now renamed the visiting committee (all of the members were the same, and since the farm had been purchased and had tenants, the committee turned its attentions to the staffing of the institute and its property)—reported that cyrus bean was leaving the institute. he had apparently grown tired of having to wear multiple hats there. it was just as well as bean at that time had been leaving the boys unattended, had not been accompanying them to meetings, and had been derelict in his duties. on february th, one of the managers reported that “two boys were absent from the house and others not in school.” the next teacher, william a. steer, began to teach the boys in march, but was gone by the end of may (board of managers minutes, february, ). convers hypothesizes that “the difficulty seemed to lie in the insistence of the managers that the teacher be not just a teacher, but all things to all people, especially a gardener” ( ). meanwhile, the students continued to farm, cook, clean, wash, iron, and mend. the annual reports of and commended the boys on their behavior and their proficiency in “manual labor.” the institute reached a measure of stability after the september , , hiring of eliza hinchman as a teacher with the boys’ “time about equally divided between manual labor . . . and attention to studies with their teacher” ( ). in december, the committee of managers had found john healy, who accepted the position of superintendent of the school, but they also began to chart a new mission. though he was hired as superintendent, healy and his wife’s first responsibility was to organize manual labor for the productive cultivation of the farm. in an effort to make the school self- sustaining, the managers decided that the literary education of the boys would have to take second place, stating that “the literary education of the pupils of the institute shall also be attended to by the said . . . at such times and in such manner as the managers may from time to time direct.” this approach was designed to improve the bottom line of the institute, but it was entirely at the expense of the education of the institute’s students. the annual report of seems to identify the most important criteria of the institute’s success as the amount of labor the students produced. the institute received new pupils, including a -year-old, albert morris, who had previously lived on the farm. unfortunately, hinchman’s contract ended in march of , and again, there was instability with the teaching position. the lack of planning and attention to the details of the curriculum, along with careful consideration of who would administer it, had begun to negatively impact the students, especially the new arrivals. the lack of a permanent qualified teacher and no on-site administrator for the educational component meant that the student’s studies lacked consistency, which had quickly taken a back seat to the realities of running a farm. prioritizing farming had another unintended consequence: cost. the lack of planning around the needs of the students and the facilitation of an operational farm caused the expenses of the institute to increase substantially. by the end of , the managers were constantly seeking new streams of revenue. the managers petitioned the arch street meeting house and the courts to give them access to the funds of like- minded quakers. some of those streams of revenue were from additional legacy funds that coincided with richard humphreys’ original mission for the institute. a more questionable “scheme” (as convers would call it) was the managers’ attempt to provide quarry stone for the turnpike company. the managers hired a person to be in charge of extracting stone from the institute's property. again, the students of the institute were made to be a part of that work, but only “during good weather”( ). in the september of , the institute’s priority was again made clear when the visiting managers closed the daily school of the icy in order that the students devote all their time to the farm. any pretense of having an institution dedicated to the formal education of african-american boys was broken and the quakers admitted as much in their december meeting of managers. they admitted that they had failed in their original mission and were called . . . more fully to carry into operation the original design of the institute than they have yet been able to do; it was concluded that it would be a favorable time to endeavor to introduce into the school some of the simpler mechanical arts such as shoe and mat making, broom making, etc.” (board of managers, february ) convers would go on to point out how, in their march report, the managers “ . . . expressed regret that the boys had had to be occupied mainly on the farm, in the garden and in the household, and not in ‘ . . . employment contemplated in the original design of this establishment’” ( ). the managers would go on to express an interest in procuring equipment necessary for real manufacturing or mechanical work: fabrication, extraction, welding, sewing―but the record gives the impression that it was more of a stream-of-consciousness desire and not a true avenue of planning. in fact, the managers began to soften their position on their missteps and subsequent need for correction by emphasizing the boys’ current industriousness, claiming that they had been knitting, sewing, “manufacturing cornbrooms,” and slaughtering animals. the managers continued to defend their approach (the same approach they had lamented earlier in the meeting and earlier in the year) and justify that the “[p]roper instruction in such manual labor as may be useful to them in the future” (board of managers, march ). even though this sentiment seems to run counter to their earlier expressed regrets, the managers justified their decisions by reminding themselves that though “various other proposals have been offered . . . for significant reasons [they] have not been adopted” (convers ). in june and july of , lessons were discontinued so the students could focus on farming and repairs to the barn and outbuilding. in august, superintendent john healey and his wife put in their resignation, which would take effect in the spring of . in september, one of the outbuildings caught fire “under suspicious circumstances.” the visiting committee would investigate, and though it is unclear what came out of their investigation, the board called a meeting on october th to address the departure of elias montgomery, a student who had apparently run away and whom the board had previously tried to have arrested “for safe keeping.” they would later learn that montgomery “was working for a physician in the city with the knowledge of his mother” ( ). in the fall of , a committee was appointed to find a new superintendent, yet the students were still without a teacher. it is safe to assume that the formal education given to the remaining thirteen boys was haphazard at best. this unfortunate state of affairs would get worse. convers finds that: . . . in march, a new set of rules and regulations was submitted by an appointed committee which made no provision at all for instruction in the classroom. the boys were to rise at o’clock and do their chores; have breakfast at o’clock, followed by devotion; start manual labor at o’clock (except during haying and harvest when it commenced before breakfast when occasion demanded it); have dinner at : followed by manual labor starting at : (again except in emergencies when it began earlier) and lasting until : ; have supper at : ; and engage in “necessary duties” from supper till bedtime at : . ( ) as a result, two more boys, andrew parker and daniel yeoman, ran away. parker was found and returned to the institute, while yeoman began working various trades in philadelphia. a new superintendent, caleb cope, expressed interest in seeing a smithery built at the institute for the boys to learn that trade, but no real effort was put towards that endeavor. the committee announced that since the boys had at this time gained sufficient knowledge of farming and farm tools, that they would “dispense with hired help on the farm, excepting occasional necessity may require it.” this seems to be the final straw. the remaining students, understandably, voiced their displeasure, enough so that it was mentioned in the meeting minutes. the managers described their difficulty in controlling the boys, and surmised that it was not a good idea to bring in a teacher for that reason. it is important to note here that at this point, icy had not had a full-time teacher for over a year. on may , , the barn at the institute was partially destroyed by fire. upon arriving at the farm, the managers “found a feeling of general ill will being manifested by most of the pupils” ( ). they discovered the culprit to be george harmer, a student who had confided his planned act of rebellion to a fellow student, jacob hegedore. both students were removed from icy. harmer was imprisoned for a brief time and was placed on a whaling ship, while hegedore “was bound” to a farmer in new york until he was twenty-one. the fact that icy would release students into the custody of a merchant ship and a labor farm is alarming and appalling, especially given the agreement it initially made with the orphanage to take care of the students until they reached adulthood. more deserting students, or “elopements,” would follow and icy lost several potential students once its present condition and calamity were made known. a special meeting was called on december , , to formally suspend operations at icy, and it was subsequently closed, its assets sold, and the students transferred to homes that would have them. many more students had run away at this point; the last former student of icy was removed to live with a widow in philadelphia on april , . the failure to reconcile race and technological discourse quaker aesthetics had always been known for its fiscal responsibility, its careful deliberation, and its effectiveness with institution building. yet, these seemingly foundational characteristics of institution building and institutional development seem to be sorely lacking at icy in its most critical initial years. so what happened? what might have caused the managers and executors of humphreys’ will to be so limited, even racist, in their initial foray into establishing icy? the most damning factor was the quakers’ own unacknowledged racism. though quaker men and women led the charge for the abolition of slavery and invested substantial resources into the education and well-being of african americans during the antebellum period, many of them simultaneously saw blacks as inferior creations, worthy of freedom under god’s providence, but undeserving of equitable social standing to the status of whites. sarah mapps douglass was no stranger to quaker ideology or philanthropy. she was also no stranger to the discrimination and racial prejudice of the quaker meeting house. in a december letter to william basset, a friend of her “beloved sisters sarah and angeline grimke,” mapps douglass details the racism she and her family experienced at the philadelphia arch street meeting of the society of friends. saddened and distraught, mapps douglass acknowledges the presence of discriminatory practices within the quaker sanctuary, the meeting, admitting “that the negro pew or its equivalent” exists in quaker meeting houses throughout the region . . . where men and women brethren and sisters by creat[i]on and heirs of the same glorious immortality are seated by themselves on a back bench for no other reason but because it has pleased god to give them a complexion darker than our own. she recounts her own heart-wrenching story of attending the arch street meeting and being made to sit on the segregated bench with her mother. she remembers that: . . . even when a child my soul was made sad with hearing five or six times during the course of one meeting this language of remonstrance addressed to those who were willing to sit by us. “this bench is for the black people.” “this bench is for the people of color.” and oftentimes i wept, at other times i felt indignant and queried in my own mind are these people christians . . . there would have been no necessity for the oft-repeated and galling remonstrance, galling indeed, because i believe they despise us for our color (italics are mapp douglass’s). mapp douglass goes on to refute a popular self-justification that blacks like to sit apart, stating plainly, “[t]he assertion that our people who attend meetings prefer sitting by themselves, is not true.” she corroborates her experience with that of other african americans who stopped attending the arch street meeting, submitting their accounts of scorn, contempt, and mistreatment as evidence of their hypocrisy. in this moment, the letter shifts from her personal account of one who has been afflicted with racial injustice in her house of worship, an event which in her recollection throws her in a kind of existential crisis, to a display of qualitative inquiry. she is not dispassionate, but she is decidedly scientific in her questioning: conversing with one of them today, i asked, why did you leave friends. “because they do not know how to treat me, i do not like to sit on a back bench and be treated with contempt, so i go where i am better treated.” do you not like their principles and their mode of worship? “yes, i like their principles, but not their practice. they make the highest profession of any sect of christians, and are the most deficient in practice.” her final assessment is a critical observation, as she finds that “in proportion as we become intellectual and respectable, so in proportion does their disgust and prejudice increase.” the quakers were not immune to the racism that permeated american society during that time, and it would be a factor in the creation of what would become the institute of colored youth. the trajectory of development set upon by the executors of humphreys’ will and the managers of the institute were steeped with the increasingly antiquated but still accepted racialized connotations of what it meant for young black men to engage in the mechanical arts in antebellum america. even as the mechanical arts in philadelphia were embedded within the skilled trades, industrial factories, and sites of scientific exploration like the franklin institute, the managers of icy too easily slipped into the racialized narrative of agriculture and farm work as the appropriate site for the mechanical arts for black people. it would be one thing for the managers to explicitly plan an institution that worked to promote the icy as such an institution. that they set out to create a dynamic, revolutionary, and emancipatory school only to end up with an institution that probably looked and felt like a slave plantation, a passion play that the quakers seemingly saw themselves enacting, but in some ways saw themselves as powerless to stop, demonstrates the pervasiven power of the dominant technological discourse. the quakers here, though well-meaning in their intentions, were still acting on the racist notions of technological work that were popular, degrading, and demeaning to african americans during the time. the shame in this is that the early years of icy are awash with missed opportunity. there is no question that this was a difficult endeavor, but in many ways the institute had all the resources necessary for success and then some. it had a substantial endowment and astute managers to improve the financial stability of the school from the very beginning, it had a team of stakeholders who could and did divide up the responsibility and delegate the responsibility of building the school. the school itself addressed a pressing need in the black community for higher education, a need expressed by others, not just the quakers involved. the school was being established in close proximity to arguably the greatest community of free blacks in the country at the time―free blacks who owned property, who had resources, who were educated in academic, occupational, and vocational trades. yet, much of the financial attention was given to the farm and basic care of its tenants instead of the education and resources needed for the school’s wards. as banks might put it, the early focus on material access to the tools of potential economic stability overshadowed the need to design a process and program of study that would circumvent, resist, or destroy the yokes of oppression that had created the conditions that required a school like icy in the first place. additionally, it may have been the quakers’ own racism that prevented it from tapping into its most valuable resource—the black community of philadelphia. none of the managers, teachers, superintendents, or farm supervisors were black, and there is no evidence that the managers reached out to the black community in any phase of the school’s planning from the death of richard humphrey in up until its demise in . the only unconfirmed interactions that existed during this time with the black community seem to be in the apprenticeships of the wayward or runaway students who left the institute between and . all evidence points to those placements being with black professionals and tradesmen in philadelphia. stigmatized as boys with questionable character or motives after they left, it is interesting that upon leaving they were able to be placed in fields that had been the aspiration of the original design of the school; the boys in question were orphans, not juvenile delinquents, and most mentions of the students in the meeting minutes portray the boys in a positive light. the failure of icy’s first attempt at educating young men of the african diaspora was in great part to the fact that they were still bound by social conventions and social attitudes. in all likelihood, it was the racism of the managers that prevented them from reaching out to the black community for financial, administrative, and instructional support before . the managers, in effect, had unwittingly succumbed to the racist and distinctly american exceptionalist rhetoric of the mechanical arts, a rhetoric that permeated the ether of experience in nineteenth-century society. even though the sentiment growing in the s in philadelphia pointed toward a more liberating notion of progress for african americans through the mechanical trades, the managers did not actively work against conventional ideology, perhaps believing that their intention and hard work would bring their mission to fruition. the reality is that they had not occasioned to confront their own racism in developing the tools and infrastructure of the school; without that deliberate kind of antiracist work, the technology they encouraged at every turn was only the kind sanctioned through oppression, not liberation, as was the originally chartered goal. a new hope and a fresh perspective after the closure of the school, the corporation’s activity lay mostly dormant until january , when members began considering opening a smaller school closer to the city. as convers recounts, “the managers were not sure that the time was ripe for such action and expressed their doubts,” but they appointed a committee to explore the endeavor ( ). there was still some uncertainty about how best to fulfill humphreys’ intentions and they debated the legality of starting a school within the city limits and financing students to attend out-of-state institutions. many of the same voices of dissent were in place, though arguably those voices had reached even greater heights. one of the most illuminating connections that paul gilroy makes to this idea with regard to the telegraph is in stephen foster’s popular minstrel ballad, “oh! susanna.” i come from alabama with a banjo on my knee, i’m going to louisiana, my true love for to see it rained all night the day i left, the weather it was dry the sun so hot i froze to death; susanna, don’t you cry. oh, susanna, don’t you cry for me i come from alabama, with my banjo on my knee. the initial verse is quite familiar to modern day audiences; however, foster’s song also included another verse during its heyday that is rarely heard today: i jump’d aboard the telegraph and trabbled down de ribber, de lectrick fluid magnified, and kill’d five hundred nigga. de bulgine bust and de hoss ran off, i really thought i’d die; i shut my eyes to hold my bref―susanna don’t you cry. ( ) gilroy concludes that the telegraph in “oh! susanna” conjures up an image (and the possibility) of transmutation and the intermingling of . . . blackness and whiteness already at play in blackface and thus renders the telegraph all that much more powerful and all that much more threatening and attractive. through its staging of white men taking on blackface, the song suggests the kind of cross-cultural, possibly “lattice” shattering effect that the telegraph could have, the possibility of uniting whites and blacks into essentially one body. but in their attempt to “trabbel down the ribber” via new technologies, blacks do not get to see their “true love[s]”; rather they are electrocuted, rendered permanently impotent and immobile by white technology as punishment for their own excess sexuality and desire for mobility. ( - ) from gilmore’s work, it is quite clear that there is something innately spiritual and frighteningly limiting about technology when confronted by the social boundaries constructed through race and racism. however, there were stronger voices within the diaspora that sought to reconcile the african-american struggle for progress with the mechanical arts of the day. i would like to use frederick douglass as my first example of this intriguing crossroads between defining technologies and african-american leadership. douglass is a reasonable, if not obvious, starting point for this discussion for several reasons, the most important probably being that he left such huge shoes to fill. as an orator, polemist, abolitionist, lecturer, apologist, politician, and writer, douglass provided the blueprint for african- american leadership for generations to come. as one of america’s most respected abolitionists, he held the distinction as an incredibly effective orator and a statesman who had the ear of then president lincoln. he was, as bradford stull would say, an emancipator compositionist: he wrote and revised three versions of his amazing autobiography and slave narrative, arguably the most influential slave narrative ever published, which bore witness to the horrors of slavery, the resiliency of african americans, the comeuppance of black male agency, and the power of authorship. as an orator, douglass is credited with initiating the african-american jeremiad, a critical trope in african-american polemics. his bearing, his story, and his reputation as a man’s man added to his influence and mystique. as many scholars more numerous than these pages will allow have argued, w. e. b du bois and booker t. washington—the principle subjects of the next chapter—along with countless others, saw themselves following and fulfilling douglass’s legacy of racial uplift and leadership. most importantly in this context, douglass was always interested in structuring narratives and plans for uplift that were both visible and viable, but was also keenly interested in technologies, like the telegraph, that could not just mask the realities of race, but would transcend them, even ultimately destroy them. as bruce sinclair notes, douglass was acutely aware of the opportunities for blacks to improve their socioeconomic station through emerging vocational trades and new technical skills. in an letter written to harriet beecher stowe, douglass affirms that blacks . . . must become mechanics—we must build, as well as live in houses—we must make, as well as use furniture—we must construct bridges, as well as pass over them—before we can properly live, or be respected by our fellow men. (rochester, march ). douglass puts it more bluntly in his paper, “learn trades or starve.” douglass argues that “the elevation of the masses . . . can only be done by putting the mechanic arts within the reach of colored men” ( ). it is command of the mechanical arts that will bring the colored man out of isolation, and that, given a choice, a man should choose learning a trade or skill over a formalized education, principally because a skill or technical expertise induces a man to build community with his fellow man. douglass pragmatically reasons that “with the trade we could get the education while with the education we could not get the trade” ( ). he posits social and economic empowerment within the context of industrial education because it allows a man to build his own self-sustaining institutions of empowerment, whether it be a home, a church, a school, or a road. douglass does not eschew the liberal arts, the social sciences, or any traditional form of formal education. he maintains that in the continuum of self- sufficiency, trade knowledge will allow the people of african descent to control their acquisition of formal education. at the same time, douglass argued vigorously for the inclusion of african americans in the pursuit of new technologies and scientific endeavors, criticizing both the racism inherent in the practice of science during the time and the exclusion of african americans in the sciences. gilmore shows how a year later, douglass meticulously refutes the arguments against the negro race based on populist pseudoscience in his speech, “the claims of the negro: ethnographically considered.” gilmore takes care to note how douglass, in his oratory, specifically addresses the work of “scientists” like “the notts, the gliddens, the agassiz[es], and mortons,” and isolates an especially revealing moment when douglass seemingly invokes the development of new technology as a marker of the inevitable falling away of racial distinctions and the unity of blacks and whites underneath the banner of mankind and identified the telegraph as a defining technology. it is somewhat remarkable, that, at a time when knowledge is so generally diffused . . . when time and space, in the intercourse of nations, are almost annihilated—when . . . a common humanity can meet in friendly conclave—when nationalities are being swallowed up—and the ends of the earth brought together . . . that there should arise a phalanx of learned men—speaking in the name of science—to forbid the magnificent reunion of mankind in one brotherhood. (italics gilmore’s ) furthermore, he actively articulated the telegraph as not only a tool for social and racial uplift, but also as a means for transformational, even transcendental understanding. decades later, in an oration delivered at an industrial school in manassas, virginia in , douglass affirms his desire for all blacks to be engaged in not just the apprenticeship trades, but to be a part of technological innovation by applying their efforts to new technical fields, proclaiming that this is “the work which requires the most thought, skill, and ingenuity, will receive the highest commendation, and will otherwise do most for the worker” ( ). douglass believes that this engagement with innovation was integral to racial uplift, economic empowerment, and demonstrated manhood: i saw even then, that the free negro of the north, with everything great expected of him, but with no means at hand to meet such expectations, could not hope to rise while he was excluded from all profitable employments. he was free by law, but was denied the chief advantages of freedom; he was indeed but nominally free; he was not compelled to call any man his master, and no one could call him a slave, but he was still in fact a slave, a slave to society, and could only be a hewer of wood and a drawer of water. it was easier at that day to get a black boy into a lawyer’s office to study law, or into a doctor’s office to study medicine, than it was to get him into a carpenter’s shop to push a plane, or into a blacksmith’s shop to hammer iron. ( ) it is men who invent; technological innovation provides the kind of work that leads to a through invention and provides a stable, sustainable economy for a man, his family, and his community. imagining douglass deciphering ways to use technology to become more technical in the midst of a social climate that moves comfortably to the tune of niggers being electrocuted in “oh! susannah,” makes the fear of technology much more believable, even palpable under the overt threat of violence. that douglass himself worked to break through the social norms concerning technology that are circumscribed the fredrick douglass papers at the library of congress digital collection, an oration delivered at the manassas industrial school, manassas, virginia, monday, september , . by white power sets a precedent for the difficulty african-american leaders will face in the future. douglass’s rhetoric, which suggests that african americans can author their own progress through the agency they forge from technological access to trades and resists the cog-in-the-wheel metaphor that rarely sees the african-american community as more than bastard sons and daughters of toil, is important as a rationale for the goal of empowerment in higher education. it is also an argument that the quakers in philadelphia are sure to have heard from him. quakers, who mostly limited their interactions with african americans to the rigidly outstretched hand that delivers philanthropy, saw douglass as a paragon of god’s hope for the slave and a source of inspiration and justification for their cause. his letters, speeches, and broadsides could often be found around quaker meeting houses across the east coast. it may well have been the influence of douglass in that helped press the managers to reconsider their endeavor to educate black children comprehensively. douglass’s example may also have encouraged the quaker meeting house to see the contributions of the black intelligentsia differently. believing that financing the student’s education at another institution was the most cost-effective and expedient option, several of the managers pushed the committee in that direction. however, a few managers wanted to explore the option of apprenticing boys in various trades to both colored and white artisans and masters of trades in the city of philadelphia. in order to gauge the feasibility of an apprenticeship program like this, the managers resolved to discuss the matter with members of the black community. convers describes the account this way: in november some of the managers submitted a list of colored mechanics in the city, and a committee was authorized to interview these men to find out under what terms they would take apprentices. on november , peter lester, a colored mechanic, attended the meeting of the board the result of which was a definite decision to invite “ . . . the attendance of a committee of coloured men to consult on this subject. . . .” such a meeting was held on december , , there being present men who represented the trades of shoemaker, plasterer, barber, and tailor. these men, by name, stephen h. glouchester, william douglass, james m. bustill, john p. burr, morris brown, nathaniel m. dupree and peter lester, were in agreement with the proposal and indicated their willingness to lend aid wherever possible. they pointed out, however, that most masters could not afford to teach trades to lads and maintain them as well, whereupon the managers voted to allow $ . per annum for each apprenticed lad. then the visitors made a suggestion which was to have far reaching results. they indicated that the matter of literary education was as important to negroes as that of learning a trade and suggested that the apprenticed lad would be better qualified if they also had a “ . . . knowledge of the higher branches . . . which would enable them to carry on their business more successfully and eventually to be prepared to instruct others in like manner.” they then proposed that an evening school be established, manned by well-trained teachers. this proposal appealed to the managers and before the meeting was adjourned they had given the colored men the responsibility of making recommendations, selecting a teacher and the pupils, as well as the authority to supervise the whole enterprise, should the proposal materialize. ( - ) beginning in december , the african-american masters became an administrative body of the corporation named “the board of education auxiliary to the guardianship of the estate of r. humphreys [sic] bequeathing a legacy for the instruction of colored boys in trades, literature and agriculture” (education auxiliary). as convers details, they elected officials and organized committees to prepare for the work of the evening school and apprenticeships ( ). the recruiting and planning efforts were incredibly successful. on september , , the managers held a meeting with “the colored committee” and made the decision to open the school that fall. on october , the board agreed and on november , , the evening school opened in a room on barclay street near sixth street. by january of , the school had approximately thirty students, all of whom were apprenticing various trades: carpentry, cabinet making, boot making, tailoring, barbery, painting. though no record exists of the academic courses the students received, their progress and breadth of study were notable enough that the managers and the education auxiliary committed to explore opening a day school to better ensure support for the apprenticeships and consistency in the young men’s schooling. the education auxiliary, or “colored committee,” not only organized this new iteration of icy and facilitated both the apprentice placements and academics, but also played a pivotal role in helping the managers understand the role of icy in combating the systemic practices of racial discrimination in the city. when advocating for better compensation for the masters, they argued that the increase would not just help them (many of whom had taken on an apprentice), but that it was necessary to attract the participation of white masters, who were the key to positively affecting the racism within the trades in philadelphia: the great importance of having apprentices placed with white mechanics as a means of eradicating the unholy prejudice existing in this community against colored mechanics can hardly be estimated. it has a direct and important connection with the prosperity and success of the enterprise not only in rescuing mini youth from ignorance, idleness in crime, but in making way for the future respectability, usefulness and moral influences of the apprentices . . . the present compensation is no inducement to white mechanics to have the obloquy and contempt that will attend their efforts to give trades to color boys. ( ) after a few setbacks in securing a property, the corporation agreed to purchase a lot on lombard street and erect a building for the purpose of the day school on april . the evening school, which continued until march of , “taught reading, writing, defining, written a mental arithmetic, grammar, geography and philosophy.” some lessons were given in the areas of “physiology, anatomy, hygiene, elocution, logic, composition and phrenology.” the apprenticeships continued to expand, and by february , enough progress had been made on the building that a committee was formed to “produce . . . a plan for organizing the school as well as to seek a suitable teacher.” in may of , charles l. reason was selected as principal of the institute and the committee agreed to open the school to girls, who would have their own program of study, once a “suitable female can be found to take charge.” on september , , the day school opened for boys. the girls school would open in may under the leadership of grace a. mapps, the first african-american woman to graduate from a four-year program in the united states and the cousin of sarah mapps douglass, who would merge her small, private school into the larger institute. she would become head of the school’s preparatory department and work at the school for fifty years. the following february, the evening school would be reopened at the new lombard street school. the early failure of icy also revealed the consequences of building a program of education on the basis of what banks would call functional access. throughout those first few years of operation, the managers would consistently point to the rudimentary successes that the students had as a sign of the institution’s incremental progress during their yearly self-evaluations. this allowed them to justify icy’s approach while also absolving them of the―dare i say―guilt for not living up to the full aims of humphreys’ will and icy’s original charter. in essence, they allowed themselves to feel that, for the time they had been in operation, what they had provided was good enough. they were negroes after all. the managers fell easily into a system of industrial education that would deny its charges any measure of social mobility or of economic freedom because they never saw a need to guard themselves against that notion. one of the reasons that critical access follows functional access in banks’s taxonomy is because there it offers the kind of discernment that allows one to “resist and avoid” technological discourse that operates in opposition to the developing agency of the marginalized who, in this case, are the students and stakeholders of icy. the practitioners―the school’s founders―did not critically engage the sociopolitical forces that were embedded in the technological discourse that they and icy entered into. those early years provided an important lesson in experiential access as well. the collapse of icy could be understood in very contemporary terms as a disconnect between the institutional vision, strategic planning, programmatic outcomes, and reliable assessment. day-to-day operations were never benchmarked by the original charter of the school, and the various teachers and farmers in charge of the students’ education and development were incentivized to prioritize manual labor and fundamentals instead of a more formalized curriculum. from the time the managers of richard humphreys’ estate crafted the articles of the constitution for the african institute, their efforts and intentions were systematically weathered away by the realities of racism within the technological discourse in and around the city of philadelphia. this racism existed in the general public, but was also an inherent and unacknowledged facet of philadelphia quakerism. this is instructive because it illustrates that it is indeed possible to be engaged in the work of racial uplift and yet undercut that work’s effectiveness because of lack of attention to one’s own racist assumptions. for the managers of icy, this perhaps created an oversight where they were unable to negotiate the ways in which technological discourse during the time, namely “the mechanical arts,” carried the stain of racist ideology, which first has to be unpacked in order to circumvent and surpass it. the managers made a huge mistake by divorcing icy from the resources and legacy of philadelphia’s black community. when they corrected that oversight—made the black community a vital part of its “rhetoric of design”―and they reintegrated the vision of the original constitution with strategic and programmatic planning from the colored committee, a committee that was a vital part of the community and could usher their young charges into apprenticeships, the institution began to do the kind of work that it was initially conceived to do. icy began to become what it was meant to be, fulfilling that original vision of humphreys after it was moved to lombard street and was nestled within the refuge of community. there, it could be integrated into the black community and draw from its resources of artisans and tradesmen, educators and ministers, doctors and practitioners. it was also the place where icy could begin recruiting its greatest leaders, the leaders who would shape the direction of icy for decades to come. chapter from photograph to factory: du bois and washington’s technodialectic failure during the great migration in , the year that frederick douglass died, w. e. b dubois and booker t. washington both saw themselves following and fulfilling douglass’s legacy of racial uplift and leadership. washington—who was born a slave in virginia and rose to prominence based on a platform of industrial/agricultural, skill-based training—offered his “atlanta compromise” speech to white northerners and southerners at the cotton states and international exhibition in atlanta, where he affirmed the social segregations of blacks and whites in exchange for the opportunities for blacks to live peacefully and productively in america by “the productions of [their] hands,” a sentiment of progress and manhood he felt was in the spirit of douglass. though most of his groundbreaking work was still a few years away, du bois, then a classics professor at wilberforce university and a ph.d. candidate at harvard, wrote a poem not only celebrating the life and legacy of douglass, but also steadied himself to follow in that great man’s example and fight “for a more equitable truth.” it is out of douglass’s departure that these two great men rise to articulate two distinct and seemingly opposing plans for the racial uplift of the american negro. this chapter attempts to look at w. e. b du bois and booker t. washington as influencers and products of hbcus in order to examine how the discourse of technology functioned within their sociopolitical imaginations. i suggest that du bois and washington’s views of technology influenced the discourse around identity politics and social mobility during the apex of the great migration era. what is even more interesting is that these same ideas expose a climate of tension between how prominent african- american leaders see technology usage and the desired appropriations of technology by the influx of working-class african americans placed front and center by the great migration. the great migration marked a shift in the way african americans looked at the technology and industrial spaces. african-american migrants’ responses to the racial and polemical agendas offered by du bois and washington brought into question how african americans should respond to technological innovation and increased urbanization. overall, both men orchestrated a progressive movement to usher in a new season for black people in very distinct, yet very paternalistic, ways. both du bois and washington envisioned a vanguard, a leadership class, that would further the advancement of the race, yet each man envisioned that group differently. the competing programs of progress offered by du bois, ever the “race man,” and washington, the staunch accomodationalist, feature a host of dichotomies: antipolitical compromise for the black body politic versus full political participation, higher social and cultural awareness versus economic self-empowerment, traditional liberal college education versus a technical education track. du bois sought to lead the black elite and, by extension, lead the negro people to the security and expression of their “nobler selves,” while washington galvanized the masses to accept the technical education offered by the “tuskegee machine,” provide services to the country-at-large and reap the security of property, ownership, and, by extension, honor. keith johnson and elwood watson see both du bois and washington as pivotal contributors to advancing the plight of african- american engineers. the institutions that washington founded, tuskegee university and hampton university, were the crowning jewels of that educational philosophy. their mission, and washington’s, was to give vocational training to african americans in domestic professions and trade guilds. washington felt the need to structure his learning institutions within an “authoritarian and religiously based” environment, ensuring that students were properly inundated with the social mores necessary to procure work and build wealth in the economic areas afforded to them by whites well into the twentieth century. in his essay, the “talented tenth,” du bois charges a small, select group of african-american college-educated men who exhibit substance and character, with the massive endeavor of uplifting the entire race. in , the national negro committee adopts the name national association for the advancement of colored people (naacp). and on november , the crisis magazine debuts as the naacp’s official voice with w. e. b. du bois as editor. interestingly enough, the essay first appeared in booker t. washington’s the negro problem, an anthology of prominent african-american leaders. the juxtaposition of “technical education” and “liberal education,” the education stances of du bois and washington, is oft interpreted as a statement of their attitudes toward the role of technology in african-american progress during the first quarter of the twentieth century. in actuality, this accepted binary is a bit misleading in this case: du bois and washington shared rather complementary ideas of how technology fit into the equation of racial uplift, especially in demonstrating the legitimacy of the hbcu at the turn of the century. these critical perceptions of du bois and washington are a direct result of their attitudes towards progress, not just as leaders but as technologists. more specifically, both du bois and washington bois situate an intrinsic value of african-american potential in technological space. this intrinsic value, or in their words, “substance,” worked as a moral compass for high achievement and a projection for the trajectory of the race. however, it is important to understand that both du bois and washington bois were heavily invested in this idea of empowering african americans with knowledge that was representative of upstanding moral character or “substance.” the question for both men becomes one of exactly where this intrinsic substance would be located and nurtured. ultimately, it is the photograph and the infograph that du bois and washington will use to nurture the substance of african-american agency, presence, and authority during the dawn of the twentieth century. the photograph and the infograph: du bois and washington’s joint tool for “substance” the atlanta exposition of was a milestone not only because of washington’s speech, but also because it was the first opportunity that african americans had to display their cultural and industrial achievements on an international platform. two years earlier, they were denied the opportunity to participate in the columbian world exposition in in chicago. the successes of du bois and washington in atlanta culminated in an appearance at the tennessee centennial and international exhibition in and a stipend from the u.s. government to prepare an exhibit for the upcoming paris exhibition. the paris exposition of would become an important example of how both du bois and washington were engaged in the promotion of substance in technological space. the paris exposition of featured an area within its u.s. exhibit entitled, “the negro section.” the section was organized and directed by thomas j. calloway, a special agent for the u.s. exhibition in paris and war department employee. calloway is an interesting figure: he was a former classmate of du bois at fisk and a staunch advocate for his research from his position at the u.s. state department. at the same time, he was an avowed supporter of industrial education and washington’s stewardship of resources and funding to other black colleges such as hampton, claflin, and fisk. washington thought so much of calloway that he sent a letter of recommendation to the board of trustees of alcorn college (in lorman, mississippi) endorsing calloway as the only candidate for the presidency of the college that could properly implement the tuskegee model. because he was so highly regarded by both du bois and washington, he may have been the only person to be able to get them to collaborate in such a spectacular fashion for the paris exposition. calloway is an interesting example of leadership on the margins, outside of the spotlight, which seems to be a required subjectivity for banks’s concept of an african-american rhetoric of design. it was calloway who conceived “the negro section,” a collection of photographs, charts, graphs, maps, archival, and historical documents that was intended to show the “history of the negro,” his “present condition,” his “education,” and his “literature.” according to bruce sinclair, the exhibit included, along with the work of black artists, “books, models, the patents of black inventors, information about instruction at hbcus such as fisk, howard, atlanta university, hampton, tuskegee institutes, and a few other colleges devoted to the education of african americans” ( ). figure . photographs. (left) howard university sewing class. (right) howard university carpentry class. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . figure . photographs. (left) claflin university woodwork shop. (right) agricultural and mechanical college blacksmithing shop. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . figure . photographs. (left) howard university pharmaceutical laboratory. (right) howard university chemistry laboratory. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . though it is unlikely that du bois or washington took any of the photographs included in the collection, they had a huge influence on its content and design. one larger centerpiece of the exhibit was a large portrait of washington that was mounted above images of industrial education taking place in america’s hbcus. when examining these photos, there is a notable absence of clear images of the tuskegee institute itself, as if to make the point that washington’s legacy of industrial education is larger than any singular institution. carla willard points out that washington saw the photographs he commissioned at tuskegee as a means of making the substance of the negro character as “tangible.” for him, the photograph possessed a certain storytelling ability, one that could “ . . . through the powers of persuasion . . . prove a point through narrative appeal . . . ” and spread the belief “in an unmediated and authentic ‘glimpse’ of the material world” ( ). what is most revealing is how willard sees washington’s compositional eye in later works, encouraging “multiple readings by managing and editing his photographic materials as a professional photographer might do.” she gives an especially poignant example when describing washington’s use of photographic composition when depicting a women’s gardening class at tuskegee: letting the pictures tell the story became a standard feature of washington’s articles by the first decade of the new century. published in outlook’s version of “up from slavery,” for example, the women of “a class in horticulture” spanned two contrasting categories of domestication associated with washington’s uplift philosophy; the subjects figured in readings that defined two contrasting social positions for tuskegee women. first, for black businessmen and professionals like george f. robinson who read the first chapter as an example of his “own experience,” the women enhanced the reading of a meteoric black uplift. like the mistresses of “signs,” the subjects of the class added their number to an emerging black pmc. they were elegant wives-to-be who prepared to cultivate their own gardens and to grace the homes of their men. on the other hand, “new” southerners and northern industrialists alike incorporated the photograph into the dominant interpretation of washington’s story―a narrative about the conservative process of slow and “natural” growth starting at the bottom and still far from the top. this reading complemented the overwhelming feminization of black industry during the period and the national and european focus on tuskegee as a training ground for black domestics. ( ) willard plainly and correctly surmises that the multiple readings gleaned from washington’s articles came from various admirers, many of whom had diametrically opposed ideologies. the unifying characteristic was that each of these readings “align the class with patriarchal agendas that bent not only segregation questions but also the professional potential of black women to the wider ‘civilizing’ interests of u.s. imperialism.” i want to extend willard’s summation a bit here. washington’s compositional style, his deceptively plainly stated prose juxtaposed with his manipulation of images produced doubled readings of the material world that he presented that, regardless of its intended audience, allowed the reader to bear witness to the honorable work and industriousness of blacks, more specifically in this case, black women. though readings of the image or article and even the author’s aims may have been contradictory, the “patriarchal agenda” remained intact. revealing the humanity and civility of blacks, exposing racial injustice perpetrated by whites, and the troubling dynamics in the relationship between the two were the ultimate goal of many of washington’s publications in varying degrees. and yet washington was comfortable allowing any one of those potential aims within a reading of his work fall through the reader’s purview because of the subtle strength of his patriarchal ideals, which would ensure that the structures that bound his vision of progress—pastoral headship, an agricultural foundation, and strategically managed (or allowed) opportunities—remained intact. willard points out that, “[w]hile ‘industry’ and second class citizenry continued to define the tuskegee model,” washington’s narratives and images gradually envisioned a comfortable, almost leisurely, middle-class lifestyle that would direct the aspirations of blacks and present an air of culture and civility to whites, prompting willard to conclude that the “[s]tately homes and also the proprietors of homes―the doctors, lawyers, bishops, businessmen and their wives―presented readers with a ‘negro’ closer to the ‘talented tenth’ of du bois than to any labor of the hands” ( ). many of the institutional photographs were taken by the most noted female photographer of the day, frances benjamin johnston. a few years earlier, johnston’s hampton album contextualized washington’s emphasis on industrialized education after his “atlanta compromise” speech in : the hampton photographs were displayed in the palace of social economy as part of the american negro exhibit, assembled with the participation of such prominent black leaders as w.e.b. du bois, presented among books, charts, artifacts, models, photomontages, and many other photographs as documentary evidence illustrating “the educational and industrial progress of the negro race in the united states,” the hampton images received a grand prize, as did the exhibition as a whole. in addition, photographic evidence of the substance of negro worth and character was vitally important to washington. washington, for a time, subsidized the colored american magazine and oversaw its move from boston to new york once it faced financial hardship in . the colored american magazine was “the first up-to-date magazine in the history of the race” and was widely figure . photographs. (left) only negro store of its kind in the u.s. at state street, chicago, illinois. (right) fisk university students and teachers in training school. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . regarded for its “professional quality of prose, photography, layout and printing.” washington’s vantage point was complementary and took this notion further; he saw the photography as a tool for validating the substance of negro character and work ethic. not only that, but the photograph was not just a tool of revelation and utilization, but it was—in washington’s view—an instructional composition, not one that merely captured a moment, but a way of constructing one. the institutional photo not only resisted racist assumptions of white viewers, but also served to model worth and industriousness to blacks, primarily those enrolled in an institution focused on industrial education. in a similar manner, du bois’s staging of the negro exhibit was in effect a multimodal composition; it was as evidential and resistant as it was instructive and polemical. in addition to the institutional photographs, the display included hundreds of images that portrayed african-american men, women, and children as respectable, middle-class people. figure . photographs. (left) african-american man, head-and- shoulders portrait, facing slightly left. (right) african-american man, head-and-shoulders portrait, left profile. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . figure . photographs. (left) african-american woman, head- to-waist portrait, facing slightly left. (right) african-american man, head-to-waist portrait, left profile. displayed as part of the american negro exhibit at the paris exposition of . du bois collected nearly four hundred portraitures of upwardly mobile blacks to reflect the civil values of the much-maligned race and to present visual evidence against the image of the black criminal in the minds of whites. by constructing a new visual referent, du bois hoped to shift the subjectivity of the racialized gaze from the destabilizing image to a stable revelation of civility that would bear witness to the substance of the negro people’s character for whites and blacks. shawn michelle smith, in her insightful work, photography on the color line: w. e. b. du bois, race, and visual culture, holds “that visual culture was fundamental not only to racist classification but also to racial reinscription and the reconstruction of racial knowledge in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries” ( ). she argues that du bois’s enormous contributions to the negro exhibit at the paris exposition constitute a “counterarchive” that works against racist discourses within science and visual culture ( ). by focusing her attention on the unidentified portraits of african americans that, within each single image, seem to juxtapose the middle-class civility of the genteel parlor portrait and the malevolent defiance of a mugshot, smith helps to recast du bois as a visual theorist of race by explaining how the paris exposition was an act of resistance against prevailing images of black criminality and an affirmation of the “complicated visual dynamics of double consciousness.” smith observes that images provided by du bois do not include many captions or orienting texts, giving it a quality that she describes as initially “enigmatic.” she surmises that the lack of explanatory text allows the viewer to engage their suppositions of race and african-american life as they view the images, and, as they peruse the exhibit, they can create a new narrative or counterstory, one that resists the racist assumptions held by the general public and reinforced by media. these images shed a more favorable light on the everyday lives and industry of african americans and presented a stark contrast to the french examples of african primitivism also found in the exhibit. smith finds that du bois’s images and the arrangement of the exhibit contested what she called the “authorizing discourses” through which many viewers at the time would expect to see those images. popular “vernacular photographies” were considered the “preeminent cultural sites” of the time, yet “the negro section,” particularly du bois’s use of the black image, destabilized that view, that gaze: du bois’s georgia negro photographs refuse the fiction of ‘‘the disengaged look of universal man,” challenging the continued authorization of a white gaze; indeed, such disruptions of a racialized normative gaze are central to the ways in which the images function as a counterarchive. du bois’s photographs engage viewers that occupy particular historical and cultural positions, and they work to dismantle and reconfigure the popular and scientific visual genealogies of african americans that inform dominant turn-of-the-century viewing practices. if the viewer, at least in part, produces photographic meaning, du bois’s albums suggest that the viewer can also be directed to look and see differently. ( ) du bois and washington were not only concerned with the visual representations of african-american bodies, faces, labors, and intellectual pursuits. they were also invested in the visual-representations of data that confirmed a less prejudiced view of the legacy and the demographics of the african-american experience. just recently, the library of congress has digitized and made publicly available over infographic tables, graphics, charts, and illustrations created by w. e. b. du bois and his students at atlantic university. graphical representation of quantitative data was a relatively recent phenomenon, gradually becoming more important throughout the nineteenth century as more government entities, both domestic and abroad, began to collect more and more data. clive thompson details how, in america, graphical representations of data collected on the american institution of slavery led to the creation of “slave maps.” these slave maps helped union forces identify which areas in the country to focus their initial efforts in the first few years of the civil war. with a slave map, they could determine which parts of a state had the greatest concentration of slaves, and therefore, the greatest population of new troops for the union service. thompson marks the late– nineteenth century as a time where “data visualization had created a new type of citizen. educated individuals in the united states or europe were increasingly comfortable thinking statistically” (“the surprising history of the infographic”). the infographics are remarkably because they also show that du bois was keenly aware of the need for a technical or scientific rebuttal to the pseudoscience of racism that was growing in popularity during the time. du bois himself presents his own statistical social study entitled, “the georgia negro,” which features a graphic of the transatlantic slave trade (which incidentally seems to coalesce at a point in georgia) on its first page. unlike his study of the philadelphia negro in , du bois situates this study as an expression of sociological work through technological discourse. on the front page of the study, he boldly states, “this case is devoted to a series of charts, maps and other devices designed to illustrate the development of the american negro in a single typical state of the united states.” so as not to confuse a reader or visitor of the rhetorical intent of study, du bois includes for the first time what would become one of the most memorable sentences of his most famous work: “the problem of the th century is the problem of the color line” the data collected and shown by du bois’s students focuses mostly on demographic data on african americans in georgia. included were graphics showing the gradual reduction of free negroes in the state of georgia right up until the emancipation proclamation of ; graphics of “race amalgamation,” or race mixing, among the black georgians; and graphics on literacy rates, along with demographics on black students and teachers. the students visually represented socioeconomic data, depicting valuations of black-owned property, farm tools, and household and kitchen furniture, which harken back to the data- based appeals of black philadelphians in the s, and which were mentioned in chapter of this dissertation. they presented several models that displayed comparative analysis of current occupational statistics, some of which utilize their visual rhetorics to project racial disparity, a bleak outlook in certain professions, and the need for reform, rates of income, and expenditures of black families in atlanta, georgia, complete with family budgets―even african american population density maps of the united states and particular counties in georgia (figure ). figure . print. w. e. burghardt du bois. income and expenditure of negro families in atlanta, georgia. presented at the paris exposition of . figure . prints. w. e. burghardt du bois. (left) occupations of negroes and whites in georgia. (right) negro population of georgia by counties. presented at the paris exposition of . figure . print. w. e. burghardt du bois. city and rural population, . presented at the paris exposition of . in addition, the students of atlanta university presented a particularly sobering series entitled, “a series of statistical charts illustrating the condition of the descendants of former african slaves now in residence in the united states of america.” these infographics included a comparison of the illiteracy rates of african americans to that of other nations; the enrollment of black children in public and common arenas in former slave states; the proportion of freemen and slaves among the black population from - ; african-american population data, especially in former slave states; and national demographic data including marriage, poverty, mortality, crime, religion, amalgamation, property, and black entrepreneurs. it also compiled data on popular literary productions such as newspapers and periodicals; comparative data of the population of african americans in america with the populations of other countries, which subtlety suggests a nation within a nation; and rates of population increases. thompson asserts that the modern-day concept of the infographic was a product of nineteenth-century “scientists and thinkers who found themselves drowning in their own flood of data . . . ” for the first time, a significant number of researchers were able to take the findings and results of their work and analyze and present that data in concise and socially relevant ways. he reveals that the mid-nineteenth century produced “slave maps”―visualizations that depicted slaveholdings and movements across the united states. brentin mock holds that du bois and his students’ data and visualizations (figures - ) compare favorably with today’s infographics designed by “data specialists,” which use advanced computer graphics. allison meier’s blog, hyperallergic, describes the infographics as “strikingly vibrant and modern . . . but they are in line with innovative nineteenth-century data visualization, like william farr’s dynamic cholera charts or florence nightingale’s “coxcomb” diagrams on causes of war mortality.” figure . prints. (left) w. e. burghardt du bois. negro businessmen in the united states. (right) students at atlanta university. conjugal condition of american negroes according to age periods. a series of statistical charts illustrating the condition of the descendants of former african slaves now in residence in the united states. presented at the paris exposition of . these charts and graphs tie together the multimedia aspect of the exhibit and du bois’s position as a compositionist. the organization of the materials at the paris exposition . . . evoke multiple codes of photographic meaning . . . from the instrumental records of scientific and criminological mug shots to middle- class portraits . . . du bois’s counterarchive specifically highlights the racialized contours of “official” photographic meaning and scientific knowledge, precisely as it challenges such authorized claims to truth. (smith ). wilson jeremiah moses describes both du bois and washington as fashioning different visions of what he calls a “technocratic black nationalism.” moses argues figure . prints. w. e. burghardt du bois. (left) the amalgamation of the white and black elements of the population in the united states. (right) the rise of the negroes from slavery to freedom in one generation. a series of statistical charts illustrating the condition of the descendants of former african slaves now in residence in the united states. presented at the paris exposition of . that this kind of “black progressivism” worked toward a “new industrial democracy.” moreover, he specifies that: washington hoped to build business and industrial technocracy among black people. he hoped that by responding to the demands of the age for skilled industrial workers and competent businessmen, black americans could make themselves sophisticated contributors to the new industrial revolution . . . w.e.b. dubois also hoped to establish a black technocracy, which he called the “talented tenth.” the du bois technocrats were to be social scientists and humanists, rather than industrial workers. but du bois, like washington, was in step with those main currents of american thought which were at the time extolling the virtues of professionalization and the creation of reformer elites. ( ) but moses is only half right: though du bois and washington engage the era’s technological discourse in their visions of progress and racial uplift, and have trained students from their respective hbcus to enter that discourse as well, it is precisely their adherence to “those main currents of american thought” about technological discourse that hampers their programs from truly becoming examples of a technocratic black nationalism. washington as technocrat and his “training of the hand” when washington addresses his vision of industrial education in his essay, “industrial education: will it solve the negro problem,”, he begins by lamenting that “no one object has been more misunderstood than that of the object and value of industrial education for the negro” ( ). an additional misunderstanding in this vein is exactly what washington means when he uses the term, “industrial education.” historians of technology often place his meaning within the context of gaining entrance into, and ultimately controlling, the means for industrial manufacturing and commodities production. if anything, washington feared rapid industrialization because of its dependence on urbanization and its increased reliance on machinery to replace human labor, which washington clearly stakes as the economic domain and potential wellspring for blacks. technologists such as caplan and labore see washington as a standard- bearer for creating institutions of technological space that act as cultural and economic catalysts for innovation. because of these views, many of these historians and technologists have referred to washington as a “technocrat.” technocrats were engineers, scientists, and others with expertise in technical fields who “perceive many important societal problems as being solvable, often while proposing technology-focused solutions.” they were adherents to the idea of the “technocracy.” a fringe approach to economic systems became a parlor- room curiosity and then became an in-vogue fad in the late s and early s, which used various charts, graphs, and calculations to determine energy output without direct consideration of capitalistic influences. the first accredited use of the word technocracy, however, was in william henry smyth’s article “‘technocracy’—ways and means to gain industrial democracy” in the journal industrial management. the term had been bandied about for almost two decades prior, increasing the likelihood that washington probably had some exposure to the term. by , technocrats would be debunked as crackpots peddling a dangerous brand of techno- pseudoscience to gain political favor. in , groups of engineers denounced the claims of technocracy for complete automation of industry and as “exaggerated, intolerant, and extravagant.” in a communication to the engineering council, mr. smyth charged that the technocrats had misappropriated his invention of the word technocracy and surrounded it with false doctrine. mr. smyth urges a supreme national council of scientists superior even to the u. s. supreme court to deal with the constructive and distributive factors and the conventions of the nations. however, in later stages of washington’s career, technocrats first and foremost saw themselves amassing the data to support their ideas against the american capital price system, which they saw as inefficient, in order to maximize productivity. nationally, there was little interest in these ideas given the thrust of the industrial economy in the u.s., which wouldn’t reach its peak capacity until . the technocratic platform where “everyone does an equal and rather small amount of work (say ½ hours a week for years) and enjoys an equal and very large income—in goods provided by the state or obtained by an exchange of [energy output] tokens” was a form of technoelitism, which ensured that technopolitical power would remain in the hands of the technoelite. and though many scholars applied the term technocrat to washington retroactively, given the responses at the gathering of engineers regarding engineering education, it is doubtful that for all their education and accolades, tuskegee students would never be considered worthy of the status of engineer. also, technocrats were considered to be interested in the most cutting-edge developments of technology and, for better or for worse, stretched the limits of the technological imagination to the point of spreading dubious claims about their findings and inventions. in technology at work, beverly burris maps out the foundational ideological divides that have marked the evolution of technocracy. burris avoids the extreme binaries of whether whole expert systems can lead to utopian or dystopian worlds, but argues that both knowledge and technology are subject to the will and intentions of the user. more importantly, the will of the user is often contextualized, even motivated, by social and political factors and logistical realities. reviewer bonalyn neilsen notes that although burris’s even-handed treatment of the subject is useful, the book, like others that discuss the benefits of technocracy, “does little to systemically identity or explicate the social and political variables that influence the organizational implementation of expert systems.” burris’s examination relies on an empirical review of automation, bureaucratic control, and professional control ( - ). one weakness of the technocratic platform is that it often focuses on the role of blind, large-scale economic and demographic forces. but such forces do not simply occur, nor do they create specific outcomes; they are the products of conscious human action and in turn create contexts within which people fashion specific agendas. the transformation of postwar industrial cities was driven not by some abstract historical force but by a combination of private investment decisions and state action. this impetus was centered around an urban renewal policy that—along with explicitly segregationist priorities in federal public housing policy—cut off minority communities, displaced large sections of these communities, and concentrated them between expressways, office complexes, stadiums, and civic centers. though washington makes clear that the “value and object of industrial education” is not in teaching blacks how to work for whites and the established socioeconomic elite, but in “teaching the negro how rather not to work,” a comment seemingly in agreement with the technocratic platform. washington was, in essence, no technocrat (“industrial education” ). for the african-american community, and for washington’s plan in particular, numerical efficiency and energy output were considerations that had been morally bankrupt and part of the problem. washington built the “tuskegee machine” to not only be a landmark in the education of african americans, but also a monument to a change in business philosophy―not towards the more efficient economy―which would, according to technologists, lead to a less competitive and thus more equitable market society, but to a more favorable capitalist community for blacks. washington explains the vision of his economic and educational agenda as a move to make the forces of nature―air, water, horsepower, steam, and electric power―work for him. by controlling the forces of the natural world, african americans can imbue themselves with the creative intentionality that can transform labor from “toil and drudgery, into that which is dignified and beautiful.” incidentally, washington sees the conditions of one’s intent in labor as the producer of good or bad character, not the other way around. the lack of knowledge concerning every facet of production, combined with the lack of a truly diversified skill set as a result of being barred from the full division of labor, produced many of the “traits” attributed to african americans as a whole: ignorance, shiftlessness, incompetence. when washington defends industrial education and looks to the tuskegee machine as a paragon for industry, he does not look at industrial progress as a technological revolution, or even one of economic power through access. quizzically, washington uses the term industry to posit moral and ethical purity within the activities of the “hand.” though the work of the hand includes “technical knowledge and mastery,” it does not presuppose/demand the recognition of mastery. that is, the industrious agency of the hand lacks the independent agency of a “creator,” a true master who can reconfigure, revamp, and reprogram tools for uses outside of existing frameworks. to put it another way, the education of the hand produces a karmic benefit: as african americans become more adept as baseline commodities producers, they will experience widespread, undeniable, concrete, and long-lasting economic vitality and stability, which will in turn lead to stronger ethical character. this produces a sense of empowerment based on tangible means, which will eventually lead to social change if and when african americans learn all the right lessons along the way. however, washington builds very little transformative access into his technoethos for progress through tuskegee’s educational tract. moreover, washington’s “training of the hand” grounds a man and resists what washington snarkily refers to as “an over-production of educated politicians—men who are bent on living by their wits.” washington readily explained that the negro’s economic position hinges on establishing “men who, in addition to their practical knowledge, can draw plans, make estimates, take contracts. . . . ” unfortunately, he narrowly delimits what those plans, estimates, and contracts should be for, which was to “understand the latest methods of truck-gardening and the science underlying practical agriculture.” a complementary goal was to increase the numbers of . . . those who understand machinery to the extent that they can operate steam and electric laundries, so that our women can hold on to laundry work in the south, that is so far drifting into the hands of others in the large cities and towns. ( ) not above proselytizing, washington sought to show african americans how—in the spirit of the biblical joseph’s deliverance from slavery through his brothers’ treachery—what men planned for evil, god meant for good. he proclaimed that “god, for years, was preparing the way for the redemption of the negro through industrial development” ( ). this is a haunting consideration, since the development of a new paradigm for technology usage is apparently tied up with blacks also becoming better people: the negro can work in wood and iron, and no one objects, so long as he confines his work to the felling of trees and the sawing of boards, to the digging of iron ore and the making of pig iron; but when the negro attempts to follow his tree into the factory, where it is made into chairs and desks and railway coaches; or when he attempts to follow the pig iron into the factory, where it is made into knife blades and watch springs, the negro’s trouble begins. and what is the objection? simply that negro lacks skill, coupled with brains . . . or that when white men refuse to work with colored men, enough skilled and educated colored men cannot be found able to superintend and manage even part of any large industry, and, hence, these are the reasons we are constantly barred out. ( ) each grievance listed by washington indicates that he has a firm grasp of the issues facing blacks’ ascension in the chain of production, and he seems to set to dismantle the arguments present against the inclusion of blacks in the inner sanctums of industrial production, or to at least posit the factory as a site of eventual growth and aspiration. instead, washington abandons specificity and offers the general salve that the negro must become “in a larger measure, an intelligent producer” and that there should be a “more vital connection between the negro’s educated brain and his opportunity of earning his daily living.” washington’s descriptions of the black southerner form an uneasy juxtaposition: on the one hand, many blacks who have achieved a measure of technical mastery in slavery have the requisite expertise and work ethic to shepherd the negro people into a new season of economic prosperity. on the other hand, washington condemns the same people for their “lack of skill, coupled with ignorance” which “causes him to do his work in the most costly and shiftless manner . . . this keeps him near the bottom of the ladder in the business world.”( ) he ends his essay with a final articulation of his argument that, though rational, reveals the hidden slight at its core. he believes that: he who would make the statesmen, the men of letters, the men for the professions for the negro race of the future, must, to-day, in large measure, make the intelligent artisans, the manufactures, the contractors, the real estate dealers, the land owners, the successful farmers, the merchants in domestic economy. further, i know that it is not an easy thing to make a good christian of a hungry man. i mean that just in proportion as the race gets a proper industrial foundation—gets habits of industry, thrift, economy, land, homes, profitable work, in the same proportion will its moral and religious life be improved. (italics mine) ( ) for washington, the secret was that industrial education built good character, and good character produced great wealth. “an industrial school . . . does not merely teach technique. it [is] also . . . a center of moral influence and of mental discipline” ( ). yet, washington’s machine dreams were disingenuously gentile and rooted in an agricultural south which may be able to insulate itself from the waking nightmare of the morally bankrupt, culturally rampant industrialized northern city. at the turn of the century, washington’s industrial rhetoric outside of that associated with the tuskegee machine, was technological rhetoric steeped with death and destruction. washington’s penchant for ameliorating whites at every available opportunity caused him to be dangerously cavalier with the struggles and lives of people of african descent in america, building a rhetoric that equated violence, bodily harm, and black suffering as a necessity for the drum march of progress. i believe david levering lewis captures this sentiment best in his biography of w. e. b du bois when describing washington’s measured depth and careful calculations in a wistful aside: a leisurely perusal of black belt diamonds, the popular edition of [washington’s] speeches, yielded such gems as that lynching “really indicates progress. there can be no progress without friction”; that slavery gave the african-american “the habit of work”; or that, if the oppressed african-american “can be a medium of [southern whites] rising into the atmosphere of generous brotherhood and self-forgetfulness, he will see in it a recompense for all that he has suffered. ( ). as much as washington believed in industrial education and economic power, he did not affirm self-sustained economic empowerment. as much as he championed the idea of hard work and the survivalist’s creative allocation of resources, he lambasted the political agency (and the black leaders) necessary for black people to reap all of the fruits of their labors. as much as he dedicated his time and energy to create safe spaces for young black men and women to learn, grow, and ultimately find a measure of success in world designed to see them fail and fall, his rhetoric toward those not directly under his administration, tutelage, or influence, including the masses of black men and women who were populating the industrial centers of america in droves, was deadly. it devalued black lives and experience by articulating the cost of those countless lives and suffering as the price for progress, an expense for good business. du bois, years later, would offer an interesting critique of washington. du bois surmised that while washington’s notions of economic empowerment were indeed sound, washington was bound by an understanding of economic development in the nineteenth century and not the twentieth century, and, for that reason, the curricula at hampton and tuskegee were vastly outpaced by the rapid advances in technology ( ). this, i think is true, but i would also add that washington saw the potential in known industrial methodologies as “moral” and the exploration of experimental scientific and technological methods as frivolous, even corrupting. the legacy of washington’s disdain towards the new would prompt james weldon johnson to make this observation and advocate for a new platform for industrial education: a generation ago the majority opinion of the country was that industrial training should be the basic if not the only education for negro boys and girls. but most of the standard trades that have been taught in our industrial schools and which were once regarded as sure guarantees of a livelihood have been practically abolished; they are today mechanized processes. it is hardly worth the while for these schools to turn out old- style blacksmiths, wheelwrights, shoemakers, typesetters, or even carpenters. the change calls for a revolution in the plants of our industrial schools. machine methods must be substituted for the old handicrafts. this substitution is, however, one that only the largest and richest of our institutions can afford to make. (negro americans, what now? ) the reality was that as scientific and industrial technologies developed throughout the second industrial revolution and through the progressive era, washington’s unwavering focus on agriculture and domestic labor as technologically solvent practically ignored new approaches in science in favor of conventional and comfortable wisdom, an approach which had an adverse effect on hbcus. du bois as eugenicist and his afrofuturism in dusk to dawn ( ), du bois admits to his fascination with new scientific approaches and the emerging technologies of his day: i was interested in evolution, geology, and the new psychology. i began to conceive of the world as a continuing growth rather than a finished product. in germany i turned still further from religious dogma and began to grasp the idea of a world of human beings whose actions, like those of the physical world, were subject to law. the triumphs of the scientific world thrilled me: the x-ray and radium came during my teaching term, the airplane and the wireless. the machine increased in technical efficiency and the north and south poles were invaded. on the other hand the difficulties of applying scientific laws and discovering cause and effect in the social world were still great. social thinkers were engaged in vague statements and were seeking to lay down the methods by which, in some not too distant future, social law analogous to physical law would be discovered. . . . for me an opportunity seemed to present itself. i could not lull my mind to hypnosis by regarding a phrase like “consciousness of kind” as a scientific law. but turning my gaze from fruitless word-twisting and facing the facts of my own social situation and racial world, i determined to put science into sociology through a study of the condition and problems of my own group. i was going to study the facts, any and all facts, concerning the american negro and his plight, and by measurement and comparison and research, work up to any valid generalization which i could. i entered this primarily with the utilitarian object of reform and uplift; but nevertheless, i wanted to do the work with scientific accuracy. (science and empire - ) du bois’s appreciation for science and scientific inquiry encouraged him to find ways to inject science and scientific innovation into social systems, primarily through the sociology and psychology of race. he applied such an approach in his study, the philadelphia negro, and in his use of infographics at the paris exposition of , but he was also interested in experimenting with another “cutting-edge science”: eugenics. during the first twenty years of the twentieth century, scientists combined disparate theories from anthropology, biology, genetics, and sociology to form eugenic science— the science, beliefs, and social practices that culminate in the improvement of a race or species by encouraging the reproduction of desirable traits through genetic manipulation or selective breeding. the central claim of newly minted eugenicists was that “both physical and character traits of individuals were biologically determined and thus the genetic quality of society could be made better or worse through artificial selection” (english ). though most american eugenicists focused on “negative eugenics,” which actively sought to prevent the reproduction of those in society deemed “unfit,” there was a subset of american eugenicists who concentrated on encouraging reproduction among those with the most desirable traits, a “positive eugenics.” southerners had long advocated racial separation, but eugenics science and its resulting policies reinforced racial hierarchies. proponents of the pseudoscience of eugenics also believed that social order depended upon maintaining a standard of biological and racial integrity. for whites, this often meant advocating racial purity through legislation and the systematic segregation of the races, especially between white women and black men whose potential social contacts could lead to clandestine sexual encounters that could destroy white civilization. for american blacks, eugenics meant obtaining a modicum of civility through the identification and elevation of those with desirable social and intellectual traits and the active discouragement of bringing any more children into society’s lower castes. lisa lindquist dorr has argued that eugenics was often thrust into the nexus of segregation law, social policy, and concern for maintaining the integrity of the general public. it is her contention that eugenics arguments magnified white america’s fear of integration and especially emphasized the threat to white womanhood. lindquist dorr points out that the racial integrity act in virginia, which prohibited the marriage of a white person and a person of another race, harkens back to many of the black codes that followed after reconstruction. it was more heavily preoccupied with the ancestry of potential violators than public displays, going so far as to have eugenicists define what it was to be white and protecting the idea that there was an achievable racial purity. in effect, eugenics, as a scientific process, essentially “proved” that racial purity was an achievable act and that “the biological traits of the weaker race dominated those of the superior race when a mixture occurred” ( ). daylanne k. english, in her work, unnatural selections: eugenics in american modernism and the harlem renaissance, situates du bois in the center of the positive eugenics through his use of photography. english opens her discussion of du bois with a historical footnote on african-american progress, or “racial uplift.” when phillis wheatley addressed the advancement of africa’s “pagan” descendants, she wholeheartedly maintained that african americans, “black as cain,” needed first to convert to christianity, in light and truth, to begin the process of refinement through the “holy word” (and its most respected deliverers). frederick douglass’s narrative shifted the focus from christianity proper to “literary, physical and political resistance ( ). english later reveals that between and , leaders such as e. franklin frazier, a. phillip randolph, james weldon johnson, marcus mosiah garvey, jr., and du bois all embraced some form of eugenics, which became more entrenched in discussions of racial progress. this becomes even more intriguing when one considers the way smith frames du bois’s use of the photograph. actually, english argues that shawn michelle smith overlooks du bois’s photographs as a kind of visual (or in modern terms, multimodal) eugenics document, primarily because most scholars are loathe to place du bois or any of his work in the same category of racializing eugenicists. however, i think that english argues succinctly and convincingly here, that du bois’s photographs at the paris exposition of “cannot be interpreted solely as a reaction to white supremacism; he was, at the same time, advancing his own intraracial agenda, one that cannot be easily divorced from eugenic thinking and portraiture” ( ). english even identifies du bois’s hard-to-define novel, dark princess, as a kind of eugenics fantasy ( ). she uncovers a issue of the crisis where du bois clearly demonstrates his interest in eugenics by claiming that, “the negro has not been breeding for an object and therefore must begin to “train and breed for brains, for efficiency, for beauty.” ultimately, english argues that “the ideology of eugenics effectively bridges the individual and the collective,” primarily because “eugenics focuses simultaneously on the quality of the individual “breeder” and the quality of the collective body,” whether it be a nation, race, or racial or social caste. in this way, eugenics serves to undercut the “binary constructions” of both modernisms and the harlem renaissance. equally important, it allowed du bois a means to cope with various facets of his own double consciousness, easing the tension between “an elite yet paradoxically representative individual leader, and the negro masses apparently so sorely in need of uplift.” ( ) one of the resounding themes in the crisis was, as christopher lasch put it, that intellectuals must play a central role in movements for radical change. but the journal also had “an agenda for presenting eugenic racial portraiture.” du bois, regardless of where one may say that he stood on (or between) his various definitions of race, always imagined a selective and selectively bred leadership class of african americans. the talented tenth were identified and bred through talent selection, virility, and intellect and, like english, i think of du bois’s articulation of the talented tenth as a biosocial solution to racial uplift. the attention shown to possibly eugenics’, and most assuredly elitists’, scientific methods of ensuring a leadership class ignores the possibilities of a more inclusive vision of racial progress that was as steadying scientifically, but perhaps more egalitarian and less intraracially exclusive. to do this, du bois would split his own discussion of double consciousness into metaphors of the corporeal and the psyche. sue wells mentions that three central categories of modernity—temporality, embodiment, and expertise—are presented in du bois’s the souls of black folk and that du bois would “embod[y] racial identity in the blood” in order to establish some link between the reality of biological racial differences and the call for uplift for the black upper echelon. moreover, she reads his move here as “an understanding of consciousness as temporally constituted so that the work of previous generations can be effective only when it is appropriated in the present” ( - ). du bois shifts the sites of embodiment depending on his audience. for more racially and politically integrated audiences, the metaphor of blood carries with it a message of humanistic unity and equality, a truth that exist on a horizontal axis under the rule of science and nature. for primarily african american audiences (and the crisis supporters), the images of perfect families served as a metaphor for a more vertical trajectory of progressive refinement, supported by eugenic science. when making these portrayals, double consciousness becomes a condition to be remedied and eventually transcended. it was not a conflict of warring tensions engaged to produce a stronger psyche—this was no socialistic dialectic—it was a site for psychosocial darwinism. double consciousness was an enemy, one whom african americans would have to engage in a battle of life or death. this mission of modernism generates some questions and issues for us when considering some of the earmarks of african-american progress. i like the way kathleen stewart articulates the modernist impulse in her essay, “machine dreams.” stewart offers that the duality produced under the auspices of modernism (thought and matter, science and religion, machine and dream) seek to unlock the mysteries of the nature, the soul, and the heavens all while, as she quotes bruno latour: . . . firmly maintaining that nature escapes us, that society is our own work, and that god no longer intervenes . . . in its simultaneous disenchantment and re-enchantment of the world, there is both anesthesia and shock, boredom and exhilaration, distraction and the lyrical pause of meaning. far from a stable clarity of vision, or reason, modernity is like seeing double. ( ) stewart goes on to direct her attention to walter benjamin, who sees the modernist world controlled by the bizarre images that it produces. she notes that the dream world of the middle class and upwardly mobile “inscribes,” or projects, personal agency within public spaces and through social issues, meaning that objects and ideas within modernist society became artifacts augmented by the “social energy” of this personal agency and, as such, refracted the values of the social energy to the public at large ( ). i think that du bois would wholehearted agree with latour’s—and by proxy stewart’s—sentimental explanation of modernity—with one caveat: for the african american, modernity is not like seeing double, it is like being double. this modernist enterprise inhabits our teeming, always-threatening-to-emerge subconscious; our dream states. but it is not a dream; it is a code, codes that have been inscribed by policy, american exceptionalist belief, and racial myth. to borrow the current sleep allegory, the most significant dialectic isn’t produced through the struggle encountered between those transient and ephemeral moments between wake and sleep. the more engaging dialectic here lies in the interpretation of dreams. in other words, the key is in understanding the factors necessary to unlock those dreams. this particular dream from du bois, a dream of a better, progressively more cosmopolitan and racially refined progeny culled out of selected sociocultural dictums and selective breeding, was in large sense a reclamation project in that aimed to bring african americans a fuller measure of dignity lost by the harsh realities of slavery and second-class citizenship. however, it was to du bois a strictly american dream. what i mean is that du bois never expects his efforts towards “the civility of the race” to lead back full circle to the restoration of a healthy, distinctive african consciousness or psyche. even amid the rising interest in african (and african-american) art, music, and culture that would give rise to the cultural boon that will become known as the harlem renaissance, du bois (i think unconsciously) always intones the divide of double consciousness as an absence of wholeness, a fracture in the psychic, a cultural and physical landscape that cannot be overcome. rather, as bradford stull notes in his book amid the fall, dreaming of eden: du bois, king, malcolm x, and emancipatory composition, that du bois has to leave america “in order to offer a composition of paradise. to follow him, to have students follow him, is to leave america itself” ( ). du bois does not hold africa as an eden for african americans, but “contains the edenic potential he explored in numerous places in america, only to reject them all.” what is fascinating to me is the way that du bois describes this “edenic potential”: . . . there will spring in africa a civilization without coal, without noise, where machinery will sing and never rush and roar, and where men will sleep and think and dance and lie prone before the rising sons, and women will be happy. the objects of life will be revolutionized. our duty will not consist in getting up at seven, working furiously for six, ten and twelve hours eating in sullen ravenousness or extraordinary repletion. no—we shall dream the day away and in cool dawns, in little swift hours, do all our work. ( ) stull describes du bois’s position here as one who appreciates the role that technology may play in a fascinatingly utopian future for blacks, but one who also recognizes the limitations of the social structure and the time in which he lives. this, of course, has special resonance for america. however, in a vision of the future rooted in the african landscape, du bois sees that technology “serves the harmonious relationship between the people and the land.” du bois saw wartime as a means of access and more technological acquisition as a by-product of higher rank and responsibility. yet his technological “dream” of a more resilient race through the scientific means of eugenics seems decidedly more passive and less forgiving. du bois’s eugenic imaginings harken back to ideas of technological progress before the turn of the century that saw industrialization and the telegraph as means to transcend race, thus erasing the problem of the “colorline.” the great migration: a shift in the potential of technological space much of what would become the great debate between washington’s accommodationist platform and du bois’s integrationist stance was situated in the progressive era, or what is also called the second industrial revolution. as america strove to become an industrial leader in the world at the turn of the century, it simultaneously worked to restructure its national identity as a democratic force by codifying its message of capitalism, freedom, and self-sufficiency into one mantra, one mythos: “the american dream.” the american dream, like other ideologies of american lore and largesse, was/is fraught with contradiction, and, by the summer of , african americans were rapidly losing the political and economic gains they gained during the reconstruction era. failed attempts to achieve a measure of acceptance in america by exhibiting valor in the first world war, repeated violence against african- american communities through the government-sanctioned policies of jim crow and the socially accepted, though publicly denounced, practice of race lynching placed many african americans at a proverbial crossroads. disillusioned with lives of generational poverty and few options of improvement, african americans—as one disaffected southern sharecropper wrote, had to choose “whether to suffer long or be long gone”( ). these impulses marked the beginning of the great migration, a period where over twenty-two million african-americans move from the agricultural south to the more industrialized north in search of better jobs, more equitable treatment, and less threat of bodily harm. at the beginning of the great migration, each man’s message resonating with the rhymes and rhythms of the pastoral south and the deep bellows of yearning that drove men northward to the burgeoning cities, particularly chicago, detroit, and new york. at the turn of the century, there were approximately four thousand students who would attend america’s hbcus. most of these students attended hbcus in the deep south. over the course of the great migration, those demographics began to shift. enrollment at hbcus increased almost tenfold, enabling these institutions to expand their scope and mission. it also empowered its students to exercise more collective autonomy. though most historians attribute the causes of the great migration to a combination of several “push-pull” factors, the great migration is an era that can be seen as one that is actually bracketed by technological innovation. though the several incarnations of the mechanized cotton picker had been used marginally on plantations across the south, in fact: [t]he mechanization of farming and the national expansion of industry undermined the major economic ideas of fredrick douglass and washington. their key ideas were, first, that owning small plots of land equated to power and, second, that black citizens could use their spending and saving decisions to solve the problems of political and economic discrimination, problems rooted in historical and social divisions of race and class. (mcbride ) pushed by the success of the mechanical cotton picker, which led to the widespread mechanization of the plantation’s agricultural system, and pulled by the glut of expected opportunity created by the war effort, northern factory and service industries, and union recruiting teams, the african-american migratory experience at the beginning of the century was bookended by technological shifts. the great migration was an exodus of anticipatory progress, and the expectations of these northern-bound travelers were grand. many expected to finally be afforded opportunities long denied in the land and law of jim crow, which held fast to the south in an attempt to protect the vitality of its rapidly declining economy. they were—as the old folk used to say— “canaan bound” to a land not necessarily of milk and honey, but one where the toil and enterprise of african americans could be used to shape a new socioeconomic reality. the contemporary visions of those opportunities were not only shaped by the old stories, hymns, and slave records of successful journeys northward, but were also sanctioned and encouraged by several periodicals of the time. what is also taking place during this industrial reshaping is a process of migrant african americans being integrated into the systems of economic and factory production in the north. the great migration does not necessarily introduce the notion of a transformative technological space for african americans, but the language that surrounds this unprecedented move created a new ethos for utilizing technology, which in turn galvanized african-american work and imagination. as these new possibilities become more and more apparent, so do the growing ideological concerns between the most prestigious and influential african-american leaders of the period and the increasingly democratic, opportunistic, and autonomous black citizen. i would like to suggest that by examining the awakening and reenvisioning of this new technological space during the great migration, we can also see in this moment how this phenomenon disrupts the progressive racial utopias presented in the rhetoric of du bois, washington, and garvey. it also serves to give us greater insight into how these now-familiar leaders incorporated technology into their own visions and reconciled/processed/came to grips with the african-american community’s adoption of the turn of the century’s emerging technoculture. error messages: programmatic missteps in technology integration du bois and washington were celebrated for successfully cultivating organizations and useful schools of thought in the service of african-american progress, and they were both instrumental helping african americans gain access to technological fields. however, both men experienced a perceptible decline in popularity through the high point of the great migration and were roundly criticized for the deep polarization and sometimes vindictiveness they created through their competing agendas and personal vendettas. even though washington died of tuberculosis at his home in alabama in , the year that marks the greatest increase of african americans in northern cities, his status as architect of the atlanta compromise and the tuskegee machine made him (and his ideas) as much a target in death as he was in life. by the spring of , when the influx of black laborers migrating to northern cities had reached its apex, many black migrants, along with many critics, openly questioned the effectiveness, methods, and motivations of both leaders. the masses expressed their discontent in the “letters to the editor” sections of negro newspapers such as the chicago defender, the norfolk journal and guide, the new york call, and the pittsburg courier, commenting that the “so- called” negro leaders were “out of touch,” “shadowy,” “self-motivated,” even “scrupuless.” one engine-part fabricator from mississippi asked if “any of these so-called bosses know what it means to be able to count on the clock.” others, such as m. l. , a steel-factory laborer, lamented that for these leaders, “greed had got them good,” and they had formed a kind of middle-class elite that had moved them outside of the circle of poverty and violence surrounding many african americans at the time. part of the negative perception among the black working class was rooted in their mismanagement of the evolving technoculture of the day and the potential opportunities that came with it. as scientific and industrial technologies developed throughout the second industrial revolution and through the progressive era, washington’s unwavering focus on agriculture and domestic labor as technologically solvent practically ignored new approaches in science in favor of conventional and comfortable wisdom. david mcbride, in his work, missions for science, notes that washington’s agenda was “out-of- step” with most of american development. the “ownership of small farms or businesses [as] the potential basis for national social and economic power for african americans facing a society of science-driven industry and government” was a de facto means of relegating african americans to “outside of the circle of innovators, investors, and managers,” while science and industry, controlled by america’s white hegemonic political machine, would continue to expand and refine technologies to fit its own design and purposes ( ). washington, and the network of educators, ministers, and businessmen that he spawned, misunderstood the industrial impulse of their time, mistakenly placing innovations in manufacturing and the applied sciences outside of the agenda for economic reform and overlooking the current attention to new technologies as both transient and digressive. as mcbride points out, “washington and his ideologues did not fathom the immense distance that u.s. economic and science profession leaders and their political sponsors had traveled and dreamed to travel in their mission to intensely use scientific technology in industry and government. nor could washington grasp the unbending power that reluctant large-scale industries and managerial bureaucracies were gaining over workers and farmers” ( ). admittedly, in terms of the type of widespread economic, sociopolitical improvement and the enhancement of collective wealth and property ownership, instituting vocational curriculum throughout african-american intuitions of higher learning was a “dramatic” and “devastating failure.” johnson and watson find that “…by industrial education was seen as a ‘cynical political strategy, not a sound educational policy’ was widely held and has a ‘great detour’ for blacks.” du bois, the harvard-educated sociologist and philosopher, writer and militant, academician par excellence was a constant and consistent critic of washington’s educational program. du bois became the voice of a significant minority outside of washington’s control and influence who believed that washington’s agenda—articulated for the american public in his famous “atlanta compromise” and realized in his tuskegee institute—had mortgaged the future of blacks for a few thankless jobs and personal prestige. other black leaders, such as william monroe trotter, harshly criticized washington. however, du bois’s stinging critique of washington in the souls of black folk, along with his editorship of the crisis, gave du bois a platform, making him a formidable adversary. du bois warned that if american negroes concerned themselves with merely training themselves to be better laborers and servants, they would be committing social suicide. he goes on to say that “in . . . the rapidly changing technique of industry their laborers will be displaced while they will have developed no intelligent leadership in industry or thought to guide the mass.” one of du bois’s major complaints against washington was his utter misunderstanding about the way modern industrialization would render much of his work at tuskegee and hampton obsolete and render that black inhabitants of the southern black belt “powerless” ( ). while the washington that mcbride describes “saw the black belt as a romantic negro world,” du bois had romantic notions of his own when it came to technological spaces and grossly miscalculated the impact of military service against migrant factory work in pursuit of industrial access. in his infamous editorial “close ranks,” du bois overestimated the potential gains that military service would afford african americans. he had accused washington of being dangerously focused on maintaining his status as hnic, which led washington to being irrationally suspiciousness of du bois’s “purely intellectual” arguments, presents an equally dangerous clarion call for voluntary military enlistment. the mix of personal ambition among the murky and lofty goals of african- american involvement in the war placed du bois at odds with many black intellectuals and the african-american public at large. to this end, the army was construed as a place and system where prejudice would be removed enough so that they could achieve some semblance of the gains they weren’t able to achieve otherwise. many thought that they would be able to fight the good fight, come home, and be heroes. in fact, there again, african-american men find themselves in a position where they are allowed to work only “negro” jobs. however, du bois seemed all too ready to sacrifice thousands of black men to the war effort. the battle for the colorline, it seems is a war of attrition. african americans would not gain the tools or expertise of war; they would be fodder for american militarism. what they would gain, according to du bois, is a stepping stone towards proving their moral character. what soldiers found upon their return from war was that they were discriminated against just as they were in the civilian world. blacks were denied officer’s training and commissions and were often relegated to “grunt” work, never allowed to gain honor or distinction among the various expertise offered by the armed forces. the war was just another in a long line of failed integration attempts that never intended to allow blacks to have any real social gains or technological mastery. indeed, as one critic noted: it is the access to industrial technology which is the ends to the means that’s the key, not armed warfare. but the fact that even though they are in these places of industrial manufacturing, they don’t have access to more advanced positions. they are relegated to “negro” jobs. they are not allowed to gain the technological expertise and mastery that are inherent in the apprenticeship professions and that lead to wealth. ( ) frustration with the leaders, and the armed forces, spilled over into frustration with the conservatism of hbcus. the advent of the harlem renaissance and the new negro movement, coupled with the “red summer” of , produced a greater emphasis of economic empowerment, self-reliance, and self-governance inspired by garveyism. african americans flocked to hbcus in droves in order to enact and fulfill the vision of becoming the talented tenth. this shift prompted black people to seek control of their own destinies by controlling their own institutions. for hbcu culture, the shift was seismic. as raymond wolters explains, black students, professors, and alumni of hbcus rejected the paternalistic conservatism of the largely white administrations that were entrenched at most hbcus. though many of these administrators dedicated themselves with altruistic resignation to the success of their institutions and their students, many were loath to accept the new intellectual vibrancy and militancy of the times, actively attempting to squelch the “new negro” fervor in favor of what they held as traditional christian values. as jimisha relerford observes, “on college campuses, this renewed demand for self-direction and self-reliance in black communities resulted in a wave of rebellions by students, professors, and alumni who demanded negro control over the education and training of negro youths” ( ). figure . editorial cartoon. chicago defender, august , . “haven’t we followed him about far enough?” later publications such as opportunity: a journal of negro life, and the messenger would refer to washington as “pope washington,” “the black boss,” “the benedict arnold of the negro race,” and “the great traitor” ( ). though the writers for these magazines saw du bois in a slightly more favorable light, he was not spared harsh comments from the readership, described by several readers as an “uncle tom,” a “snake-oil salesman,” and, painfully, “a disappointment.” when washington died, the intellectual and institutional legacy left by him was carried on by several of his lieutenants. washington surrogates such as judge terrell, emmett scott, and robert moton were roundly criticized as “tools of the ‘bloody shirt,” “traitors to the millions of black men, women, and children,” and cowards consumed with the desire to be the “big negro leader” ( ). these comments seem to suggest that du bois, washington, and other negro leaders had, at best, no real connection to the lives of their constituents, let alone how to get them “o’er to canaan land.” these “old crowd” leaders, in spite of their sometimes radically different plans for the advancement of the race, were lopped together for their wholesale categorical failures as leaders of the masses as well as the economic, political, and intellectual middle class. as early as , editorial cartoons would depict the old crowd racial leader as a composite figure, one who carried the unflattering criticisms of all the black leaders who had come before. migration as an occasion for reinvention and the factory as a cultural communicator the portrayal of the migrant’s arrival in northern cities, especially from the perspective of the northern whites and the black middle class, often depicted those resettlers as a black mass, one which would not only change the face of the city, but would produce just as much dislocation and confusion as hope for those african americans looking for a new life. northern cities had enjoyed predominantly white communities where blacks were easily controlled in terms of numbers and demographics as they were relegated to small outlying sections of their boundaries. now, with the encroachment of the “black hordes,” those borders—social and topographical, real and imagined—were rapidly shrinking. farah jasmine griffin describes the growing number of blacks in these urban centers as “an omen of dramatic change” within contemporary society and questions suppositions about race, class, and modernity ( ). she likened it to an ever-growing swarm of blackness threatening to cover the civilized, modern white territory. though many northern newspapers looked at this mass exodus with a mixture of “humor, horror and disdain” ( ), african-american print mediums seized the opportunity to galvanize the migration movement ( ). the african-american migrants of the migration narrative confront changes in technology and culture that affect their way of experiencing time and space. . . . in the north, the focus on the body, which is so prevalent in the southern sections of the migration narrative, shifts to a focus on the migrant psyche. the effect on the psyche is an indication of the complexity of northern power. the psyche is the realm where power is enforced, and it is the ground on which the migrants seek first to resist objectification ( ). in , encouragement in the chicago defender leads to the great migration north for southern blacks. the paper also adopts the slogan “if you must die, take at least one with you.” other more moderate voices within the african-american community, such as kelly miller, archibald grimke, and carter g. woodson, often reject the rhetorical propaganda, while defending and contextualizing the various ideological frameworks at play, each working to practically situate the sometimes-raging polemics in the everyday lives of the black migrant. miller, who for years “occupied a middle ground between staunch accommodationist bookerites and more nationalistic progressives and militants such as trotter and du bois, saw the new crowd negro” revolution as another polemic that ignores the thrush and momentum being generated by the very people upon which the revolution depended. what these factories did, in fact, was invite writers to create a new rhetoric of space, one devoid of the oppressive legacy of slavery, with its legacy of violence, degradation, and inhumanity. indeed, the space that the language of the field inhabited gave way to the language of the factory. yet, one still has to pose the question: do these new cultural artifacts convey a different message when sounding back to the african- american masses calling for a more equitable stake in their industry? how exactly do factories function as public spaces as cultural communicators? northern employers stood a good chance of hiring competent, and many times expert, workers for a pittance of what they would have paid for white workers, especially the unionized ones. however, as charles johnson noted, there would be “none of the horatio alger ascensions from messenger to manager or from porter to president” for negroes. “once a porter, barring the phenomenal, always a porter.” in effect, african- american labor lacked true vertical economic mobility, but was stratified horizontally. “negro jobs” in factories afford african americans employment, but rarely offered them upward mobility. ( ) in a way, the burgeoning producers and distributors of consumerism, who at this time are rapidly growing and maturing as the most influential social class/caste, deposit their dreams within physical and cultural artifacts. the messenger, founded by a. philip randolph and chandler owen, was a major artery of expression for black socialists across the east coast, but primarily from new york and boston. besides the standard socialist fare, including calls for socialized industry, nationalized land distribution, and the collective unionization of black and white workers, the messenger offered long-term and immediate solutions. as john brown child asserts, the messenger often used machine analogies to analyze society in important polemics-driven articles ( ).[ ] the ongoing metaphor often pitted the everyday proletariat, here the black day labor or domestic, as a mere cog within america’s capitalistic, racist, political machine. however, the trope was also used to positively describe the “new social machinery” of revolution, such as the bolshevik revolution in russia in (also known as the russian revolution). regardless of the machine metaphor’s spin, the most important concern for the messenger’s writers was to articulate who controlled or fashioned the machine. what we have here are two competing, contrasting opinions rooted in industrial ideal. we have those who want to work, want to gain personal progress and prestige by working hard, gaining education, gaining technical expertise, and who are doing the cooperative thing, but who aren’t being held by the socialist ethic. on the other hand, we have these socialists who are looking to establish cooperative economics, but at the same time denying african- american culture and basically propagating another system. both sides recognize the failure of leadership and both sides recognize a crisis in opportunity, but neither side yet expresses a concrete economic plan that is designed to energize the african-american community. remarkably, this will not be articulated until garvey rises to prominence in the early s. indeed, the problem from the messenger’s viewpoint was that other black political activists and many in the black masses mistakenly viewed racial, not economic, oppression as crucial. accordingly: . . . both washington and du bois saw change as “progressive,” both in the sense of a positive advancement and also in the sense of a more or less gradual transformation of existing conditions. the socialist writers of the messenger saw the situation quite differently: they envisioned a sudden, violent and cataclysmic social upheaval that would lift years of oppressive weight. as aston wesley welch remarks, “[i]n the s, as now, educational policies and practices tended to mirror the beliefs and practices in the larger society” ( ). many administrators were paternalistic whites; black administrators were mostly “good niggers” who had demonstrated adherence to the status quo and readiness to follow orders. fisk university and hampton institute illustrate that private schools were not excluded from such practices. by tradition, no black person was considered for the presidency of fisk until after the second world war. in , fisk university president fayette avery mckenzie refused to allow the establishment of a student chapter of the naacp on his campus; mckenzie was in good company. paul cravath, chairman of fisk university’s board of trustees, not only endorsed complete racial separation as the “only solution to the negro problem,” but campaigned to convince philanthropists to limit their contributions to black schools to those committed to the development of separate societies. apparently, his pleas were accepted. hampton institute, on the other hand, provided segregated residences and dining halls for white visitors and faculty, discouraged “unnecessary” interracial contacts, and was rewarded with an endowment greater than the combined total of all the more prestigious black colleges. despite such examples, dissatisfaction and protests on black college campuses became so widespread during the s that wolters termed them “one of the most significant aspects of the new negro protest movement.” black students’ rejection of paternalism and the insistence that black youth should be educated according to principles satisfactory to the black community were the causes of the rebellions, according to wolters. figure . editorial cartoon. the messenger, july . a. phillip randolph, founder and editor of the messenger, idealistically described the “new crowd negro” as “educated, radical and fearless.” the black socialist writers of the messenger were guilty of ascribing the same subconscious mindlessness to the participants of the great migration that washington feared and du bois disdained. the “great mass movement among negroes” for these writers was not the migration itself. in reality, the movement into locals of factory production was really just the “pull” of the american industrial complex. it was the activity that would prefigure the real revolution which would “assume four distinct forms . . . labor unions, farmers’ protective unions, cooperative business, and socialism” ( ). part of their ideological folly is that by reducing america’s institutionalized racism to a symptom of a corrupt capitalist system, it ignores the psychosocial and behavioral factors that allow racism to survive, even thrive, regardless of the national fiscal health or economic status. it ignored the emotional quotient of racism as strictly an irrational phenomenon. irrational . . . maybe. but for the millions of migrant workers and thousands attending hbcus, no less real. when griffin describes her third movement of the migration narrative, she examines urban spaces that act as “sites of contestation for the migrants and the powers that seek to control them” ( ). she looks at those spaces as locations with two distinct possibilities: they either “inhibit the progress and development of the protagonist” by perpetuating the most destructive forces of urbanization, which, for her, includes “fragmentation, dislocation, and material and spiritual impoverishment”—all of the ingredients for a postmodern milieu—or the locations become safe havens from the harsh realities of urban squalor, a place where the migrant can create an alternate urban subjectivity (italics mine). griffin notices that “at their most progressive, they are spaces for healing, retreat and resistance.” however, she also points out that at their most oppressive, they can create automatons who complacently obey the commands and needs of marginalizing powers. griffin argues that exploring and understanding these “safe spaces,” a term she borrows from patricia hill collins, gives scholars a means of “understanding the possibilities of such sites within the migration narrative” ( ). these safe spaces are material, discursive, and, i would say, rhetorical. every bluesman, every journeyman, knows that his future lies in front of him and not in the places that he has left behind. experienced travelers also know that if you linger too long at one location, the prospects of reaching that original destination become slimmer and slimmer. yet, the experienced journeyman knows that he needs places of rest, retreat, revitalization, and remembering along the way. places where he can revel in the good times of the past, and the pain that prompted him to leave. safe spaces may play an important role in assisting migrants to resist dominant constructions of them. in other cases, they serve only to create a sense of complacency ( ). the factory, the place where the mechanized and the mind were supposed to work more seamlessly together, was considered more rest stop than destination. in the minds of du bois and washington, the factory was a place to work out dreams of progress, not live in them. yet, they penned their hopes and strivings in such a way that spoke of the mechanized industry as a safe space for a people to be, not as a place for people to become. in fact, the factory as a space for the possibilities of becoming is not their primary focus at all. perhaps the groundswell of resistance to the appeals of these leaders and the call for a more technologically savvy, protective, and nurturing posture within the technology can be seen as an emergent response, one attempting to perhaps repair a feedback loop and metaphorically bring the traditional rhetorical viability of call-and-response, a trope of sustainability and agreement within the african-american community between leaders and the people, back into harmony. conclusion both men shared a technological vision for the future. yet, washington’s vision for economic prosperity suffered from the suffocating limitations of his industrial education agenda. for du bois, the people were a source of vital energy, but that energy lacked the necessary direction for progress. for him, as for washington, the problem was how to tie popular energy to elite leadership. du bois’s plan called for an elite different from that of washington’s. his leading group would not be technocrats and industrialists but cultured warriors. they would be cosmopolitan, free from the constrictions of any particular society. for them, world literature, art, and philosophy—in a word, “culture”—would form a free zone, untrammeled by the tendency toward crass materialism that du bois felt characterized washington’s approach. (childs ). upon closer examination, the fruition of washington’s educational platform depended on idealistic currency of work. that somehow the more industrious blacks were the more ready to receive and manage the equality that they have earned, thus securing a greater portion of the american life. and du bois, for all his consternation and jealousy towards garvey, ultimately sided with him, believing that the african american was better able to achieve his measure of liberation and technological solvency, proficiency, and fluidity in africa, the place where he believed blacks would study war (and work) no more. they both used photography to further validate their respective positions of uplift in strikingly similar ways. even more surprising, the two men’s vision for a technologically advanced future easily complemented one another where the work of the hand emboldens the black man’s creational impulse to produce a salient, viable, and visible people of “substance” where the objects of life and life itself “will be revolutionized.” on a sadder note, it was a gambit that was either refused or ignored. for them, technology becomes a way of realizing their own identities, and yet, what du bois and washington do not realize is that technology may be a better means of creating opportunities for collective agency than enforcing their own versions of what individual agency should be. not so much in terms of the classic definition of an inventor, but more in terms of a creator on who can reinvent the master’s tools, as well as create new ones in order to produce new artifacts, discourses, and methods—types of “user-generated content,” if you will—for the explicit purpose of improving the lives of african americans. the factories, in a way, create fragmented selves, torn away from the essentialist and naturalistic south and torn away from essentialist visions of upward social mobility (in du bois’s dream) or homeward mobility (like washington and more clearly expressed by garvey). if anything, the work applied by african americans on the surface would seem to be a fulfillment of washington’s dream, his handy-work, so to speak. yet the lack of economic mobility and development would seem to betray that rationale as well. that destabilization allows for a political stand, communal investment, and technological appropriation. as the great migration produces a demographic shift, it begins to work as a democratic one as well. the black population at large wants to become attached to work in a new way. no longer wage slaves to the system, the relation to the means of production and the ways african americans can manipulate what they produce, becomes vastly important. technology, in this part of the african-american migrant tradition, is tied to the body. it is a means of seeing what we have and do not have. they are the tensions that, because of the social, economic, and political climate, were not allowed to develop or produce. yet, the traces of community action and militant protest foreshadowed in these debated sketches are evidence of unrealized expectations and collective yearning for a more comprehensive, practical, and overall effective form of progress. uplift bereft of elitist color politics or disingenuous “so-called leaders.” proper uplift would be transformative. it would be technologically accessible. and it would be progress that they would be willing to fight for and protect. these are frameworks that prefigure essentialism. technology in the hands of leaders constructing alternative narratives of essentialism attempts to reinvent and positively turn the gaze to a multimedia “documentary” for du bois and a class of focused “technocrats” for washington. technology wielded by the masses, however, disrupts and, in important ways rejects, essentialism in favor of the search for a transformative, transient, and transcendent use of technology that protects the family, ensures work/wages, resonates with the reality that the american negro embodies multiple realities and will fight for the right to shape his own truth. to protect their lives, create new freedoms, and reveal the truth of multiplicity in world that thrives on creating the other in our mists. that technology can and should make possible the refiguring of power relationships between classes and races through the mechanism of shared leadership and communal values is a sentiment best captured by manning marable in his book, black leadership. when discussing the seemingly unlikely, but numerous similarities between booker t. washington and louis farrakhan, marable finds that although various leaders throughout the past century have had divergent personalities and vastly different methodologies, they largely held the same ultimate agenda in mind, prompting marable to add that “the underlying dynamics of blacks’ collective efforts to achieve empowerment have been remarkably consistent” (xii). part of that consistency is tied to the expectation of black leadership to be dynamic leadership from dynamic personalities. i believe it was marable who popularized the term “black messianic style” when referring to this approach to leadership employed by most of the most notable names in african-american history and lore. for relatively brief moments, [black leaders] may create an illusion that it is they, and not the vast majority, who determine the possibilities of the future. black leaders have given their own particular style and language to various phases and moments of american history, and they will continue to do so. but it may be the measurement of our ability to achieve a full redefinition of america’s democratic project if over time black americans are able to move away from the charismatic, authoritarian leadership style and paternalistic organizations toward the goal of “group-centered leaders” and grassroots empowerment. in short, instead of leadership from above, democracy from below. the time for all voices to be heard is long overdue. (xvii) the dialectic fails because the end result does not encompass the shared values of the community at large, for du bois and washington, the sacrifice of compromise is too much. it does not sit right within the hard-fought integrity and base desires of african americans to sit at the table of fully recognized humanity americana. it’s a failed dialectic because the opposing forces do not carry the weight of the colliding of cosmic forces, violent and combustible, that are drawn to each other and with both force and gravity, destroying large parts of them, but creating newness out of the ashes. this was a smaller combustible event, one with the potential to be incendiary, but in actuality, it fizzles out like flint sparks against tinder and wind. properly appropriated technologies can break established hierarchies and challenge normatively held values. that technology can and should make possible the refiguring of power relationships between classes and races through the mechanism of shared leadership and communal values is a sentiment best captured in the communal rejection of du bois and washington. chapter disruptive technologies and vernacular insurrections: developing a technoethos around hbcus during the transition from civil rights to black power if you stick a knife in my back inches and pull it out inches, there is no progress. if you pull it all the way out, that’s not progress. progress is healing the blow that the wound made . . . some [people] don’t even admit that the knife is there. –malcolm x throughout the first semester i received about letters a day. most of the people who wrote, particularly the negroes, said that they had great admiration for me. they were praying and hoping that i would make it. their basic attitude alarmed me. the letter that alarmed me most came from students at alabama state college, a negro school. the major message conveyed in this letter was that they had committed themselves to god and to me, to prove to the world that negroes are somebody. the letter was alarming, because they had relieved themselves of all responsibility. they thought there was nothing more that they had to do. i feel that every young negro must make his personal contribution toward the accomplishment of his freedom. no one man can fight alone. you can’t confine the struggle for human freedom and dignity to one place or to one man. to free the right arm and cut the left arm off—this is not progress. –james meredith there will be no pictures of pigs shooting down brothers in the instant replay there will be no pictures of young being run out of harlem on a rail with a brand new process there will be no slow motion or still life of roy wilkens strolling through watts in a red, black and green liberation jumpsuit that he had been saving for just the right occasion green acres, the beverly hillbillies, and hooterville junction will no longer be so damned relevant and women will not care if dick finally gets down with jane on search for tomorrow because black people will be in the street looking for a brighter day the revolution will not be televised –“the revolution will not be televised” by gil scott heron after an honorable career in the united states air force, james meredith enrolled in jackson state college, a historically black college in jackson, mississippi in . jackson state was considered a good school by many standards: students engaged in a liberal arts education and its professors were relatively well known in mississippi circles. inspired by john f. kennedy’s presidential address. most importantly, it was known as an ultraconservative institution. even as mississippi bristled under increased media scrutiny as the civil rights movement began to sweep across the country’s consciousness, jackson state’s president at the time, jacob reddix, was swift to condemn and punish any unsanctioned political activities on campus. consequently, jackson state students remained largely out of the protests and out of the crosshairs. jackson state’s lack of activism stood in stark contrast to tougaloo college, a small, private black college that sat right on border of north jackson and tougaloo, mississippi. its students and faculty, black and white, were instrumental in the civil rights movement within the state and nationally. it was john salter, a social science professor, and lois chaffee, both white professors at tougaloo college, and salter’s students, memphis norman, anne moody, pearlena lewis, and joan trumpauer—a white man and three black students—who sat at the “whites only” counter in woolworth’s store lunch counter. moody, in her autobiography, coming of age in mississippi, remarked that jackson state students were too insular to participate in the civil rights movement ( ). james meredith was a jackson state student who saw things differently. in , inspired by john f. kennedy’s national address, meredith submitted his application to be the first african american to attend the university of mississippi (known around the state as “ole miss”) and thus integrate mississippi higher education. after having his application rejected twice, pursuing a litany of court cases that went all the way to the u.s. supreme court, finding the mississippi governor to be held in contempt of that court’s ruling, being arrested on trumped-up charges of voter fraud, and watching the residents of oxford engage in a shoot-out with the national guard and federal agents on campus that left at least two men dead, meredith was admitted to the university of mississippi on october , . during a dorm-room interview in his second semester, meredith expressed his concern for many students from hbcus, who demonstrated a lack of personal civic responsibility. he believed that most carried the dangerous assumption that the leadership of the civil rights movement and the black community would blaze a trail for them to follow, making the crooked places straight before they got there. though he had an exemplary military record and good grades at jackson state, meredith never saw himself as “exceptional”; he believed that his “great purpose” was “to make way for the average negro. negro progress up to now has been on the basis of selection. great efforts have always been made to get the superior, the above average negro the right to certain things “. . . but if we can make way for the average, the above average will always find his place. if getting a degree from the university of mississippi were all i ever did with my life, i would have done very little.” meredith advocated for the kind of progress where even those who considered themselves unexceptional felt enough agency that they could initiate change through their own individual acts of courage and rebellion, no matter the scale. it was hard for the everyday african american in mississippi to generate and sustain that kind of agency, meredith speculates, because of the constant threats to his life and livelihood. in malcolm x’s first public statements after his ninety-day suspension by the nation of islam for his infamous “chickens come home to roost” comments regarding the assassination of then president john f. kennedy, a reporter asked malcolm if he felt that the civil rights movement specifically, and america generally, were making progress. malcolm responded by saying he would never say that we were making progress and immediately offered the metaphor in the latter quote that begins this chapter. malcolm’s point was that progress could not be measured in achievements, gains, or degrees of success; real progress was healing the rift, the bad blood and animosity, between the injured and the injurer, the oppressor and the oppressed. healing the blow is more than repairing old damage. it also calls for removing the threat of the knife and moving on to a new understanding between parties. malcolm’s metaphor is both prophetic and philosophical. it calls into question the nature of violence in american social society at that time. in the midst of state-sanctioned racial violence against innocent african americans campaigning for equal rights, the shining moral armor of nonviolence was beginning to lose its luster as the brutality against civic protest continued. the further escalation of the vietnam war had begun to prompt violent demonstrations of its own in front of recruitment offices and college campuses. one could argue that america has always been a country that dealt in bloodshed, but how would it be able to reconcile its claim as an exceptional nation when it was forced to look at the blood on its hands? if technology has a place in this discussion, does it play the role of blade or healing balm? this chapter explores the discourse of technology in and around the climate of student protests during the transition between the civil rights and black power movements. this chapter looks at hbcus as not only sites of contested social power, but also as sites that embodied engagements with technology that were emblematic of the time and prompted a reevaluation of technological discourse. technological discourse in the black community was shifting from the appropriation of technology for the purposes of representation, which was key in the civil rights movement, to technological liberation, which was a major theme in the polemics of the black arts/black power movements. i argue that “black power” marked a shift in communal ideology for african americans’ understanding of critical access to technology politically, intellectually, and geographically. the often ignored and misunderstood student killings at jackson state in served as a catalyst for a new direction in african-american technological discourse; specifically, in the black panther party and the pan-african congress, one focused on creating sites of technological promise and security that would better address what huey newton would call “the technology question.” messianic leadership and the technology of representation a common launching point for this kind of exploration would be the iconic leadership of the civil rights era. martin luther king, jr. and malcolm x were avid readers and engaging intellectuals, steeped in the public performance of black oratory traditions that prepared them to be, if not media-friendly, then exceedingly media-savvy. it is important to point out here that many agree that part of their brilliance was in their use of media to further their civil rights agendas. more scholars, journalists, and critics of these two men have covered this ground than i would care to discuss at the moment, but my point is this: part of their attention to and ultimate success with media was through their appropriation of the medium—their images, their sound bites, and their protests were largely captured, edited, produced, and distributed by usually unsympathetic and often hostile white media outlets. nonetheless, king and malcolm were still able to further their respective civil rights agendas, enliven their bases, and challenge the white racist social-political hegemony of segregation. the power and substance of both king and malcolm’s soaring rhetoric and transforming presence were made active and real through the power of television. and whether it was king reframing the familial filmed image (and expectation) of blacks as violent predators with the image of blacks suffering under the threat and action of violence, where “sit-ins become beat-downs,” or malcolm reframing the sensationalist cbs extended news feature, “the hate that hate produced” to use as a springboard his rigorous and apologetic appeals for common sense, common decency, and black nationalism, both men readily saw communication mediums as dynamic space for transformation. the attention to communication technologies shared by king and malcolm overlap a couple of key realities for the two men. one, they would mark a shift with regard to the unifying countercultural, charismatic brand of black leader that marable describes and, therefore, the effect of their media presence (and ability to affect the terms with which they engage media). second, the rhetoric and polemics of king and malcolm clearly utilized television to deliver strong rebukes of systemic racism, while also issuing powerful messages of strength and self-worth to the black community. i would argue that their appropriation of communication technology stemmed from not only their positions as leaders, but also out of their particular individual agency as orators, public speakers, and intellectuals. while this agency benefits african americans as a whole by resisting racist representations of blacks and media and pushing forward the civil rights agenda that would ultimately benefit all americans, this kind of agency is not easily replicated by the hundreds of thousands of blacks still searching for a way to be leaders and effect systemic change themselves. robert charles smith argues that one of the immediate consequences of martin luther king, jr.’s death in was that there would no longer be an expectation of, or a prospect for, a single, dominant figure on the national stage who would be widely accepted as a leader and spokesman for all black people ( ). one would have to wonder what smith would think of the presidential runs of jesse jackson, but it is an observation with some merit, given the fracturing between leadership and the african-american base that could be seen in my exploration into the use of technological discourse by du bois and washington. however, smith gives only scant attention to the importance of stokely carmichael as a new kind of visionary leader, one that is more concerned with the architecture of socioeconomic freedom and political power than the speeches about it. and when the speeches did matter, they would offer programmatic steps for empowering black people. james meredith would be the catalyst for carmichael’s rise and the national scope of black power. on june , , meredith began his one-man “walk against fear,” noting that a black man in mississippi should not have to fear for his life in . he planned to make the -mile trek from memphis, tennessee to jackson, mississippi, largely unaccompanied and with little to no media attention. on the second day of his walk, meredith was ambushed by a white assailant and shot in the back, head, and leg with shotgun pellets full of rock salt. meredith survived, vowing to continue his walk as soon as he was able; an incensed civil rights community vowed to do it for him. civil rights leaders flocked to meredith’s memphis hospital room to offer words of encouragement and to plan how they would continue meredith’s crusade. now dubbed the “march against fear,” thousands of marchers would complete the march to jackson under the leadership of dr. martin luther king, jr., floyd mckissick and stokely carmichael. carmichael was the new chairman of the sncc, a gifted speaker, and a brilliant student. he had participated in or helped organize civil rights demonstrations for over ten years and was seen as one of the movement’s rising stars, an heir to the charismatic national leadership of martin luther king, jr. it was a logical conclusion given their close relationship. even before carmichael had become the chairman of sncc, he had developed a close relationship with king (joseph ). still, joseph observes that: carmichael’s ascendancy to national leadership deepened his friendship with martin luther king. both men took pains to publicly speak well of each other, and carmichael’s antiwar speeches offered creative space for king to speak out against vietnam. their joint antiwar declarations led critics to argue that carmichael and king represented two sides of the same coin. ( ) it is fitting, then, to say that the civil rights movement quite literally birthed the discourse of black power. black power grew to national prominence on a dirt road in greenwood, mississippi, in the heart of the mississippi delta, as the leadership of the civil rights movement appeared to shift from king to carmichael. after being released from prison for a questionable trespassing charge, carmichael delivered his defiant declaration that after being arrested twenty-seven times for working on behalf of african- american justice and against racist practice, he “ain’t going to jail no more. the only way we gonna stop them white men from whuppin’ us is to take over.” still seething after his imprisonment, carmichael eviscerated the mississippi legal system, spatting that “[e]very courthouse in mississippi ought to be burned down to get rid of the dirt.” the call and response chant of “what do we want?” and “black power!” may as well have set the stage on fire. not only was it a clarion call to unite the efforts of african americans who had grown tired of the constant threats of violence allowed under the policy of nonviolence throughout the civil rights movement, it also created a vernacular framework for realizing and utilizing self-determination and self-worth within a black political identity, one that was also steeped in black cultural and social capital and understanding. in short, it created a safe and nurturing platform to express black self-love. black power as vernacular insurrection and technological discourse in her book vernacular insurrections: race, black protest, and the new century in composition, carmen kynard explores the diminished identities of hbcu students during the civil rights movement and how that marginalization is mirrored in the critical language pedagogies of the times. kynard focuses on exposing the structural racism that seeks to marginalize african-american communities, but does this through her innovative concept of the vernacular insurrection. kynard describes vernacular insurrections as deliberate acts of disruption that seek to destroy “the oppressive conditions of institutions” as well as interrupt mainstream america’s oppressive action against and violent reaction to black people. as david green explains, “these interventions are vernacular in the sense that they occur through the production of disruptive discourses that affirm identities, cultures, and histories outside of the dominant discourse” ( ). green’s language here is important because it explicitly reveals a detail about the formation of a vernacular insurrection that kynard alludes to frequently in her book, which is that before it becomes an insurrection, it begins as an intervention. the difference is that the “expressive counterenergy” that ferments a vernacular insurrection is no longer limited to a localized occurrence of oppression or injustice. its presence creates a new way for african americans to see their world. kynard argues that “vernacular insurrections then are not merely the bits and pieces chipped off or chipping away at the dominant culture, but a whole new emergence.” shifts in language always happen when institutions move in new directions, but kynard’s goal is to emphasize those places where the vernacular shift causes monumental change ( ). black power would become a clarion call for a new generation of black leadership, one that took institution building in a direction towards self-sufficiency and technological empowerment. the national media saw the moment in similar terms as well. john hart of cbs news reported on that evening’s national broadcast: you may think that this is the meredith march against fear. that is over. this is a line of emotional momentum that changes with its rotating leadership. when dr. king leads it for a couple of hours, it becomes a liberation walk. when floyd mckissick from cora leads it, it is a registration drive, and when stokely carmichael of the student nonviolent coordinating committee leads, it is a black power march. carmichael would come to personify and lead. debates over nonviolence versus self-defense grabbed headlines, but the march revealed deeper fault lines. mississippi exposed tensions between the civil rights old guard and new faces over the trustworthiness of lyndon johnson, the sincerity of white liberals, and the movement’s overall direction. the term black power effectively harnessed the political movement (previously led by malcolm x) that had paralleled and intersected, like a fever dream, with civil rights struggles all along. carmichael, through the act of naming this unacknowledged force in american politics, turned the meredith march into a watershed historical event. forevermore, the civil rights movement would be defined by what occurred before and after this march. carmichael now took his place alongside martin luther king, jr. as one of america’s two most important black political leaders. (joseph ). carmichael’s black power speech was a call for the black community to engage in critical access. as banks defines for us earlier, critical access requires thoughtful analysis of the structures that influence technological appropriation in order to determine the best paths towards access. there are many structural flaws, banks would say, and thus many fronts on which to engage the problem. this is one reason why joyce m. bell finds: the tactics of the black power movement are harder to generalize because they did not follow a dominant pattern like those of the nonviolent civil rights protest. moreover, many of the tactics of the movement are oriented towards individual and community self-help. ( ) even so, carmichael worked hard to articulate how black power could work as a social and political reality. as carmichael began to tour the country during july and september of , he started to weave together his political vision for what black power could be: a means for uplift, protection, and technological appropriation for the black community. in a speech on july th, he begins with an admonishment for lofty, empty words. black people need to find the courage to “say things nobody else in this country is willing to say and find the strength internally and from each other to say the things that need to be said.” he exposes the empty promises of the horatio alger-inspired myth of hard work and the american dream when the work is by black hands, stating that if it were true, black people would own america. african-american oppression, carmichael explains, is not because of some perceived character flaw on behalf of african- americans; it is directly tied to one’s blackness. he encourages the crowd to love their blackness because it will be the key to freeing them from oppression. for carmichael, building a healthy self-concept, an identity unmoored from the racist trappings of american society is to the next step, which is controlling one’s destiny. we have to define how we are going to move, not how they say we can move. we have never been able to do that before. everybody in this country jumps up and says, “i’m a friend of the civil rights movement. i’m a friend of the negro.” we haven't had the chance to say whether or not that man is stabbing us in the back or not. all those people who are calling us friends are nothing but treacherous enemies and we can take care of our enemies but god deliver us from our “friends.” the only protection we are going to have is from each other. we have to build a strong base to let them know if they touch one black man driving his wife to the hospital in los angeles, or one black man walking down a highway in mississippi or if they take one black man who has a rebellion and put him in jail and start talking treason, we are going to disrupt this whole country. what carmichael is pointing out is a lack of protection on two compelling levels of sanctuary. the first is mental sanctuary and operates at a level of polemic sophistication and clarity that made carmichael beloved. he articulates that hard-to-pin- down conundrum of being adversely affected by racist power structures, while at the same time having very few people willing to accept their complicity in maintaining those structures. these kinds of “friends”—the kind who refuse to do the kind of critical self- inventory of one’s own racist indoctrination—is dangerous, all the more so because the very defensive posture of that kind of friendship resists the antiracist self-analysis that is necessary. for carmichael, the catch-all of “friendship” is a skeleton key when what the african-american community needs is a gate—and to establish themselves as gatekeepers. it is a point he returns to later in the speech where he advocates that: when we form coalitions we must say on what grounds we are going to form them, not white people telling us how to form them. we must build strength and pride amongst ourselves. we must think politically and get power because we are the only people in this country that are powerless. we are the only people who have to protect ourselves from our protectors. the second level is physical sanctuary. black people will ensure that the entire country will be “disrupted” if harm comes to an african-american man, woman, or child exercising their constitutional rights or god-given freedoms. no more will the physical tolls on the bodies of black men and women be acceptable as collateral damage in the war for social justice. the metric of the body count may have been acceptable for the johnson-era military commanders of vietnam, but black life is precious, sacred, and carmichael believes in developing a spirit to protect it. carmichael also draws new parameters around the rhetoric of “disruption.” in contemporary terms, we are taught to think of disruption as a predictive metric for both technological innovation and cost-benefit analysis. every industry will periodically encounter a “game changing” technological shift that radicalizes one aspect of the business model and antiquates another. the seismic shifts that happen within new paradigms of discourse, in the spirit of thomas kuhn have some relevance here, but carmichael alludes to a more applicable, racialized use of “disrupt.” the rhetoric of disruption in american culture has often been an institutional concern, if not always a technological one, and has often been levied towards african-americans and other minorities as a support for the frequently discriminatory status quo. one of the most popular arguments among politicians and leaders of industry against the emancipation of millions of slaves before the civil war was the projected catastrophic disruption it would have on the american economy. many saw the call for integration in the early- and mid- twentieth century akin to forcing a new standard of living on the american people, disrupting the established social order in favor of uncertainty and, to some, almost certain chaos. the american armed forces, which had segregated units for african-american soldiers, resisted president harry truman’s desire to have a fully integrated military in . military officers and political officials pushed back in public forums and in private, arguing that integration would fracture and divide the military, not unify it. that it would destroy morale, not encourage it. it would become a go-to argument for the exclusion of other minorities in the american military. it is at this moment that carmichael seems to turn his attention to the youth listening to his speech, particularly the african-american college students in his midst. he spends the next few minutes plotting a course for how the african-american college student should develop a methodology for black power. first, he locates critical access within community-based political action and technical expertise. the first three insights carmichael gives for consideration are to reengage the black community through a technoethos of community. don’t write poems about malcolm x; pick up the work that he started. don’t work for ibm or wall street as they form a power block of technological and economic control that ultimately works against african-american interests. if anything, by being a part of these companies, “you are helping this country perpetuate its lies about how democracy rises in this country.” carmichael is gently positing a framework for how technoeconomic discourse helps to “sell” the idea of free market capitalism and innovation at the expense of positive real-world effects on the black community at large. he goes on to say that engineers, economists, doctors, and lawyers should all “have to come back to the community where they belong and use their skills to help develop us.” when skilled african-american professionals reinvest their expertise into the black community, it also helps to shape what it means to be successful in the black community. carmichael then works to reposition other narratives: he explains that to fight in vietnam is to be a “black mercenary,” paid to kill, but given no rights or privileges in the country for which he is fighting. he positions nonviolence not as a failed strategy, but as one the black community needs to turn upon itself. black people need to reject being violent towards other black people. he claims, “the psychology the man has used on us has turned us against each other. he says nothing about the cutting that goes on friday night, but talk about raising one fingertip towards him and that’s when he jumps up. we have to talk about nonviolence among us first.” carmichael encourages young blacks to educate themselves “not with hegel or plato or the missionaries who came to africa with the bible and we had the land and when they left we had the bible and they had the land,” but from the perspectives of african american scholars who reject the western racial bias in their science and philosophy. carmichael closes his speech by noting that black power is the ability to “organize ourselves to speak for each other . . . we have to move to control the economics and politics of our community.” it is important to remember that his political ideologies were built on the foundation of his field work. carmichael’s premises are battle tested. the applications of his theories were callus driven. he had seen either their effectiveness or experienced their need in small towns in alabama and mississippi. he had worked for over a year to ensure that the black panther party in lowndes county alabama was a political force that could be self-sustaining, while not dependent on republican or democratic mechanisms to function. as joseph maintains: the creation of the lowndes county freedom organization (lcfo) fulfilled carmichael’s dreams of organizing unrepresented people. lcfo distinguished itself from the mississippi freedom democratic party by choosing a black panther as its symbol, noting the animal’s color and ability to defend itself. the black panther party’s southern roots, although destined for obscurity, illustrated carmichael’s continuing dedication to community organizing. ( - ) more than the fiery speech in greenwood, it was this speech that demonstrates the influence of carmichael’s technoethos of black power that would be shaped later by huey newton as he develops the black panther party of self-defense. the black panther party of self-defense: greater than the man’s technology on october , , huey newton and bobby seale founded the black panther party for self-defense. the black panther party’s ideological foundations of militancy, dignity, self-respect, proactive social justice, and self-determination had its genesis in the practices and teachings of the military wings of the civil rights movement. the black panther party had many influences. newton and seale were inspired and encouraged by the success of the increasingly militant stance of stokely carmichael and were heavily influenced by the socialist doctrine of mao zedong, as well as the dialectical materialism of friedrich engels and karl marx. socialism was the ideological bedrock for the party, especially in socioeconomic matters. later, as the black panther party’s objectives changed, there would be several competing, sometimes conflicting, ideologies. however, it was actually malcolm x’s assertions for blacks’ rights to self-defense and carmichael’s insistence that black people love themselves and, in doing so, work together to obtain the means to control their own destiny, that sparked the moral imperative and civic-mindedness for the black panthers creation. as newton stated, to encourage black people to exert a dignified agency, the panthers would become the “personification of malcolm x’s dreams” (pubs.socialistreviewindex.org.uk). originally, the black panther party’s goal was to protect african americans from the rash of incidents of police brutality across the nation, to imbue masses of blacks in these neighborhoods with a sense of empowerment, and to fill in the gap between racially, residentially, and economically segregated civil and social services by offering a detailed and targeted counterprogramming in disaffected communities. however, as the black panther party evolved, it took on a greater interest in technology appropriation and began to articulate how technology has been the “knife in the back” that has often thwarted systemic progress of blacks across the diaspora; they also offer a reimagined stance towards technology that could possibly be salve for that expansive, centuries-old wound. to do this, newton and seale crafted a “ -point program” in october of , which served as a platform for their agenda and programs. in order to put the -point program into action that “served the people,” bpp established several “survival programs” that would offer free services to the communities that surrounded their branches. some of these programs included free medical clinics, including examinations, diabetes, sickle cell and std testing; preventative care; ambulance services and lessons on first aid; self-defense classes; drug and alcohol rehabilitation and awareness; legal clinics and referral services; right-to-work initiatives, such as job sites, employment referral services, and benefits counseling; food assistance, including community pantries and nutrition classes; early-childhood development centers; free housing and furniture programs; cultural programs, including a film series, drama club, along with drill-and- dance teams; and sports programs. probably the most well-known and most successful program instituted by bpp was its “free breakfast for children” program, where thousands of oakland, california children in lived in its worst neighborhoods. newton explained that the survival programs that arose out of the -point plan were not final solutions, but acted as community salve and triage, helping people of color exist (if not thrive) until there is a “total transformation of this society.” it is that transformation which will signal the end to racial and socioeconomic oppression. in the early months of , a grieving family asked the panthers to investigate the death of denzil f. dowell, a -year-old black man from north richmond, california, who was shot and killed, allegedly by a member of the martinez sheriff’s department. after finding several contradictions between the official police report and eyewitness accounts and confirming some of the family’s suspicious of a cover-up, the panthers held a rally in the neighborhood to expose the facts of the killing and garner community support for the black panther party and its agenda for self-defense. philip s. foner recounts the scene in his edited collection, the black panthers speak: hundreds of black people turned out, many carrying their own weapons. the police who came to stop the rally quickly turned away, except for one, caught in the middle of the crowd, who sat quietly and listened to the speeches. several panthers addressed the crowd, explaining the party’s program. then huey newton spoke. “the masses of the people want peace. the masses of the people do not want war. the black panther party advocates the abolition of war. but at the same time, we realize that the only way you can get rid of war, many times, is through the process of war. therefore, the only way you can get rid of guns is to get rid of the guns of the oppressor. the people must be able to pick up guns, to defend themselves . . . at that point a police helicopter began buzzing over the crowd. newton pointed up and shouted, “and always remember that the spirit of the people is greater than the man’s technology.” the crowds cheered, and hundreds signed up to work for the party that day. after the meeting, the first number of the black panther, the official organ of the party, was issued. (xxviii) a month later, the black panthers marched on the california state capitol, fully armed in protest of the state legislature’s attempt to ban the carrying of loaded weapons in public. huey newton’s arrest in the fall of , along with the subsequent “free huey” rallies that drew thousands of supporters, gave the black panther party national exposure and began to recast its image in the national consciousness, though not necessarily for the better. of vital importance was the black panther newspaper, the official news organ of the organization, which went into distribution on april , . newton, by his own definition, was not a writer, though he longed to be. what newton understood was that that through writing, one could better produce and disseminate applicable theory. as seale would say, “huey understands the need for media.” though eldridge cleaver was the chief editor for the black panther, seale explained that: . . . the quality and development of that paper has come from brothers who have previously been in jails, brothers who have previously just been on the block . . . afro-american brothers who became politically organized and politically conscious, and learned their skills in producing that paper. (“seize the time”) the black panther party began connecting to black studies and black student alliance organizations across the nation. after a slew of high-profile shoot-outs with competing organizations, police raids, and court cases, the black panther party of self-defense shortened its name in to the black panther party. this change in nomenclature also represented a shift in the party’s focus, from militant black activism to direct political action. engagement with technology is clearly a concern for newton, even in the organization’s infancy, and he articulates a rhetorical and political stance that repositions the black revolutionary with regard to modern technology: intercommunalism. newton, chief theoretician of the black panther party, argued for black empowerment, self-efficiency, and agency by theorizing intercommunalism as a particular kind of technoethos, one that is purposefully integrated into the strategic planning and programming of the black panther party itself. more importantly, the integration of newton’s technoethos into all aspects of the black panther party’s programming encourages two distinct phenomena to take place: first, it replaces the implicit antagonisms against technology of the previous decades with the goal of a more critical appropriation of technology. engagement with this kind of critical appropriation is expressed as the responsibility of all revolutionaries, leaders, and masses alike. this leads to the second phenomenon: as more black power proponents take on the mantra of critical access appropriation, the black panther party begins to actively work to deconstruct and rebuild social, political, and cultural institutions through attention towards technology. intercommunalism: an attempt to build a technological discourse of black political thought one persistent myth around the black power movement in general and the black panther party specifically is the misperception that the panthers were gun-toting criminals and street thugs who primarily terrorized the communities they were supposed to protect. yet, kynard reminds us that the iconic image of a black power nationalist armed with a speech in one hand, a constitution in the other hand, and a rifle on his shoulder, could have been one of black panthers in california, but it could also have been black students at cornell. she goes on to say: it was not simply that black power was influencing the black campus movement, black college student activists, and black student unions. in fact, if we follow [ibrahim rogers’] groundbreaking research, the students were the ones shaping the larger social movements; it was black college students who were defining, leading, and imagining black power. ( ) the entire nation, not just college campuses, would have to come to grips with this new cultural reality. and it was a shift that the leaders of the black panther party had difficulty adjusting to because of their meteoric rise in the national consciousness. both newton and seale admit that when they began in , they could be classically defined as black nationalists, the goal being for blacks to establish a nation of their own, comprised of black people. however, newton describes how the panthers begin to see relatively quickly that: . . . something was wrong with this resolution of the problem. in the past, nationhood was a fairly easy thing to accomplish. if we look around now, though, we see that the world—the land space, the livable parts as we know them—is pretty well settled. so we realized that to create a new nation we would have to become a dominant faction in this one, and yet the fact that we did not have power was the contradiction that drove us to seek nationhood in the first place . . . it is an endless circle, you see: to achieve nationhood, we needed to become a dominant force; but to become a dominant force, we needed to be a nation. (“survival programs and intercommunalism” ) this contradiction necessitated that the panthers expand their perception of nation building to resist the concept of a land tied to a homogeneous body of citizens and shared space. newton, in many ways, abandoned the developing technoethos of carmichael, whose concept of black power was more grounded, more localized, and in many ways more accessible. instead, their concept would be expansive: the focus would be on the great numbers of people across the globe who experienced forms of imperial oppression. this focus precipitated their move “from just plain nationalists or separatist nationalists into revolutionary nationalists,” as newton would describe. this posture of revolutionary nationalism, a kind of transitory “nationlessness” that sought to unite its denizens through common struggle and not a common location, opened the door for the panthers to become self-described ”internationalists” ( ). this move was necessary because the panthers began to understand that nation building, in its strictest sense, was a false proposition for the oppressed. the conditions that often led to the creation of nation- states (population homogeneity; topographic isolation; full control of social, economic, political institutions; relative security for development; etc.) could no longer be the bedrock for future nations simply because those essential elements no longer existed as the building blocks for future nations—at least, not in the same way as in previous generations. the principle catalyst in this shift was technology. it was the advent of new communication, transportation, and military technologies that allowed for a fundamental change in not only the ways nations were constructed, but also how they remained viable. new settlers now have the means of controlling seized lands from a distance, ground conditions of emerging nations can be quickly communicated to supporting allies to minimize challenges, uprisings can be dismantled before they can traction and summarily put down when they do, even the way commerce is built into the fabric of a nation is structured to hinder revolution. in effect, newton argues that technology would develop until “there was a definite qualitative transformation in the relationships within and between nations.” technology, newton predicted, would be a great equalizer among sovereign states. america stands as one nation that has taken advantage of these technological advances and has been transformed by its sociopolitical elite into a global power, an “empire” at the expense of oppressed people across the world. with respect to america, newton suggests that “technology is developing at such a rapid rate that automation will progress to cybernation, and cybernation probably to technocracy” ( ). whereas the nations of the past could survive, thrive, and resist imperialism, in part, because of their heft and homogeneity, the modern world, newton proposes, is now “a dispersed collection of communities.” newton explains: a community is different from a nation. a community is a small unit with a comprehensive collection of institutions that exist to serve a small group of people. and we say further that the struggle in the world today is between the small circle that administers and profits from the empire of the united states and the people of the world who want to determine their own destinies. we call this situation intercommunalism. we are now in the age of reactionary intercommunalism, in which a ruling circle, a small group of people, control all other people by using their technology. (newton) the international approach of class-based geopolitics and the focus on the united states as both an evil empire and a nation-building model upset many. as a result of their developing power to exercise change in the american establishment, critics soon charged newton with selling out the movement to the very “system” from which the panthers had previously demanded independence. in reply, newton invoked intercommunalism by way of explanation: i contend that no one is outside the system. the world is so close now, because of technology, that we are like a series of dispersed communities, but we’re all under siege by the one empire-state authority, the reactionary inner circle of the united states. what newton recognizes is that all the communities of the world are or can be interconnected through modern technology. this means that “you can see something, live, on t. v. tomorrow night, possibly, from halfway around the world” or you can travel around the globe over a weekend, but it also means that “there’s always the possibility of there being a righteous fool in control of h-bombs,” whose greed and power could trigger world-wide annihilation ( ). newton had an almost prescient vision of technology predicting that during the next technology revolution, there would be “computers that can list and file everybody’s name. millions and millions of people [will have] raw data entered against their names and thus defined forever in their social mobility in time of peace; physical mobility in time of crises” ( ). in the current environment, these mechanisms work to enhance the power of “a few technocrats over hundreds of millions of people who assume they are being spied upon / .” with the cia and fbi training new agents in state-of-the art surveillance equipment and counterintelligence techniques, he worries that soon the government will cast an “electronic net” that will descend over urban populations ( ). for newton, the concept of intercommunalism recognizes a basic contradiction: although the hegemonic thrust of western technology is the principle culprit in creating the nation-destroying american empire and industrial complex, that same technology— when properly refashioned, repurposed, and reoriented—could not only be the answer for many of the material conditions of the oppressed, but also could work together to produce “a culture that is essentially human and would nurture those things that would allow the people to resolve contradictions in a way that would not be the mutual slaughter of all of us” (italics mine). newton was pushing for a kind of global critical access; newton saw that the most influential technologies of the modern world were controlled by a very small group of sociopolitical elites, and that those elites manipulated the masses through that control of technology, inevitably separating those masses from a controlling stake in the means of their own ascension. this situation, this reactionary intercommunalism, produces a reductive, dichotomous culture of laborers/consumers on one side and controllers/creators on the other, which must be overcome if “the people of the world are to control their own destinies.” we are a large collection of communities who can unite and fight together against our common enemy. the united states’ domination over all our territories equals a reactionary (in opposition to the interests of all) set of circumstances among our communities: reactionary intercommunalism. we can transform these circumstances to all our benefit: revolutionary intercommunalism. today the philosophy of revolutionary intercommunalism dictates that the survival programs implemented by and with the people here in america and those same basic people’s survival programs being implemented in mozambique by the mozambique liberation front are essential to bringing about world unity, from africa to the black community inside america, developing and uniting against a common enemy. (“united against the common enemy”) in order for the oppressed of the world to control their own destinies, the marginalized, the oppressed, and the community of justice-seekers across the globe must remove this small network of nation brokers, this ruling echelon, from the seat of power and redistribute not only the wealth but the technology that enables the dissemination of information and resources for the masses. this redistribution is what newton calls revolutionary intercommunalism. for all of newton’s incredible insights around appropriating technology and his astute readings of the development of global power in the new machine age, the concept of intercommunalism is limiting in some very important ways. first, it relies too heavily on the idea of nation building, even though newton works to establish nation building in a new way. nation building is an ideal of imperial militarism and is part of the lexicon of military conquests. newton shows that part of his struggles in solidifying his concept is because the technological discourse of militarism resists the notion of independent nation-states that are not conceived of militarily. the removal of the upper echelon of global tech elites only seems to imply that another, better echelon, will take its place. newton’s contention was that america was not a nation but an empire. indeed, foreign governments—of any size—could no longer claim complete independence from american interests. instead, what had once been a series of separate nations now functioned collectively as a network of u.s.-controlled “communities.” his philosophy of intercommunalism was one of the earliest recorded premonitions of developing nations’ socioeconomic impact within present-day globalism. newton attempts to use the idea of “communities” as opposed to “nations,” but the distinctions often fall flat. from the standpoint of dialectical materialism, newton never actually identifies intercommunalism functions as a response (which he calls an “opposite”) to its ideological predecessor, socialism, which is in the process of overtaking capitalism ( ). it is unclear as to whether newton sees intercommunalism as a linear evolution of dialectic materialism (he mentions the dialectical transitions of feudalism to capitalism to socialism, but does not include intercommunalism in this linear progression, though he says intercommunalism “works the same way”) or as a branching legacy that has taken a more prominent role because of the exponential growth and distribution of important technologies. newton sees revolutionary intercommunalism as a corrective measure to reactionary communalism in that it opens up the means of communication, production, and skill building—what he calls “technological development”—to the previously unemployable on the margins. in the end, newton hopes that revolutionary intercommunalism will allow for the “unemployable,” both black and white, to exist and work together as an enlightened workforce, who will be able to take control of the technologies that will enable him to change his material existence. just as newton’s intercommunalism never really escapes the technological discourse of militarism, it never really escapes the influence of marxism either, which had an unintended consequence on newton’s ever-shifting theory of intercommunalism. it put newton at odds with the larger community of cultural nationalists that arose as parts of the black power and black arts communities, respectively. in a scathing article published in the black panther in march of , “pork-chop” nationalists are described as “cowards,” “political whores,” and “champions of the status quo,” too busy engaging in “sensational, comical racism as a cover up” for engaging in real political and economic issues. the “tragic mistake” that the cultural nationalists make is that “they think that theirs can be a cultural revolution apart from an economic revolution.” cultural nationalists armed with incendiary rhetoric “can rant and rave and look ugly and fierce” without having to face the “concrete economic issues” that lead to systemic oppression. at its core, cultural nationalism is reactionary because it ignores the impact of socioeconomics on the power structure. for this, the panthers charged the “semantic madness contained in most of the writings of buffoons like ronald everett and le roi jones as useless. it was the kind of harsh and short-sighted critique that made revolutionary intercommunalism too rigid, too prescriptive, almost too doctrinally essentialist to be practically applied for many black people, even as it sought to create a framework for appropriating technology that would be “people centered” and lessened its impact as a vernacular insurrection on the order of black power. a “vernacular insurrection,” as kynard articulates, fits neatly into banks’s figuration of a rhetoric of design. it is a transformative utterance to be sure, and one can easily see how the concepts of black power or intercommunalism lean hard toward building transformative access. kynard would argue that the most enduring legacy of black power has been in the shift in strategic pedagogy and curriculum that lead to black studies programs and social justice curricula in higher education across the country. for hbcu students, the changes were even more dramatic. even as hbcu students experienced increased marginalization, which was reflected in the critical language pedagogies of the times, the narrative of black power allowed students to assert writerly agency that was informed by the black protest tradition and social relevance. these vernacular insurrections at the time were engulfed in violence and what the united states government defined “as campus unrest.” this was in large part because of the prominence of the dominant technological discourse of the time: militarism. the tumultuous s and s, when the vietnam war raged on and american citizens increasing raged against it, and racial tensions continued to grow despite the efforts of the largely nonviolent civil rights movement, brought about an attention to warfare that prompted african americans to begin situating their struggle differently with respect to technology. the image captured in the chicago defender that chastised black leadership for failing to be architects of uplift and progress for a large majority of black people, on one hand, and imagined a virtually well-equipped army of “new negroes” running the oppressors out of black communities perfectly foreshadows the evolution of technological discourse in the transition between the civil rights and black power/black arts movements. the country’s inclination toward seeing campus violence as a result of the moral decay of american young people and also as an undue consequence of foreign influence (read: communist sympathizers), had the self-justifying effect of walling off large segments of american citizens from reading those instances in their local contexts. that hbcus were sites of disruption, not just in the sense that they were places where violence and unrest occurred as a result of the climate and struggle for equality and civil rights, but as sites where people were constantly attempting to shift the locus of power to “the people.” black colleges and universities were the lifeblood of the civil rights movement. the most talented organizers of the civil rights organizations—bayard rustin, ellie baker, james farmer, john lewis—all had roots in hbcus and spent significant time there recruiting and training students for the work of social justice. and so, it is no surprise that the philosophies and aims of black power would have a critical effect on the students there. as kynard surmises, the narrative of black power did not only allow students to counter “diminishing identities” ascribed by a racist power structure, it also enabled them to begin thinking and restructuring their institutions differently. hbcus were marked by the passion of that change, as well as by the violence that accompanied it. as noted by moody, kenneth goings, and others, the legacy of racial violence and the legacy of campus-led rebellions at hbcus have been largely ignored historically. the same year stokely carmichael became chairman of the student nonviolent coordinating committee, huey p. newton and bobby seale, who met in as students at merritt college, founded the black panther party for self-defense. after carmichael leaves sncc for the black panther party in , h. rap brown replaced stokely carmichael as chairman of sncc. by that time, hbcu students had begun to challenge campus and local authority in meaningful ways. fisk university held its first writer’s conference to raise the consciousness of african-american authors. four hundred students at cheyney state college took over the administration building, demanding more african-american leadership and more courses in african-american studies and social justice. but the consequences of a more politically aware student body were painful. on february , , at south carolina state university in orangeburg, south carolina, police officers killed three students during a demonstration in an attempt to integrate a bowling alley. this became known as the “orangeburg massacre.” not long after, on february th, state troopers used tear gas and clubs to break up a student demonstration at alcorn a & m (now alcorn state university) in lorman, mississippi. students had opposed the dismissal of three students who had passed out campaign literature in support of congressional candidate charles evers, the brother of medgar evers, the slain field secretary of the naacp. student demonstrations were met with tear gas from mississippi state troopers. students at howard university and bowie state university would soon take control of the administration building to demand campus reforms and a black-oriented curriculum, while students at tuskegee university held twelve university trustees hostage in order to push for campus-wide reforms. in , the ford foundation gave morgan state university, howard university, and yale university one million dollars each to train faculty to teach african-american studies courses. yet, at north carolina a &t, willie grimes, a biology student and innocent bystander, was killed by officers when the police and national guard attempted to break up a demonstration at north carolina a & t. on february , , at mississippi valley state college in the tiny town of itta bena, america’s largest mass arrest of college students took place. nearly nine hundred black protesters were loaded onto buses and carted off to the state penitentiary at parchman. of course, the violence on college campuses at the time was not just occurring at hbcu, but was part of a cultural revolution across the nation. and these institutional battles for racially and historically relevant curriculum were happening on campuses all across the nation. black students at boston university, northwestern university, san francisco state, the university of michigan, and, most notably, columbia university pushed for black studies and black faculty at their respective institutions. i am arguing that by , there was already a narrative of student protest, campus rebellion, and violence at hbcus that had more to do with racial injustice, relevant curriculum, and visionary leadership than about american warfare. politics and media made it expedient to situate the killings at jackson state within the narrative of student protests around vietnam. frequently, this leads many to miss perceptions about the tone and tenor of protest at hbcus during the time and also gives a false impression of the major concerns of students at hbcus during this time. if anything, it is more appropriate to consider the shootings at jackson state college within the often overlooked incidence of racially motivated violence and student protest at hbcus during the time. nineteen-seventy was an explosive year in student protests on college campuses nationwide, in no small part because of the government-sanctioned violence perpetrated against students. the national guard was deployed at ohio state and violently suppressed students there who were advocating for more black student admissions and the removal of the rotc program. in probably the most publicized student clash, four students were killed and were injured on may th by national guardsmen at kent state, where images of the state’s brutality, along with the bodies of dead, dying, and traumatized students, were circulated around the world. not two weeks later, the killings at jackson state would become a further example of america’s rampant warmongering, with most of its obvious, but contextually specific, racial overtones ignored by the mainstream media. the jackson state killings: the discourse of militarism, new directions in black power, and a technoethos of sanctuary the turmoil of may was so fierce and sudden that many americans feared a revolution was at hand. journalists said the unrest reflected the nation’s worst ideological split since the civil war. some form of demonstration took place on nearly percent of america’s campuses. the national student strike closed the doors of at least one in five. to nixon’s silent majority, all the chanting, marching, and rock throwing on the campuses seemed the work of communists. but to many liberals, the may revolt seemed the work of gallant antiwar crusaders. true, may was partly the rebellion of militant youths fed up with “nixon’s war” and the racism of “amerika.” blacks held demonstrations on the nation’s predominantly black campuses as well. black students staged demonstrations at georgia’s albany state college and payne college, at alabama’s miles college, and at pennsylvania’s lincoln university. but these demonstrations were generally peaceful. no one was killed (spofford - ). tim spofford’s book-length account of the circumstances leading up to the shooting and its aftermath is still the most definitive source to date on the subject. mark s. giles’s chapter on the jackson state shootings makes marvelous use of spofford’s reporting, which turns the spotlight on the racist underpinnings of mississippi culture, law enforcement, and campus unrest in jackson. giles marks the racially motivated incidents of may th as the buildup of racial tensions: . . . these incidents, among others, are fresh in the collective consciousness of the students at jackson state in . the students were very aware of their surroundings and the history of their environment. the violence and racist reputation of the mississippi highway patrol, jackson city police, and a large segment of the community was a constant threat to the safety of any black person who “stepped out of line . . . ” (giles ) news reports at the time, and even the historical record sometimes, misclassify the description of the “annual spring riot” on jackson state campus. giles notes that jackson state president john a. peoples characterized the throwing of rocks and bottles at white motorists passing through the campus on main street as the annual spring riot. at first glance, the locus of vagrant behavior was on either the jackson state students or the “corner boys,” but another contributing factor was the white motorists themselves. for years, white motorists would tear down lynn street yelling obscenities, racial epithets, and denigrating comments out of their windows. at the stop sign in front of alexander hall—the woman’s dormitory—they would throw things out of their windows at the students who would congregate there. many of the offending white motorists would leave from the affluent high school, harassing black students on their way to other parts of the city. perhaps there was a seasonal aspect to the cycle of taunts and retaliation that happened on lynn street, but it was by no means purely an issue of wayward students. jackson state administrators and the community at large had sought to reroute traffic around jackson state campus, closing off the lynch street thoroughfare in order to minimize the incidences of racism perpetrated against jackson state students. jackson’s mayor and the city council repeatedly denied that request, citing the change in traffic pattern would cause too much disruption for people leaving downtown jackson after work. the riot that peoples refers to here is not related to any rock-throwing incident. instead, jackson state’s first riot was initiated by jackson law enforcement, who, while chasing a student driver on campus for some unidentified offense and upon losing the whereabouts of that driver, proceeded to discharge their weapons into a man’s dormitory window in response to jeering students. students were justifiably enraged because a police officer shot a jackson state football player in the face with “number one birdshot.” number one birdshot was issued to mississippi law enforcement as a tool for riot control and as a tactical response. shotguns full of birdshot were standard in crowd control during the civil rights movement in mississippi. war protests against vietnam and the recent the escalations in cambodia had happened on jackson state’s campus on may th, but they were scantily attended. that night a series of “protests” erupted on campus. white motorists passing through the campus along lynch street were greeted with a barrage of rocks, bottles, and angry shouts. a police car was pelted with rocks and the officer called back to the station to make a report. in response, the police barricaded lynch street. as described by spofford and giles, those protests were harrowing and dangerous at times—students were out in force, law enforcement was barking orders, someone threatened to set fire to the rotc building—but they ended with little destruction of property and no bloodshed. the jackson police department had called in two of its most fearsome assets: one was inspector lloyd “goon” jones, whose violence against blacks was legendary. it was goon jones who had ordered the teargassing of that mass of demonstrators during the march against fear a few years earlier. the other asset was a militarized armored vehicle known as the thompson tank. contrary to some popular reports, the thompson tank was not an m-class tank (like the ones seen in military skirmishes on television), which was part of the national guard armory and, as such, could be requisitioned by the national guard when deployed. the thompson tank has a shadier history and provenance. it was a light blue-and-white armored international harvester loadstar purchased by the jackson police department under the administration of allen c. thompson. it was armored and retrofitted for paramilitary use, specifically to wage war on african americans in mississippi and the streets of jackson. the thompson tank was first used in the summer of , known as freedom summer or the mississippi summer project, to disrupt african americans registering to vote in the south (figure ). figure . photographs. william h. kelly, iii, august , . (left) the infamous thompson tank is in the jackson police department firing range parking lot off mcdowell road—hidden from society and in danger of being forgotten. (right) “the thompson tank, a forgotten artifact.” as spofford describes, thompson’s tank carried ten city policemen inside. it was an armored van, twenty-three feet long, with two spotlights on its roof. each of the eight men in the back of the tank sat beside a bullet-proof window and a gun port. the tank had thompson submachine guns and shotguns that could launch teargas canisters. the tank stored extra ammunition. “oh, that tank was a hated symbol,” charles carr, a former student, remembers. “it stood for impregnable racism. i don’t know if that thing was purchased for any other reason than as a symbol that said, ‘we will run you down.’ i mean, what else could you use it for?” and, in fact, the thompson tank had never been used anywhere else. president peoples invited student leaders to his residence to hear their concerns and learn reasons why the previous night’s events occurred. the students mentioned the following reasons: the vietnam war, the shootings at kent state, the bell that was proposed to be installed on campus, and the presence of the rotc building, which for many, represented the u.s. military and all of the political uncertainties of the peoples listened and assured them he would look into their concerns, but made it clear that the actions of the night before could not be tolerated nor condoned. peoples tried to reach an agreement with the mayor, russell davis, to barricade the street and divert traffic until things calmed down. peoples ( , p. ) explains, “i pleaded with the city police authorities to keep up the street barricades so as to prevent any through traffic until we could be sure that the situation had cooled down . . . they said that there were a lot of people driving home from work who would be inconvenienced if they could not drive through lynch street. ( ) on the evening of may th, trouble began brewing again. there was a false rumor being spread on campus that charles evers, the brother of medgar evers, had been shot and killed. hundreds of students were gathered outside of alexander hall. two corner boys set a construction truck on fire. after the fire was extinguished, the fire trucks drove around the campus, avoiding the students, to handle another fire on the other side of the campus. in contrast and in a show of force, law enforcement officers decided to march straight through the campus. eyewitness accounts also recalled the barely checked rage of many of the officers from the jackson police department and the mississippi highway patrol, who had marched onto campus, barricaded the street, and stood armed in front of alexander hall. a major problem at the scene was the lack of coordination and communication between the police and the patrol; no one was clearly in charge, nor was there a clear plan of action. the officers were as much a loose mob as the students, except that the officers were heavily armed and willing to use deadly force” ( ). the mississippi national guard had been called, but they remained stationed on the outskirts of the campus, weapons in hand, but without ammunition. with students and law enforcement officers facing off in front of alexander hall, a standoff was imminent. a thompson tank was maneuvered in front of the dormitory and both police and patrol units took positions in front of the jeering students. lieutenant magee, a city policeman, used a bullhorn to order students to disperse. shouts of “pig” and “whitey” were heard as the stage was set for the tragic moment (spofford , giles ) . the women residents of alexander hall were busy attending to the typical activities of college students living in a residence hall: reading, studying, listening to music, and visiting one another. many residents were unaware of the events taking place outside or of the danger lurking across the street. some students, aware of the ruckus in front of the building, watched from their windows. several eyewitness accounts recalled that it was a green bottle hurled at the feet of an officer that set off a barrage of gunfire that seemed to emanate from every direction at once. giles describes the scene: as soon as the sound of the crashing bottle filled the air, the officers began firing at will with shotguns and automatic rifles. weakley ( , p. ) states, “the moment the bottle hit the ground the police and highway patrolmen appeared to go crazy. they began to fire their weapons as if all they had been waiting for was an excuse to fire.” the students, caught completely off guard, began running frantically. gunfire flashed through the night. students dropped to the ground like soldiers in a movie. many students scrambled wildly toward the doorway of alexander hall and began piling up in the doorway, trying to get out of the line of fire (weakley, ). the gunmen continued to fire their weapons into the crowd and into the building. the building was shot full of holes. residents were wounded by bullets, buckshot, and flying glass while sitting in their rooms, running into the halls, or crouching in the lobby. over four hundred rounds were fired; it was a miracle more people were not killed or injured. alexander hall looked like a shooting gallery. bullet holes riddled the west tower and lobby of alexander hall. bullet holes would also be found in the student union building, the dining hall, and the science building. most of the windows of the stairwell and the entire side of the building were shattered. just as suddenly as it began, it was over. after thirty seconds of gunfire, over three hundred holes were left in the west side of alexander hall. upon investigation, it was found that both the jackson police department and mississippi highway patrol officers had replaced their shotguns with rounds of number buckshot instead of number birdshot. they were prepared to kill that night. two students, philip gibbs, , and james green, , were dead in front of the dormitory. at least thirteen additional students were wounded and countless others were traumatized beyond words. jackson state: aftermath the governor of mississippi and the mayor of jackson, who had smugly suggested that the horrors of kent state could never happen in the state of mississippi because “king cotton didn’t have no flower children, and their niggers were either under control or under their feet,” had to account for how two innocent bystanders were shot dead on the campus of a state-supported school and in the presence of no less than a hundred law enforcement officers from three different agencies. hordes of journalists arrived from all over the nation to get a glimpse of the latest mass tragedy on a college campus, except this time many were reticent to acknowledge the critical role of race and the legacy of racial violence inherent in the shooting. the local papers had worked hard to paint a picture of riotous militant students and stopped just sort of saying that they got what they deserved. the national news outlets found it much easier to contextualize the shootings within the now-more-familiar narrative of kent state, vietnam protests, and the degradation of the fabric of america because of the misguided whims of american youth. the circumstances surrounding the shooting were engorged with racism and were violently simple, but the forces leading up to it were nuanced, inconvenient, and controversial. the uncertainty and inaccuracy of the initial reporting made it seem as if no one knew what happened and that brought to jackson state a phalanx of doubting thomases who would take turns walking up to the corner of alexander hall, reaching with one arm, spreading their hand, and tentatively pushing their fingers into the side of the building, like the bullet holes were jesus’s wounds and they were testing their belief, testing him. though the national media attention garnered by the shootings paled in comparison to other instances of violence on college campuses and was arguably mischaracterized as another instance of fervor against the vietnam war, the shootings had a far-reaching impact. the location and scope of violence deeply affected students and faculty at other hbcus. gil scott-heron was angry and upset about the killings at jackson state, and he, like many other students at lincoln and other hbcus, were forced to reconsider their place in america, not just as black people, but as black students. it was no secret that jackson state college was a conservative institution and no hotbed for political activity. if they were to become militant, it was not because of political leanings but out of self-defense. no student at any hbcu was safe. scott-heron was incensed with both the racial violence of the state (i.e., law enforcement) and also with the tepid responses of lincoln’s administration. he believed that lincoln should cease all activities for a day of mourning and protest in solidarity with jackson state, holding that “ . . . if they didn’t protest the killings, their silence would only embolden reactionary forces that sought to quell student unrest by any means necessary” (baram). scott-heron was not alone in his outrage. hundreds of students lined up to march to oxford, the small white town located a mile from campus. oxford and many of the other towns surrounding lincoln’s campus were quietly hostile to students and black faculty at the school, denying them lodging, meals, and an entrance to theaters and stores. the farms that surrounded oxford had sites where large ku klux klan rallies would be held. burning crosses could be seen from the route one come and where they had once hung a man in effigy. while the students attempted to mobilize themselves for an angry march on oxford, apparently word got out to the locals. as david barnes recollects: we saw trucks drop by with shotguns and rifles in the back. we had no weapons for the revolution. and some of us wised up. cooler heads prevailed. gil told everyone to calm down. we weren’t ready for that type of revolution. most of the students went to the chapel to hold vigil; scott-heron and a few others stood on the outskirts of lincoln, watching for a possible violent response from outsiders, rifles at the ready. though there was no violence that day, lincoln’s campus was politicized in a way it had not been before. scott-heron would leave lincoln after his freshman year, but his leadership had a perceptible influence on the campus. lincoln university, located about fifty miles southwest of philadelphia, was the first degree-granting institution for african americans in the united states. in , it was also feeling the stress of revolt; even though its location in rural pennsylvania isolated it from the widespread turmoil of more urban hbcus, it was not immune. for instance, herman branson became president in , replacing the white former president, marvin wachman. but “the conservative-minded branson didn’t approve of the school’s rampant activism. baram supposes there was plenty of anger directed at the conservative school administration, which looked down on political demonstrations and some of the free-form creativity taking place on campus (“pieces of a man”). yet, lincoln had students and faculty who possessed an active connection to the civil rights movement during the time: martin luther king, jr. delivered the commencement address in ; james farmer, activist and principal organizer of the freedom rides and former director of core, was lecturer at lincoln in ; jesse jackson would deliver the commencement address in . jeffery hoogeveen notes that: the violent police brutality directed at african-americans in the south (and especially at morehouse, in augusta, georgia) lead the lincoln faculty and student body to initiate a new kind of dialogue, one concerned with both internal administrative policies and larger national issues. ( ) faculty and students were working together crafting and experimenting with techniques of social investigation and scholarly practice that would have real-world consequences in a way that had been unheard of even a year before. “the faculty/student alliance was now an agent of personal and institutional, as well as political, change” ( ). hoogeveen reports that was a year that capped a five-year rise in enrollment; the freshman class of the fall of was the largest in that span. in the fall of : a new way of discussing student writing emerged, and emerged in conjunction with the progressive solidarity forged between faculty and students . . . whereas students and faculty were working together to create social change, concurrently and almost suddenly, student writing became a sign of pathology, perhaps even to question larger abilities. ( ) even as some faculty resisted the shift in focus, hoogeveen identifies this semester as a pivotal one for the humanities division of lincoln, who not only began relenting some of the paternalistic didacticism that is typical of black colleges, but also began making programmatic changes such as teaching socially relevant texts and introducing a new interdisciplinary course, all in an effort to teach material “that [matched] the tenor of our time” ( ). the precise timing of such a shift, along with the reactions of students to the killings at jackson state from lincoln students like scott-heron during that year suggests that the may th killings brought awareness of hbcus to the national stage and awakened the political consciousness of many who had taken a moderate approach to the civil rights and black power movements. not only that, but it acted as a catalyst for programmatic and structural changes across institutions as well. hoogeveen’s observation is also indicative of what kynard saw as reasserting the relevance of black protest traditions to open admissions, basic writing histories, and critical pedagogy. she connects this tradition of protest to the “students’ right to their own language” (srtol) document and implies that the study of such history can be vital to understanding the document and redressing the roots of deficit pedagogies. as she argues, the inability to see srtol and other critical statements on language as connected to a black protest tradition reinforces troubling assumptions about the spirit of these documents. these statements began with the idea of empowering students who spoke a number of language varieties and of acknowledging the resistance teachers might encounter from students who value the intellectual traditions of their cultures and neighborhoods. in other words, these statements were written for the very working-class and minority students often written out of the dominant histories of composition ( ). hoogeveen refers to the tension around the teaching of writing at lincoln in , as expressed in the meeting minutes, as a frustratingly tense affair where one was getting an almost schizophrenic back and forth, “a tale of two universities,” not just in how to teach writing, but also in the mounting discontent between increasingly progressive, even militant, students and faculty, a body politic embodied by students like gil scott-heron and the more conservative students, faculty, and administrators on campus. the violence at jackson state also marked a shift in the ideology of the black panther party. before, newton acknowledges that the intercommunalist stance “has no time for racism,” an assertion that makes other black power organization uncomfortable. seale adds that this position necessitates that to ascribe to intercommunalism you must “get rid of your own racism” in order to truly “educate the masses and serve the people,” noting that to try to achieve liberation through any other framework would open the movement to the same oppressive and racist practices that had been perpetrated against blacks for hundreds of years (seale - ). as a result of this notion of developing power to exercise change in the american establishment (as opposed to overthrowing it or ameliorating themselves from it), critics soon charged newton and seale with selling out the movement to the very “system” from which the panthers had previously demanded independence. newton contended that because technology had brought the world so close together, “no one operates outside of the system” and that the fight for liberation had to take on a new front: to resist the authority of the united states’ inner sanctum of reactionary technocratic political elites. newton’s response was an ideological break from the black separatists of the present and the panther’s black separatist past. after jackson state, newton recognized that racism would not be erased through technological appropriation. if anything, if one did not attend to racist policies when considering technology, the consequences would be dire. the black panther party became keenly invested in the education of a new generation of children of color, and many of its members were interested in reforming the way in which black students were taught in public schools. in january , the black panther party extended their “liberation schools” model and established the intercommunal youth institute (iyi), which created a system of performance skill levels, instead of grade levels, in order to meet children where they were and teach to their instructional levels. many of the children who were taught at iyi were considered unteachable by the school system. they recruited teachers and support personnel from hbcus and even attempted to stage two iyis at separate hbcus. iyi attempted to meet the holistic needs of the student, giving its students free transportation, breakfast, lunch, and dinner, school supplies, medical clinics, treatment, and even clothing. newton admitted that during the years when the panthers experienced the most growth and the most visibility, what moved the party away from its core values of social responsibility and economic empowerment were the constant police battles and shootouts; the legal wrangling with the rotating imprisonment of newton, seale, and cleaver; media sensationalism created by those within the party (like cleaver) and without (like ronald regan); and the conflicting ideological positions of the black panther party’s many “ministers.” newton was vehemently against the bombastic, sensationalist rhetoric and political posturing that came to define the black panther party. he would apologize for the ways david hilliard and h. rap brown would alienate preachers and leaders from black church communities. he would denounce the vulgar language and the sexually tinged political violence advocated by eldridge cleaver. in his words, he would “cringe” at the tension between their methods and the deep investment these men felt towards the suffering of black people. these stances, newton believed, ultimately undermined the foundational mission of the black panther party and his vision of unity for all of the oppressed: in terms of our change, i think that many things that we did in the past may have been incorrect, but in some cases it may have been necessary that we go through some of those mistakes. the changes came about primarily in when we determined that we had abandoned not only the black community but our ten point platform and program and had become so sidetracked by media rhetoric that we had lost sight of our original vision. we attempted to return to that vision so that the change that has been observed by many people is really a return to the original ideas of the party as laid down in our ten point platform and program which, in essence, states that we want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice, peace and people’s control of modern technology. intercommunalism had to be codified as the ideological center of the -point program. for newton, the issue is no longer one of just possessing or repossessing the land, but of equal importance is the ability to control the technology that “can work the land” that will ultimately enable the oppressed to determine their own destinies.” what follows is a comparison of the bpp october and march platforms (table ). even outside of the black panther party, black writers on the fringes of the panther and black arts ideological camps begin to frame class struggle, socioeconomic ascendency, and cultural/political influence in technological terms. amiri baraka’s views on technology seem to move closest to creating a revolutionary, imaginative, and protective space in his essay, “technology and ethos.” “technology and ethos” works rhetorically as a call to calculated action in redirecting our acquisition of technology towards specific aspects of black life, real and imagined. baraka posits that technology is not only an extension of its inventor, creators, and controlling engineers, but that technology has the morality, the spirit, of their inventors. baraka defines the technology of the west as not a scientific evolutionary eventuality in technology, but as a vessel of oppression that has been shaped, fashioned, and formed specifically for the task of maintaining oppressive relationships across the globe and furthering the western patriarchal racist hegemonic march towards domination. it is this “oppressor’s spirit” that binds the technology of the west to the west’s understanding of political power. yet, baraka also acknowledges that “nothing has to look and function the way that it does,” and that a technology infused with a black ethos of community well-being, radical redistribution of wealth, and spiritual balance could be even more powerful than the status quo. think of yourself, black creator, freed of european restraint which first means the restraint of self determined mind development. think what would be the results of the unfettered blood inventor-creator with the resources of a nation behind him. to imagine–to think–to construct–to energize!!! table . comparison of the black panther party’s october and march platforms october platform march platform . we want freedom. we want power to determine the destiny of our black community. we believe that black people will not be free until we are able to determine our destiny. . we want freedom. we want power to determine the destiny of our black and oppressed communities. we believe that black and oppressed people will not be free until we are able to determine our destinies in our own communities ourselves, by fully controlling all the institutions which exist in our communities. . we want full employment for our people. we believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every man employment or a guaranteed income. we believe that if the white american businessmen will not give full employment, then the means of production should be taken from the businessmen and placed in the . we want full employment for our people. we believe that the federal government is responsible and obligated to give every person employment or a guaranteed income. we believe that if the american businessmen will not give full employment, then the technology and means of production should be taken from the businessmen table . (continued) october platform march platform community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. and placed in the community so that the people of the community can organize and employ all of its people and give a high standard of living. . we want an end to the robbery by the white man of our black community. we believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. forty acres and two mules was promised years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of black people. we will accept the payment as currency which will be distributed to our many communities. the germans are now aiding the jews in israel for the genocide of the jewish people. the germans murdered six million jews. the american racist has . we want an end to the robbery by the capitalist of our black and oppressed communities. we believe that this racist government has robbed us and now we are demanding the overdue debt of forty acres and two mules. forty acres and two mules were promised years ago as restitution for slave labor and mass murder of black people. we will accept the payment in currency which will be distributed to our many communities. the american racist has taken part in the slaughter of over fifty million black people. therefore, we table . (continued) october platform march platform taken part in the slaughter of over twenty million black people; therefore, we feel that this is a modest demand that we make. feel this is a modest demand that we make. . we want decent housing, fit for shelter of human beings. we believe that if the white landlords will not give decent housing to our black community, then the housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that our community, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for its people. . we want decent housing, fit for the shelter of human beings. we believe that if the landlords will not give decent housing to our black and oppressed communities, then the housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that the people in our communities, with government aid, can build and make decent housing and the land should be made into cooperatives so that the people in our communities, with government aid, can build and make decent housing for the people. table . (continued) october platform march platform . we want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent american society. we want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present-day society. we believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of self. if a man does not have knowledge of himself and his position in society and the world, then he has little chance to relate to anything else. . we want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent american society. we want education that teaches us our true history and our role in the present-day society. we believe in an educational system that will give to our people a knowledge of self. if you do not have knowledge of yourself and your position in the society and the world, then you will have little chance to know anything else. . we want all black men to be exempt from military service. we believe that black people should not be forced to fight in the military service to defend a racist government that does not protect us. we will not fight and kill other people of color in . we want completely free health care for all black and oppressed people. we believe that the government must provide, free of charge, for the people, health facilities which will not only treat our illnesses, most of which have come about as a result of our table . (continued) october platform march platform the world who, like black people, are being victimized by the white racist government of america. we will protect ourselves from the force and violence of the racist police and the racist military, by whatever means necessary. oppression, but which will also develop preventative medical programs to guarantee our future survival. we believe that mass health education and research programs must be developed to give all black and oppressed people access to advanced scientific and medical information, so we may provide ourselves with proper medical attention and care. . we want an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people. we believe we can end police brutality in our black community by organizing black self-defense groups that are dedicated to defending our black community from racist police oppression and brutality. the second amendment to the constitution of the . we want an immediate end to police brutality and murder of black people, other people of color, all oppressed people inside the united states. we believe that the racist and fascist government of the united states uses its domestic enforcement agencies to carry out its program of oppression against black people, other people of table . (continued) october platform march platform united states gives a right to bear arms. we therefore believe that all black people should arm themselves for self defense. color and poor people inside the united states. we believe it is our right, therefore, to defend ourselves against such armed forces, and that all black and oppressed people should be armed for self-defense of our homes and communities against these fascist police forces. . we want freedom for all black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons and jails. we believe that all black people should be released from the many jails and prisons because they have not received a fair and impartial trial. . we want an immediate end to all wars of aggression. we believe that the various conflicts which exist around the world stem directly from the aggressive desires of the u.s. ruling circle and government to force its domination upon the oppressed people of the world. we believe that if the u.s. government or its lackeys do not cease these aggressive wars that it is the right of the people to defend themselves by any table . (continued) october platform march platform means necessary against their aggressors. . we want all black people when brought to trial to be tried in court by a jury of their peer group or people from their black communities, as defined by the constitution of the united states. we believe that the courts should follow the united states constitution so that black people will receive fair trials. the th amendment of the u.s. constitution gives a man a right to be tried by his peer group. a peer is a person from a similar economic, social, religious, geographical, environmental, historical and racial background. to do this the court will be forced to select a jury from the black community from which the black defendant came. we . we want freedom for all black and poor oppressed people now held in u.s. federal, state, county, city and military prisons and jails. we want trials by a jury of peers for all persons charged with so- called crimes under the laws of this country. we believe that the many black and poor oppressed people now held in u.s. prisons and jails have not received fair and impartial trials under a racist and fascist judicial system and should be free from incarceration. we believe in the ultimate elimination of all wretched, inhuman penal institutions, because the masses of men and women imprisoned inside the united states table . (continued) october platform march platform have been, and are being tried by all- white juries that have no understanding of the “average reasoning man” of the black community. or by the u.s. military are the victims of oppressive conditions which are the real cause of their imprisonment. we believe that when persons are brought to trial that they must be guaranteed, by the united states, juries of their peers, attorneys of their choice and freedom from imprisonment while awaiting trials. . we want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace. and as our major political objective, a united nations-supervised plebiscite to be held throughout the black colony in which only black colonial subjects will be allowed to participate for the purpose of determining the will of black people as to their national destiny. when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to . we want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice, peace and people’s community control of modern technology. when in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature’s god table . (continued) october platform march platform dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and nature’s god entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. we hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. that, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its table . (continued) october platform march platform destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. but, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. but, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. table . (continued) october platform march platform them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. how do you communicate with the great masses of black people? how do you use the earth to feed masses of people? how do you cure illness? how do you prevent illness? what are the black purposes of space travel? it staggers the mind. to be free go let the mind do what it will as a constructive progress force, availed of the total knowledge resource energy of a nation (“technology and ethos”) baraka reminds us that “political power is also the power to create” and in doing so, highlights the creative intentionality necessary in designing and utilizing technology through the rhetorical questions he asks that proposes a technology that affirms the needs and dreams of the african diaspora. in a way, baraka’s technological imagination works much like the “edenic potential” bradford stull finds in du bois’s sketches some fifty years earlier. baraka articulates the relationship between racism and technology as an impulse to see the uses of technology as innately objective, when in fact the guiding spirit behind technology usage is always subjective and “it is time the engineers, architects, chemists, electronics craftsmen, i.e. film too, radio, sound, &c., that learning western technology must not be the end of our understanding of the particular discipline we’re involved in.” the role of machines in culture becomes the means to realizing a “constructive progress force,” one that will enable black people to express their freedom in a way that is holistic, fulfilling, and generative. the new technology must be spiritually oriented because it must aspire to raise man’s spirituality and expand man’s consciousness. it must begin by being “humanistic” though the white boy has yet to achieve this. witness a technology that kills both plants & animals, poisons the air & degenerates or enslaves man. the technology itself must represent human striving. it must represent at each point the temporary perfection of the evolutional man. and be obsolete only because nothing is ever perfect, the only constant is change. the statement, “the spirit of the people is greater than the man’s technology” adopted a new critical stance towards technology, not a vague propagandistic slogan. it shifts the discussion away from american-style civil rights and issues of race and focuses on a more globally centered concern with human rights. it also lays the groundwork to examine and expose how and where “man’s technology” is applied by arguing for the liberation of men from systems of oppression that are aided and abetted by a misuse of technology. margaret walker alexander bluntly asserts that “western technology is completely mechanistic and its technoculture has no humanity—no spiritual value and no moral value, ethical, or cultural viability” ( ). banks, on the other hand, emphasizes baraka’s imaginings of the reaches and applications of a black technology that is not only humanistic, but collective, visions that go beyond appropriation and stretch into new realms of possibility. banks supports these revelations pointing out that “african- american pursuits of technological innovation must proceed from that point of self- knowledge and completely destroy our current notions of form in order to see again, to be able to imagine and produce new forms, free of the assumptions and exclusions embedded, encoded into old forms and old technologies” ( ). amiri baraka, formally le roi jones, and arguably the most prominent cultural nationalist at the time, had begun to lean towards the pan-africanist position of kwame touré (formerly stokely carmichael) and, after waging a successful campaign to help elect the first black mayor of newark, new jersey, sought to build a national coalition of black organizations with a pan-african agenda. in september of , baraka and his “congress of african people” held the first modern pan-african congress in atlanta. the central idea of pan-africanism—that blacks in america should focus first on the struggle for the liberation of africa and its subsequent unity in order to create a strong foundation for america’s on racial liberation—was widely accepted among diverging black ideologues in principle and was gaining in popularity in the early s. however, touré also argued that this focus on africa rendered engagement with american electoral politics irrelevant and many of the social reforms blacks have advocated during the civil rights movement as lower priorities. several high-profile black leaders from representative organizations were not invited, most notably congresswoman shirley chisolm (who would run for president two years later) and newton and seale. even so, robert charles smith points out that even well-known black moderates, such as charles hamilton, agreed that, “pan africanism is clearly the next viable stage of the historical struggle of black people to assert themselves on the world scene” and that the goal of electoral politics was to “politicize the masses rather than obtain mass benefits” ( ). given this emphasis, baraka’s pan-african congress was to develop a national platform for black political engagement in the united states (specifically focusing on developing more black elected officials), even while much discussion revolved around africa. many of the speeches and discussions, from moderates and revolutionaries alike, invoked the pan-africanist theme of “it’s nation time!”, proselytizing an opaque pan- african agenda while giving little attention to many of the real issues that prompted their engagement with politics in the first place. nevertheless, the conference did present several workshop series on various topics (education, technology, family, the justice system, etc.) with the intended goal of producing resolution proposals that would provide the groundwork for establishing institutions built on the foundations of pan-africanism. it was the workshops on technology that demonstrated the weight of intercommunalism and the need to focus on technology (baraka - ). in an opening resource paper at the conference, saidi jengaji took on the unenviable task of defining black technology. he defines black technology as the ways and means to “devising systematic, designed, principled, organized, regular methods by which blacks can obtain any goal we may determine as having priority” (his italics) ( ). jengaji takes time to differentiate between material goods as technology and expertise and knowledge as technology. in like fashion, jengaji focuses on finding ways to incorporate the scientific method of discovery into areas that are generally considered labor intensive technologies. this way, blacks can begin to enter technology fields through research and development departments and agencies, develop workable models for new inventions and ideas, and gather public interest and support. one brief site for such a move given by jengaji is the abundance of skilled labor in and around central brooklyn, which has suffered from operation constraints in housing construction. jengaji leaves this example to somewhat speak for itself and does not take time to fully explain how the scientific method will fit into a plan that brings more blacks into research and development positions and aid blacks in building homes and institutions in central brooklyn. if anything, jengaji seems to close his resource paper on a somewhat somber note, concluding that the materials technology needs with which to build were in short supply and “capital was a constraint,” as if it was then that he realized that financial concerns impossibly complicated the notion of organizing and employing technology, black or otherwise. benjamin scott argued that western nations support technology development for economic and military purposes, but ignore “support of technology for improving communities or the individual lives of people.” however, scott is also apprehensive about current prospects for developing the necessary technological infrastructure for such a shift, adding that the black movement is “requiring technological development according to a new act of priorities” without the necessary resources and political backing. his references here seem to acknowledge the panther’s new focus on intercommunalism, and he goes on to remark that: the technology of liberation will deal with the same basic materials as the technology of imperialism—of that we can be sure. the pile of stuff [raw materials] is the same. what engineers make from the pile depends on the ideology. ( ) what is important here is that scott, like newton, recognizes the importance of creating a new ethos for liberation technology. furthermore, scott advocates for a pan- african academy of science and technology that will train “black technologists for a technopolitical future by somehow melding together a new educational philosophy with a pan-africanist strategy for technology integration.” he cautions that: unless technology is pan-african, it will willy-nilly become part of each african state’s need to promote its own national interest regardless of the interest of africa as a whole. black technology harnessed to individual states will eventually be used for imperialistic nationalism, and the first to suffer from it will be other african peoples. ( ) scott’s observation here is dead-on, so much so that it actually complicates his argument for a technology that is rooted in pan-africanism. pan-africanism is, to a large degree, nation building, and scott does not offer a solution for nationalist sentiments to subsume the potential for technology to help communities. scott’s argument assumes that pan-africanism, by being antiimperialist, fosters an ethos of collaboration that restores the core values of nationhood and does not consider nationhood as an ideology with its own values and idiosyncrasies. the panthers avoid the contradiction altogether by renouncing the concept of nations for communities. while discussing the importance of technology to black people, malaika jalia presents a perspective that is most closely associated with touré’s techno-ethos of black power and banks’s notion of critical access, and she raises very clear concerns for the ways blacks have been manipulated through their relationship with technology. jalia effectively sets the stage for her discussion when she asks her audience to take a small object, hold it in the air, and demand it not to fall if they let it go. her point: no amount of rhetoric or accusation is a substitute for a sound understanding of the laws of science. jalia addresses the fundamental lack of technical expertise in the black community by asking first why blacks are not encouraged to become proficient in technology. she argues that it is through the withholding of technical expertise that allows for the continued exploitation of black oppression. throughout history, the european was able to uphold his position of superiority by maintaining “a technological edge,” an edge that utilizes technical disciplines to keep the entire earth under submission. jalia goes on to discuss several engineering and scientific fields that impact communities and have, for the most part, been denied blacks in america. jalia reminds us that at the heart of these disciplines lies math and physics, areas of study that for some reason have produced fear and apprehension in many blacks, even the most “revolutionary” among those participating in the congress. jalia explains that this fear is part and parcel of the tricks devised by those in power to deny blacks entry into technology-oriented fields and culture. many diasporic africans, as well as african americans, were encouraged to study nontechnical subjects if they went to college, rendering them unable “to make real contributions to developing their country (provide clean water, heal sick babies, build hospitals)” and were qualified only to regurgitate cultural and political discourse. jalia even goes so far as to include the advent of emerging black and urban studies programs in colleges and universities in this charade, describing them as “new academic disciplines of self-defeat,” which ignore the proper training in technical fields that will encourage real systemic empowerment and change. jalia counters that those blacks who do go into technical fields of study or professions are white-washed by: . . . the old myth that a good engineer must not get involved in social or political issues: he hides behind his slide rule, and he concentrates only on solving specific technical problems. for brothers who do not fall for this line, he has other measures. he may shoot one of his women on them or give them a token amount of power, or give them a little more money, or swell their heads by making them the “first negro to…” black men have made great contributions to technology. the masses of black people have not benefited much from them because these men were separated from the masses and were always encouraged to produce for the good of america or to “benefit all mankind,” in both cases the white man. it is important that black people master technology but even more important that we master it within the correct ideological framework. there are many brothers and sisters who are using their technical creativity to develop new methods of warfare for the white man to use on black people throughout the world. it is doubly tragic because these technically trained brothers are selling their people down the river for ten thousand dollars per year and fringe benefits…these people aren’t evil; they’re just misled ( ). the key, according to jalia, is that those blacks who have technological expertise must embrace an agency for the needs of the black community while also eschewing the traps of western technological ideas of application that limit the impact and creativity of potential black technologists. on the other hand, jalia is quite clear that “men who claim to be revolutionaries” are fooling themselves if they think they can adequately spark a change in american culture and society without discipline and knowledge in science and mathematics, criticizing the overemphasis placed on revolutionary rhetoric. jalia remarks that, although culture and ideology are important, blacks . . . must become proficient in technology [or else they will] end up with the culture and ideology and the white man will still have all the power. in this technological age simply “picking up the gun” is suicide, just as “picking up the spear” was suicide for our ancestors. ( ) finally, jalia echoes the sentiments of baraka in building critical access and connecting black technology to the spirit of man, concluding that black technology must be spiritually oriented because it must raise man’s consciousness. to achieve this, blacks must ask critical questions of the function, contribution, and level of appropriation of any given technology if it is to be used for the process of liberation. we must remember that we do not want a black america. that is to say, we cannot be committed to western ideas, western forms, western limitations or we will be copies of westerners. we are actively engaged in the total process of building, developing a technology designed for our own selves. machines reflect the culture of their makers. our machines must reflect our african personality. we must be free from all western forms and develop our own technology, from our own ideology—a black ideology: one of progressive perfection. all that we create or develop has to come from a totally black framework. this way, coming from us, it will work for us. ( - italics mine) any considerations of creating and incorporating technology with a distinctly black agency must be fashioned from a critical perspective that works to resist ingrained notions of technology imposed by western frameworks. the development of black ideology, framework, and, ultimately, an appropriate technology are all components of the total process of creating a black technology, which must be built, so to speak, from the ground up. this critical workflow model advocates for a constructive space where new technologies for the black community can be expressed. jalia implores her audience to take five steps to create these constructive spaces: ) use a black ideology, one focused on nation building as a starting point for development; ) study scientific fields related to community investment and infrastructure, and create a self-study that addresses their specific concerns; ) create a referral center “for people that need technological assistance in building or repairing anything; ) recruit future black technicians by giving seminars at schools on the importance of black technicians in black communities; and ) appoint a staff of technologists to commit to seeing these projects through. in the ensuing resolutions produced by the workshop, ken cave reflects that western technology has developed with complete disregard for human values, which has adversely affected all western technologists. black technologists in particular have been maligned, subverted, and used to further oppress the black masses. moreover, there has been a conspiracy against the development of black technicians. the technology workshop committee proposed several solutions to rectify the exclusions of blacks from technical fields and to aid in nation building. perhaps building on jalia’s suggestions, the first solution suggests the creation of a new system built on traditional and african values that would prioritize human values. the proposal also calls for: ) the creation of a pan- african institute of technology, which would train a properly valued generation of blacks in technical expertise and be a site for the implementation of this new system; ) social technologies that focus on holistic health, the black family and home life, developing a comprehensive resource and knowledge base, revenue streams, and psychological revitalization; ) the creation of skills banks and databases for those needing technical assistance; ) a greater concentration on using cybernetics as a “new dimensions in information gathering” for nation building; ) the use of unspecified “black technology” to enhance the communication between black technologists and the masses, especially black youth; to solve health and housing problems in the black community and to better facilitate the dissemination of information and organizational support of the pan-african congress; ) the establishment of a black technology journal; and ) a series of educational seminars designed to counsel students interested in science and technology. on may , , the jackson city council voted to close lynch street to through traffic. mayor russell davis and commissioner tom kelly voted in favor of permanently closing the thoroughfare, while commissioner ed cates cast the only negative vote. it was during this same council meeting that the initials “j. r.” were added to the existing street signs, denoting j. r. lynch street, named for one of mississippi’s leading black statesmen who served during reconstruction—congressman john r. lynch. on june , , president nixon formed the president’s commission on campus unrest and conducted its first meeting on the june . from there, it spent thirteen days listening to the public speak from jackson, michigan; kent state, ohio; los angeles, ca; and washington, dc. despite the emotional testimonies given by the faculty, staff, and students, there were no arrests made. the commission found that the -second fusillade from police officers was an “unwarranted and unjustified” overreaction”. (“president’s commission on campus unrest” ) shortly after the closing of the street, a plaza was constructed near alexander center, naming it the gibbs- green plaza. just north of the plaza and directly in front of alexander hall is the gibbs- green monument, a permanent memorial to the slain students and a tangible reminder to all students that the jackson state tragedy must never be forgotten. figure . photographs. (left) gibbs-green plaza (c. ); (right) gibbs-green memorial. an appreciation for the gibbs-green plaza: a conclusion there are no photographs, video, or audio of what happened on jackson state campus during that night. there is only evidence of its aftermath. there is no need to minimize or justify how a peaceful protest ends with two young people slain, scores and scores of students injured by gunfire, flying glass shards, and scared trampling feet. eyewitnesses to the shooting have consistently questioned the significance of the anti- vietnam war sentiment at jackson state that fateful night. at a memorial and day of remembrance recently held on the gibbs-green plaza, james “lap” baker, a senior at jackson state at that time and a witness to the shooting, disputed (and consistently so since the event) the conventional wisdom over the years that the killings at jackson state were a result of vietnam war protests on campus. on the day of the killings, there was no vietnam war protest happening on campus. baker witnessed the shootings and was also present during the often-overlooked protests and police incidents on the previous day. “the jackson state [killings] were all about racism,” he told a crowd gathered to commemorate the events of may , . “and i want to make that a point. it wasn’t about protesting the vietnam war.” president emeritus john a. peoples would add, “this gibbs-green plaza was developed because students and i went down to the city council and demanded that this site be made part of jackson state.” baker echoes those sentiments in other memorial years. the jackson state killings have several enduring legacies, many of them painful, but one that carries within it a kernel of hope and transformation is the gibbs-green plaza. scholars have often overlooked the importance of the plaza to life and legacy of jackson state as an instititution. spofford acknowledges that the memorial exists, but gives it sparse attention. giles passively notes that the plaza is “pleasant-looking.” they obviously are not jacksonians. jacksonians know that the plaza is the heart of the jackson state’s campus. it is the location of outdoor science fairs, impromptu student concerts, and all-day conversations that can go all night, too. it is the place where girls still get serenaded, where fraternities and sororities hold their step shows and probates. langdon winner, whose seminal essay “do artifacts have politics?”, demonstrates urban design as a technological force intervening politically in the lived experiences of city dwellers. physical spaces, he maintains, are imbued with the values of its designers and, in turn, disseminate those values through haptic rhetorics of space and place. it was students who advocated for the closure of lynch street and who, along with peoples, had a hand in the redesign and repurposing of that area of lynch street. the plaza’s design would be five years in the making and would see significant input from students, faculty, and the president of jackson state himself. it would be seeded with certain core values: to keep white motorists (especially law enforcement) off campus, to be a place where students can congregate standing or sitting. design-wise, it needed an elevated platform with open sight lines down both ends of lynch street and it needed to be a performative space. as much as the thompson tank was a technological fabrication for the racist subjugation of jackson’s blacks, particularly their black students, the construction of the gibbs-green plaza was the literal construction of an innovative and liberating space built directly to stand against it. as darin payne suggests: space creates frameworks for conception, action, and interaction; its design—whether natural or artificial—limits and directs what we think and do, as well as with whom we do it. space is not a neutral conduit within which social productions occur; it is itself socially produced, and as such it is shot through with the very ideologies of identity and power with which much of our disciplinary work contents. indeed our disciplinary work must, without exception, occur in space. if space is epistemic, as critical geographers, postmodern philosophers, and contemporary sociologist have argued, then we have an obligation to understand how our intellectual work with one another and with students is shaped by the spaces that govern it. ( ) the way we are in space—how we act, what we say, the way we say it, and to whom— contributes to who we are in space ( ).what space generates is “spontaneous consent” for a set of hegemonic practices. it does not mean that other alternative practices will not happen in that space; it just means that they are less likely to happen because the space has been designed for specific practices, designed for a specific social group that will perpetuate a certain level of “normalized” exchanges in the world of acceptable discourses. their discursive behaviors are policed, in part, by unspoken rules of engagement embedded within the spaces as codes of conduct. in this way, the gibbs- green plaza is black art (collective, functional, revolutionary) and black tech (as baraka says, an extension of its inventor-creators). more than a memorial, it is transformative in that the gibbs-green plaza was and is imbued with black power; a technoethos of sanctuary. chapter the beloved community and further opportunities for research nothing has to look or function the way it does. –amiri baraka “technology and ethos” technology within the context of hbcus is partially defined by its ability to combat racism and the prevailing ideas around the lack of humanity of african americans. one of the most powerful technological narratives coming out of hbcus from the very beginning is its purpose as a tool to humanize black people. it is this agency towards the acknowledgment and revelation of joint human experience and existence that served as a central purpose, a foundational tenant, and a guiding light. it was an idea that was revolutionary in scope, but built cautiously. this agenda is so critical and yet so fragile that great importance always has to be given to creating safe spaces to nurture and support it. and that was part of the genesis in the creation of hbcus as well—that they will be institutions of learning, but first and foremost they will be safe spaces of being. incorporating the conventions of not just material technology for programmatic study, but engaging the technological discourse within both the professional discipline and the public sphere is part of the legacy of hbcus as well, along with a strong legacy in undergraduate research that is relevant personally, professionally, and politically. like the undergraduates completing incredible work in stem fields across the nations, garnering both respect and acclaim for their work, so, too, did the students at atlanta university under the tutelage of du bois and the vision of washington, whose representation of statistical data translated the reality of the african- american experience into the cutting edge of twentieth-century technological discourse. in a way, they led the charge. this has been an undertone in the discourse of technology around some of hbcus most notable and influential leaders and thinkers. however, it is also important to understand that when leaders abandon the premise of communal safety and development of the humanistic goal in favor of other considerations, they often lose a vital connection with the community they have sworn to uplift. part of the renewed interest in and social commitment to hbcus is a direct response to most recent waves of racial violence perpetrated by law enforcement, hate groups, and “the state.” and it is important to remember that african americans have faced these challenges before. hbcus are spaces of collective memory in such a climate of oppression and history of violence. each chapter of this dissertation presents a smaller narrative of technological discourse that is, in its own way, subsumed by a larger, competing narrative. each chapter also presents a thread of technological discourse that encouraged the protection of the hbcu stakeholders, values, and institutions, while also supporting their growth and development. these considerations also help scholars to consider technological discourse as not only conversations about material artifacts or physical space, but also as rhetorical practices. rhetorical acts are political decisions: they are necessarily biased, which helps in dispelling the assumption that technology is an unbiased and easily accessible tool. from this vantage point, there is clearly a need to reevaluate some of the expectations for technology in primarily african-american institutions or frameworks. i would like to argue that technology integration is first a rhetorical move and it is a disbursement of new modalities and the subsequent programming and veiling of the codes that make those modalities operational. we aren’t talking about literary technotropes that point to disjunctions in space, time, and contemporary metaphors of psychological and socioeconomic trauma in african-american social spaces or measuring the decibel levels and frequencies of stereotypical whoops, hollers and shouts, clamors, or clichés. this is straight talk, real talk, about how technology is situated in rhetorical situations and the everyday lives of african-american students and hbcu stakeholders, and how, within these situations, one might consider technology within the tangible goals for what they consider progress. a major thrust of this dissertation has been to prove that hbcus have wrestled with notions of technological discourse even before the s. however, the framework of this dissertation is a useful step in reframing the technological discourses that are more familiar to us in the twenty-first century. the role and response of hbcus during the rise of the digital-divide narrative is a good example. the digital divide has been, until fairly recently, the dominant narrative of race, education, innovation, and technology in america. even as many indicators point to a closing and, in some cases, an erasure of that gap (especially when it comes to mobile computing and broadband access), the digital divide is still an enduring benchmark of technological progress in america. it is problematic because the idea of a binary divide between the haves and have-nots accurately portrays technological access in racial terms, even when the evidence says otherwise and can even be patronizing because it fails to value the social resources that diverse groups bring to the table. as barbara jean monroe put it, “the digital divide almost always gets visually pictured in terms of race, even when the accompanying story never mentions color, focusing instead on socioeconomic status” ( ). mark warschauer indicates: for example, in the united states, african americans are often portrayed as being on the wrong side of a digital divide when in fact internet access among blacks and other minorities varies tremendously by income group—with divisions between blacks and whites decreasing as income increases (ntia ). some argue that the stereotype of disconnected minority groups could even serve to further social stratification. research by the pew research center’s internet & american life project has seen a closing of the gap, especially when it comes to material access and mobile connectivity. when wireless connectivity is considered, the gap between black and white technology users has been virtually nonexistent since . yet, the “falling through the net” reports, the mass media, and the administrative voices at the federal level produced a conversation that was tantamount to “a government-sponsored ad campaign” to close the digital divide, tying to class disparity, to an undercurrent of racialized social justice, but separating that connection from the controls of real economic advancement and control of social mobility for the previously marginalized (warschauer ). yet, before the term “digital divide” made it into the american lexicon and became part of a national conversation anchored in part by then president clinton’s state of the union address, hbcus were building discourses for how its students, communities, and institutions could leverage the new climate of technological innovation in order to thrive in the twenty-first century. hbcus were strategizing how to negotiate the digital divide and discussed the implications of it before the term was popularized. hbcus theorized how to address some of the most pressing issues of the digital divide by positing a technoethos that countered the rhetoric of deficit surrounding technology acquisition and imagined technological innovation and racial uplift as results of an atmosphere of love and support. theorizing the digital divide before al gore invented the internet on march , , then vice president gore was preparing for a presidential run and doing the media circuit. in a cnn interview, wolf blitzer asked gore why democrats should consider him for the democratic nomination. gore responded that “during [his] service to congress, he invented the internet.” at the time of the live interview, there was very little said about this seemingly innocuous, though clearly misleading, overstatement. to be fair, gore had been instrumental in paving the way for the “information superhighway” (a term he popularized) to get government support and funding. he was also at the forefront of developing and popularizing policies that enabled the fledgling internet to grow internationally without it being immediately cannibalized by the global marketplace. as noted in the washington post, he sponsored “the high-performance computing and communications act, generally known as the “gore bill,” which allocated $ million for high-performance computing. his efforts on behalf of the information age earned him a well-deserved induction into the internet hall of fame. the speech that most often contributed to the myth around al gore’s “creation” of the internet is a speech vice president gore gave to the international telecommunication union (itu) on march , . this was this speech that is known as “al gore’s information superhighway speech”, but it is commonly misreferenced as the “al gore invented the internet” speech. the goal of the speech was to solicit the help of the itu in establishing “a global information infrastructure.” though gore is speaking to an international audience, his first move is to place his commentary on this new dawn of technological advancement within the technological framework of the pastoral ideal from nathaniel hawthorne, marshall mcluhan, in his book, understanding media, envisions the dawn of the age of electricity and, by extension, the information age as material expressions of the human central nervous system—a nervous system that not only carries, but that is controlled by, both conscious and unconscious thought. it is a metaphor that is part of a discourse tradition of technology that can be found in nathaniel hawthorne’s house of the seven gables, where clifford declares: then there is electricity, the demon, the angel, the mighty physical power, the all-pervading intelligence!” . . . “is it a fact—or have i dreamt it—that, by means of electricity, the world of matter has become a great nerve, vibrating thousands of miles in a breathless point of time? rather, the round globe is a vast head, a brain, instinct with intelligence! or, shall we say, it is itself a thought, nothing but a thought, and no longer the substance which we deemed it! though the comment was largely ignored, wired columnist declan mccullagh wrote a tongue-in-cheek piece about the statement in an article entitled, “no credit where credit due” where he points out that the creators of the internet (of which gore was not one) had innovated new technologies, built infrastructure, and laid the groundwork for the internet long before gore’s involvement as a policy advocate for the internet. once other legislators got wind of the mccullagh story, gore was widely panned for his comments in that interview because it supported the public’s perception of him as a bit of a grandstander with a penchant for overstating his own importance. the vice president’s gaffe illustrates how fluid the notion of the internet was at the time, and even though the word internet has been used before, media, as well as larger society, was still grappling with what to call it, how it would function in larger society, and what it could actually do. this also complicated other technological concepts in flux such as the digital divide. three days after the vice president’s speech during the th annual conference of the national association for equal opportunity in higher education on march , , gretchen c. lockett presents a paper that offers a different take on what would be known as the digital divide. in it, lockett presents an interesting argument. she acknowledges that hbcus have always had to figure out how to build and maintain their institutions with limited resources, but that this very fact gives hbcus insight on how larger institutions of higher learning can function more effectively during periods of economic hardship, changing demographics, or shifting educational paradigms. she argues that recognizing the contributions that hbcus can make to the institutional well-being of other institutions can foster “an opportunity to develop new models and definitions of social institutions which will help our communities and our nation to approach the new century as victors rather than as victims, as participants and leaders rather than as spectators” ( ). during a period when most of the rhetoric around the digital divide revolved around the very real and increasingly impactful inequalities of technological access in poor, rural, and/or minority communities, lockett presents a framework that resists that seemingly worthwhile endgame. she is not asking hbcus or predominantly black colleges and universities (pbcus) to search for ways to get more. she is advocating that these institutions build an ethos of empowerment to reshape what she calls “the beloved community” in a landscape of transforming cultural communicators. lockett is not defeatist. she is making the astute calculation that, based on the african-american experience in these not-yet-united states, african americans cannot hang their hopes on the things they may not get, even when they are justly due, deserved, or earned. empowerment, in lockett’s estimation, cannot be fueled by wish fulfillment. lockett does not mention the digital divide explicitly or posit any particular boon to the material position of more technology—nor does she claim that great strides will be made in the wake of more technological access. what she does is target empowerment as the impetus for rethinking the structure, motivations, and implications of predominantly black institutions of higher learning. and she structures her methodology in technoethical terms. lockett describes this shift as a move . . . to continue our traditional mission which is to empower our institutions and constituencies, especially our students, to accept the true meaning of leadership by creating new knowledge and having this new knowledge manifest itself at new levels of community. but we also want to empower our institutions for what may be a more important non- traditional role which is the demonstration of the development of a nonviolent army in operation as “the beloved community” which exhibits innovations in human interactions and economic self-sufficiency. ( ) in the midst of this turn towards the digital divide as the dominant narrative and discourse around technology and the acquisition of technology in the african-american community, lockett establishes another paradigm for consideration. she begins by alluding to the fact that although america’s slow recovery in the years following the recession of has produced some national anxiety around funding, capital, and depreciating assets, this climate of financial unease is a “unique opportunity.” because the african-american community has always experienced “the american dream” as “a dream deferred,” the prospects of a shrinking american economy do not generate “the same levels of psychic or philosophical conflict that many americans in the majority communities face” ( ). hbcus and other predominantly minority-serving institutions have always operated under a cloud of duress and have often found ways to avoid diminishing returns, even among dwindling resources. this adaptive quality, this survive- and-thrive mentality, gives hbcus a distinctive advantage in the current economic and sociopolitical climate. while other institutions have to grapple with new realities, hbcus can seize the moment to create a new reality, simply because they don’t have to grapple with the trending financial concerns of the day. budget shortfalls? scaling back? doing more with less? this lexicon of austerity is essentially built into the institutional dna of hbcus. because of this, hbcus can use this time of transition to press forward as opposed to maintaining the status quo. lockett asserts that now is the time “to develop new models and definitions of social institutions which will help our communities and our nation to approach the new century as victors rather than as victims, as participants and leaders rather than as spectators” ( ). it has always been the goal of hbcus to empower students to contribute widely and greatly to american society, but lockett advocates that hbcus begin the process of empowering students in “moral reasoning, democratic values, understanding of community and economic development” as soon as they step on campus. lockett’s description of her steps toward student empowerment is her first salvo against the paradigm of contemporary education that she is suggesting that hbcus upend. her second barrage is even more devastating rhetorically because it lays the groundwork for the kind of institutional values that she sees are necessary in order to take advantage of their emerging reality. in addition to “creating new knowledge and having this new knowledge manifest itself at new levels in the community,” hbcus must demonstrate “the development of a nonviolent army in operation as ‘the beloved community’ which exhibits innovation in human interactions and economic efficiency” ( ). she remarks that hbcus have subtly taught their students that the methodologies of social change are not just historical footnotes or solely the practices for courtrooms, marches, pulpits, and picket lines, but are part of the modus operandi for their everyday professional and political lives. this is part of the legacy of widespread student activism at hbcus from the s, s, and early- s. lockett sees the dawn of a new century in terms of a sweeping economic shift from “an industrial to a post-industrial” society, one that will be primarily a service economy and rewards entrepreneurship. as such, the first step towards empowerment hbcus should take is the opportunity to redefine the problem, themselves, and the country at large. lockett declares that part of the problem is that the nation is ill equipped to transition from an industrial to a postindustrial economy: this drastic economic change is having political and social ramifications worldwide. in the u. s. the ramifications are manifested in the shattering of families and family values, the ineffectiveness of the schools, the loss of jobs and the work ethic, the abuse of drugs and alcohol, the limited reach of the church, the inability of the government to provide supports to ensure that the minimum standards of the american dream can be met, and the loss of manufacturing business and other forms of commerce. ( ) lockett argues that the next steps in hbcu and pbcu empowerment must be to abandon the narratives of nihilistic victimization and deficit that often serve as the launching point for discussions of problem solving in the black community. lockett plainly states that, in the second step, african americans have to “stop blaming ourselves for the destruction of the social institutions as we know them. we didn’t do it “( ). in this moment, lockett targets a traumatic wound that many in the african-american community do not often admit and fewer care to discuss, which is the realization that african americans have been conditioned to see themselves as “the problem,” and this programming has contributed to the fragmentation of the african-american community as much as the persistent racism of america’s larger social institutions. it is the classic scenario where the victims blame themselves for their injurious circumstance and resulting condition. lockett here makes an admonition and a declaration, one that could have shaped a stronger counternarrative to the tone and tenor of the rhetoric of the digital divide as it developed. it is an easy trap to fall into given how strongly the idea is reinforced throughout american culture. it is psychosocial commentary that appears as subtext in du bois’s groundbreaking study, the philadelphia negro, and the soul (if not the heart) of carter g. woodson’s exploration of american education in his book, the mis- education of the negro in . it is a theme that runs through notable works of african- american literature, like ralph ellison’s invisible man, richard wright’s native son, toni morrison’s the bluest eye, and colson whitehead’s the intuitionist. it is the “nihilism in black america” that cornel west describes in the first chapter of race matters and part of the generational struggle that ta-nehisi coates tries to articulate to his son in just about every chapter of between the world and me. the breakdown of the african-american family is seen as a moral deficiency. the lack of job opportunities, black businesses, and community success is often seen as the result of a set of generally widespread character flaws in the race: lazy, lack of initiative or originality. failing schools in largely black communities, both urban and rural (but not suburban, strangely enough), are often attributed to curricular and structural deficiencies that are a result of mismanagement (which in this case is a kind of intellectual deficiency) and not systemic or institutional racism. one of the consequences of this kind of self-blame is that it strips one of the critical agency necessary for problem-solving. instead of producing moments of self-awareness, it’s what i call a “pocket discourse.” this ever-expanding, metacontextualized, universe of negative framing that is easy to enter with just a few seemingly innocuous phrases of response or assertion. evolving technologies and a changing economic climate allow hbcus and pbcus to focus on the values of the beloved community in two important ways: first, it allows the community to perform a critical kind of values reassessment. second, it allows hbcus and pbcus to affirm and recommit themselves to some of the sustaining values that lockett alluded to before. in that moment of self-assessment, lockett advocates for a call to self-define, similar to the call stokely carmichael made on a make-shift stage in greenwood, mississippi: next in our steps toward empowerment we must adopt the principle of kujichagulia (koo gee choc gu li ha) from kwanzaa which refers to our need to define, name, create, and speak for ourselves. we need to redefine our social institutions using a credit model based on function and effect. ( ) lockett’s desire for the adoption of kujichagyulia in order to prepare hbcus for a postindustrial america is eerily reminiscent of the call that carmichael made during his black power speech for the necessity of black people to love themselves (“we need to stop being ashamed to be black!” carmichael intoned) and then get to the business of defining themselves. the key innovation here is that lockett grounds the definition of african-american identity and social institutions in what she calls “a credit model.” she explains: historically our families, churches, schools, and businesses have been judged by majority standards and role models and always evaluated with a deficit viewpoint. our families were said to be too extended, matriarchal, uneducated and poor for us to have success. our schools were too overcrowded and our teachers too unchallenging to produce geniuses. our churches were much too emotional, loud and busy to know and serve god. using our credit definition of family based on factors more than just the ability to achieve success and rewards in the market place, we recognize that in every endeavor we have been more extended, emotional, improvisational, survivalist and resourceful. from our businesses to our churches and from our schools and colleges to our homes, we have had to take less, manage it better and do more. most of the time we have been so good at it that it has looked to all the world as if we have more fun and that we have more spiritual and rhythmic soul.( - ) the “credit model” performs a kind of rhetorical course correction, framing the narrative of african-america life in measures of intelligence and brilliance, resourcefulness and skillful, empathetic and good-natured. even lockett’s playfulness is a rhetorical/political act of engagement in the “credit model.” understanding the importance of the credit model is key to lockett’s next step, which is to create a new “american dream” by taking on leadership within the developing technology economy of the twenty-first century. by the year two thousand, our graduates who find jobs working for others will be in careers based on science, mathematics and high technology or in service industry jobs where information technology and human relations will be the primary skills. to the degree that we can keep the career paths to teaching open, we will be able to graduate and place our teacher education students. but most of our students, within five to ten years of graduation will be required to be self-employed with offices in their homes. our time will be well spent in redefining education not in terms of what it used to be but in terms of what it needs to be.( ) not only does lockett situate the new economy in “science, mathematics and high technology,” she also recognizes an important connection between “information technology” and “human relations.” this connection carries none of the lofty transcendental quality of gore’s hawthorne references, but seems very grounded in daily lived experience. in a surprisingly frank recognition of the racism inherent in the science and technology fields, lockett utilizes the credit model, noting that the students should begin thinking of being self-employed and being entrepreneurs. hbcus, therefore, will shift their paradigms of education to supporting a workforce that will be technically proficient, innovative, and entrepreneurial. lockett observes that with the downturn in the economy, the first casualties have probably been that first generation of african americans that made a significant dent in the corporate glass ceiling. “hopefully,” she says, “they learned enough about business during their tenures that they can invest their resources as well as develop enterprises which will afford an income for them and their families” ( ). since they can no longer tell their students they will be assured good jobs in a corporation, hbcu must help students “redefine work”: we must give them opportunities to develop small businesses and services so that they can be self sufficient after graduation. concomitantly, we must develop our colleges and universities into “work-colleges” so that our students work in our college enterprises and businesses and graduate without debt. at least five institutions in the nation are doing this and providing such an effective model that they have garnered the support of corporations, their communities and have been developed creative uses of title iv funds. students graduating from these “work colleges” leave their campuses with substantial work experience, commitment to the work ethic and no debt to the college or financial institutions. this work model was the model of our institutions historically when we had our farms and brick factories. our empowerment efforts should include a return to a new form of this model. ( ) by building programs that focus on internships and entrepreneurship, students will gain valuable work experience and the ability to be self-sustaining. not only that, but lockett envisions a postindustrial, tech-savvy student who is also debt-free, rejecting the deficit model in a financial sense as well. her comparison of twenty-first century “work colleges” and the industrial trades school that made up most hbcus at the turn of the century emphasizes the capacity of the institutions to be relevant in any economy. hbcus should be centers for the empowerment of churches, providing the curriculum development and technical skills necessary to support churches in their ministries. however, the most important thing hbcus can do to empower their community is to teach the values of the beloved community. lockett argues that we must “teach values to our students and we must practice and employ these values in our policies and actions on our campuses. we must develop nonviolence as a way of life on our campuses” ( ). many hbcu students have inherited a value system that is defeatist, nihilistic, and unhealthy “which may cause them to never develop as efficacious, self-sufficient and contributing members of the american society.” to value life, to value education, to value one’s civic and social duty are all values of “the beloved community.” it may be that one of the primary venues for the empowerment of african american youth in the communities, general education college students, and teacher education students is values training and development. without the development of values leading to morality and efficacy, our african american youth do not have a chance on or off campus. inclusion and tolerance, excellence and persistence, decency and honor should be the orders of the day. one way to make such programs palatable and meaningful, is for us to begin to delineate and teach the values which are appropriate in “the beloved community” with our emphasis on the development of agape and nonviolence as a way of life. ( ) the concept of the beloved community is most often attributed to dr. martin luther king, jr., who in his later speeches would invoke the beloved community as an end goal that would come about through a commitment to the philosophy of nonviolence. because king often associated the beloved community with his nonviolent strategy, some scholars have reduced the beloved community to an integrationist utopian fantasy or a tidy rhetorical trope in king’s speeches that harkened back to the earlier days of the civil rights movement. however, when king invoked the notion of the beloved community, he would often use it as a means of establishing a value system that would foster a black community that was generative in both a spirit and community investment. in a speech on may , , just a few weeks before the march against fear, king maintains that: i must continue by faith or it is too great a burden to bear and violence, even in self-defense, creates more problems than it solves. only a refusal to hate or kill can put an end to the chain of violence in the world and lead us toward a community where men can live together without fear. our goal is to create a beloved community and this will require a qualitative change in our souls as well as a quantitative change in our lives . . . king’s belief in the benefits of a nonviolent civil rights platform is well documented. less familiar are the very practical rationales for nonviolence that follow in his speech. king, to the surprise of some, does not reject self-defense, but takes pains to explain that self-defense . . . must be placed in perspective. it goes without saying that people will protect their homes. this is a right guaranteed by the constitution and respected even in the worst areas of the south. but the mere protection of one’s home and person against assault by lawless night riders does not provide any positive approach to the fears and conditions which produce violence . . . for king, the beloved community was one that was soundly rooted in the morality of humanitarian endeavor and creation; that black communities would seek first to build as opposed to destroy. he saw the creation of the beloved community as a “plan of action” and a “tactical program.” we want a share in the american economy, the housing market, the educational system and the social opportunities. the goal itself indicates that a social change in america must be nonviolent. if one is in search of a better job, it does not help to burn down the factory. if one needs more adequate education, shooting the principal will not help, or if housing is the goal, only building and construction will produce that end. to destroy anything, person or property, can’t bring us closer to the goal that we seek. so when king declares that the result of commitment to the values of life, creation, and humanistic industry will be reconciliation, redemption, and “the creation of the beloved community,” he is not advocating for a black community that white people will love. he is advocating for a community that loves and cherishes itself first. king points out that “it is this type of spirit and this type of love that can transform opponents into friends. . . . it is this love which will bring about miracles in the hearts of men.” i would like to suggest that lockett sees a connection between the values of the beloved community and the need to build a concept of hbcu sustainability in the dawn of the information age not only because king’s beloved community is the kind of credit model, value-based strategy that is necessary at the moment, but also because the beloved community is a technoethos of survival as well. the king center suggests that for king, the beloved community was a realistic, achievable goal that could be attained by a critical mass of people committed to and trained in the philosophy and methods of nonviolence. with that philosophy in place, issues like poverty, hunger, and homelessness would not be tolerated because standards of human decency will not allow it. the ethos of the beloved community is one of transformative access, and it was the ethos of the beloved community that anchored arguably king’s most controversial speech. in his april , , speech at riverside church in new york entitled “beyond vietnam,” king offered a scathing rebuke of the vietnam war, calling for “a true revolution of values.” it is here that king openly rejects the materialism and racist ideology that is at the heart of american values and american technological discourse. . . . the words of the late john f. kennedy come back to haunt us. five years ago he said, “those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable.” increasingly, by chose or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. i am convinced that if we are to get on to the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. . . . we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. when machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered. king’s tacit rejection of the trifecta of american technological discourse—racism, material access, and militarism—positions the concept of the beloved community as a functional rhetoric of design for the twenty-first century. what lockett understands is that as hbcus have had to resist dominant discourses of technology, they have also had to combat accompanying notions of deficit. lockett concludes her talk by emphasizing that by empowering students to uphold the values of the beloved community, they will not only redefine “the concept of power, nationally and internationally,” but will also become active and responsible for their own lives and for their communities. just as king believed, lockett reinforces the notion that the beloved community is not a philosophical approach but a practical approach. lockett encourages hbcus to take on this cause because their cultural stability makes it the perfect conduit for revolutionary values and practices. lockett closes by saying: the colleges and schools, by their very nature, still have within them numbers of persons who support, subscribe to and exemplify the highest of human values . . . without values training, our efforts to empower our students through the development of entrepreneurships, cottage industries, and work colleges . . . will be less than successful. ( ) paying attention to the larger technological discourse of a particular moment helps to understand the negotiations of hbcus through that technological space. the hbcus have experienced the greatest successes when their entrees into technological discourse have rejected the deficit model. the deficit model in technological discourse, lived out through the programming, curriculum, and construction of hbcus, has sparked an undercurrent of resistance throughout the existence of hbcus. however, knowing that part of the legacy of hbcu stakeholders have been the consistent resistance to that deficit thread within technological discourse is in itself liberating. from its beginnings with the institute for colored youth, student protests for survival; for equality; for better, more relevant programmatic options and programs of study; protests against the systemic oppression of racism that is embedded in its society, whether it has been propagated by those outside of the institution or those within it has always been part of the dna of hbcus. further opportunities for research: digital portfolios and the perils of not paying attention this dissertation does not explore the influence of technological discourse at hbcus in the areas of institutional or writing assessment. however, i believe that this study is perfectly positioned to make that exploration its next steps. i would like to explore how the conversation around digital portfolios was an opportunity lost to many hbcus because of the battle against the larger narrative of assessment culture. i would like to trace how external forces within the culture of higher education—specifically the culture of assessment on the program level and the narrative of accreditation on the institutional level have had the unintended consequence of shifting hbcus away from developing core institutional values around technological creativity and utilization, even as they attempt to meet those critical pedagogical goals. this can have a detrimental effect on the technoethos of the beloved community. i must admit that the desire to examine the implementation of digital portfolios and variable measures of success they have had at hbcus in order to evaluate the importance of understanding the technoethos of the beloved community comes out of my own personal and professional practice. because of the unique burden of historical discrimination that hbcus have faced and the distinctive mission they have taken on as a result, they often operate from a position of disadvantage in financial, technological, and human resources with respect to their predominantly white counterparts. for example, accreditation has long been a difficult process for hbcus. in fact several hbcus have been reprimanded (and even closed) at a disproportionate rate in comparison with predominantly white institutions. most reprimands and revocations of accreditation are due to financial deficits; however, campus infrastructure, student enrollments, and even library holdings play a role in the certification process. most recently, arguably the greatest new challenge has been that of comprehensive assessment. these issues are not endemic to only hbcus; many institutions of higher learning, regardless of size, classification, or configuration, face challenges of student placement, long-term student assessment in writing, finding systems that work for everybody involved, institutional assessment measure and accountability, addressing student deficiencies in writing during the critical freshman and sophomore years, writing proficiency, or gate-keeping, exams or portfolios—or both. though this is true, i would argue that because hbcus serve primarily minority populations, the stakes are higher. in addition, just like mainstream institutions, not all hbcus are privy to the same levels of resources. there are some that have a greater legacy of success, that have a national profile or a distinctive set of core values that begin to work on a student’s consciousness and confidence as soon as they step on campus. in other words, even among hbcus, there are special institutional challenges that different hbcus face based on size, demographics, and prestige. and now, as hbcu’s struggle to redefine who they are, what their goals and mission are, many have also have also been assailed by a sort of “brain drain” of talented students who, in previous decades have chosen a historically black institution of higher learning, were being heavily recruited by more resourced, “mainstream” (read: predominantly white) institutions. these struggles are compounded by the professors who want to see more sharply focused prose, who still want to fail students for ghastly comma splices and other routinely common grammatical errors; a student’s writing errors become so egregious that what follows is a sense of hopelessness. many of the small to midsized hbcus are still embroiled in the pre-enig/preprocess era, with a concentration on rhetorical modes and literary analysis, which sets up a kind of nostalgia that is a dangerously rose-colored window, to view the pedagogies of the past and ignores some of the most important and impactful developments in writing pedagogy in the last thirty-five years. to complicate matters, while that particular tide is slowly turning, there has been an ever-increasing shift in the education profile of hbcu students, especially those entering smaller, less prestigious, often state-funded hbcus. across the united states, minority students—many from marginalized segments of the educational society—are not receiving the instruction necessary for achieving proficiency in writing. minority students may be tracked in vocational or even special education classes. statewide assessment tests show underperformance in writing. financial and academic struggles limit minority enrollment in colleges. many of the students in this demographic who do make it to college, attend small to -midsized second- and third-tier hbcu’s. as hbcus face new federal policies around government funding, new institutional policies around affirmative action, the persistent reality of the digital divide, and rapidly changing student needs, many find themselves at a strange crossroad: how do hbcus address incoming students’ increasing lack of basic college-level writing skills and still fulfill the founding mission to train and produce future african-american leaders, especially in a climate of rapidly dwindling resources? these issues are rarely extricated from any faculty-driven conversation on campus. the importance of addressing these issues within the confines of the historically black university was driven home for me in a faculty meeting one day. when i was a writing program administrator (wpa) at an hbcu, i was confronted with these realties. my institution, lincoln university, is a midsized hbcu with an enrollment of approximately two thousand students, percent of whom are of african descent. it is the first degree-granting hbcu in the united states and has had a tradition of strong writers. in our aim to reconceptualize and revitalize the institutional assessment components of our writing program, we set out to create a comprehensive wac program that would support the development of better writers campus wide. from the very first day of my arrival at lincoln as a newly minted wpa, my job involved a lot of listening, a lot of spirited debate, a lot of planning, and a lot of patience, all of which have been geared towards a strong foundation for a campus-wide shift towards more focused writing. while discussing possible changes to lincoln’s freshman composition sequence, one of my colleagues noted—frustratingly, i might add—that “it seems the more proficient our students get with computers and technology, the less proficient they get with their writing.” my colleague’s comment struck a chord within me; it took the resounding, sometimes troubling relationship african americans have encountered with new technologies in america, put the face of a freshman undergrad on it, and placed it squarely in our laps as university instructors. that this comment was made in the context of an emerging conversation about digital portfolios on our campus is significant; it succinctly foregrounds the tension between perceptions of emergent african-american scholars and the effectiveness (or lack thereof) of digital literacy as a means of developing emerging african-american scholars in general, which begs the question: what roles can technology and digital literacy play in developing minority student writers at hbcus, especially through the medium of the digital portfolio? while there is a contemporary body of scholarship that gives critical attention to the ways that minority student writing is affected by integrated technology usage (banks; barber and tait; redd and massey; velez-rodriguez), and while the theory and implementation of digital portfolios is an area of scholarship that has been addressed, there has been little research done on the creation, implementation, or assessment of digital portfolios among minority students or within hbcus of higher learning. quickly, we realized that to achieve that goal, our scope would have to widen to support composition instructors in their teaching of basic writing and freshmen composition; provide training and resources for instructors in all disciplines who teach writing intensive courses; create a “support center for writing” (our writer’s studio); train students to tutor; and, in some way, tie all these initiatives together with each department’s learning outcomes, standards, and objectives. to do this, faculty writing instructors decided to implement a university wide writing initiative that utilizes a campus wide system of digital writing portfolios. through the digital portfolio system, we hoped to unify university writing intensive courses in a way that addresses the specific needs of various departments, while building a renewed interest in writing and technology use on campus. we also planned to conduct workshops that encourage, inform, and engage faculty members’ understanding of how to improve the writing in their discipline through technology and a renewed focus on leadership. our hope was to dramatically improve students’ competence in writing in their discipline, develop student/faculty professionalism and leadership, and use writing to encourage critical engagement in a world that is increasingly digital and profoundly global. as the initiative coordinator, i also knew that our faculty and our students wanted a plan for writing that went beyond the classroom and would be tangibly impactful in the lives of students after graduation. as a part of a historically black university, i thought it was equally important to build our program around ideas of african-american writing and technology integration. my argument has been that critical attention to the historical and rhetorical relationships between african americans, technology, and public discourse can provide a strong foundation to move students at hbcus from consumers of technology to creators, while also increasing their writing proficiency and attitudes towards writing. i met separately with each individual department chair on campus to discuss the possibility of digital portfolios for their majors. each department has committed to this new approach to their chosen writing-intensive courses. these courses will provide the writing that will serve as the instructional and evaluative basis for the digital portfolios. each department appointed a “writing liaison” as a point of contact to help me evaluate student writing, identify particular writing skill sets for the students, and train department “experts” in the ways lincoln faculty, students, and writing program leaders envisioned working together in technology and writing. as lincoln prepared for changes in expectations for assessments (much of the planning and staging for this project took place during preparations for our accreditation review, though no writing across the curriculum initiatives factored into the accreditation review . . . initially), i hoped that the digital portfolio system could act as a graphic user interface for the university’s academic goals, objectives, and outcomes. for a year, i worked with each of lincoln’s academic departments to develop their writing intensive courses by concentrating on assignment construction, projected outcomes, and assessment rubrics for each writing assignment. we worked to improve the culture around writing on campus by creating a faculty development series for writing and a series for student writers. i also conduct biweekly workshops for different departments based on the faculty’s requests and needs, always with a digital portfolio component to prepare for our pilot project. because lincoln lacked the resources to produce a viable institutional model to administrate and evaluate digital portfolios, and we did not have enough it professionals or web-code-savvy faculty to really push for an open source solution, we researched third-party vendors to create and manage digital portfolios for institutions of higher learning. there are about a dozen third-party vendors in the united states who create, manage, and support digital portfolio systems. once we selected an e-portfolio vendor, we spent the summer conducting a small set of training sessions on the functions, limitations, and nuances of the portfolio system. in the fall of , we ran a small pilot program with a cross-section of writing- intensive courses from each of the university’s three academic schools (and the graduate school) to collect data on the system. the end of the first semester of our pilot was a difficult one, one that helped me see some of the really thorny issues in implementing a digital portfolio system. probably the most difficult issue had been figuring out the place that this kind of assessment is going to carve out of the culture of our institution. the narrative associated with our very practical need to make sure we met all the required outcomes for our middle states accreditation review did not always square with the notion of using the digital portfolio to help students become better writers and better leaders, even when the writing program administrator (me!) saw no real reason why both conditions could not be met. the digital portfolio initiative gave me an occasion to reconsider some assessment issues in light of obstacles we faced in working with digital portfolios en masse for the first time, but it is this dissertation that has given me a way of thinking about technological discourse at hbcus in order to consider that experience in a way i had not before. wpas are institution builders. if they are lucky enough, they get a chance to build something from scratch. most times, they are trying to build onto existing institutional frameworks, some of which are fundamentally antithetical to ways we think about writing and writing instruction. other times, wpas have to build from scraps, the outdated and or leftover resources from the programs and projects that are considered a greater priority, regardless of their effectiveness or overall impact on the institution. sometimes, these efforts are like putting new wine in old wineskins; new initiatives fail because their very nature threaten to interrupt, fracture, or break the long-held structure of the institution. when any institution builder fails to take into account the existing latticework that makes their institution function, and then not make that institutional reality a cornerstone for the way their program will get off the ground and operate in the future, that wpa is making a grave mistake. had i paid more attention to the different visions for the pilot program and the competing narratives of institutional assessment and writing assessment at lincoln and how they would be expressed technologically, we may have experienced more success with our digital portfolio project. further opportunities for research: discourse, stem, and a “culture of support” in contrast, i maintain that the success of stem education in hbcus is a direct result of embedding a culture of support for the beloved community within their programmatic framework. this dissertation does not cover the extensive body of research that explores the mechanisms of success that hbcus have created to encourage their stem programs, but it has given me a launching point for examining the rhetorical culture of support that has been embedded within stem programs at hbcus. in an interview with david wilson, president of morgan state university, he claims that it is incredibly important for hbcus like morgan state to “enroll, support, and graduate more students who are prepared to be the innovators of this country.” wilson argues that as the demographics of the u.s. population becomes increasingly non-white, there could be a significant portion of the new majority who are unprepared “to be our astronauts, scientists, and engineers and to come forward with the inventions that are necessary to keep america strong and competitive” ( ). when asked about the state of stem advancement in american higher education, and in hbcus in particular, wilson observes that in his twenty-five years in higher education, he has seen more talent in the african-american students in his last seven years than in all the previous time combined. that, wilson states, is a direct result of the fact that they are “supported by a faculty that truly believe in them.” he goes on to make what i feel is one of the most insightful commentaries i have ever read or heard from any college president: i heard a former hbcu president say it best: when places like morgan state and other hbcus accept students in stem fields, we accept that they are good. we assume that they can be successful. our role is to support that. our role is to make sure that light bulb is continually shining bright. on some of the other campuses, the opposite could be true. if students who are people of color show up as stem majors, the perception, intended or not, might be that they are not up to snuff—and they have to prove that they are. consequently, those students can start out with a level of doubt. once they run up against their first hurdle, they switch majors to something else because that doubt has been confirmed, and their brilliance is not being affirmed. at morgan, if they run up against an obstacle, professors immediately jump in, provide them the support and nurturing that they need, and convince them that they can get over this bump and over that hurdle. what i’m seeing now in terms of the state of stem across higher education is that too many black students are stumbling in these fields at institutions that have not perfected a culture of support. as a result, unfortunately, these students turn their backs on the fields. what we have to do at hbcus is to say to some of those institutions, “we really have perfected a culture in terms of how you can take students in stem fields and imbue them with the preparation that they need to do so, in a way that will enable them to not just get their baccalaureate degrees but to go on and compete at the very highest levels in master’s programs and ph.d. programs in some of the more elite institutions in the country.” that’s what i’m hearing the traditionally white institutions right now are struggling to incorporate on their campuses—a culture that is similar to the culture that exists on hbcu campuses. they could learn a great deal about the cultures that we have established on these campuses over decades that churn out some of the top scientists, engineers, and innovators in this country—and must continue to do so if we are going to make an appreciable dent in producing graduates who are black in stem fields going forward. (dove ) wilson and, by his admission, other hbcu presidents, while discussing stem, place the root of his college’s success in the “culture of support” they have created around the students entering the study of technology fields. it’s not rooted in competition or americanized work culture, but in “support.” this harkens back to lockett’s recapitulation of the beloved community and gloria ladson-billings’s “culture relevant pedagogy.” the key here is that when it comes to building an institutional apparatus for the success of stem education, hbcus have succeeded in ways that other institutions have not. as lockett argued at the dawn of the digital divide, hbcus have something important to offer to american higher education: institutionally, they have crafted a culturally relevant pedagogy that encourages innovation through the creation of sites of sanctuary, and that encourages success through a culture of support as opposed to a culture of competition. even more radical is the premise that begins wilson’s insight: “we accept that they are good.” a simple declaration, to be sure, but one in the context of racism that has permeated american education, is alternately ground breaking and earth shattering. in every historical, physical, rhetorical, political, or technological space that engages the realities of race and education, there are trading echoes of disdain and concern that sometimes whisper and sometimes scream, “you are not good enough.” it exists there in the space between the creation of the institute of colored youth in and the successes of howard west today. it exists in the hallways of public schools and charters schools across the country. it exists in the spaces between every news report full of anti- hbcu rhetoric of the media and in the private call for every black college student to “lead.” it exists in the space between ’s a nation at risk and ’s falling through the net. resisting and ultimately destroying that echo of inferiority, of deficit, is key to creating an environment for minority stem students to thrive. assume intelligence. affirm brilliance. wilson also alludes to the notion that building a stem program that emphasizes a culture of support in the way that it has been envisioned at hbcus is replicable. it starts, wilson explains, with institutional leadership that recruits talent and committed faculty who believe in the vision of the institution and the capacity of its students. “it’s almost if,” as one of our graduates at morgan said [at graduation], “we love you to success” . . . the leadership recruits the right type of faculty member who is going to challenge the students, support them, and put in place networks and support systems to ensure their success. that’s the kind of thing that leads to “loving students to success” and supporting students to success. ( ) the research attests to this. marybeth gasman and thai-huy nguyen identify communal celebration, peer mentoring, undergraduate research, and same-sex/-race role models as integral parts of the success hbcus have had in stem education. they maintain that it is these features which create a climate of support and success for students in the stem fields to succeed and determined four major themes that hbcus provide their students to be successful in stem fields: ) celebrating success in stem, ) peers mentoring peers, ) undergraduate research, and ) same-gender and -race faculty role models. in addition, hbcus have created an environment where they exhibit their belief in the ability of black students to succeed. deshawn preston finds that hbcus serve as a form of “community cultural wealth” for many african-american students who find it difficult to navigate through the educational pipeline. within this framework, there are various forms of capital nurtured. this is expressed in faculty and peer-to-peer engagement, exposure to research, carefully aligned research agendas within the doctoral program, a supportive graduate school environment, and financial assistance to pursue a doctorate. ivory toldson’s research has shown that african-american students at hbcus were significantly more likely to have positive relationships with faculty members, and that faculty at hbcus tend to be more approachable and sensitive to their cultural background. this fostered a greater sense of belonging on their campuses ( ). clearly, hbcus have developed powerful cultures of support for students; a new direction in my research would be to examine how individually successful programs work to build local narratives, counternarratives, and discourse practices that build on and sustain that success. epilogue this study is not really about social media or stem funding or distance learning. it’s really about how important it is to recognize that historical thrust towards resistance that betsy devos overlooked in her statement and the legacy of discourse about innovation, technology, progress, and uplift that can be found in the life and legacy of african-american educational institutions like hbcus. it has been a never-ending story of struggles and triumphs, but it is the story of all who have been a part of the hbcu tradition. after the photo op seen around the country, the administration of bethune- cookman soon took steps to minimize the fallout, attempting to avoid public scrutiny from its supporters for its decision to invite devos in the first place, while trying to proactively assuage conservative political forces in its native florida, as well as across the nation, that bethune-cookman was not a hotbed for protesters. devos was well known in education and public policy circles for her public advocacy for education policies that were considered controversial, if not outright harmful, to minority communities before she was selected as secretary of education. but for some in the bethune-cookman administration, the matter was further complicated by the fact that devos is part of the hbcu community. she is a member of the board of trustees for howard university. just as devos faced criticism from various constituencies and media outlets for leveraging the hbcu community for the administration’s political gain, especially in a climate of uncertainty created by confusing and potentially damaging remarks, university president jackson faced criticism for the appearance of doing the same, except that judgement came primarily from the community he was leading. many in the bethune-cookman family saw the tenth-hour invitation as a move by jackson to curry favor from the current administration after the meeting-turned-photo-op incident in february. the spotlight was uncomfortable for bethune-cookman, but they were not alone. many of the university presidents had to wrestle with their core beliefs and values been allowed them to leave their institutions and the harsh stark realities of fiscal responsibility and playing the political game. by accepting the rhetorical gambit offered by the white house and its administration, it is probable that some of the presidents did not fully calculate the sacrifices that they themselves would make or be in a position to make. but it also brought about a display of both collective resistance and love that had not been seen or shared nationally among hbcu constituent stakeholders and family in a long time. in the midst of the bethune-cookman’s lukewarm campaign for damage control, a notable contingent of the hbcu community utilized social media in a unique way to support the students and graduates of bethune-cookman university. african-american faculty at hbcus and other institutions, often maligned, marginalized and disempowered, utilized shared leadership (and social media) to generate a display of social action and support of hbcus students that frankly had never been seen or done before. though mediated through the digital technologies of the information age, it was an old technology that won the day: the open letter. organized by north carolina central university’s yaba blay and written by loyola university-maryland’s camika royal and the ohio state university’s treva b. lindsey, the epistle delivered familial encouragement, prophetic truth, and communal healing: dear graduates of bethune-cookman: first, congratulations! we are so proud of what you have accomplished. you have studied, prepared, planned, learned, and have earned what our parents, grandparents, and ancestors have had to fight, scrape, and die for in this nation. we are proud of you for that! beyond becoming graduates, we are floating this morning thinking about how you stood up to your university and protested the woefully under- qualified secretary of education who attempted to address you at your graduation yesterday. watching you stand and turn your backs to her makes us elated. overjoyed. humbled. it was a day and a moment that should have been about celebrating you and what you achieved. the world watched you protest the speaker you never should have had. we cheered as we saw so many of you refuse to acquiesce in the face of threats and calls for complicity. your actions fit within a long tradition of black people fighting back against those who attack our institutions and our very lives with their anti-black policies and anglo-normative practices. betsy devos’ commitment to dismantling public education and her egregious framing of historically black colleges and universities as “pioneers” in school choice are just two examples of why she should never have been invited to speak at an event celebrating black excellence. we shared your outrage when it was announced that devos would serve as your commencement speaker and receive an honorary degree. as your administration hid behind the rhetoric of “learning from people with divergent perspectives,” current students objected. alumni petitioned. we watched from a distance wondering how but knowing why this moment was taken from honoring you. but then, you turned it around, figuratively and literally. we beamed with joy as we watched videos and read tweets of how you took your graduation back to honor yourselves. to honor your founder. to honor our ancestors. to honor us all. you represent the best of mother mary mcleod bethune who took the little she had and built an institution that remains committed to bringing out the best in us. you are the best of us. we, the undersigned, are black professors and college administrators—some of us at hbcus, some of us at pwis, some of us hbcu alums—and we thank you. we salute you. and we love you. (“cassiuslife.com”) the letter was signed by over two hundred african-american faculty and faculty from hbcus. the letter serves as a reminder that hbcus, its students, and its leaders have always stood in the gaps between excellence and injustice, and the building of hbcus are an active response to social unrest, open hostility, and violent oppression, not just opportunistic development during the periods when america as a nation takes small steps away from racial dehumanization. that would be like saying that jackson state was an innovator in urban campus planning by promoting the contemporary walkable campus because it built a raised student plaza in the middle of its main thoroughfare. hbcus and its stakeholders have always had to chart new paths of resistance against american racism in general, and racist technological discourse in particular. an important tool in that resistance has been the consistent striving of the beloved community to encourage power, love, and innovation through a culture of support. and it is in that spirit that the framers of the bethune-cookman letter to its students can say that they (and we) are proud of them. that we honor them. we have seen that they protect that which they valued and others had forsaken. we have seen them stand in the gap and not falter. that we recognize their place in the tradition. that they are, and have always been, our future, our link, our children. and we welcome them home. works cited “a host of black college presidents are jumping ship.” the journal of blacks in higher education winter - : pp. - . “hbcu presidents' white house visit debacle.” los angeles sentinel, mar. , lasentinel.net/hbcu-presidents-white-house-visit-debacle.html. “open love letter to bethune-cookman graduates from black faculty.” cassius | born unapologetic | news, style, culture, cassius | born unapologetic | news, style, culture, may , cassiuslife.com/ /bethune-cookman-graduates- open-letter/. framing the th century, www.year .com/archive/issue /cyborg .html. second morrill act of | the black past: remembered and reclaimed, www.blackpast.org/primary/second-morrill-act- . the report of the president's commission on campus unrest. investigation. president's commission on campus unrest, washington, d.c. d.c.: u.s. goverment printing, . the richard humphreys foundation records, - . rg / . boxes , , , , , friends historical library of swarthmore college. swarthmore, pa. june - . adas, michael. “contesting hegemony: the great war and the afro-asian assault on the civilizing mission ideology.” journal of world history : pp. - . agesa, jacqueline, et al. “economics faculty research at teaching institutions: are historically black colleges different?” southern economic journal october : pp. - . alexander, margaret walker. “agenda for action: black arts and letters.” on being female, black, and free: essays by margaret walker, - . knoxville: university of tennessee press, . pp. - . ---. “black culture.” on being female, black, and free: essays by margaret walker, - . knoxville: university of tennessee press, . pp. - . ---. “jesse jackson, the man and his message.” alexander, margaret walker. on being female, black and free: essays by margaret walker, - . knoxville: university of tennessee press, . pp. - . ---. “moral education: who is responsible?” alexander, margaret walker. on being female, black and free: essays by margaret walker, - . knoxville: university of tennessee press, . pp. - . allen, walter recharde, and joseph o. jewell. “a backward glance forward: past, present and future perspectives on historically black colleges and universities.” the review of higher education, vol. , no. , , pp. – ., doi: . /rhe. . . “alumni of public black universities provide almost no financial support to their alma maters.” the journal of blacks in higher education autumn : - . arnesen, eric. black protest and the great migration: a brief history with documents. boston: bedford/martin's, . anonymous. “boycott lettuce.” black panther september : pp. , - , . ---. “the black panther party program: march , platform.” black panther september : p. . ---. “but sickle cell still kills you.” black panther january : pp. - . ---. “by lifting their hands against ‘bunchy’ and john they lifted their hands against the best that humanity possesses.” black panther march : p. . ---. “detroit branch raided by fascist pigs.” black panther june : p. . ---. 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  dr.	
  david	
   wilson."	
  u.s.	
  black	
  engineer	
  and	
  information	
  technology	
   	
  spring	
   .	
   du bois, david g. “david g. du bois: educate to liberate.” black panther . october : pp. - . du bois, william edward burghhardt. “a negro nation within the nation.” current history. ( ): pp. - . ebeling, mary f.e. “the new dawn: black agency in cyberspace.” radical history review. fall : pp. - . eglash, ron. “race, sex, and nerds: from black geeks to asian american hipsters.” social text . summer : pp. - . eglert, carol sue, et al. “tenets of sociocultural theory in writing instruction research.” handbook of writing research. edited by c.a. macauthur, s. graham, and j. fitzgerald. new york: guilford press, . pp. - . ehrenberg, ronald g. “are black colleges producing today's african-american lawyers?” the journal of blacks in higher education. winter - : pp. - . elliot, norbert. on a scale: a social history of writing assessment in america. new york: peter lang, . emig, janet. “the composing processes of twelfth graders”. research report. urbana: national council of teachers of english, . eshet-alkalai. “digital literacy: a conceptual framework for survival skills in the digital era.” journal of educational multimedia and hypermedia. . ( ): pp. - . essence.com. “‘our legacy is being sold:’ these sisters have a message for their bethune-cookman university graduation speaker, betsy devos.” www.essence.com/news/students-protest-bethune-cookman-graduation-betsy- devos. fisher, rebecka rutledge. “cultural artifacts and the narrative of history: w.e.b. du bois and the exhibiting of culture at the paris exposition universelle.” modern fiction studies. winter . fiske, john. “black bodies of knowledge: notes on an effective history.” cultural critique. spring : pp. - . fletchpost. “obama's roller-coaster relationship with hbcus.” the undefeated, may , theundefeated.com/features/obamas-roller-coaster-relationship-with-hbcus/. foster, thomas. “the reappearing body in postmodern technoculture.” contemporary literature. autumn : pp. - . fouché, rayvon. black inventors in the age of segregation: granville t. woods, lewis h. latimer, and shelby j. davidson. johns hopkins university press, . freed, donald. “thoughts on white suicide.” black panther. june : pp. , . freeman, kassie. “no services needed? the case for mentoring high-achieving african american students.” peabody journal of education. : pp. - . garibaldi, antoine m. “four decades of progress...and decline: an assessment of african american educational attainment.” the journal of negro education. spring : pp. - . gasman, marybeth, et al. understanding minority-serving institutions. new york: suny press, . gasman, marybeth, and tryan l. mcmickens. “liberal or professional education?: the missions of public black colleges and universities and their impact on the future of african americans.” souls, vol. , no. , , pp. – , doi: . / . . . gates, henry louis jr. figures in black; words, signs, and the 'racial' self. press, . ---. “one internet, two nations.” point taken: a brief thematic reader. edited by elizabeth penfield. new york: pearson publishing, . pp. - . gathercoal, paul, et al. “on implementing web-based electronic portfolios.” education quarterly. ( ): pp. - . gilmore, paul. “the telegraph in black and white.” elh . : - . gilyard, keith. “african american contributions to composition studies.” college composition and communication. jun : pp. - . griffin, farah jasmine. “who set you flowin?”: the african-american migration narrative. new york: oxford university press, . haggins, bambi l. “translating the mythos: homefront viewers rethink the american dream.” emergences. : pp. - . hamp-lyons, liz, and william condon. assessing the portfolio: principles for practice, theory, and research. new jersey: hampton press, . hardin, joe marshall. opening spaces: critical pedagogy and resistance theory in composition. albany: state university of new york press, . hartocollis, anemona, and noah weiland. “campus backlash after leaders of black colleges meet with trump.” the new york times, mar. , www.nytimes.com/ / / /us/backlash-black-colleges-trump.html. hawisher, gail e., and cynthia l. selfe, passions, pedagogies, and st century technologies. urbana: national council of teachers of english, . hawkins, randolph, and arthur e. paris. “computer literacy and computer use among college students: differences in black and white.” the journal of negro education. spring : pp. - . hayden, robert c., and richard loehle. african american scientists. holt, . “hbcu president on trump meeting: 'we gotta invest in our young people'.” npr, npr, feb. , www.npr.org/ / / / /hbcu-president-on- trump-meeting-we-gotta-invest-in-our-young-people. hindle, brooke. “a retrospective view of science, technology, and material culture in early american history.” the william and mary quarterly, vol. , no. , , p. . hoogeveen, jeffrey l. “the progressive faculty/student discourse of - and the emergence of lincoln university’s writing program.” donahue, patricia, et al. local histories: reading the archives of composition. pittsburgh press, . hooks, bell. “cultural criticism and transformation.” . october <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zquuhfkp- s>. ---. outlaw culture: resisting representation. new york: routledge, . “howard university's president visited the white house, to the ridicule of anti-trump student activists.” twitchy.com, feb. , twitchy.com/brettt- / / / /howard-universitys-president-visited-the-white-house-to-the- ridicule-of-anti-trump-student-activists/. howard-pitney, david. “the enduring black jeremiad: the american jeremiad and black protest rhetoric, from fredrick douglass to w.e.b. du bois.” american quarterly. : pp. - . hughes, clarence e. “a case for the formation of strategically focused consortia among hbcus.” the journal of negro education. autumn : pp. - . huot, brian. (re)articulating writing assessment: for teaching and learning. provo: utah state university press, . huot, brian, and micheal neal. “writing assessment: a techno-history.” handbook of writing research. new york: guilford press, . huot, brian, and peggy o'neil, assessing writing: a critical sourcebook. urbana: bedford st. martin's, . jackson, george lester. soledad brother: the prison letters of george jackson. chicago: lawrence hill books, . jalia, malaika. “the importance of technology to black people.” african congress: a documentary of the first modern pan-african congress. edited by amiri imamu baraka. new york: william morrow, . pp. - . janken, kenneth r. “walter white and passing.” du bois review. : pp. - . jengaji, saidi. “resource papers: toward black technology.” african congress: a documentary of first modern pan-african congress. edited by amiri imamu baraka. new york: william morrow and co., . pp. - . johnson, james weldon. “chapter : techniques and policies.” negro americans, what now? edited by james johnson and james weldon. new york: viking press, . pp. - . johnson, keith v., and elwood watson. “the w.e.b. dubois and booker t. washington debate: effects upon african american roles in engineering and engineering technology.” the journal of technology studies. : pp. - . johnson, nicole e., et al. “preparing future faculty: the political science department at howard university.” political science and politics. december : pp. - . kane, michael t. “validation.” educational measurement. edited by robert l. brennan. westport: american council of education praeger, . pp. - . karen, david. “when does racial progress occur in america?” the journal of blacks in higher education. winter - : pp. - . kimbrough, walter m. “my statement: white house hbcu event – walter m. kimbrough – medium.” medium, augmenting humanity, feb. , medium.com/@hiphopprez/my-statement-white-house-hbcu-event- bf a a. king, martin luther jr. “nonviolence: the only road to freedom, may , ,” ebony ( (october ): – . kirsh, gesa, and patricia sullivan. methods and methodologies in composition. carbondale: southern illinois university press, . lawless, kimberly a., and p. g. schrader. “where do we go now? understanding research on navigation in complex digital environments.” handbook on research on new literacies. edited by julie coiro, et al. new york: lawrence erlbaum associates, . pp. - . lee, carol d. signifying as a scaffold for literary interpretation. research report. urbana: national council of teachers of english, . lemelle, anthony j. jr. "killing the author of life, or decimating “bad niggers” journal of black studies. december : pp. - . lin, xiaodong and charles k. kinzer. “the importance of technology for making cultural values visable.” theory into practice. summer : pp. - . lockett, gretchen c. empowerment in hbcu's and pbcu's: developing microcosms of the beloved comunity through the re-definition of social institutions and the learning and application of values. washington: annual conference of the national association for equal opportunities in higher education, . lynch, john a., and william j. kinsella. “the rhetoric of technology as a rhetorical technology.” poroi, vol. , no. , , doi: . / - . . posted at : pm on february , by brett t.g macauthur, charles a. “the effects of new technologies on writing and writing processes.” handbook of writing research. edited by charles a. macauthur, steve graham and jill fitzgerald. new york: guilford press, . mailloux, steven. “re-marking slave bodies: rhetoric as production and reception.” philosophy and rhetoric. : pp. - . mason, j. m. “from gutenberg's galaxy to cyberspace: a new model for a new writing space.” proceedings of ed-media, world conference on educational multimedia, hypermedia & telecommunications. edited by p. barker and s. rebelsky. denver: association for the advancement of computing in education, . pp. - . matlack, james. “the autobiographies of frederick douglass.” phylon. st quarter : pp. - . mcbride, david. missions for science: u.s. technology and medicine in america's african world. new brunswick: rutgers university press, . mccullum, e. l. “mapping the real in cyberfiction.” poetics today. summer : pp. - . minor, james t. “introduction: decision making in historically black colleges and universities: defining the governance context.” the journal of negro education. winter : pp. - . morgan, stacy i. “migration, material culture, and identity in william attaway's ‘blood on the forge’ and harriette arnow's ‘the dollmaker’”. college english. july : pp. - . morehouse college. “statement on hbcu presidents visit to the white house.” www.morehouse.edu/collegestatements/ officeofthepresidentstatementonhbcupresidentsvisittowhitehouse.html. mosley, walter, et al., black genius. new york: w.w. norton and company, . moss, beverly j. “ethnography and composition: studying language at home.” methods and methodologies in composition research. edited by gesa kirsh and patricia sullivan. carbondale: southern illinois university press, . pp. - . murray, albert. “the social function of the story teller.” the hero and the blues. new york: vintage books, . pp. - . murray, colin l., and portia p. james. resource guide: the real mccoy: african- american invention and innovation. smithsonian institution traveling exhibition service, . myers-breslin, linda, editor. administrative problem solving for writing programs and writing centers. urbana: national council of teachers of english, . national education association in collaboration with the american federation of teachers. access, adequacy, and equity in education technology. washington, d.c: national education association, . nelsen, bonalyn j. “review of technocracy at work by beverly burris.” industrial and labor relations review. . 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( ): pp. - . penrod, diane. using blogs to enhance literacy: the next powerful step in st- century learning. lanham: rowman & littlefield education, . perkins, pricilla. “detecting the camouflaged conflicts: blackness, whiteness, and language difference in basic writing courses.” conflicts and crises in the composition classroom-and what instructors can do about them. edited by dawn skorczewski and matthew parfitt. portsmouth: boynton/cook publishers, . pp. - . przyblyski, jeannene m. “american visions at the paris exposition, : another look at frances benjamin johnston's hampton photographs.” art journal. autumn : pp. - . puar, jasbir k., and amit s. ral. “the remaking of a model minority: perverse projectiles under the specter of (counter)terrorism.” social text . fall : pp. - . public radio international. “how do tensions with the white house impact hbcu diversity?” www.pri.org/stories/ - - /how-do-tensions-white-house- impact-hbcu-diversity. pursell, carroll, editor. a hammer in their hands: a document history of technology and the african-american experience. cambridge: mit press, . ramsey, guthrie p. jr. “muzing new hoods, making new identities: film, hip-hop culture, and jazz music.” callaloo. : pp. - . “ranking black colleges and universities according to the number of mentions in the national press.” the journal of blacks in higher education. autumn : pp. - . redd, kenneth e. “historically black colleges and universities: making a comeback.” new directions for higher education, vol. , no. , , pp. – ., doi: . /he. . “rep. elijah cummings sets trump straight on anti-black rhetoric.” ebony, mar. , www.ebony.com/news-now/cummings-trump-rhetoric#axzz sinnfkj. richardson, elaine. african american literacies. london: routledge, . richardson, jeanita w., and j. john harris. “brown and historically black colleges and universities (hbcus): a paradox of desegregation policy.” the journal of negro education. summer : pp. - . robeson, paul leroy. “negroes--don't ape the whites.” paul robeson speaks: writings, speeches, interviews, - . edited by philip s. foner. new york: carol pub group, . pp. - . rogers, katie. “kellyanne conway casually sits, and etiquette arbiters take a stand.” the new york times, mar. , www.nytimes.com/ / / /us/politics/ kellyanne-conway-couch.html. royer, daniel j. “the process of literacy as communal involvement in the narratives of fredrick douglass.” african american review. autumn : pp. - . royster, jacqueline jones, and jean c. williams. “history in the spaces left: african american presence and narratives of composition studies.” college composition and communication. june : pp. - . sands, darren. “here's what the hbcu presidents in that oval office photo say happened at the white house.” buzzfeed, www.buzzfeed.com/darrensands/ heres-what-the-hbcu-presidents-in-that-oval-office-photo- say?utm_term=.ebjw m yo#.jq v kp. sav, thomas. “separate and unequal: state financing of historically black colleges and universities.” the journal of blacks in higher education. spring : - . schneider, mark r. “the colored american and alexander's boston's pro-civil rights bookerites.” the journal of negro history. autumn : pp. - . schur, richard. “critical race theory and the limits of auto/biography: reading patricia williams's the alchemy of race and rights through/against postcolonial theory.” biography. summer : pp. - . scott, benjamin. “chapter: scientific technology in black community development.” african congress: a documentary of the first modern pan-african congress. edited by amiri imamu baraka. new york: william morrow and co., . pp. - . seale, bobby. “defend the right to survive.” black panther . december : pp. - , - . ---. “south africa is a state in the union: chairman bobby seale joins demonstrators against u.s. investments in southern africa.” black panther . april : pp. , . ---. transforming the system in black panther no. : - (february , ). 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( ). historically black colleges and universities can promote leadership and excellence in stem (editor’s commentary). the journal of negro education, ( ), . - . verharen, charles c. “a core curriculum at historically black colleges and universities: an immodest proposal.” the journal of negro education. spring : pp. - . watkins, william henry. the white architects of black education: ideology and power in america, - . teachers college press, . wallace, p. the psychology of the internet. cambridge: university press, . ward, chris, and chris moser. “e-portfolios as a hiring tool: do employers really care?” education quarterly. 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( ): pp. - . witte, stephen p., and faigley lester. evaluating college writing porgrams. carbondale and edwardville: southern illinois university press, . wright, john s. “‘jack-the-bear’ dreaming: ellison’s spiritual technologies.” boundary. summer : pp. - . wright, michelle m. “finding a place in cyberspace: black women, technology, and identity.” frontiers. : pp. - . wright, vivian h., and b. joyce stallworth. “challenges of electronic portfolios: student perceptions and experiences.” journal of technology and teacher education. . ( ): pp. - . young, jeffery a. “does ‘digital divide’ rhetoric do more harm than good?” the chronicle of higher education. november : a . young, vershawn. your average nigga: performing race, literacy, and masculinity. detroit: wayne state university press, . zaluda, scott. “lost voices of the harlem renaissance: writing assigned at howard university, - .” college composition and communication. december : pp. - . zamir, shamoon. “an interview with ishmael reed.” callaloo. autumn : pp. - . microsoft word - ankh, udja, seneb.docx ankh, ujda, seneb (life, strength, health): “let food be thy medicine,” an epistemic examination on the genealogy of the africana holistic health tradition, with preliminary considerations in the city of philadelphia, to the present a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy by heru setepenra heq-m-ta department of african american studies december examining committee members: dr. nathaniel norment, jr., advisory chair, african american studies, temple university dr. greg kimathi carr, afro-american studies, howard university dr. abu shardow abarry, african american studies, temple university dr. wilbert jenkins, history, temple university dr. mario hollis beatty, external member, afro-american studies, howard university ii © copyright by heru setepenra heq-m-ta all rights reserved iii abstract the utilization of natural elements of the earth to remedy corporeal maladies dates back to the medical systems of ancient nile valley culture. given the continuity and intergenerational transmission of knowledge evident in african expressions of culture, these olden naturalistic health techniques, throughout time, have continuously been used as therapeutic modalities by posterior african cultures—both continental and diasporic. due to its tripartite approach to healing—of mind, body and spirit— this age-old african healing tradition has gained popularity in contemporary times and is commonly known today as the locution: holistic health. the principal objective of this intellectual project is to reveal an unbroken genealogy of a thriving africana holistic health tradition upheld by both advocates and practitioners in the field. notwithstanding the current state of health of africans residing in the united states, the praxis of these ancient healing customs is extant within communities which the population is predominately african. through considering the publication of how to eat to live in , this study articulates a resurgence among contemporary african healers of an olden healing tradition once customary on the banks of the nile. the proposed outlook of this work to highlight the various means of alternative health available by and for african descendants that ultimately serves as a catalyst to take matters of health into our own hands. iv dedication to emille alexander, chalesia d’sean and d’antre marquise—my st, nd and rd born and the triumvirate foundation of my existence! to maude evelyn willis, my mother’s mother (“grandma”) who saw and heard forces from which we lacked the ability and whose constant display of mer (love) and nurturing will always be with me. — much mer! v acknowledgments the following is an ancestral and extant roll call, which serves as testament to those individuals (the transitioned and the living), institutions, organizations, and periodicals, who have reared, inspired, enlightened, molded my development, supported, and left an indelible mark on my spirit—either through familial ties, divine intervention, direct correspondence, or me being educated by means of, in the words of greg carr, those “ancestral whispers on a printed page:” the ancetors, the netcheru—most notably sekhmet, seshat and djehuti—, aha (narmer), djoser, imhotep, peseshat, seneferu, khufu, khafre, isesi, ptahhotep, merikare, mentuhotep ii, amenemhat i, kheperkara senwosret i, seqenenre tao; aahotep, wadjkheperre kamose, nebpehtire ahmose; ahmose nefertari, tiy, maatkare hatsepshut, djehewtymose iii, shabaka, piankhi, taharqa, hattie brown, mickey brown, minnie brown-torres, maude evelyn (brown) willis, melvin willis, augustus “uncle gus” wilson, jr., dolores theresa donaldson, tonya (willis) thomas, eric samuel willis, stephanie (willlis) king, santanino “nino” torres, papito “pete” torres, christopher winters, anthony “amp dog” person, robert taylor ii, dawud rahmah, michelle thornton, elon diallo bomani, raufu bey, “mama” nia barnes, juanita marie nicole simmons thomas, morene abdullah, ausar ari ankh, lisa simmons, jerry simmons, nastassja kajean whitman, pat “mama pat” washington, elizabeth clarke, lisa jenkins-carter, rashida jenkins, carol blissfur, shelly johnson payne, mark anthony garth, alex asare, souily wan n'tani, patrick seyon, michelle howard-harrell, randolph bromery, brenda mercomes, askia muhammad touré, tony menelik van der meer, yolanda “candy” adams, greg kimathi carr, mario hollis vi beatty, valethia a. watkins, walter b. hill, jr., russell adams, nastassja kajean whitman, james e. turner, robert l. harris, jr., mwalimu abdul gulu nanji, carole boyce davis, keisha hicks, luqman abdullah, eric kofi acree, marion j. paskins, rose “mama rose” norment, nathaniel “pop” norment, jr., abu shardow abarry, wilbert l, jenkins, amy oppong yeboah, aaron “anyabwile” b. love, joshua maurice myers, tamica oglesby, jacqueline “jakki” d. johnson, addis drewery, trina slaffey, soniah trinette scott, ngola mbondi, nzingha, gaspar yanga, jean baptiste point dusable, richard allen, bookman duty, jean jacques dessalines, nana yaa asantewa, james mccune smith, john rock, callie house, james theodore holly, hosea easton, william henry brown, john russwurn, samuel cornish, gabriel prosser, david walker, nat turner, denmark vesey, maria stewart, david ruggles, sojourner truth, william wells brown, harriet wilson, martin robison delany, william c. nell, araminta ross (harriet tubman), henry mcneal turner, alexander crummell, ida bell wells-barnett, frances ellen watkins harper, william leo hansberry, william edward burghardt du bois, shirley graham-du bois carter godwin woodson, arturo alfonso schomburg, william monroe trotter, timothy thomas fortune, drusilla dunjee houston, hubert henry harrison, amy jacques garvey, marcus garvey, cyril briggs, richard benjamin moore, oscar micheaux, willis nathaniel, huggins, john glover jackson, charles seifert, william montague cobb, cheikh anta diop, chancellor williams, john henrik clarke, yosef alfredo antonio ben-jochannan, eslanda robeson, paul robeson, joseph degraft-johnson, george granville monah james, cyril lionel robert james, charshee mcintyre, jacob hudson carruthers, jr. (djedi shemsu djehuty), asa grant hilliard iii (nana baffour amankwatia ii), ankh mi ra, nzingha ratibisha heru, bobby wright, vii theophile obenga, rkhty amen, amos wilson, walter rodney, robert franklin williams, lorenzo dow turner, elijah muhammad, noble drew ali, malcolm x, muhammad ali, ella “fundi” baker, queen mother audley moore, fannie lou hamer, fred hampton, sr., kwame ture, ruby dee, ossie davis, ishakamusa barashango, ayi kwei armah, kimbwandende kia bunseki fu-kiau, chinweizu, a. hampâté bâ, chukwunyere kamalu, kwame agyei akoto, anderson thompson, conrad worrill, vincent gordon harding, larry obadele williams, cedric j. robinson, acklyn lynch, neely fuller, ivan van sertima, frances cress welsing, james small, linda james myers, marimba ani, richard king, timothy owens moore, shawna maglangbayan, mumia abu-jamal, mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, gerald horne, alvenia fulton, paul goss, alfredo bowman (aka dr. sebi), llaila olea afrika, queen afua, jewel pookrum, suzar, clovis e. semmes, queen vida, keith wright, sam greenlee, ivan dixon, william james “count” basie, herman poole blount (“sun-ra”), billie holiday, thelonius monk, john birks “dizzy” gillespie, charles “bird” parker, jr., john william coltrane, miles davis, abbey lincoln, max roach, larry neal, nina simone, oscar brown, jr., x-clan, poor righteous teachers, dead prez, the american negro academy, the african grove theatre, the philadelphia vigilence committee, freedom's journal, the liberty league, the voice, negro world, universal negro improvement association and african communities league, the african blood brotherhood for african liberation and redemption, the krigwa players, the harlem history club, schomburg center for research in black culture, association for the study of classical african civilizations (ascac), kemetic voice, compass, the republic of new afrika, the deacons for defense and justice, dusable museum of viii african american history, s.t.u.d.y. group, the bennu group in atlanta, third eye study group in dallas, the afrikan center in columbus, eye of heru in detroit, afrikan echoes in newark, the east, the first world alliance, west side high school, roxbury community college, the department of afro-american studies at howard university, the africana studies and research center at cornell university, and the department of african american studies at temple university— medase pa! ix table of contents page abstract……………………………………………………………………………….. iii dedication………………………………………………………………………........... iv acknowledgements………………………………………………………………... v-viii chapter i: introduction . introduction. ………….…..…………………………………………………… . statement of problem…………….………………………………………….... . purpose of the study…………………………..………………………………. . significance of the study..……………………………………………………. . research questions…………………………………………………………… . chapter summaries …………………………………………………………... . definition of key terms ……………………………………………………... chapter : review of selected literature . general review of selected literature……………………………………….. chapter : research approach (methodology) . introduction…………………………………………………………................ . research methods…………………..………………………………………… . procedures…………………..………………………………………................ . limitations of study…………………….……………………………............. x chapter : come back forward: the archetype of classical african therapeutic customs and its cultural articulation in contemporary african naturalistic healing practices . introduction…..……………………………………………………………………. . foundations of naturalistic health practices in ancient nile valley culture......... . african bodies displaced, anterior concepts of healing re-traced…………….. chapter : the predominance of “scientific” medicine unveiled . introduction……………………………………………………………………....... . “scientific” medicine unveiled, holistic medicine withheld……………………. . flexner, philanthropy and the medical fringe of the holistic health profession… chapter : dismantling normative theories of western standards of dietary needs . introduction…………………………………………………………………........... . elijah muhammad’s nutritional call to arms…………………………………...... chapter : the invocation to get well in “illadel” . introduction………………………………………………………………………… . the healing arts of black philadelphia “make it plain”…………………….......... chapter : conclusion…………………………………………………………………. bibliography………………………………………………………………….................... appendices appendix a: exempt request status for irb protocol……………………………………. appendix b: consent form…………………………………………………………………. appendix c: interview protocol……………………………………………………………. appendix d: transcribed interviews………………………………………………………. dick gregory………………………………………………………………… xi queen afua…………………………………………………………………... divine mother………………………………………………………………... shareef and rashid samad…………………………………………………… atiya ola sankofa……………………………………………………………. aris latham…………………………………………………………………. ethel wilson………………………………………………………………….. ron norwood………………………………………………………………… beverly medley………………………………………………………………. zakiyyah ali…………………………………………………………………. yahimba uhuru………………………………………………………………. tehuti khamu………………………………………………………………... nwenna kai………………………………………………………………….. 	 chapter : introduction	 truth-tellers are not always palatable. there is a preference for candy bars. there are other ways to kill a people or colonize them, but none is more certain than the denial or control of their food. we have important memory work to do if we are to recover what we lost – is the image of the sankofa bird. the bird is shown in mid-flight: history flows on. its forward motion is not in doubt; nevertheless, the bird is aware of having dropped something valuable, indeed indispensable. it therefore casts its vision backward, not with any intention of reversing time and returning to the past to live there, but with the purpose of retrieving from past time just that element of value that should not have been lost, prior to continuing its interrupted motion. for warriors, in terms of health, performance, endurance, vision and life, it always comes down [to] the question, “what are you eating?” which is the flip side of the question, “what’s eating you?” a body cannot operate efficiently carrying dead weight. this applies to individuals as well as an army, a people or any other organism. dead weight inhibits performance by draining energy, to attend to its distractive, dysfunctional needs, that otherwise could be put to better use by the unencumbered body. it restricts warriors, physically, mentally and spiritually. agility requires exercise and strength beyond the average. thought, clouded by layers of saturated doubt, can never express your best. and you cannot open your first eye to divinity bogged down with waste. warriors, especially, cannot afford to carry dead weight, or any other toxicity in their temples. we must be highly mobile, always ready and prepared to move, always moving, never in a stupor or high on chemicals, illegal or otherwise, that paralyze our actions or reactions. what we ingest should be the medicine food was meant to be. as the multi-genius imhotep taught, ‘let your food be your medicine, and your medicine your food.’ we must always be clear and clean, wholistically fine-tuned for building and battle. 																																																													 gwendolyn brooks, “song of winnie” winnie (chicago: third world press, ), . samuel f. yette, the choice: the issue of black survival in america – the extermination of the black man in america (new york: berkley publishing group, ), . ayi kwei armah, the eloquence of the scribes: a memoir on the sources and resources of african literature (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ), . mwalimu k. bomani baruti, nyansasem: a calendar of revolutionary daily thoughts (atlanta: akoben house, ), . 	 for africans held in captivity in an estrange land, they did not at all find solace in the maladroit nature white captors attempted to address their physical maladies, even against their will. given the horrific circumstances of the chattel system, such medical incompetency by whites—driven by ignorance and distorted sentiments of a superiority complex—meant the destruction of african bodies, as the latter were mandated to accept medical practices that proved ineffective and injurious. and even though health care was provided for the enslaved, treatments were in most cases administered by plantation owners, overseers or even the former’s spouses. the quandary: many of them had no firm grasp of the concept of medicine, and thus lacked the knowledge or experience to properly attend to certain sicknesses thereby administering remedies that were egregiously faulty. as a consequence, africans often avoided reporting their maladies to eschew treatments that proved to be excruciating and futile. notwithstanding the forced hand of plantation owners and physicians working on their behalf, africans invoked innate naturalistic peculiarities to attend to their own health needs. forcefully transplanted, africans were torn from their particular cultural, political and social environment and placed within a chattel system that consciously and vehemently attempted, without success, to destroy all elements of a previous african identity. however, as millions of african bodies were, in the words of john henrik clarke, set on course for a “special invitation” to the west atlantic, the healing customs of various regions from which they were captured were too transplanted westward. in fact, the sustainability of indigenous cultural expressions and subsequent influences upon what became “african american” culture by the intermixing of various african ethnic 	 groups in slave-holding societies have been well documented. most of the structural educational research on the health of african americans has focused primarily on conventional medicine as the viable option to identify symptoms, diagnose illnesses and treat diseases. with the alarming rates of poor health among african american women, men and children in areas such as philadelphia, more research should be invested in exploring the efficacy of holistic health and alternative medicinal practices in comparison to standard medical procedures. with the information on holistic health being so limited, human research, through in-depth interviews with holistic health practitioners, natural food and naturopathic store owners, authors on holistic health and alternative medicine, and restaurant proprietors of raw, vegan and vegetarian cuisine will add to the existing knowledge of ways to make available information on holistic health practices, with the intent to improve the health of african americans. for the author, the impulse to write this dissertation is both personal and to some degree autobiographical. at a time when i physically suffered from hypertension (i.e., high blood pressure), severe seasonal allergies, gastrointestinal problems and poor eyesight ( / vision in one eye and / vision in the other), the decision was made 																																																													 discourses on the african cultural influences in the americas include: melville herskovits, the myth of the negro (boston: beacon press, ); roger bastide, african civilizations in the new world (new york: harper and row, ); sterling stuckey, slave culture: nationalist theory & the foundations of black america (new york: oxford university press, ); michael gomez, exchanging our country marks: the transformation of african identities in the colonial and antebellum south (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), and diasporic africa: a reader, ed. (new york: new york university press, ); gwendolyn mildo hall, slavery and african ethnicities in the americas: restoring the links (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ); and walter rucker, the river flows on: black resistance, culture and identity formation in early america (baton rouge: louisiana state university press, ), inter alia. for an abbreviated discussion on the genealogy of “africanisms” as it relates to the west atlantic, see johnetta b. cole, “africanisms in the americas: a brief history of the concept” anthropology and humanism quarterly, vol. , no. ( ). 	 to seek treatment options other than those provided by allopathic medicine via the american medical association to ameliorate these physical ailments. with a strict commitment to a solely plant-based eating regime—devoid of meat, meat byproducts and dairy products—amid incorporating alternative medicinal practices into my lifestyle, in just two years, all of my corporeal maladies were eradicated, thus, lending credence that they were food-borne illnesses. for the past twenty years the writer has been both an autodidact and apprenticed, by a licensed naturopathic physician, in various holistic health practices and continues to be an ongoing student of alternative healing customs and naturalistic therapeutic techniques. drawing from the intellectual sentiments of african historian earl endris thorpe ( - ), in the most humble sense, i am what you would refer to as a holistic health practitioner “without portfolio.” 																																																													 					 naturopathy is a system of therapeutics (i.e., a branch of medicine primarily concerned with the curative treatment of dis-ease[s]) that provides care for an individual in an inclusive manner, by which exercise, the eating lifestyle or diet and mental factors are integral to the prevention of physical and mental ailments. pharmaceutical drugs and surgery are eschewed, and instead, vitamins, minerals, various herbs and nutritional supplements are used to treat and prevent illnesses and/or dis-eases to obtain optimal health. as used in this study, the locution “holistic health” refers to an alternative medicinal practice, which all physical, mental and spiritual phenomena are taken into consideration and offers a safe, non-intrusive approach to treating and healing individuals as opposed to medicating the symptoms of illnesses or dis- eases and masking the underlying problems with prescription drugs or surgery. there is an arbitrary agreement among alternative healthcare circles in which this phrase is used universally to describe various branches of alternative medicine and healing practices, e.g., acupuncture, naturopathy, reiki, reflexology, to name a few, all of which will be appropriately explained and defined infra. throughout this study, the author will use the terms “african,” “african american” and “black” interchangeably to refer to people of immediate biological african descent as well as their attendant cultural practices. the terms “holistic” and “wholistic” will be used interchangeably throughout this dissertation with the understanding that both represent the symbiotic relationship and ontological fusing of the triumvirate: mind, body and spirit. for a discussion on self-trained african thinkers—outside of academic circles—, who have been major figures of africana intellectual history and contributors to the philosophy of african history, see earl e. thorpe, black historians: a critique (new york: william morrow and company, ), - . 	 statement of the problem one of the critical issues that african people face today is the subject of health. there is a lacuna in understanding the distinction between orthodox or conventional medicine and alternative medicine. a majority of africans seek conventional medicine methods to attend to their specific illnesses and/or dis-ease(s) and do not take into consideration the plethora of other options available that also address health concerns. this dissertation will provide an understanding of the africana holistic health tradition, address its distinction from conventional medicine and how it conceptualizes healing, and highlight the availability of the multifarious holistic health practitioners and organizations available to african families as well as the alternative healthcare services they offer to promote health and wellness. heeding the call for social responsibility and community engagement, an initiative wholeheartedly embraced by the discipline of africana studies, the writer feels an obligation to help improve the quality of life for africans by providing african- centered alternative healthcare information and services offered by holistic health 																																																													 as popularized in academic circles by the late elder african historian john henrik clarke’s ( - ) appeal to african thinkers to embrace the designation as an attempt to connect history, culture and geography, the term “africana” signifies for the discipline the tripartite approach embodied by the distinction between african american, african caribbean, and african studies, a signal for the essential need to study africa globally and african descendants in a global context. see john henrik clarke, “africana studies: a decade of change, challenge and conflict,” a paper presented at the consolidating africana studies: bonding african linkages conference, on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of the africana studies and research center, cornell university, september - , , . for the purpose of this study, the term “african-centered” refers to the methodologies (i.e., research approaches), theories and methods designed to study, interpret, rescue, revise and reconstruct the history and traditions of african people—both continental and diasporic. for an expansive discussion on “african-centered” knowledge production as well as its unequivocal ideological distinction from “afrocentricity”—the conceptual paradigmatic framework theoretically initiated by molefi kete asante and espoused by a cadre of temple university faculty (both former and current) and students within the department of african american studies, known in academic circles by the self-inscribed appellation the 	 practitioners attendant to the needs of the african community that would otherwise be overlooked in mainstream medicine. i seek to meet these goals by interviewing individuals who have been and are currently involved in the field of holistic health as (a) certified practitioners; (b) authors of holistic health and salubrious cuisine; (c) natural food and/or naturopathic store owners; (d) advocates of natural health customs; and (e) raw, vegan and vegetarian restaurant proprietors. in echoing the theoretical sentiments of maulana karenga, this point is more succinctly communicated by shirley moody-turner and james stewart, who acknowledge that “[o]ne of the hallmarks of africana [s]tudies is the call for social responsibility and the production of knowledge that can facilitate social transformation.” correspondingly, from the influential tract in which he edited, james e. turner, in his own article, “africana studies and epistemology: a discourse in the sociology of knowledge,” posits there are several responsibilities africana intellectual workers should embrace. of the four mandates, the third unequivocally captures the intent and scope of this dissertation: “to generate (new) knowledge and codify existing 																																																																																																																																																																																					 “temple school,” see ascac study guide, building for eternity: book one (los angeles: ascac foundation, ); c.t. keto, an introduction to the africa centered perspective of history (chicago: frontline distribution international, inc., ), ; greg kimathi carr, “temple, afrocentricity and knowledge: an african-centered perspective (a critical inquiry into the intellectual genealogy of afrocentricity and the significance of the afrocentric idea to african nationalist institution building),” a paper presented at the seventh annual khepera graduate student conference, temple university, april , , “african philosophy of history in the contemporary era: its antecedents and methodological implications for the african contribution to world history” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ), - , ; and joyce ann joyce, “african-centered scholarship: interrogating black studies, pan africanism, and afrocentricity,” decolonizing the academy: african diasporan studies eds., carole boyce davies, meredith gadsby, charles peterson and henrietta williams (trenton: africa world press, ), - .		 shirley moody-turner and james stewart, “gendering africana studies: insights from anna julia cooper,” african american review, vol. , no. (spring ), . see also, maulana karenga, introduction to black studies ( nd edition) (los angeles: university of sankore press, ), - . 	 information and predicate contemporary study upon the truths formulated by our mentors .” purpose of the study at an alarming rate, alternative medicinal practices and healthcare are gaining popularity in the united states, disproportionately among the european populace, either because some individuals have become disillusioned with conventional medicine or simply because family and/or friends have endorsed the efficacy of such practices. however, among the contemporary african american population, there is paucity in the understanding of and exposure to the various practices of alternative medicine and naturalistic healing techniques deemed holistic. in regards to the aforementioned supposition, this study maintains that various holistic health practices could be useful to african americans in particular and to the mainstream healthcare system in america in 																																																													 in lieu of utilizing the term “mentor(s),” which is of greek origin (see the odyssey) and originally used in this quote by turner, the writer posits that african-centered scholars should instead employ the african terms “jegna” and “jegnoch”—the plural form of the term “jegna” as alternatives to designate an apprentice/adviser relationship—, both which are taken from amharic, the language of ethiopia. greg carr provides some insight to this discourse, as the former idiom “raises the issue of what is known in linguistics as ‘semantic translation,’ the appropriation of terms from other languages or usages by a group which then attaches to the terms meanings largely unconnected to their previous ones.” greg e. kimathi carr, “african philosophy of history in the contemporary era,” f.n. . unlike the term “mentor,” “jegna” or “jegnoch” has african implications in its meaning, referring particularly to those individuals that possess content mastery in what they teach and are selflessly devoted with imparting knowledge and primarily concerned with the spiritual and intellectual development of african people. see also, mwalimu k. bomani baruti, nyansasem: a calendar of revolutionary daily thoughts (atlanta: akoben house, ), . for a broader discussion on this subject, see wade w. nobles, “from na ezaleli to the jegnoch: the force of the african family for black men in higher education” making it on broken promises: african american male scholars confront the culture of higher education, ed., lee jones (herndon, va: stylus publishing, ); and asa g. hilliard, iii, african power: affirming african indigenous socialization in the face of the culture wars (gainesville, fl: makare publishing company, ), - . see james e. turner, “africana studies and epistemology: a discourse in the sociology of knowledge,” the next decade: theoretical and research issues in africana studies, selected papers from the africana studies and research center’s tenth anniversary conference, (ithaca, ny: cornell university press, ), . 	 general, a system that is failing in many ways in attending to the health concerns and physical illnesses of its denizens—based primarily on the exorbitant rates of obesity and other health epidemics such as heart disease, diabetes, and hypertension, to name a few. as evidence, in , the surgeon general's report on nutrition and health, which was the first of its kind produced by the u.s. department of health and human services, offered comprehensive documentation on the “scientific” basis for the recommended dietary changes. the report examined in great detail current knowledge about the correlative relationships between specific eating regime choices (i.e., dietary practices) and specific illnesses and/or dis-ease conditions. the conclusive results of the report suggested that over-consumption of certain dietary components is now a major concern for americans. while innumerable food factors are involved, former surgeon general c. everett koop argued that chief among them is the disproportionate consumption of foods high in saturated fats (e.g., beef, dairy products, eggs, pork, poultry, refined foods, seafood, inter alia) often at the expense of foods high in calcium, iron, complex carbohydrates and fiber (e.g., fruits, green plants, vegetables, whole grains, etc.) that may be more contributory to optimal health. despite the revelation of the surgeon general’s report, the deliberate and systematic alteration of food’s nutrients, causing degenerative, permanent, genetic and terminal physical and mental diseases continues to be produced in the u.s. at an alarming rate, which adversely and 																																																													 see c. everett koop, “the surgeon general's report on nutrition and health” u.s. department of health and human services, office of the surgeon general ed. marion nestle (rockville, md: public health service, office of the surgeon general, july , ), - . 	 disproportionately affects the health of african americans. one of the more prominent figures in the african holistic health community is multi-trained naturopathic physician llaila olela afrika. in his approach to health, afrika is as forthright and uncompromising as african thinkers marimba ani and clyde taylor are in their critiques of european cultural logic, intellectual history, and the western notions of aesthetics. in his inexpressibly informative text african holistic health, afrika provides an acerbic critique of conventional medicine and european culture but also affirms there is an “overlooked revolution” in which africans should be attentive. in the struggle for liberation in america and abroad during the s and s, africans rebelled, engaged in civil disobedience (e.g., marching, protesting, sit-ins, etc.), demanded parity and sought out means to invoke self-determination in a society antithetical to african humanity. without question, countless historical narratives of emancipatory initiatives have been written by african thinkers within the discipline of africana studies as well as those sympathetic and/or ideologically opposed to the africana intellectual project. during this era of cultural revolution it is crucial to “recognize the historical depth and heterogeneity of [b]lack struggles against racism, narrowing the political scope of black agency and reinforcing a formal, legalistic view of [b]lack equality.” alongside the black power, black arts and civil rights movements (i.e., african liberation 																																																													 llaila o. afrika, nutricide: the nutritional destruction of the black race (new york, a&b publishers group, ), . see marimba ani, yurugu: an afrikan-centered critique of european cultural thought and behavior (trenton: africa world press, ). see clyde r. taylor, the mask of art: breaking the aesthetic contract—film and literature (bloomington and indianapolis: indiana university press, ). nikhil pal singh, black is a country: race and the unfinished struggle for democracy (cambridge: harvard university press, ), . 	 movements) another significant element and important step towards african liberation in the same demographics that has been neglected in the discourse is “the reclamation of african herbal medicine and a natural whole foods diet and lifestyle.” this dissertation seeks to contribute to this historical narrative—based on ancestral memory—and argues there is a vibrant yet scant holistic health tradition in the united states, practiced by contemporary africans both professionally trained and self-taught, which is part of an unbroken genealogy, inextricably linked to preexisting classical african (i.e., more specifically kemetic ) concepts of health and healing. among the corps of african alternative health specialists in north america, queen afua, internationally renowned for her work in holistic health, is unquestionably a linchpin among practitoners in the new york metropolitan area and abroad, which places her as a central figure in this tradition. with her homebase located in the cultural epicenter of brooklyn, new york, and with over forty years of holistic health experience, she is affectionately called by her associates and clients “queen.” in , and subsequently, ten years later in , afua ushered in a reclamation of the kemetic heritage and legacy as it pertains to health in her 																																																													 llaila o. afrika, african holistic health (new york: a&b publishers group, ), xxviiii. the idiom “kemetic” is a derivative of “kemet,” the autochthonous term for ancient egypt. charles grantham, in his display of a working knowledge of the ancient egyptian writing system, mdw ntr (or medew netcher), provides clarity as to its intended meaning by the indigenous population. his argument derives basically from the misinterpretation of the word “kemet” by european egyptologists, a linguistic motive grantham opines undergirds the intellectual chauvinism in european philosophy of history. in letting the ancestors speak for themselves, grantham assuredly proclaims: “the language of the ancient egyptians indicates that in naming their country, kmt, the ancient egyptians were referring to themselves as a community of [b]lack people rather than the color of the soil—an interpretation obviously dismissed by [european] egyptologists. if egyptologists were to accept this interpretation of kmt, it would necessitate a fundamental shift in european historiography, a shift that would have far-reaching, calamitous effects on the myth of white supremacy.” charles a. grantham, the battle for kemet: critical essays on ancient egypt (chicago: kemetic institute, ), . see also, asa g. hilliard, “the meaning of kmt (ancient egyptian) history for contemporary african american experience” phylon vol. , no. / (spring - summer, ), - . 	 pathbreaking tracts, heal thyself and sacred woman. a close examination of such a genealogy, undergirded by its accompanying intellectual and curative activist work brought forth by societal conditions, can very well serve as a model for contemporary african scholars to convene space outside of the academia and effectively “bring the [black] community to the campus and the campus to the [black] community,” thusly carrying out the africana initiative of bringing the “town” to the “gown” and the “gown” to the “town.” in this regard, this work is indispensable in that it establishes a much- needed discourse and brings to light the community involvement and activism of contemporary african healers who would otherwise be ignored and/or silenced by the academy; a predicament that has up to this point been the norm. additionally, this dissertation’s primary focus is the articulation of an assessment of numerous central figures and advocates of this efficacious holistic health tradition, concentrated in philadelphia, pennsylvania and abroad, which gained momentum in the last half of the twentieth century, specifically in , initiated by the publication of nation of islam leader elijah muhammad’s ( - ) groundbreaking text on health, how to eat to live. 																																																													 see queen afua, heal thyself for health and longevity (new york: a&b publishers group, ), - , - , and sacred woman: a guide to healing the feminine body, mind and spirit (new york: a&b publishers group, ). nathan hare, “war on black colleges,” the black scholar vol. , no. (may/june ), . see elijah muhammad, how to eat to live, book one (chicago: muhammad mosque of islam, no. , ). as alluded to supra, muhammad’s contribution to the emancipatory discourse on health will be discussed in chapter . 	 significance of the study this study upholds that the resurgence of a holistic health tradition among the african populace, from onward, in various municipalities throughout america—at a time of outright violence and aggression against african freedom fighters by the white power structure—is an african living heritage and a posterior cultural extension of the nile valley concept of weheme mesu: an anterior intellection african linchpin thinker jacob h. carruthers, jr. ( - ) operationalizes as an epistemological apparatus. on this very idea, greg carr explains: whm msw is a kemetic phrase, which assumed national prominence and significance in the twelfth kemetic dynasty with the ascension to the per-uah (pharaoh, or “great house”) position of amen-em-hat, who took as his ‘hr title’ the phrase ‘(the) repetition of the birth’ (whm msw). this concept referred to the articulation of a kemetic national policy of establishing national institutional authority and practice according to the best of the traditions as articulated in the early dynasties. the rough equivalent to the concept in european historical memory is the term ‘renaissance,’ (from the latin re (to repeat) and naisance (to be born). hence, a ‘renaissance’ woman becomes, in an afrocentric discursive posture, a ‘whm msw’ woman. accordingly, contemporary african american holistic health practices in united states are enmeshed with an enduring impetus of african cultural activity in the west. in congruence with the methodological impetus provided by jacob carruthers, this study 																																																													 carr, african philosophy of history in the contemporary era, . akin to the cultural “rebirth” ushered in by “per-uah” amen-m-hat of the twelfth ( th) dynastic period in kemet whereby medicine, architecture and engineering developed in congruence with the vibrant literary tradition of that period, so too did the contemporary african holistic tradition heed the ancestral call to utilize olden medicinal practices to heal the african community. in the same vein, the african cultural restoration—linked to the foundations of african antiquity—of the s flourished among many african youth (both continental and diasporic), particularly with the student movements on university and college campuses throughout america, an impetus that ushered in the official institutionalization of the discipline black/africana studies in the academy, argues carruthers. jacob h. carruthers, “whm msw, ascac and the spirit of african history,” the best of the kemetic voice, vol. (chicago: the kemetic institute, ), . for a more detailed discussion of this african antiquity conceptualization of cultural revival—whm msw, see jacob h. carruthers, “an african historiography for the st century,” the african world history project: the preliminary challenge, eds. jacob h. carruthers and leon c. harris (los angeles: ascac foundation, ), - . 	 examines the unbroken cultural relationship of african people as it relates to holistic health, despite numerous episodic challenges (e.g., the trans-atlantic slave trade, chattel slavery, de jure and de facto segregation—jim crow, inter alia) in the western hemisphere. the tradition of holistic health practices in african communities is not a recent or ephemeral occurrence. rather, these customs are linked to long-view genealogies of aggregate health traditions that date back to classical africa, as well as medieval and contemporary africa. while the conventions of alternative health, as practiced by african american health practitioners, are part of a larger continuum of an antecedent african holistic tradition, such iconoclastic activity, diametrically opposed to western medicine and its notions of health, is also a non-disruptive element of a longstanding self-help and self-reliance tradition as well as a maroon enterprise, in direct contrast with allopathic notions of health, thus making it an essential element of what african thinker cedric j. robinson calls the “black radical tradition.” 																																																													 “in short,” carruthers solidies his assertion that: “the concept of weheme mesu, or ‘the repeating the birth,’ is a concrete way of conceptualizing the african reaction to ‘interruptions’ in the african cultural stream by drawing upon the deep well of ancestral memory.” jacob h. carruthers, “appendix” african world history project: the preliminary challenge, eds. jacob h. carruthers and leon c. harris (los angeles: association for the study of classical african civilizations, ), . robinson contrived this locution to illustrate: ( ) the inborn nature of africans to preserve their cultural and political sensibilities; and ( ) the instinctual corollary response against european hostility over the past five centuries. couched in the intentions and sentiments anticipated by amen-m-hat’s initiative of whm msw during africa antiquity in the nile valley, robinson explicates the existential reality of the black radical tradition for africans in the contemporary era, stating: “in the twentieth century, when black radical thinkers had acquired new habits of thought in keeping, some of them supposed, with the new conditions of their people, their task eventually became the revelation of the older tradition. not surprisingly, they would discover it first in their history, and finally all around them.” cedric j. robinson, black marxism: the making of a black radical tradition (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), . see also, greg kimathi carr, “you don’t call the kittens biscuits’: disciplinary africana studies and the study of malcolm x” malcolm x: a historical reader eds. james l. conyers, jr. and andrew p. smallwood (durham: carolina academic press, ), - , “what black studies is not: moving from crisis to liberation in africana intellectual work” socialism and democracy vol. , no. (march, ), . the academic journal race and class dedicated a special issue to cedric robinson for his scholarly contribution in the area of, in the words of john ernest, “liberation historiography.” see 	 a close analysis of the contemporary ( to the present) african american customs of holistic health in the united states reveals a postliminary version linked to the historical continuity of ancient african healing practices that has not been attempted as of yet by any scholar. a review of various works (i.e. theses, dissertations, books, scholarly journals etc.) on african american alternative medicinal and healing practices promulgates virtually no consideration of the lineage of african american health practitioners or their theoretical ideas on health. this study is concerned more specifically with describing how contemporary health practitioners and advocates of holistic health have used medicinal models of the african past to inform their own cultural and socio-political proclivities to attend to the health needs of the african american families in the united states. to date, there are currently no scholarly written works that address the subject matter quite like the endeavor made in this dissertation. research questions by exploring the multitudinous facets of an african holistic health tradition, divergent from the standards of western conventional medicine, the following research questions will serve as a lens by which this dissertation is conducted: ( ) what is the explanatory value and curative efficacy of african holistic health and other alternative medicinal customs as a tenable model to improve the health conditions of africans in america? 																																																																																																																																																																																					 cedric robinson and the philosophy of black resistance ed., darryl c. thomas race and class vol. , no. (october-december ), - . 	 ( ) which historical events, societal conditions and central figures constitute the genealogy of an african holistic health tradition? ( ) what are the epistemological circumstances by which advocates and practitioners of holistic health embraced such alternative practices? ( ) what are the paradigmatic implications of african holistic health and other alternative healthcare services as it relates to the imperatives of conventional medicine? chapter summaries this dissertation is comprised of seven chapters. subsequent to the introduction, review of literature and methodology sections (chapters - ) of this dissertation, chapter four will provide a historical overview of classical african—particularly ancient nile valley culture—medicinal practices as an epistemological operational premise of extant holistic health practices. in addition, this section will explore the inherent african customary healing practices applied by africans displaced and held in bondage in the united states of america during the episodic disruption more commonly known as chattel slavery. chapter five addresses and defines the glaring dissimilarities between the methodologies and approaches of “scientific” or conventional medicine and holistic or alternative health medicinal practices in how they: address the health concerns of its patients and uphold theoretical assumptions about the cause and/or origin of disease. chapter six will trace the emergence of a contemporary coetaneous holistic health 	 movement, which was thrust forward in , at the height of the african liberation movement in the u.s, with the publication of how to eat to live by nation of islam leader elijah muhammad. this section will also highligh the irrefutable influence of the aforementioned written work upon the black community and address some of its polemic nutritional suppositions. chapter seven will explore the corpus of medicinal, intellectual and activist work produced by both african american health advocates and central figures of holistic health in the city of philadelphia and abroad, to include: zakiyyah ali, paul bohdise, zeola brown, nwenna kai, tehuti khamu, beverly medley, ron norwood, atiya ola sankofa, akosua ali-sabre, cheryl tyler, yahimba uruhu, and ethel wilson, to name a few. chapter eigth constitutes a concluding and brief note on lending some legitimacy to holistic health practices with the prognostication that if adhered to, african families could have substantial improvements in health. recommendations for implications for further study that are beyond the scope of this dissertation will also be provided. 	 definition of key terms acupuncture a hands-on method of therapy in alternative medicine that involves manipulating and pricking the skin with fine, slender needles on various regions of the human body. in the same manner that physicians of conventional medicine assess the flow of blood through blood vessels practitioners of this complementary form of medicine (i.e., acupuncturists) monitor the distribution and circulation of vital energy known as “meridians” within its perspective pathways. the overall aim of this holistic practice is to adjust the “meridians” so the appropriate amount of vital energy reaches its proper somatic location, thus allowing the body to heal itself and alleviate pain. aromatherapy the therapeutic use of plant-derived, aromatic essential oils to promote psychological and physical well-being. ayurvedic medicine an ancient indian non-invasive system of healing that utilizes mineral and herbal remedies, varied purification techniques, detoxification, massage therapy, meditation, deep breathing exercises and yoga as holistic healing approaches. in the sanskrit language, ayur means “life” or “living” and veda denotes “knowledge,” thus signifying the “knowledge of living.” akin to acupuncture, its objective is prevention as well as the promotion of the human body’s innate capacity for balance and self-maintenance. allopathy the primary western medical model and a biologically-based approach to healing in which the method of treating illnesses is by the use of prescription pharmaceutical drugs and surgical procedures with the intent to produce effects different from those of the illness or dis-ease. in this conventional method of treating illnesses spirituality is kept separate from health and healing matters and is particularly viewed as a “non-scientific” approach to health. 																																																													 the glossary of selected terms is provided to facilitate an understanding of various alternative medicinal practices and variant dietary lifestyles, some of which will be used throughout this study. the definitions within this glossary are independently defined by the writer based primarily on the proficiency and familiarity of the subject matter. 	 breatharian an individual who can live without eating food and primarily gets their nourishment from sunlight, air (the oxygen we breathe), water and occasionally from fruit and/or vegetable juices. breatharianism, the philosophy of advocates of this lifestyle, deem that the human body, when it is in perfect harmony with itself and nature, is at its best to self-heal, regenerate and rejuvenate. ethnomedicine the usage of disease remedies and the diagnosis of dis-ease symptoms based upon the biochemistry of a race. it is a system that applies both art and science to assist the body in the restoration of its health and well-being. it utilizes natural remedies to activate the immune system. primarily herbs are utilized to assist in the elimination, cleansing and detoxification of the human body. fruititarian a type of raw/live foodist whose eating lifestyle is limited to consuming only the parts of the plant that does not harm the plant. proponents of this standard of living primarily consume raw fruits; some fruititarians consider “fruits” to be any vegetable with a seed (e.g, cucumber, okra, squash, tomato, etc.) halal foods that are allowed and regulated under islamic dietary guidelines. in arabic, halal means permitted or lawful. according to the qur’an, muslims must refrain from eating: ( ) pork (and pork byproducts); ( ) animals that were dead prior to being slaughtered; and ( ) animals not bled prior to slaughter or prayed to in the name of allah. herbalism the knowledge, study and use of the medicinal properties of any plant or plant extract (i.e., herbs) for such purposes as medical treatment, nutritional value, food seasoning, or coloring and dyeing of other substances. the terms “herbal medicine,” “herbology,” and “botanical medicine” are used synonymously. holistic health an alternative medicinal practice that offers a safe, non-intrusive approach to treating and healing individuals as opposed to medicating the symptoms of illnesses or diseases and masking the underlying problems with prescription drugs or surgery. 	 homeopathy a form of alternative healthcare service that is perhaps closest to “scientific” conventional medicine than other holistic or alternative practices in that its focus on physical wellness and dis-ease it pays close attention to the biological aspects of health. this system of therapeutics, popularized by german physician samuel hahnemann in europe, is premised upon the theory that a large amount of a particular drug may cause symptoms of a dis-ease whereas moderate dosages may reduce such indicia. diluted remedies are prescribed to patients according to the axiom that “like cures like.” hydrotherapy a division of therapeutics that utilizes water in various capacities (e.g., spiritual bath, enema, colonic, colonic board, etc.) as a curative agent. iridology ital the study and practice that uses the ocular, more specifically the iris, to detect the severity of disorders or abnormalities within the body. ital food, which is derived from the phrase “vital food,” is associated with and approved by those individuals who adhere to the religious system of rastafarianism. the term “ital” indicates food that is clean, pure and natural. rastafarians adhere to a dietary lifestyle that excludes the use of excess salt, chemicals, alcohol, pharmaceuticals, all meat (including shellfish) save fish, and birds of prey (e.g., eagle, falcon, owl, pelican, stork, swan and vulture). kosher in observation of jewish dietary rules the only meats to be consumed are animals that: ( ) “chew the cud;” and ( ) have cloven hooves (e.g., cows, goats, lambs, sheep, springbok, and veal, etc.) if an animal satisfies only one of the criteria then individuals who adhere to kosher law must refrain from eating such meat. analogous to halal food decrees, and in accordance with the laws of the torah, before being slaughtered, it is compulsory the animal be: ( ) in good health; ( ) prayed over; and ( ) already deceased. after the ritual slaughtering of the animal, it is essential the animal be bled in conformity with 	 kosher law. in addition, the kosher eating regime adheres to food combination guidelines whereby dairy and meat cannot be eaten together. lacto vegetarian: vegetarians that do not consume meat (including seafood) but eat milk, cheese, and other dairy products (e.g., butter, margarine, etc.) but abstain from eating eggs. lacto-ovo vegetarian: vegetarians that eat cheese, milk and other dairy products but do not consume meat and seafood. macrobiotic: originating from japan, the tenets from this dietary lifestyle coalesce a western vegetarian eating regime with the principles of zen buddism (eastern). advocates of this dietary practice live by a philosophy of balance (i.e., yin and yang) and harmony with nature and prefer locally grown foods. yin foods are provisions that are sweet and cold (passive) while yang foods are salty and hot (aggressive). the basis for a macrobiotic diet includes: fruits, vegetables, plentiful whole grains (especially brown rice), legumes (i.e., beans), fermented non-animal protein (e.g., tempeh, tofu, inter alia), nuts, seeds and soups, to name a few. as part of their macrobiotic regimen proponents do not consume “nightshade” vegetables (e.g., green peppers, eggplant, potatoes, spinach and tomatoes), processed foods or refined sugar. naturopathy: a branch of alternative medicine that uses a system of therapeutics, which provides care for an individual in an inclusive manner, by which exercise, the eating lifestyle or diet and mental factors are integral to the prevention. instead of pharmaceutical drugs and surgery, various vitamins, minerals, herbs and nutritional supplements are used to treat and prevent illnesses and/or diseases ovo vegetarian: vegetarians that consume eggs but do not eat meat, seafood and dairy products. pescetarian: individuals whose consumption of food is chiefly seafood. 	 pescetarians also partake in dairy, eggs, fruits, vegetables, nuts, seeds and legumes, etc., but exclude the consumption of meat from their dietary lifestyle. raw/live foodist: a type of vegan whose standard of living embraces and promotes the consumption of uncooked, primarily organic, and unprocessed foods. advocates of this dietary lifestyle promote the fact that all living things have enzymes—proteins that aid in the digestion and assimilation of vital minerals and nutrients. raw/live foodists maintain that the greater percentage of “live” or raw food consumption by an individual, the more optimal the health, thus slowing the aging process and preventing illness and dis-ease. the eating regime of this lifestyle includes mostly raw fruits and vegetables as well as sprouted: ( ) nuts; ( ) seeds; and ( ) whole grains. reflexology: an alternative medicinal practice which applies pressure to the hands and feet of an individual by utilizing specific techniques without the use of emollients (i.e., oil, lotion, etc.). it is based on a system of corporeal regions that reflect an image of the human body with a premise that such work effects physical change in the body. reiki an alternative healing practice developed in japan by mikao usui. this therapeutic technique principally administers therapy by the use of hands in order to bring the human body into harmony, eliminate imbalance and alleviate emotional and physical blockages. the term is derived from a japanese word adherents of this healing art form uphold that all individuals are born with reiki, considered to be the energy of life itself, and it is this energy that emanates from the hands of the reiki practitioner. unlike how other forms of knowledge are taught, reiki is unorthodox in the sense that it professes instruction is transmitted by touch and meditation of the reiki master to the apprentice. therapeutics a branch of medicine concerned essentially with the curative treatment of illnesses and dis-eases. 	 vegan individuals whose eating regime (i.e., dietary practice) excludes all red meat, poultry, pork, seafood, eggs, dairy products (e.g., cheese, animal milk) and animal byproducts. strict vegans do not consume honey and avoid the use of non-food products derived from animals, such as leather, wool and fur as well as all products tested on animals. vegetarian individuals that do not consume meat (including seafood) but eat eggs, cheese, milk and other dairy products. 	 chapter : review of selected literature when the core of a body is oppressed, destroyed, polluted, corrupted, or raped, be it biological, societal, institutional or national, the body that envelopes it is itself dead. the path that leads towards it...is also wiped out. people become helpless. they lose their self-healing power and their order-giver stimulus. in this situation the body cannot be healed unless the “primitive” state of the core is restored. to do so is a process of cleansing its core, i.e., “depolluting” it. in other words it is learning the techniques of the curative “garbology” [kinzudi kiandiakisina] which is a process of digging out the junk that prevents access to the core of the inner power. few contemporary african scholars have written about ancient egyptian medicinal practices. as a result, research on this specific topic, from an african- centered perspective, is minimal in scope. still, among those written works produced by the african intelligentsia the most essential on the subject matter is the work of congolese linguistic savant théophile obenga. although a majority of obenga’s prodigious intellectual output is published in a language other than english (i.e., french), some of his key texts have been translated and made available to english reading audiences. once the protégé of the late iconoclast cheikh anta diop, obenga, a distinguished egyptologist, historian and linguist, wrote in , la philosophie africaine de la période pharaonique, – avante notre ère, which was later translated by ayi kwei armah in with the english title, african philosophy. in his 																																																													 kimbwandende kia bunseki fu-kiau, african cosmology of the bantu-kôngo: principles of life & living (brooklyn, ny: athelia henrietta press, ), . see theophile obenga, ancient egypt & black africa: a student’s handbook for the study of ancient egypt in philosophy, linguistics & gender relations (london: karnak house, ), readings in precolonial central africa: texts and documents (london: karnak house, ), and african philosophy in world history (princeton, nj: sungai, ). 	 seldom-referenced and influential tract, obenga chronologically focuses on the pharaonic periods in kemet and underscores various phenomena indistinguishably linked with the extensive history of african thought: (a) astronomy; (b) cosmology (i.e., study of the origin and development of the universe); (c) language; (d) mathematics; (e) morality; and (f) ontology (i.e., the study of the nature of being). in chapter nine of text, entitled, “medicine,” obenga explores the ancient egyptian practices of medicine and places emphasis on the circulatory system of the human body, through the examination of one of the oldest medical documents in world history: the papyrus ebers. of the one hundred and ten page medical treatise, obenga provides his own transliteration and translation of the kemetic script. notwithstanding its philological and lexicographical difficulties, obenga’s thorough knowledge and command of the classical african language affords him the facility to decipher: ) the section of ancient text that is physiological in nature which describes the action of the human heart (ib in medew netcher) and its relation to complementary blood vessels; and ) ancient egyptian medical terminology describing for the most part anatomical and symptomatic features. in adulation of his adeptness with language translation, ayi kwei armah ( ) writes that obenga has “a rare ability to identify practical areas in which the new knowledge could revolutionize african studies, and to state his information in clear, lucid language. furthermore, obenga purports that the papyrus ebers—particularly the segment on physiology—explains the foundational concept of holistic health in the sense that it 																																																													 ayi kwei armah, the eloquence of the scribes: a memoir on the sources and resources of african literature (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ), . 	 illustrates the symbiotic relationship between the heart and the rest of the body. in this vein, he explains that the medical worldview of the kemites “w[ere] the ‘anthropological’ aspect, that quality thanks to which the body and mind, illness and tradition, individual and society were all interconnected within a holistic healing context.” in the same year as obenga’s initial publication of the aforementioned text african (american) physician charles s. finch also recognizes the historical value of kemetic medicine. in african background to medical science ( ), finch produced a compilation of seven essays, which span numerous areas of inquiry, to include: african historiography, religion and science. among the expositions that comprise the text, three of them concentrate on ancient egyptian medicine, with the author’s intent to express “the origin and evolution of healing as a special skill long antedates other important human interventions such as agriculture and animal domestication and might well deserve consideration as the oldest profession.” the practice of medicine, according to finch, was already a fully established science in the nile valley, which preceded the founding of the dynastic periods in kemet. as a nation revered for its innumerable contributions to western civilization, finch values especially the approach to medicine in ancient egypt, acknowledging it foundationally as “a mature, well-validated system of medicine, containing a systematic pathology, a completely-formulated pharmacopeia, a formal knowledge of anatomy and physiology, a large medical literature, a well-defined 																																																													 théophile obenga, african philosophy, the pharaonic period: – bc (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ), . charles s. finch, the african background to medical science (london: karnak house, ), . 	 medical teaching curriculum, and a skill in surgery and trauma that is hardly unmatched outside africa until our own time.” albeit his methodological pursuit to highlight the classical african (i.e., nile valley) contribution to orthodox medicine finch fails to mention, conceivably because of his own medical training in the western academy, the extensive knowledge and expertise among kemetic medical practitioners to utilize plant and herbal extracts as a therapeutic strategy to prevent illnesses and treat diseases. in the third chapter of his tome, finch, a physician in his own right, examines the life and accomplishments of imhotep, considered by most to be the first african physician to standout in antiquity. in short, finch provides: ) a brief biographical sketch of imhotep’s life; ) a detailed account of the various ways in which imhotep is venerated (i.e., as a vizier, physician, architect, sage as well as his deification posthumously); and ) an analysis regarding the social context in which imhotep’s work was accomplished. other scholars whose research agendas are not sympathetic to the africana intellectual project have too acknowledged the salient dynamics of medicinal practices in classical africa. one of the earliest commentaries and most widely-cited examples regarding the materia medica in kemet was provided over eight decades ago. in ancient egyptian medicine: papyrus ebers, cyril p. bryan provided the first english translation of the historic medical treatise—deemed the most ancient, lengthiest and most often- referenced and medical tract of african antiquity. for the ancient african medical document that bears the namesake of the german egyptologist (i.e., georg ebers) who appropriated it in , bryan discloses that a lion’s share of the papyrus ebers is 																																																													 ibid., . 	 primarily devoted to herbal, plant and mineral curative formulae established to address innumerable diseases. on the contrary, surgical inferences are scantily advocated throughout the ancient medical text, contends bryan, lending credence that many of the therapeutic measures adopted in african antiquity were not simply drugs, in the modern sense of the word, but were the foundations of holistic health customs par excellence, wholeheartedly embraced in contemporary society. the theoretical limitation with bryan’s work is his explanation, based on a european worldview, of certain elements of ancient egyptian medicine as “magic.” in the nile valley, healing was accomplished through a combination of spiritual and physiological practices. to be sure, classical african medical traditions were reinforced by the societal norms of harmony and the interconnectedness of the physical and spiritual world. the upshot: kemetic medical papyri include both incantations, which highlights the power of the spoken word and tangible considered “scientific” remedies, with the understanding, as diop puts it, that “in order for the magical formula to be effective, it had to be supplemented with a drug.” in a word, the coalescing of ritual (what the west deems as “magic”) and “physical treatment was to become a persistent characteristic of african medical traditions.” in over a quarter century posterior to bryan’s work, john f. nunn provides a similar but more well-developed and neoteric theoretical assessment of the therapeutic customs and medical canons produced within ancient nile valley culture. in his medical tome, ancient egyptian medicine ( ), nunn provides in detail the geographical 																																																													 cheikh anta diop, civilization or barbarism: an authentic anthropology (brooklyn, ny: lawrence hill, ), . clovis e. semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism: a theory of african-american health (westport, ct: praeger publishers, ), . 	 landscape of kemet to convey the unique environment in which ancient egyptian medicine evolved in the nile valley. due to the “favorable climate and geography,” nunn insists, “food production was never a major problem in [ancient] egypt provided that the inundation of the nile occurred each year and the population did not exceed the capacity of the available land.” as a result, copious amounts of fruits, vegetables, spices and herbs (e.g., dates, figs, olives, melons, garlic, celery, onion, radishes, cinnamon, coriander, cumin, safflower, thyme, to name a few) were cultivated, most of which were used, excluding its sustenance value, for therapeutic purposes. unlike his european contemporaries’ discourse on a singular ancient egyptian medical text, nunn dedicates an entire chapter of his book to a detailed assessment, including the diagnosis, prognosis and treatment of not one, but ten noteworthy medical papyri: ( ) the berlin papyrus; ( ) the brooklyn papyrus; ( ) the carlsberg viii papyrus; ( ) the chester beatty papyri; ( ) the ebers papyrus; ( ) the edwin smith papyrus; ( ) the hearst papyrus; ( ) the kahun gynecological papyrus; ( ) the london medical papyrus; and ( ) the ramesseum papyrus—all stolen and co-opted by europeans but nevertheless indigenous to kemet. also central to this work is the author’s recognition of both celebrated and less familiar kemetic physicians (swnw(t)). in the chapter, entitled “the healers,” nunn, in an effort to present “insight into the medical profession in pharaonic times…from different social strata,” outlines various specialized branches of medicine practiced in 																																																													 john f. nunn, ancient egyptian medicine (norman: university of oklahoma press, ), - . ibid., - . ibid., . 	 dynastic kemet as well as specialized hierarchal titles bestowed upon medical doctors of distinction, ranging chronologically from the old kingdom (third to the sixth dynasty) to the late period (twenty-sixth to the thirty-first dynasty). also vital within the text is nunn’s incorporation of a thorough appendix comprised of— a conventional chronology of pharaonic egypt, a comprehensive tabulation of notable kemetic physicians who practiced throughout the thirty-two dynastic periods in the nile valley, and the alleviative attributes (e.g., antiseptic, diuretic, antibiotic, purgative, etc.) of an assortment of herbal extracts and spices. among the works produced by european scholars on classical african healing practices, the work of paul ghalioungui is inimitable and deserves notice. originally published in , ghalioungui’s groundbreaking treatise, the house of life, per ankh provides an expansive assessment of the systemized ancient egyptian medical system in ways that are uncharted in comparison to other works written in english on the subject matter. ghalioungui’s attention to detail to infrequent matters of discourse in ancient egyptian medicine is commendable. his special attention paid to surgical instruments utilized by the kemetic custodians of health and the specific clinical descriptions associated with the usage of such medical devices is too creditable. to unveil the intrinsic link in kemet between governance and the practice of medicine, ghalioungui cites the ceremonies of the “heb-sed,” a royal jubilee, which in this instance is honoring both “per-uah” aha (narmer) and djer of the first dynasty. this observation by the author is critical, for in his analysis of the decipherment of two slabs, which narrate this 																																																													 paul ghalioungui, the house of life, per ankh: magical and medical science in ancient egypt (amsterdam: b.m. israel, ), . 	 royal kemetic celebration, it is posited by ghalioungui that a tracheotomy is symbolically being performed on a suffocating captive to represent the need “to give a new lease of life to the old king and, by identification, to the country.” simply put, the two tablets, which are iconographic representations to this splendid ritual of nationalism, reveals, “a magical ceremony destined to re-insufflate by tracheotomy a new breath of life to the old king, and through him to the sick land, represented by a suffocating man.” among the most relevant studies to this investigation are the works produced by sociologist clovis e. semmes, medical anthropologist eric j. bailey and naturopathic physician llaila olela afrika. semmes’ methodology for locating the genealogical strains of holistic health by using african culture as the interpretive framework is useful. in racism, health, and post-industrialism ( ), semmes argues, as do i, that the uses of botanical substances—herbs, plants and spices—as therapeutic tools originated, not in greece, but in the nile valley, and in spite of the numerous episodic and cultural disruptions (i.e., the trans-atlantic slave trade, chattel slavery, colonialism and social proscription) experienced by africans, such a holistic tradition has up to this point remained intact, offering value to an unbroken transmillenial and intergenerational transmission of knowledge. according to semmes, “african medical traditions have evolved with a tremendous continuity of structure despite extensive diffusion and a changing social context over time,” and equally important “[t]he centerpiece of this continuity of structure is the underlying persistence of a view of reality that links spiritual 																																																													 ibid., . ibid. 	 and physical dimensions and a naturalistic orientation.” as the title of his intriguing text suggests, semmes observes that, presently, all elements of white supremacy (i.e., individual racism, cultural racism and institutional racism) adversely affect african american life, with health being no exception to the rule. accordingly, semmes opines that blacks embrace alternative health measures to ameliorate the morbid health conditions prevalent in african communities; an emancipatory initiative the author sees as a viable and much-needed option to break away from the fetters and dominance of western medicine. on this very idea, semmes writes: alternative medicine typically maintains an expanded view regarding the basis of health, the etiology of disease, and the value of various therapeutic options. moreover, within this category of health care, we find the roots of people-based movements to reform the limitations, harmful features, and cultural dominance of orthodox medicine. the reform of orthodox medicine has far-reaching social implications since the development of western medical dominance carries with it connections to patterns of class, race, and gender exploitation. in essence, semmes considers african people’s mounting distrust of conventional medicine as normative thereby initiating a movement towards nonconforming holistic health practices in response to perceived deficiencies in medical treatments offered by mainstream medicine. such a movement, argues semmes, is grounded in what he considers the african “folk medicine” tradition of the antebellum period but later gained considerable momentum during the black liberation movements (e.g. civil rights, black arts and black power) of the late s to the s in america; a time period in which the author himself was intrigued by and introduced to alternative health care practices that attempted, through natural measures, to thwart all aspects of medical 																																																													 					 clovis e. semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism, . ibid., . 	 oppression. semmes’ earlier research, which is subsumed in racism, health and post- industrial as the entitled chapter, “an extended look at alternative african-american health care practices,” is one of the first investigative studies to explore the foundations of and reasons as to why africans in america have embraced holistic health practices. after his own introduction to the therapeutic usages of alternative medicine, semmes conducted a six-year study, spanning two decades— s and s. in conducting this study, semmes spent less literary energy exploring the dynamics of specific contemporary holistic health modalities and more on the intervals by which africans use those holistic measures to treat illnesses. from the conclusive results of his study semmes found that many of his interviewees remained consistent users of various natural health care remedies (i.e., herbs, vitamins, minerals, yoga, meditation, massage therapy, inter alia), however, only a small number became disillusioned with and/or displayed ambivalence toward alternative medicine due to a number of reasons: ) the disciplined nature of food consumption required of a holistic health lifestyle; ) the alternative medical costs were not covered by most health insurance companies; and ) the application of holistic health care did not render the desired results swift enough. given that few studies have identified the foundations of this phenomenon in the black community, semmes’ work is a step in the right direction to address this lacunae and 																																																													 see clovis e. semmes, “nonmedical illness behavior: a model of patients who seek alternatives to allopathic medicine,” journal of manipulative and physiological therapeutics (october ), - ; “when medicine fails: making the decision to seek natural health care,” national journal of sociology (fall ), - ; and “developing trust: patient-practitioner encounters in natural health care,” journal of contemporary ethnography (january ), - . semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism, - . 	 empirical void. akin to semmes’ ideological estimation of the holistic health tradition espoused by african descendants is the work eric j. bailey. his exceptional piece, african american alternative medicine: using alternative medicine to prevent and control chronic diseases offers a historical perspective of the uses of alternative medicine within the black community and illustrates how such usage is an intrinsic part of africana culture. given the evidence of a racial binary system (of black and white) in the united states, bailey explores the distinction between the alterative medical systems employed by mainstream america and the holistic health practices utilized most by african americans. according to bailey’s research, the most frequently used alternative and complementary medical therapies among mainstream america are: acupuncture, ayurvedic medicine, chiropractic therapy, herbal medicine, homeopathy and naturopathy. on the other hand, studies show that the self-care strategy of home remedies is the most frequently used natural therapeutics among blacks, with a preference for herbs, particularly through the preparation of infused teas. based off the utilization of various case studies, bailey reserves the fourth section of african american alternative medicine (i.e., chapters six to ten) to examining the diseases found most prevalent among african descendants as well as the alternative medical treatments used to alleviate such maladies in order to determine whether the latter was effective. among them, cancer, cerebrovascular accident (stroke), diabetes and 																																																													 eric j. bailey, african american alternative medicine: using alternative medicine to prevent and control chronic diseases (wesport, ct: bergin & garvey, ), - . ibid., , . 	 hypertension (high blood pressure) were revealed as widespread physiological ailments in the african community, and while the nonconventional curative methods for each disease varied, the most common to reduce its ill-effects was a controlled dietary approach with a high intake of fruits and vegetables. from a pedagogical standpoint, what is especially useful about bailey’s work is the inclusion of “critical thinking questions” at the beginning of each chapter accompanied with “post-evaluation questions” concluding each unit; an addition which provokes stimulating discourse about the often neglected topics of the contemporary uses of alternative medicine by african americans. regarded as one of the most knowledgeable and unreticent african holistic practitioners to date, llaila afrika’s unapologetic, african-centered approach is the most extensive discourse on holistic health and deserves mention. in his revolutionary tome, nutricide ( ), afrika offers intrepid sagacity into holistic health and trusts africans could use nutrition as a liberation tool. for both the lay and professional of alternative medicine, the text provides: (a) the historical impact of nutritional deficiencies on the body and psyche of both africans and europeans; (b) an eye-opening and prodigious analysis of the economics of food manipulation; and (c) controversial particulars on how the united states benefit from african american’s naiveté about nutritionally-deficient foods and poor nutrition and its debilitating impact on misdiagnosed emotional disturbances of african children, sexual deviancy and mental illness. with his expertise as a historical researcher, certified naturopath, acupuncturist, medical astrologist and psychotherapist, afrika also unveils in nutricide the dissimilarities in traditional dietary 																																																													 ibid., - , , , - . 	 habits between european and african cultures and the negative impact it has on africans when they adopt an eating regime unsuitable and antagonistic to their physical anatomy. gleaning information from the landmark article “the food gap, poverty and malnutrition in the united states,” afrika attests that the nutritional persecution of africans americans continues today by policies initiated by federal government. in this regard, he maintains: “disease and death are a by product of poor nutrition and a caucasian weapon designed to commit nutricide against africans. allowing africans ethno-nutritional natural foods diet is in no way a part of the government’s design or purpose for africans.” in the same vein, afrika feels it is illusionary for african people, regardless of their geographical location, to nutritionally rely upon denatured, highly refined foods and synthetically manufactured allopathic “medicines” to achieve optimal health. forthrightly, afrika is convinced that america, institutionally-driven by the foundations of european culture, is exploitative in nature and reinforces nutritional mis-education as a means to create undesirable conditions for africans and maintain a hegemonic stance in society. afrika advances the discourse towards a more developed, inclusive understanding of the holistic health tradition in the african community with the publication of his magnum opus, the pioneering tract, african holistic health ( ). this extensively researched and monumental piece is encyclopedic in nature and is one of the first major treatises to comprehensively address health issues with exclusively african people in 																																																													 					 see “the food gap: poverty and malnutrition in the united states; interim report together with supplemental, additional, and individual views” (washington, d.c.: government printing office ). llaila o. afrika, nutricide: the nutritional destruction of the black race (brooklyn, ny: a&b publishers group, ), . 	 mind. while nutricide more sharply criticizes or indicts european culture, the content in african holistic health is more therapeutic and remedy-based. in a well-organized manner, afrika offers an array of therapeutic solutions intended to naturally cure most diseases and undo the historic miscarriage of justice allopathic medicine has imposed on those in need of its services. especially informative in african holistic health is the section entitled, “what’s eating you?” afrika highlights, in this segment, the damaging effects, various beef (products), butter, cheese, chewing gum, cow’s milk, hot dogs, ice cream, peanut butter, poultry, pork, etc. has on the body due to the hazardous procedures by which they are manufactured by corporate-controlled food industries and surreptitiously authorized by the u.s. department of agriculture. in his investigation of how these foodstuffs are engineered, afrika found that “[c]ommerical foods have an abundance of toxic, poisonous, synthetic chemicals, hormones, and antibiotics, steroids, terminator code (block nutrient absorption) additives, preservatives and coloring which destroy and deteriorate the human body and are addicting,” which in turn “makes the consumer a junk food addict that constantly spends money on food so that the junk food industry can constantly make money (profit).” in all, african holistic health serves as a “how to” guide for the african world community and those blacks who wish to alter their dependency of western medicine and/to employ therapeutic techniques of self-healing, primarily based on the use of herbs, minerals, vitamins and a dietary lifestyle devoid of meat, dairy, eggs and refined foods. 																																																													 llaila o. afrika, african holistic health (brooklyn, ny: a&b publishers group, ), . 	 other than the tracts written about the holistic health practices, within the academy, there are numerous scholarly treatises from various disciplines that address the import of alternative medicinal practices. in , katherine kemi bankole’s temple university department of african american studies dissertation, entitled, “an afrocentric analysis of enslavement and medicine in the southeastern parishes of antebellum louisiana” provides an overview of the historical field of slavery and medicine. through the means of cultural continuity affixed to a resolute african worldview, bankole avows that, “[e]nslaved africans in the southeastern parishes of antebellum louisiana retained a significant africanism in their medical universe which was the sustained pursuit of holistic healing.” with a geographical focus solely on one state in the deep south, bankole examines: ( ) the brutalities of chattel slavery as an upshot for the constant need for enslaved africans to receive medical care; ( ) the various diseases attributed in a slipshod manner onto enslaved africans by pseudo-scientific theories that emerged in the mid- th century, such as “cachexia africana,” “negro consumption” (aka struma africana and/or negro poison), “drapetomania,” and “dysaesthesia aethopica;” and ( ) the historiography of medicine, paying particular attention to the agency of enslaved africans with their cogent and driven participation in, and development of medicine in the united states. bankole’s study, simply put, is a repudiation of the dominant consensus and discourse among eurocentric and hegemonic scholars that enslaved african’s curative 																																																													 katherine kemi bankole, “an afrocentric analysis of enslavement and medicine in the southeastern parishes of antebellum louisiana” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ), iv-v. ibid., - . 	 efforts in the uses of botanical substances, during the antebellum period, were non- contributory to the field of medicine. albeit beyond the geographical scope of this study, there are treatises produced outside of the united states that are analogous to this research. in her graduate thesis, “case not closed: defending and making room for holistic medicine,” written in , from the department of philosophy at dalhousie university in halifax, nova scotia, ghanian scholar adwoa konadu buahene offers much insight as to the efficacy of holistic medicine in providing adequate healthcare to those in need as well as being a preventive measure to eradicate illnesses. buahene’s study provides a comparative analysis of both holistic medicine and conventional medicine and juxtaposes the theoretical foundations upon which they both stand. with the prevalence of alternative medical services—that render compelling results and evidence—now available in contemporary society, buahene questions the dominant claims made by medical regulatory bodies that orthodox medicine is the most effective method of addressing health concerns. buahene dedicates an entire chapter of her thesis to a particular holistic health practice – homeopathy, perhaps the closest to conventional medicine than other alternative health practice. throughout this section, buahene explicates in detail: homeopathy’s foundational implications, the value and inexpensiveness of its remedies compared to pharmaceutical drugs, and how homeopathy varies from “scientific medicine” in its theory about the nature of health as well as its approach to treat and prevent dis-eases. buahene does attest to the fact that homeopaths themselves concede 	 that homeopathy cannot stand alone as the only form of medicine offered but contends the holistic approach to healing should serve as a complementary element in the overall dominant health care system. acknowledgement of the legitimacy of alternative medicine is a significant theme throughout this thesis, however, the recognition of other effective holistic health practices was given only slight attention and falls shorts in this regard. kristianne dechant, in her graduate thesis, from the department of sociology at the university of alberta, took a more nuanced approach to holistic health. in “linking fitness and holistic medicine: using growth models to correlate adult canadians’ individual physical activity and use of holistic medicine” dechant establishes a nexus between fitness culture and holistic medicine and argues that the usage of the latter encourages an individual to engage in physical activity beneficial to the body (e.g., weight training, cardio-vascular and low-impact exercises, calisthenics, inter alia) and vice versa. notwithstanding the haphazard agglomeration of holistic health modalities by conventional medical authorities, dechant provides several iconic categories of holistic medicine to exhibit its distinctiveness: ) a modification of one’s lifestyle; ) bio-electromagnetics, or the study of the interaction between biological entities and electromagnetic energy fields; ) botanical medicine, or the use of herbs; ) manipulative corporeal practices, such as acupressure therapy, massage therapy and osteopathy; ) cognitive-somatic techniques, such as meditation and hypnotherapy; and ) various therapeutic systems, such as homeopathy, naturopathy, ayurveda, etc. the findings of her study reveal that the use of holistic medicine in canada is in no way homogenous, in the sense that females and young adults disproportionately tend to 	 embrace alternative medicinal practices over males and the middle-aged. contrary to dechant’s research, according to the study conducted by eisenberg, et al ( ), in the united states, non-african persons with relatively more education and higher incomes have a predilection to more frequently use holistic health practices. overall, dechant’s quantitative research divulges that in canada, patients employ conventional medicine and holistic health practices concomitantly rather than as surrogate health strategies, an integrative approach she anticipates to come to fruition in health care systems in the foreseeable future. in echoing dechant’s ambition to see the integration of alternative medicine and biomedicine, beatriz miyar’s research discloses that such practices were customary in cuba as far back as the nineteenth century. in her florida state university department of education dissertation, entitled, “continuing education in cuban healthcare: holistic medicine and flower essence therapy” she writes that “natural and traditional medicine was present in cuba since early times in the form of herbal medicine, hydro-mineral therapy, and traditional medicine,” and subsequently, north korean, chinese and vietnamese medical practitioners introduced herbal medicine into the cuban healthcare system in the s. similarly, in the midst of the u.s. trade embargo, miyar affirms that in the s numerous cuban medical professionals became disillusioned with the ineptness of western medicine, and by way of their association with holistic physicians from allied countries, they studied and incorporated homeopathy, 																																																													 david m. eisenberg, ronald c. kessler, cindy foster, frances e. norlock, david r. calkins, and thomas l. delbanco, “unconventional medicine in the united states: prevalence, costs, and patterns of use,” the new england journal of medicine, vol. , no. (january , ), . beatriz m. miyar, “continuing education in cuban healthcare: holistic medicine and flower essence therapy” (ph.d. dissertation, florida state university, ), - .	 	 flower essence therapy, and other holistic health procedures into their therapeutic practices. as a result of this coalescing of allopathic and alternative medicine miyar maintains that presently the entire medical system in cuba is undergoing a major change to incorporate holistic health practices into mainstream medicine. principally, the focus of her dissertation is twofold: ) it traces the development of orthodox medicine and alternative medical practices within the historical context cuba’s unified national healthcare system; and ) it examines the continuing education processes of cuban medical professionals and the methods by which holistic medicine is infused into that form of instruction. all in all, miyar’s study highlights how cuban physicians, previously trained in western medicine, mustered the courage to overcome the conceptual obstacles inherited from their prior education to embrace the alternate comprehension of medical issues. kwasi konadu’s howard university department of african studies dissertation, “concepts of medicine as interpreted by akan healers and indigenous knowledge archives among the bono-takyiman of ghana, west africa: a case study” comparatively investigates an assortment of akan knowledge systems—adinkra symbolism, oral history, proverbs, etc.—amid the therapeutic philosophy of indigenous healers to ascertain how the latter envisions medicine and the etiology (the origin or cause) of diseases. the research approach of this dissertation is notable in the sense that it utilizes numerous investigative methods, (i.e., close readings, archival research, medicinal sampling, linguistic analysis and personal interviews) in order to gain a better understanding of the bono-takyiman therapeutic system and the healing practices 	 employed in akan society. konadu’s study provides a cursory overview of the general characteristics of the bono (the indigenous people of the takyiman region of ghana) but more thoroughly examines the inextricable link between the mundane and intangible by providing a conceptual framework for the cosmological worldview of the bono. for konadu, “it is necessary to delineate, in descriptive terms, the bono (akan) cosmology because this body of thought directly relates to the specialists of the bono-takyiman therapeutic system, who, by design, can also be considered specialists of the cultural and spiritual systems.” konadu’s treatise focuses primarily on three specific categories of healers within the bono-takyiman medical system: ( ) the odunsini—individuals who use herbal medicines to combat illnesses or treat dis-eases; ( ) the okomfoo— a gender-neutral role in which either a female or male practitioner is conversant in the arts of divination; and ( ) the obosomfoo—a gender specific role (that also assumes the duties and reponsibilities of an odunsini and an okomfoo) that is inherited matrilineally in which only a male can hold the position. derived from his in-depth interviews in africa, konadu discovered the various ways and diversified meanings indigenous healers of the bono-takyiman region classified the concept of medicine. among the bono, the universal term for medicine is aduro, a term derived from the twi language. moreover, konadu proclaims that aduro is a multi-layered designation, more abstract in its expression and not ascribed solely to 																																																													 kwasi bodua konadu, “concepts of medicine as interpreted by akan healers and indigenous knowledge archives among the bono-takyiman of ghana, west africa: a case study” (ph.d. dissertation, howard university, ), . 	 medicinal herbs. in this regard, the intricate definitions of aduro include: ) root medicine; ) ahaban, the twi word for “herb” or “leaf;” ) bene, meaning “cooked” or prepared medicinally in twi; ) medicinal plants; ) an individual who is spiritually “cooked” or prepared to perform medicinal practices; and ) anything that is used to avert or treat illnesses. contrary to substances that heal body, konadu affirms, through his correspondence with an bono odunsini (herbal practitioner), that there are four general classifications of diseases: ) those that imperil the existence of life in the body; ) those which disfigure the body; ) those that cause adverse psychological affects; and ) those that are transmittable. also, within the bono-takyiman therapeutic system, konadu acknowledges that there exists more wide-ranging and imbricating categories for diseases, to include: (a) homhom, or diseases evolved from unidentified spirits; (b) oman yareɛ, or diseases derived from delinquent acts; (c) sumsum yareɛ, or diseases at the spiritual level; (d) bayie yareɛ, or “withcraft” diseases; (e) aduto, or sexually-transmitted diseases; (f) abode yareɛ, diseases caused by the environment (e.g., insects, unclean water, etc.); (g) nka no kwa yareɛ, the presence of a disease without any perceivable cause; (h) profanity; (i) mmoa, bacteria or germs; and (j) aduane yareɛ, diseases that are derived from the consumption of alcohol or contaminated foods. 																																																													 ibid., . ibid., - . ibid., . 	 chapter : research approach this dissertation will serve as a contribution to africana studies as it seeks to utilize an african-centered perspective to examine holistic health practices and outline the methodological and conjectural basis of a research paradigm. its aim is to develop a historical genealogy of an africana holistic health and advance the notion that relatively specific natural health care practices, which date as far back as ancient africa, were still in operation during chattel slavery and continues in existing communities in the united states in populations where africans americans are predominant. the writer is well aware that conducting research on africana holistic health traditions are polemical, particularly within the academy, given the hegemonic posture of the teachings of “scientific” or conventional medicine as well as the fact that most of the alternative health care practitioners and advocates being examined in this study are non-academicians who reside within predominately african communities in the united states. just the same, there are some physicians of orthodox medicine who would rather see holistic health practices and alternative health care, especially those espoused by blacks, be done away with, or to a lesser degree, be subsumed under the cannon of western medicine. for these reasons, this dissertation will address these socio-historical lacunae and examine the 	 holistic health care practices of african people and the alternative health care they provide beyond the limited conceptual scope placed on it by academe and the governing regulatory professional bodies of mainstream medicine. representative scholars of africana studies have found value in explicating the distinction of africana studies from traditional academic disciplines in creating knowledge production. given the inflexible nature the academy has “in opening space for research methodologies informed by african worldviews,” greg carr is convinced that dissertations produced in africana studies must both articulate and operationalize an african-centered paradigm in order to “meet the dual challenge of explaining the source of its techniques while simultaneously applying and adjusting that technique in the pursuit of a research question.” in this regard, the following inquiry will serve as an exegetical lens by which this study will be conducted: given their socioeconomic conditions and medical circumstances, in what ways have african people utilized naturalistic therapeutic techniques and dietary practices to address their health needs? james b. stewart, in his scholarly piece, “the legacy of w.e.b. du bois for contemporary black studies,” has identified a triumvirate of crucial determinants that make the paradigmatic process for africana studies more intricate and unmistakably different from other academic disciplines. they include the following: ( ) the interdisciplinary essence of africana studies; ( ) the nexus of scholarship and praxis to 																																																													 bagele chilisa, indigenous research methodologies (thousand oaks, ca: sage publications, inc., ), . carr, “african philosophy of history in the contemporary era,” . 	 bring about social change in the black community; and ( ) the inclination to assume that the origins of africana studies begins with its official institutionalization into the academy in the late s rather than identify with its long view and/or genealogical memory (i.e., history) of african thought processes and intellectual work. terry kershaw has avowed that knowledge produced in institutions of higher learning, regardless of the discipline, is usually culturally specific and is generated, first and foremost, to serve a particular ideological perspective or philosophical worldview. this being the case, he persuasively argues that research being conducted within the discipline of africana studies should be inclusive of community and centered around the life experiences of african people. this analysis represents another scholarly perspective, and to further clarify, kershaw has written: the basis of any type of knowledge generated within the paradigm of black studies must be rooted in an interpretation of ‘social’ conditions by people of african descent which will direct the researcher to areas of study. therefore, afrocentric scholars must constantly engage in dialogue with the non-academic black community because the focus of any research undertaken by afrocentric scholars must be an extension of the group’s understandings in order to help in the self-empowerment of the group. for the purposes of this dissertation, kershaw’s articulation is instructive in the sense that the research being conducted on holistic or alternative health practices will rely heavily 																																																													 james b. stewart, “the legacy of w.e.b. du bois for contemporary black studies” the journal of negro education vol. , no. (summer, ), - . see also greg carr, “what black studies is not: moving from crisis to liberation in africana intellectual work” socialism and democracy, vol. , no. (march ), - , “towards an intellectual history of africana studies: genealogy and normative theory” the african american studies reader, ed., nathaniel norment, jr. (durham: carolina academic press, ), - , and “inscribing african world history: intergenerational repition and improvisation of ancestral instructions” african world history project, volume : african historiography eds. asa g. hilliard iii, greg e. kimathi carr and mario beatty (atlanta: association for the study of classical african civilizations, forthcoming), - . terry kershaw, “afrocentrism and the afrocentric method,” the western journal of black studies vol. , no. (fall ), . ibid., . 	 on the expertise, advocacy and experiences of african community members. within the field of medicine, there are numerous theories that attempt to explain the causation of dis-ease(s). of the various theoretical views and methodological approaches in circulation, the triage theory of aging appears to be the most sensible, as it relates to this study. this medical ideological stance, advanced by joyce mccann and bruce ames, is based on the concept that all physical maladies, illnesses and/or diseases that manifest in the body come primarily from the deficiency or absence of essential minerals. as their latest article on the triage theory of aging explains: when the dietary availability of a [vitamin and/or mineral] is moderately inadequate, nature ensures that [vitamin and/or mineral]-dependent functions that are essential from an evolutionary perspective (i.e., required for short-term survival and/or reproduction) are protected at the expense of those that are less essential (i.e., whose lack does not have acute short-term negative consequences but may have long-term insidious effects that increase risk of diseases associated with aging). the triage theory does not imply that any particular [vitamin and/or mineral] deficiency is the only cause of an age-related disease but rather that it is a contributing factor along with the sum of all contributing causal factors. the authors suggest that if this particular theoretical model is accurate, then it is a matter of discourse that scientific medicine and public health officials should seriously consider and take into account its validity, since as mccann and ames note, most people are modestly deficient in one or more minerals and/or vitamins, which comprise not only indigent nations but affluent populaces, particularly among the elderly, the obese and the poverty-stricken: such is the case with most black communities within america and 																																																													 see joyce c. mccann and bruce n. ames, “adaptive dysfunction of selenoproteins from the perspective of the triage theory: why modest selenium deficiency may increase risk of diseases of aging” journal of federation of american societies for experimental biology, vol. , no. (june ), - . ibid., . 	 abroad. the extensive research conducted in this specific study, which provides for the reader of interest, nearly three hundred references ( to be exact) to independently analyze, further substantiates the claim that minerals deficiency is a deciding factor and plays a key role in whether optimal health is obtained or lost. in a similar but more nuanced approach, the same scholarly team, within a previously published a paper, also tests the validity of the theory of triage, but this time around, utilizing as an exemplar vitamin k. the glaring but disheartening fact is that in metabolic syndrome, particularly among africans in america is on the rise at an epidemic rate and: (a) coronary heart disease; (b) cancer—be it brain, breast, lung, 																																																													 ibid. joyce c. mccann and bruce n. ames, “vitamin k, an example of triage theory: is micronutrient inadequacy linked to diseases of aging? american journal of clinical nutrition, vol. , no. (october ), - . see also, bruce n. ames, “low micronutrient intake may accelerate the degenerative diseases of aging through allocation of scarce micronutrients by triage” proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america, vol. , no. (november , ), - , and “prevention of mutation, cancer, and other age-associated diseases by optimizing micronutrient intake. journal nucleic acids, vol. , article id ( ), - . metabolic syndrome is the medical term given for a group of risk factors that elevate the chance and make it more susceptible to suffer from an array of severe health disparities, to include heart disease, stroke, cancer and diabetes. according to the national institute of health, an individual must have at least three metabolic risk factors to be diagnosed with metabolic syndrome: a high blood sugar level; hypertension or high blood pressure; a low hdl (aka “good cholesterol”) level; a high triglyceride (i.e., fat found in the blood) level; and a protruding waistline. interestingly, the national institute of health posits that metabolic syndrome has several elements that work in tandem to create the debilitating condition in humans. some of these characteristics, the institute maintains, like a sedentary lifestyle, insulin resistance and obesity, can be manipulated and positively controlled by the individual. however, the governing medical organization argues that: “[y]ou can’t control other factors that may play a role in causing metabolic syndrome,” such as “genetics (ethnicity and family history), which may play a role in causing the condition. for example, genetics can increase your risk for insulin resistance, which can lead to metabolic syndrome.” national institute of health, “what is metabolic syndrome?” u.s. department of health & human services: national heart, lung, and blood institute: <http//www.nhlbi.nih.gov>, november , . for a lack of better words, not enough credence has been given to the predominant influence of healthy life-style factors on metabolic syndrome to support this reductionist paradigmatic stance that dominates the discourse in scientific medicine. health disparities such as diabetes, high blood pressure, cancer and heart disease actually do “run” in the family lineage of the writer; however, the writer is living proof that if you change your dietary lifestyle and mental outlook on life, genetics are a non-factor. in a word, descendants, for the most part, inherent poor eating habits and a negative, defeatist mental attitude that becomes the chief reason an intergenerational transmission of dis-eases are the upshot, which suggests that most diseases are not genetic but manifest through expressions of culture. 	 prostate, or uterine; (c) cerebral vascular accident (i.e., stroke); (d) diabetes; and (e) nephritis (inflammation of the kidneys) rank among the top ten leading causes of death in the united states; stark evidence that should attract mass attention to those most affected by these astronomical statistics. the writer might add that from the depletion of minerals in the body and the development of excess mucus and acid within the bloodstream, the body’s immune system becomes severely depressed, and as a result: ( ) the alimentary canal, more specifically the stomach, loses its ability to create the potency of hydrochloric acid necessary for proper digestion; ( ) the bile, which is produced by and in the liver, turns acidic in nature; ( ) the friendly bacteria in the digestive tract mutates; and in turn ( ) the internal organs in the cavities within the body (i.e., the viscera) become weakened and susceptible to the infiltration of yeast, fungus, parasites, harmful bacteria and viruses. for the writer, both the presence of minerals in the body and the harmonious feelings of joy and inner peace are essential to maintain the proper ph (potential hydrogen) and metabolic balance in the body. thus, this symbiotic relationship is necessary to maintain equilibrium in all facets of life. the triage theory of aging has been alternatively coined, and aptly so, by african thinker and naturopathic doctor, who also holds a ph.d., keith moreno as the “health theory.” from his standpoint as a holistic health practitioner, the health theory suggests that “the body has the inherent ability to prevent sickness, if the body is well or in good health;” therefore, there will be no “mention of disease..if the body did not experience 																																																													 the enumeration and rank of the abovementioned degenerative disease are based off the figures provided by the center of disease control (cdc) january , statistics. 	 this misunderstood decline in health.” moreno’s perspective on health is culturally in continuum with and follows in the same holistic medical traditions practiced millennia ago on the banks of the nile river by ancient african custodians of health. moreover, the revolutionary-minded naturopathic physician castigates the health care delivery system and medical approaches employed by organized, mainstream or, conventional or “scientific” medicine. moreno is firm in his stance that: modern medicine is based on killing or destroying something. the patient is given medications with the idea of killing cancer, killing disease, killing blood sugars, killing tumors, killing germs and killing time - while depleting the body’s natural ability to detoxify and/ or repair itself. everything is approached in a military science method opposed to medical science. the disease industry is so determined to kill something that the idea of killing the host is nothing more than a notion of romanticized collateral damage. the presence of health and the absence of noticeable pain or illness do not mean that disease is not present. furthermore, health is not the opposite of disease. however, when the body experiences dis-ease or discomfort, it is a sign that the body is attempting to eliminate some form of toxicity and make necessary repairs. as a retired medical doctor with over twenty years of experience as an obstetrician and gynecologist, who currently specializes in holistic wellness and women’s health and emotional issues, jewel pookrum mimics the sentiments espoused by moreno. in her well known, african-centered, concise but innovation work, vitamins & minerals from a to z, pookrum explicates the vital necessity the body has for minerals; in the same way the “temple” requires essential nutrients and the “food for life”—water, to function properly. to solidify her position as a proponent for the health theory, pookrum maintains that minerals “function as coenzymes, enabling the body to quickly and accurately perform its activities…needed for the proper composition of body fluids, 																																																													 keith moreno, the mistruths about disease: ethnomedicne as applied to the misconceptions of health (seattle: createspace, ), . ibid., . 	 formation of blood and bones, and the maintenance of healthy nerve function,” and “naturally occurring elements found in the earth [which] is the foundation for all life forms on the planet.” her extensive knowledge and overall understanding of the body’s vital need for these life-sustaining substances prompted pookrum to dedicate an entire chapter of aforementioned book to minerals by which she lists the most essential minerals (i.e., calcium, iron, zinc, etc.) and provides the natural foods sources from which one can consume to receive them. in addition to her conceptual advocacy of the “health theory” or “triage theory of aging,” the once credentialed and acclaimed medical physician, also with a doctor of philosophy, turned holistic health practitioner offers a revolutionary medical idea in vitamins & minerals from a to z, which makes the case that humans with different genetic makeups (e.g., africans vis-à-vis europeans) should seek medical care to attend to their variant health needs—in the same manner that many koreans or chinese do in the establishment of their own respective “towns,” which are, at times, housed in the downtown areas of major metropolitan cities in america. to reify her medical position that africans should consume an eating regime other than the feverishly marketed standard american diet (sad), pookrum cites a reputable source in the field of chemistry. to further her case that africans do share the same cellular make-up with other groups, she writes: “dr. roger williams was one of the scientific intellectuals who wrote an entire book entitled biochemical individuality. within this treatise he identifies 																																																													 jewel pookrum, vitamins & minerals from a to z (brooklyn: a&b books publishers group), . see also her most recent publication: jewel pookrum, straight from the heart: a physician’s loving message of healing & wellness (yelm, wa: j.e.w.e.l. publications, ). 	 that chemically each individual is different. each family differs from another family,” additionally, pookrum provides a queried and contested theoretical idea by which “[p]revious reading has indicated there are obvious nutritional needs for the melanin- dominant race that are distinct from the caucasian race.” europeans need, pookrum upholds, “animal flesh as a major source of protein and minerals. by appearances, this has been an adequate source of these nutrients for this population. however, aging diseases and many other physical deformities still occur with the selection of flesh as a major source for meeting nutritional requirements.” on the other hand, she maintains that “[m]an originated from the melanin dominated race, and examined skeletal structures indicate that the teeth of this early man were suited to eating plants,” and as a result “[t]his supports the idea that the genetic information in the melanin-dominant body is programmed for vegetable consumption as a source of protein and minerals, not flesh.” to embellish on the therapeutic worldview upheld by pookrum, the writer, a holistic health practitioner himself, intimates that the human body has the inherent ability to prevent sickness, that is if the “temple” is well or in good health and given the necessary sustenance to carry out such corporeal responsibilities. notwithstanding the overall intentions of this theory of aging, the writer also contends that the appearance of most illnesses and dis-eases would be nonexistent if the body did not experience a deteriorated state of health with a suppressed immune system due to the quotidian consumption of a diet: ( ) high in animal protein and animal by-products; and ( ) 																																																													 pookrum, vitamins and minerals, - . also, see roger j. williams, biochemical individuality: the basis for the genetotrophic concept (new york: john wiley & sons, inc., ), - . ibid., . jewel pookrum, vitamins and minerals, . ibid. 	 refined, processed and de-natured carbohydrates. medical researcher, naturopathic physician, nutritionist, iridologist and herbalist richard anderson, in his text cleanse and purify thyself, reinforces the notion that an exclusive plant-based diet creates an invigorated state of being. as a solution, he offers a laconic yet daunting task for individuals to obtain optimal health and take matters into their own hands: stop eating foods and “foodstuffs” that are dead, processed and nutritionally deficient and toxic, “for they cause mucus, excess acid, more toxins and congestion (especially congestion of the intestinal tract).” research methods academically, this dissertation has trekked in uncharted territory as it has established a much-needed discourse as an attempt to trace the development of a holistic health tradition found in ancient nile valley culture that is utilized and practiced by african people in the united states, with a resurgence from the period of to the present; a long-view history, which has up to this point been largely ignored or neglected in academic circles. the primary methods utilized in this study included: ) close readings of selected primary and secondary sources to include books, medical and journal articles and newspaper articles; and ) in-depth interviews with key figures who employ holistic health practices, to include an array of naturalistic curative methods, in order to provide a detailed and critical analysis of the tradition and era being studied and mentioned supra. 																																																													 richard anderson, cleanse and purify thyself, book . (mt. shasta, ca: triumph, ), chapter , - . 	 procedures over a one-and-a-half-year period, which commenced in the spring of and concluded in the fall of , extended, in-depth interviews were conducted with respondents at a location and time mutually agreeable to both parties, which included a number of diverse settings, to include: their domiciles, various public venues, and their owned and operated business establishments. upon agreement to be interviewed consent was granted by each adult interviewee. a total of fourteen adults were interviewed, which included six current and former raw and vegan restaurant proprietors; two naturopathic store owners; two certified holistic health practitioners; two proponents of a raw food and dietary lifestyle; one acclaimed holistic health activist and advocate; and two african import and export business operators. all of the respondents were interviewed in the city of philadelphia save one, who was interviewed in the district of columbia. the duration of each particular interview lasted anywhere from a minimum of an hour and a half to a maximum time of over four hours. in each interview, i utilized the snowball sampling technique to discover unsung but significant contributory individuals who would have otherwise been overlooked in the research process. all of the interviews conducted were both audio and video recorded for data recording purposes. at the discretion and approval of each of the respondents, all of the interviews conducted were video recorded for the additional purpose to safe keep and establish a 	 digital historical archive, which will be, over time, comprised of an array of africana holistic health practitioners and activists, from various geographical locations, with the overall intent of establishing a digital long-view genealogy of this vibrant but veiled tradition. the most significant texts related to this research based on the representative nature of their content that begin to appear in include elijah muhammad’s how to eat to live, alvenia fulton’s radiant health through nutrition, dick gregory’s natual diet for folks who eat and political primer; llaila o. afrika’s african holistic health and nutricide, queen afua’s heal thyself for health and longevity and sacred woman, jewel pookrum’s vitamins and minerals from a to z, frederick douglass opie’s hog & hominy, clovis e. semmes’ racism, health, and post-industrialism, baxter d. montgomery’s the food prescription for better health, keith moreno’s the mistruths about disease, nana kwaku opare’s the rule book and user guide for healthy living, suzar’s drugs masquerading as food and contributory works from other significant figures in the field of the africana holistic health. limitations of study in no way is the work carried out in this dissertation comprehensive. the only limitation to this study is geographical in nature, particularly with the forthcoming research enterprise of conducting numerous studies to flesh out the presence of africana holistic health traditions in locales other than the one being studied in this dissertation. demographically, the primary focus of this study is restricted to the philadelphia 	 metropolitan area. to conduct research on africana holistic health traditions and alternative medicinal practices in multifarious african communities throughout the united states and abroad would be a daunting task, and in essence, would extend beyond the scope of this scholarly treatise. nonetheless, it should be noted that this doctoral dissertation is but a fraction of a larger genealogical study on the same subject matter that the writer intends to embark on in the foreseeable future as both an african holistic health practitioner and burgeoning university scholar. 	 chapter : come back forward: the archetype of classical african therapeutic customs and its cultural articulation in contemporary african naturalistic healing practices the essential thing, for [african] people, is to rediscover the thread that connects them to their most remote ancestral past. in the face of cultural aggression of all sorts, in the face of all disintegrating factors of the outside world, the most efficient cultural weapon with which a people can arm itself is this feeling of cultural continuity. awareness of ourstory is the umbilical cord to our true selves. and the strength of this vital connection to our source and sanity is dependent on the depth and dynamism of our understanding of ourstory. if we want to find our way back home, and indeed we must if we are to gain and maintain an afrikan sanity, we must not only know ourstory, but we must also live it, building the present and into the future upon the beneficial pattern of the past. living in this place, this dead, whitewashed cultural wasteland, we know this is a task most afrikans would easily fail. for we intimately know this as an alien’s, anti-afrikan cultural space and we recognize the innumerable crimes committed against our afrikan minds. at the same time, we also know that to submit to this insanity, is to tear the only umbilical cord we have to be who we naturally are. any other lifeline is nothing more than electrified razor wire.” the historical factor is the cultural cement that unifies the disparate elements of a people to make them into a whole, by the particular slant of the feeling of historical continuity lived by the totality of the collective. it is the historical conscience thus engendered that allows a people to distinguish itself from a population, whose [cultural] elements, by definition, are foreign, one from the other. the historical conscience, through the feeling of cohesion that it creates, constitutes the safest and most solid shield of cultural security of a people. this is why every people seeks only to know and to live their true history well, to transmit its memory to their descendants. nature is the source of all cures. but we have to be humble and willing to learn from it. don’t let a lion tell the giraffe’s story. 																																																													 cheikh anta diop, civilization or barbarism: an authentic anthropology mwalimu k. bomani baruti, nyansasem: a calendar of revolutionary daily thoughts cheikh anta diop, civilization or barbarism: an authentic anthropology ngugi wa thiong’o, wizard of the crow nigerian proverb 	 introduction this chapter will examine the classical african foundations of holistic health, medical practices most evident in the medical system found in ancient nile valley culture. those anterior expressions of healing individuals, which employed the plant and mineral kingdom as well as spiritual acknowledgement, have been handed down throughout the millennia to africans throughout the diaspora. in this regard, this section will also examine those posterior cultural expressions of classical medicine of an earlier time, which became prevalent in the western hemisphere. more specifically, this segment of the dissertation will highlight and consider the therapeutic significance of a holistic health tradition practiced by enslaved africans in what is considered today the united states of america. while in bondage africans had a well-deserved deep distrust for europeans as well as for the plantocratic regime from which the latter oppressed the former and benefitted most socially, economically and politically. given the repressive conditions of chattel slavery, it should be noted that the constant twin pillar themes for enslaved africans in slave-holding societies were: resistance and rebellion. nonetheless, most historical narratives that address the resistance strategies of enslaved africans in the western hemisphere or the americas usually examine the modalities that lead enslaved africans to either: ) create overt and subversive insurgent enactments while in captivity within slaveholding societies; or ) flee from bondage, to establish autonomous 																																																													 in his designated chapter entitled, “forms of resistance to slavery,” michael craton underlines the 	 “maroon” communities in which they were in control. while these historical accounts of resistance offer insight into how much africans actually detested their conscripted social status and went to whatever extremes to be liberated, the extant discourse leaves 																																																																																																																																																																																					 multifarious forms in which enslaved africans resisted, from “grand maroonage” (running away by a mass number of africans), to “petit maroonage” (short term and short distance running away), to more covert activities, such as work procrastination and stoppage. from his standpoint, craton acknowledges that: “defining slave resistance merely to include plots and acts of overt rebellion is unduly limiting and misleading. slave resistance shaped the initial form of plantation society and its evolution, determined the efficiency of slavery as an economic system, and speeded the eventual demise of formal chattel slavery as an institution. yet to understand fully how this was so it is necessary to define slave resistance to include all forms of resistance short of actual (or proposed) overt action. this proposes a whole spectrum of activities of behavior, shading from covert sabotage, through manifestations of internal rejection and anomie, to forms of dissimulated acceptance and accommodation that were, perhaps, as subversive as other forms.” michael craton, “forms of resistance to slavery,” general history of the caribbean: the slave societies of the caribbean, ed., franklin w. knight (london: unesco publications, ), . even though craton’s work is centered on the aspects of african resistance within the caribbean, there is much to garner from this work being that there is an undeniable cultural unity of how africans resisted, regardless of their location of enslavement throughout the western hemisphere. in the writer’s estimation, no other contemporary african historical thinker has explored this phenomenon of intransigent behavior and action by enslaved african to the extent that cedric robinson has in written form. his protracted text, black marxism highlights a litany of resistance, rebellion and maroonage by africans, dating back to the sixteenth century. see cedric j. robinson, black marxism: the making of a black radical tradition (chapel hill: the university of north carolina press, ), - . other noteworthy contemporary works within the historical profession on the subject of resistance include, but are not limited to: herbert aptheker, “maroons within the present limits of the united states” journal of negro history, vol. , no. (april ), - , american negro slave revolts (new york: columbia university press, ), and a documentary history of the negro people in the united states: from colonial times through the civil war, volume (new york: citadel press, ); c.l.r. james, the black jacobins: toussaint l'ouverture and the san domingo revolution (new york: random house, ); john henrik clarke, ed. william styron's nat turner: ten black writers respond (boston: beacon press, ); john oliver killens, the trial of denmark vesey (boston: beacon press, ); robert s. starobin, denmark vesey: the slave conspiracy of (englewood cliffs, n.j.: prentice-hall, ); eugene d. genovese, roll, jordan, roll: the world the slaves made (new york: pantheon, ); sterling stuckey, the ideological origins of black nationalism (boston: beacon press, ), peter wood, black majority: negroes in colonial south carolina from through the stono rebellion (new york: w.w. norton & company, ); eugene d. genovese, from rebellion to revolution: afro-american slave revolts in the making of the modern world (baton rouge: louisiana state university press, ); herbert aptheker, “resistance and afro-american history” resistance: studies in african, caribbean and afro-american history, gary y. okihiro, ed. (amherst: university of massachusetts press, ); jacob carruthers, the irritated genie: an essay on the haitian revolution (chicago: kemetic institute, ); sterling stuckey, slave culture: nationalist theory & the foundations of black america (new york: oxford university press, ); michael a. gomez, exchanging our country marks: the transformation of african identities in the colonial and antebellum south (chapel hill: the university of north carolina press, ); gerald horne, negro comrades of the crown: african americans and the british empire fight the u.s. before emancipation (new york: new york university press, ), and the counter- revolution of : slave resistance and the origins of the united states of america (new york: new york university press, ), inter alia. 	 much to be desired in exploring other means by which african resisted. however, there is a lacuna in the research in the sense that there has yet to be written or taken into account how enslaved africans resisted on many occasions the demands by slavers to abandon the indigenous medical approaches that originated in africa and adopt the medical practices of that era most utilized by the dominant society. in this chapter, the writer will attempt to address this omission by examining intrinsic african medical approaches that utilized natural elements of the earth as curative agents. to date, research conducted on classical african medicinal practices, from an african-centered perspective is scant. there is paucity in the african intellectual contribution to the subject of classical african medical practices, and few african thinkers have examined or written about the kemetic modalities of health. interestingly, much of the discourse on ancient egyptian medicine or the therapeutic customs established and performed by ancient africans have come primarily from european scholars, who for the most part, reside outside of the united states and are not sympathetic to the african intellectual historical project. in this sense, this chapter examines ancient egyptian aspects of natural medicine as the foundations of what is considered today as holistic health. 																																																													 the works of african intellectuals clovis e. semmes, theophile obenga, john t. chissell, ralph l. crowder, charles s. finch, frederick newsome, stand out in this regard. see, fredrick newsome, “black contributions to the early history of western medicine: lack of recognition as a cause of black under representation in us medical schools,” journal of the national medical association, vol. , no. ( ); ralph l. crowder, “blacks physicians and the african contribution to medicine,” the western journal of black studies, vol. , no. (spring ); chapter and chapter of charles s. finch’s, the african background to medical science: essays in african history, science & civilization (london: karnak house, ), - ; john t. chissell, pyramids of power: an ancient african centered approach to optimal health (baltimore: positive perceptions publications, ); clovis e. semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism: a theory of african american health (westport, ct: praeger publishers, ), and theophile obenga’s, african philosophy, the pharaonic period: - bc (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ). 	 according to redoubtable scholar activist john henrik clarke, the “history of africans in the americas and in the caribbean islands is incomplete without an examination of the african past.” “this background,” clarke reassures us, “is indispensable to an intelligent approach to [africana] history” this observation is not without merit. given the postulation by this visionary african thinker, it is compulsory for african thinkers to “come back forward,” or read backwards to think and act in a forward manner and embrace the intellectual task at hand. for nearly two hundred and twenty five years—revealed first with the publication of the interesting narrative of the life of olaudah equiano—african thinkers have looked to ancient africa for both inspiration and as the premise of “african deep thought.” as a defender of african antiquity, which places him squarely in the apprenticed tradition of clarke, jacob h. carruthers, who identifies with an intellectual genealogy of africans who sought to write history from an african vantage point by writing proficiently and with historical accuracy about classical africa, reminds us that, “nile valley civilizations of kush (ancient ethiopia) and kemet (ancient egypt) have been the 																																																													 john henrik clarke, african people in world history (baltimore, md: black classic press, ), . ibid. this catchphrase has been coined by jacob carruthers as a result of the western misrepresentation of ancient and contemporary african thought processes. due to western arrogance and misconceptions of the deep thought of africa, this type of thinking by the european intelligentsia has been justifiably dismissed by theophile obenga, who argues: “when discussing ancient egypt it is always ‘religion’ and never ‘philosophy’ which is mentioned. this fault can only be attributed to the interpreters of the egyptian texts. african egyptologists must react against this…tendency…let us not reduce their important writings to a single dimension of the sacred, the religious.” théophile obenga, african philosophy: the pharaonic period: - bc (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ), . for a more thorough discussion of the concept of “african deep thought,” see jacob h. carruthers, mdw ntr, divine speech: a historiographical reflection of african deep thought from the time of the pharaohs to the present (london: karnak house, ), xvii-xviii, - . 	 foundation pillars of african-centered thought for over two centuries.” to date, this thrust by african scholars and activists, to acknowledge the cultural rhythm of africa, with classical african being the impetus, has stood the test of time, despite the various geographical locations africans have found themselves. above all, queen afua reflects on the intellectual call to arms and thrust by contemporary african historical thinkers to culturally unite the historical roots of africa with the birth of civilization in ancient egypt: african-americans’ exploration of their ancestral wisdom teachings has been painfully restricted by the absence of written records. but thanks to the unconquerable and profound legacy of our rich oral tradition, and the extraordinary efforts of afrikan and afrikan american historians and scholars, such as [dr. cheikh anta diop, theophile obenga,] dr. john henrik clarke, dr. yosef [b]en jochannan, dr. shava ali, and jacob carruthers – and spiritual leaders who apply ancient maatian principles to live by today…we have at last been able to document the true origins of nubian-afrikan culture and its defining an indisputable influence on khamitic (egyptian) culture. armed with this knowledge, we have been able to tap into the roots of this legacy and bring its fruits to vibrant life. in this regard, this work is foundationalist in nature and is premised on the foundations of classical african culture. in a word, this dissertation is a small contribution to this intellectual enterprise and is a methodological reflection of the work laid out by our 																																																													 jacob carruthers, “kush and kemet: the pillars of african-centered thought” contemporary africana: theory, thought and action: a guide to africana studies, ed. clenora hudson-weems (trenton, nj: africa world press, ), . queen afua, sacred woman: a guide to healing the feminine body, mind, and spirit (new york: the ballantine publishing group, ), . a term coined by jacob carruthers, foundationalist thinkers are vindicationist in their scholarly approach and non-negotiable in their ideological stance, claiming ancient nile valley culture (particularly kush and kemet) as their epistemological operational premise, with the overall intent on restoring african history and culture. accordingly, the overall objective of a foundationalist thinker, expressed so aptly by greg carr, is “to construct a narrative of african and world history in which the behavior of the actors involved at any particular moment can be placed in a larger framework of political interpretation commensurate nevertheless with the historical context of the moment under study.” greg e. kimathi carr, “the african-centered philosophy of history: an exploratory essay on the genealogy of foundationalist historical thought and african nationalist identity construction,” the african world history project: the preliminary challenge, eds. jacob h. carruthers and leon c. harris (los angeles: ascac foundation, ), . 	 african intellectual antecedents who saw african liberation as an uncompromising initiative. due to the linguist contributions of contemporary african thinkers such as theophile obenga, aboubacry moussa lam , babacar sall, mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, mario beatty, and andreas woods, to name a few, their mastery of medew netcher and other classical languages have not only answered the intellectual call to arms ushered in by cheikh anta diop and others that queen afua alluded to, but has ushered in a new generation of africana scholars whose intent is to establish a cultural relationship between ancient nile valley culture and posterior cultures throughout the african diaspora. foundations of naturalistic health practices in ancient nile valley culture perhaps one of the greatest influences ancient nile valley culture has bestowed upon the western world is its multifarious contributions to contemporary medicine and biomedical research. being that ancient egyptians preserved the written word—a 																																																													 see aboubacry moussa lam, les chemins du nil: les relations entre l’egypte ancienne et l’afrique noire (paris: présence africaine and khepera, ). cheikh anta diop’s epistemological and methodological model stressed the learning of medew netcher (hieroglyphs) as the necessary first step to re-connecting african history. diop argued: “the study of languages, institutions, and so forth cannot be treated properly, in a word, it will be impossible to build african humanities, a body of african human sciences, so long as that relationship does not appear legitimate.” for him, “[t]he african historian who evades the problem of egypt is neither modest nor objective; nor unruffled; he is ignorant, cowardly, and neurotic.” cheikh anta diop, the african origin of civilization: myth or reality? (chicago: lawrence hill books, ), xiv. with the recent appointments of two key faculty members in the department of afro-american studies at howard university: ) mario beatty, protégé of theophile obenga; and ) andreas woods, an intellectual apprentice of and now colleague of beatty is the last african in the united states to have received a ph.d. in egyptology from brown university, the initiative anticipated by cheikh anta diop has come to fruition in the academy. the establishment and offering of medew netcher courses at howard university is a clear indication that the forthcoming years will prove to be fruitful for the africana intellectual project as a plethora of burgeoning africana scholars will be trained in the fundamentals of this classical african language as a means to approach, access and accentuate cultural memory and “let the ancestors speak for themselves.” 	 vocation carried by scribes (i.e., “sesh”)—of nearly every account of their human existence, the sources of their medical knowledge as well as their practice of medicine are evidenced and accessible today through the various medical papyri in which they left behind for subsequent generations. for several millennia, kemites had made numerous contributions to the art of medicine and were thus acknowledged in the ancient world as inventors of medicine. ancient egypt, in this sense, generated the earliest forms of specialized medical personnel, medical knowledge as well as a compendium of medical treatises, which came to be considered the world’s first known extensive medical literature. as a result, “egyptian herbal prescriptions and other specialized treatments spread throughout the mediterrean world.” without question, ancient nile valley culture contributed to the development of medicine in ancient greece and what became known as the hippocratic tradition. of the many medical treatises that have yet to be unearthed in kemet, a total of ten papyri are at the present extant, the most significant being the ebers papyrus and edwin smith papyrus. these medical texts, branded with non-indigenous and imperialist titles, include: ( ) the berlin medical papyrus, ( ) the carlsberg papyrus; ( ) the chester beatty papyrus; ( ) the ebers papyrus; ( ) the edwin smith surgical papyrus; ( ) the heart papyrus; ( ) the kahun papyrus; ( ) the london medical papyrus; ( ) the ramesseum papyri; ( ); and ( ) the brooklyn papyrus. “these 																																																													 lionel casson, ancient egypt (new york: time, inc., ), . paul ghalioungui, the house of life, per ankh: magic and medical science in ancient egypt (amsterdam: b.m. israel, ), . although there has been much contention concerning the chronology and dating of nile valley cultures during the pharaonic periods, these ancient african medical treatises, according to gamel el din mokhtar, date between the third ( rd) and nineteenth ( th) dynastic periods. gamel el din mokhtar, the 	 ,” finch summons, “form the basis of most of what egyptologist [today] know about egyptian medicine [, understandably so, being] that much of the training and instruction of the healing priests must have been orally transmitted, as it is in the rest of africa.” as the pharaoh (per-uah), who was considered both the political and spiritual leader, was ensconced in the wisdom of the nation, and the scribe—as an upholder of kemetic identity—, so too were healers in the nile valley responsible for maintaining the well- being of its inhabitants. in kemet, the custodians who were most responsible for providing health care were given specific titles to describe both their vocation as healers as well as “their status relative to the local, regional and national construction of identity.” for all intent and purposes, these ancient healers had to embody the aptitude necessary, the familiarity to identify healing properties of natural elements, and the awareness to identify various symptoms of dis-ease and illnesses. moreover, the disciplined eating regiment of these healing priests/physicians ensured they had a bill of 																																																																																																																																																																																					 unesco general history of africa ii: ancient civilizations of africa, abridged edition (berkeley: university of california press, , - . the established agenda-driven chronology of pharaonic kemet that we see today, car notes: “has been assembled in “modern” times through the manipulation of two key documents: first and foremost, the testimony of manetho, an ptolemaic-era heliopolan priest [of the third century b.c.e.] of mixed ancestry who divided nearly years of rulers into dynasties. manetho’s actual text does not survive: instead, only discussions of it in the work of josephus, julius africanus, syncellus and tarasius, later jewish and christian historians with clear ideological agendas, including the jewish desire to prove their antiquity with reference to egyptian history and chronology… secondly, the recovery of a papyrus known as the “royal canon of turin” which dates back to the th century b.c.e. provided lists of the days and years of many for pharaonic reigns, and, like the palermo stone, includes the reigns of ntrs as well as humans.” greg e. kimathi carr, “african philosophy of history in the contemporary era: its antecedents and methodological implications for the contribution to world history” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ), . see also, stephen quirke, who were the pharaohs? a history of their names with a list of cartouches (london: e.j. quill press, ); and peter a. clayton, chronicle of the pharaohs: the reign by reign record of the rulers and dynasties of ancient egypt (london: thames and hudson, ), , inter alia. finch, the african background to medical science, . greg e. kimathi carr, “african philosophy of history in the contemporary era: its antecedents and methodological implications for the contribution to world history” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ), . 	 health that mirrored the wellness they sought for its inhabitants. in this respect, ancient “egyptian priests ate no pork, no mutton, no fish, no salt and, of course, no beans.” of the multifarious holistic practices and curative treatments provided by contemporary african practitioners—as well as adherents of these customs—in the present day, all putatively have their medicinal roots in classical african traditions. even more, to solidify the point of the transmission of medial knowledge onto subsequent cultures, those foreign and intergenerational, clovis e. semmes (aka jabulani k. makalani) adds: the roots of the worldview that embodied african medical traditions were focused in ancient african civilizations that grew up in the nile valley…ancient kemet produced significant contributions to medical knowledge that were quite advanced. this knowledge had a significant impact on non-indigenous groups who visited the region and attended kemetic institutions of higher learning and who later invaded and occupied the region. ancient african traditions were spread to europeans through the greeks and through the influence of islamic africans call moors. from its most anterior expressions of classical african culture, most evident in khartoumian civilization, “a fixed habitat brought with it the use of pottery, the domestication and breeding of cattle, agriculture, and a host of tools to meet man's growing needs,” which marked a decisive stage in the history of humanity. along with these advances of african civilization came the need to provide a balanced health care system and administer health care to inhabitants of the nile valley reflective of the applied divine social order established in society—i.e., maat. as nile valley 																																																													 colin spencer, the heretic’s feast: a history of vegetarianism (london: fourth estate, ), . clovis e. semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism: a theory of african american health (westport, ct: praeger publishers, ), . f. debono, “the prehistory of the nile valley,” unesco general history of africa, vol. methodology and african prehistory (berkeley: university of california press, ), . 	 civilizations progressed, individuals, through both curiosity and observation, discovered that some vegetation caused pain and/or sickness while others brought about strength or even an alleviation of illnesses. in time, inhabitants of this fertile land, which were enriched by the nutrient-rich waters of the nile river “began to use vegetable products in the prevention and treatment of disease.” more concretely, this advanced knowledge of plant life afforded ancient african healing practitioners in the nile valley to manipulate and utilize flora and minerals as remedial substances for those in need. on this very idea, finch posits that classical “african physicians evolved effective—even sophisticated—diagnostic and therapeutic modalities in medicine which belie the notion that africa was without a medical science.” without question, nature had provided and organically opened up the world’s first drugstore in which the nile valley played a significant part. there are some scholars who ascribe to the fact that the plant kingdom first became systemized for therapeutic purposes in ancient egypt. for example, in an attempt to ground the basis for such an argument, esmat a. hassan proclaims that the introducing and mastery of “folk medicine,” as he deems it, by ancient egyptians is indisputable, 																																																													 stanley krippner and benjamin colodzin, “folk medicine and herbal medicine: an overview” folk medicine and healing (springfield, il: charles c. thomas, ), finch, the african background to medical science, . hassan and other scholars’ usage of the phrase “folk medicine” in defining complex health systems utilized by african people is problematic, to say the least. the concept “folk medicine” is used pervasively in discourse as a racist blanket term, referring to the indigenous and self-sustaining health systems (practices and beliefs) of non-europeans in which members of a particular cultural group identify and utilize various natural substances and metaphysical concepts for their medicinal purposes. due to this hegemonic siphoning of terminology, nowhere is the phrase adequately defined to capture the totality of its meaning. for purposes of clarity, i consider a so-called “folk” medical system to be: ) any medical system that is autonomous in its own right and independently caters to the physical and mental health needs of those individuals considered part of a particular community; ) any system of health practice at variance with the protocols and guidelines of orthodox scientific (i.e., western) medicine; and ) any health system 	 given the plethora of natural medical remedies found in the renowned ebers papyrus, which date back to approximately the sixteenth millennium before our common era (i.e., circa b.c.e.). it is from the medical records of papyri such as the aforementioned that hassan proclaims: “the plant kingdom appears to be the main origin for material(s) used in folk medicine. in this respect, queen hatshepsut was the first to cultivate plants for medicinal use in the temple gardens of karnak.” similarly, obenga informs us that with the use of natural elements of the earth, “the origins of medical incubation date back to ancient egypt,” and equally significant “[i]t was also in ancient egypt that aromatherapy, the use of plant essences for treating diseases was born.” being that ancient africans, through observation, keenly studied nature and understood all energy—mundane and celestial—as the basis for everything in the universe, it is here that we are enlightened to the fact that the extraction of remedies from the plant and mineral kingdom played such a large part in the materia medica (i.e., the remedial substances employed in medicine) of the ancient egyptian healing systems. without question, kemetic societies were informed by the belief in a complex 																																																																																																																																																																																					 that is characterized by a high degree of shared knowledge between the health practitioner and the public. former georgia state university professor of anthropology, carole e. hill, in an attempt to make light of this overgeneralization states: “the term ‘folk’ in anthropology means the ‘inside point of view’ of the people under study, whether we are discussing folk medicine, folk science, folk history, or folklore.” carol e. hill, “black healing practices in the rural south” journal of popular culture, vol. , no. , ed. robert a. barakat vol. , no. (spring ), . in my estimation, the term “folk,” as it relates to medicine fails to capture and describe the content mastery and professionalism of medical delivery skills of african holistic health practitioners as well as other non-european naturalistic practitioners—skills recognized as such by their own peoples. for a discussion on the historical origins and intricacies of variant alternative medical systems, see pamela i. erickson, ethnomedicine (long grove, il: waveland press, inc, ). esmat a. hassan, “folk medicine in egypt: past and present” european journal of integrative medicine, vol. , no. (september ), . see also, theophile obenga’s, african philosophy, the pharaonic period: - bc (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ), - , . ibid. obenga, african philosophy, . 	 aggregate spiritual system by which celestial and terrestrial attributes were explicated and identified in anthropomorphic form as the “netcheru.” the netcheru were reflective of the harmonious relationship between humans and the universe and represented various aspects of the same creative force with distinct moral ideals and values. in this regard, hassan k. salim maintains that all netcheru, for all intent and purposes, “are expressions of cosmic energies, with each ntchr or ntchrt representing a principle of nature in the harmonic unfolding of creation.” in the nile valley, the netcheru presided over all forms and functions, on several planes of reality, mental, physical and spiritual. with this understanding, the specific terms: “netchert” represented the female principle, while the appellation “netcher” represented the masculine principle, respectively. in addition to the cosmological and ethical aspects in which they represented, certain netcheru were intrinsically associated with physical manifestations of healing. as it relates to the subject matter, of the written works on ancient egyptian medicine that are translated into english, none is as comprehensive as paul ghaulioungui’s groundbreaking treatise, per ankh: house of life. in this trailblazing piece, the late physician presents a rather unique view of the netcheru who were venerated throughout the nile valley. the medicinal characteristics offered by ghaulioungui highlights the divinities’ attributes as it relates to health and wellness; an avant-garde stance from the more common, arbitrary agreements established in the field of egyptology. among the aggregate of deities in kemet, the author maintains that it was with the female divine principle of sekhmet in which: ( ) a shrine was erected in her honor, which identified her 																																																													 mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, spiritual warriors are healers (new brunswick, nj: kera jhuty heru neb-hu publishing co., ), . 	 predominance; and ( ) ancient egyptian healing practitioners called upon to perform curative practices. depicted as a lioness-headed divinty, sekhmet was the netchert and patroness of healing in which priests—ranging from the wabw (i.e., simple priests) to the swnw (i.e., lay physicians) to the chief of the priests—specialized in therapeutic practices. considered a redoubtable warrior divinity that could inflict death and disease, sekhmet’s vital force could be felt most by elements of the scorching sun during the summer heat in the sahara desert. her essence was most beneficial to ancient african healing practitioners as they invoked her healing powers, which manifested as but was not limited to the heat in fevers to rid dis-ease and purge impurities from the body. although there was a particular privileged class in kemet that developed and administered natural therapeutic remedies for the ill, ghalioungui argues that in no way were these curative practices limited to the privileged sect in society. in fact, commoners too, played an integral part as healers in the nile valley. on this very point, the author asserts: “in ancient egypt, the practice of the healing art does not seem to have been restricted to a particular class of people for, owing to different ways of looking at disease and consequently different methods of combating it, there were various categories of 																																																													 built in honor of the netcher ptah (who is considered the great architect of the universe) by pharaoh thutmose iii, in the eighteenth dynastic period, the temple of ptah at karnak consists of three interconnecting sanctuaries devoted to the divine triumvirate who were revered at mennefer (memphis). of the three shrines, one was devoted solely to the worship of sekhmet. according to margaret a. murray, the temple of ptah was built on the site of an earlier temple of the twelfth dynasty during the middle kingdom, and interestingly, the shrine of sekhmet was designed in such a way to “give a peculiar effect and to produce optical illusions” for all individuals entering the temple. margaret a. murray, egyptian temples (mineola, ny: dover publications, inc., ), . ghalioungui acknowledges that among those who performed healing practices in honor of sekhmet, the wabw priests may not have received any medical training, per se, but acquired some medical knowledge (through association and practice) and performed medical functions that were nonetheless influential in the healing practices of that era. ghalioungui, the house of life, . ibid. queen afua, sacred woman, . 	 healers to whom patients entrusted their ailing bodies.” in a word, the business of promoting spiritual and corporeal balance in ancient egypt was a communal responsibility, for the nation promoted such allegiance. used quite effectively amongst holistic health practitioners today to ameliorate conditions directly associated with problems of the alimentary canal (which includes the mouth, pharynx, esophagus, stomach, small intestine, large intestine and anus) or digestive tract, the practice of hydrotherapy—a division of therapeutics that deals with the curative uses of water – was too pervasively utilized in ancient egypt as a means to heal various ailments. in highlighting the inclusiveness of such practice in kemetic society, j. worth estes acknowledges: egyptian temples were designed not for congregational worship but as settings in which the priests carried out their rituals. however, some temples were also associated with healing. at those temples, the transference of magical healing powers via water was practiced on a large scale in buildings now called sanitoria, such as that at the temple of [het-heru] at dendera…the sick could bathe in water that had been sanctified, perhaps in the temple’s sacred lake, so that they would be healed by being imbued with the same vital forces that had regenerated [ausar] after [auset] had restored his body. essentially, water, considered by some as the “food for life,” was used just as prevalent, medicinally, in nile valley culture as the plant and mineral kingdom to ameliorate physical illnesses. 																																																													 paul ghalioungui, the physicians of pharaonic egypt (cairo, egypt: al-ahram center for scientific translations, ), . j. worth estes, the medical skills of ancient egypt (canton, ma: science history publications, ), . 	 in the same vein, the netcher djehuti was associated with and deemed the creator of one of the primary practices and uses of colon hydrotherapy—the enema . in citing the work of french egyptologist francois joseph chapas, ghalioungui argues that kemetic tradition, “considered him the author of the enema,” although the greeks lacked insight and misunderstood this abstract concept as a result of erroneous interpretation. the latter point of the aforementioned statement, on the other hand, is significant in the sense that it reveals that as foreigners, the greeks were not as abstract in their thought processes and did not have a full grasp or understanding of kemetic culture in general, particularly the indigenous language: medew netcher, in order to grasp the therapeutic concept—wholistically. according to kemetic cosmology, djehuti is considered the archetype of knowledge and the personification of (good) speech—what jacob carruthers considers “the container and preserver of african deep thought.” in this regard, the common attributes associated with djehuti are intelligence, wisdom and writing. according to carruthers, the import of spoken word was evident in all aspects of nile valley life and culture. in translating a passage in the ebers papyrus to support his claim, carruthers maintains that, “the association between science and speech is even more explicit in the 																																																													 for a more thorough examination of the health and purification benefits of taking enemas, see richard anderson, cleanse and purify thyself, book . (mt. shasta, ca: triumph, ) - , - , and appendix iii, a - -a - . see francois joseph chapas, mélanges Égyptologiques (paris: châlon, ), . ghalioungui, the house of life, . jacob h. carruthers, mdw ntr, divine speech: a historiographical reflection of african deep thought from the time of pharaohs to the present (london: karnak housem ), xii. according to carruthers, formalized speech (language) was used in the ancient african world as a conduit for both social change and “deep thought.” moreover, see also chapter (pages - ) of the same text in which carruthers provides thorough definitions and a critical analysis of the kemetic concepts of divine speech (i.e., medew netcher) and good speech (i.e., medew nefer). 	 kemetic discipline of medicine.” nonetheless, the healing attributes of enemas convey the intrinsic link with the common attributes of djehuti. a case in point: an enema removes impacted fecal matter and toxins from the colon and other internal organs, thus allowing the large intestine to carry out its intended function of feeding and providing essential nutrients to every cell, every tissue and every organ throughout the body, to include the brain, the primary organ of the central nervous system responsible for all thought processes. moving forward in time, this connection is most evident within contemporary holistic health circles, as certain organs of the alimentary canal (i.e, stomach and large intestine) in humans are referred to by practitioners as the “second brain.” in this respect, the “taking of enemas,” therefore, “are fully constructive [in] lifting us to a higher level of existence through purification,” by relieving one of massive accumulation of toxic mucus, pus, and poisonous waste, various pains, constipation, flatulence, and headaches. as a result, the mind-body connection between the bowel, internal organs and the brain are maintained, placing the former in its “right mind,” if you will. 																																																													 among contemporary holistic health and other alternative health practitioners, there is the notion that the digestive system is intimately connected to the rest of the body as well as to the mind. in essence, it can be said to have a kind of intelligence of its own. however, it is through the accumulation of putrefied waste in the colon that the normal mind-body connection is disrupted, and as a consequence, various dis- eases manifest. the rationale behind such an ideal is understandable when one takes into account how the digestive system exhibits certain characteristics that are connected to thoughts and the mind. a prime example of this is how the emotions of fear, anxiety, and stage fright manifest in the abdomen, thusly creating the sensation of “butterflies” in the stomach. for a more comprehensive examination of this psychosomatic (mind-body) phenomena, see kenneth r. pelletier, mind as healer, mind as slayer (new york: dell publishing co., ), as this text explores the sources of stress and makes the connection between stress and four major types of illness: arthritis, cancer, respiratory disease and cardiovascular disease. see also, kenneth r. pelletier, holistic medicine: from stress to optimal health (new york: delacorte press/seymour lawrence, ), and sound mind, sound body: a new model for lifelong health (new york: simon & schuster, ). 	 akin to djehuti’s association with the enema, other netcheru have been identified by ghalioungui to possess traits concomitant with alternative health practices utilized in the contemporary era. the netcheru amen, for example, considered the self-created and unseen creative force that is found in all things, provided comfort to those with complications associated with the eyes. thus, amen was seen as “the healers of the eyes without remedies…[one] who opens the eyes and cures squint.” the ability by amen to access and ameliorate ocular conditions can be likened to the contemporary holistic medical practice of iridology. additionally, both female deities, ta-urt and neith (net), were associated with childbirth. the former presided over childbirth while the latter, who was originally worshipped as a patron of war, “protected physicians and parturient women [, and as proof] she can be seen in several engravings assisting women in labour.” subsequently, this practice of midwifery, during the antebellum period in the united states, was the sole responsibility of african women; that is until it became a male- dominated field in the nineteenth century as a result of a medical degree becoming the 																																																													 ghalioungui, the house of life, . iridology is the art and science that uses the eyes—considered by some to be the windows to the soul—to detect abnormalities, disorders and variations within the body with the intent of establishing a homeostasis condition. it involves analyzing the structure of the iris, that portion of the eye that carries pigmentation, by which the physical, mental and spiritual conditions of individuals are reveled. african naturopathic physician paul goss has written a beneficial work, which provides numerous pictorials of the iris and displays the specific locations within the eye that is associated with various glands and organs as well as the chronic diseases (e.g., type diabetes, heart disease, hypertension, hepatitis, high cholesterol, and renal failure, to name a few) that manifest as a result of an imbalanced and toxic system. see paul goss, forever young (los angeles: self-published, ). see also, donald r. banner, introduction to iridology: the beginners guide to iris study (pleasant grove, ut: woodland publishing, ). mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, spiritual warriors are healters, . ghalioungui, the house of life, . 	 standard to assist in childbirth. nevertheless, as midwives during the period of enslavement, not only did african women deliver the offspring of the enslaved,—in much the same manner as the responsibilities bestowed upon ta-urt and neith—but they also used a pharmacopeia of herbs to maintain balance in the lives of those they attended to during childbirth. comparable to all contemporary african medical traditions, the medical systems established by ancient egyptians, which incorporated spiritual, physical and what western science deems “magical” elements has perplexed the mainstream medical community. “mostly, this magico-spiritual aspect has been downplayed or belittled… [but,] even modern medicine concedes that as much as sixty percent of illness has a psychic base and indeed, the well-known placebo effect of modern pharmaco-medicine arises from this,” argues charles s. finch, former director of international health at the morehouse school of medicine.” admittedly so, as a university-trained physician himself, finch confesses: “we moderns like to deride this magico-spiritual medicine but 																																																													 valerie lee, granny midwives and black women writers (new york: routledge, ), . for a sense of how effective placebos are in medical clinical trials as well as its range of varied usage over time, see, henry k. beecher, “the powerful placebo,” journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (december , ); margaret talbot, “the placebo prescription” new york times magazine (jan. , ); tamar nordenberg, “the placebo effect: belief and healing” consumers’ research, vol. , issue (feb ); mary faith marshall, “the placebo effect in popular culture,” science and engineering ethics, vol. , issue (jan ); janet spencer king, “the placebo effect,” inside ms, vol. , issue (october-december ); robert burton, “why ‘placebo’ is not a dirty word,” salon.com (august , ) <http://www.salon.com/env/mindreader/ / / /placeboeffect\>; and harriet hall, “the placebo effect,” skeptic, vol. , issue. ( ).	 charles s. finch’s, the african background to medical science: essays in african history, science & civilization (london: karnak house, ), . finch has experienced first-hand knowledge as to how effective placebos work on patients in west africa. between - , on three different occasions, finch, along with robert r. franklin and erick gbodossou lead traditional healer research projects in senegal to examine among the serer people the uses of african traditional medicine vis-à-vis modern medicine. the overall objective of the projects were to study the traditional healers of senegal as well as the role they play in the delivery of health care in the country. see, jeanine stokes, “traditonal medicine: more than a cure,” tulane medicine, vol. , no. ( ), - . 	 it can and does produce startling results that we do not understand.” still, at least one european intellectual, who also happens to be a physician, is sympathetic to the africana intellect project (by default due to his honest and thorough research) and has conceded to the fact that healing, a complex physical and psychic process (i.e., involving mind, body and soul) may be amenable to an approach that touches that hidden area of the psyche beyond the reach of rational therapy. considering the medical terminology used in biomedicine, the term “placebo” describes a pharmaceutical drug that is inactive in terms of its effectiveness and is used in clinical trials in which patients are led to believe is active. in many cases in which the patient suffers from an illness, the mere act of believing in the efficacy of a treatment can produce results that are most beneficial. tamara nordenberg, in her article entitled, “the placebo effect: belief and healing,” estimates that: “for a given medical condition, it is not unusual for one-third of the patients to feel better in response to treatment with placebo.” contrarily, finch argues that in using placebos on patients to produce a desired result, the percentage of efficacy is greater, producing “beneficial results in % or more of patients.” this success rate of utilizing the placebo effect, which again highlights the power of the mind in healing ailments, lends finch to assert: “without this effect, faith healers would have gone out of business centuries ago.” the idea of using a “placebo,” per se, for medical purposes to produce desired 																																																													 ibid. see ghalioungui, house of life, . tamar nordenberg, “the placebo effect: belief and healing” consumers' research magazine, vol. , no. (february ), . finch, the african background to medical science, . ibid. 	 results has an african foundation. to be sure, these practices can be traced back to ancient nile valley culture. in their treatise that attempts to establish a long narrative of placebo usage, authors elaine and arthur shapiro trace the history of its efficacy back to what they consider “prescientific medicine.” for the m.d. and ph.d. duo: it is a mystery how a ubiquitous treatment used since antiquity was unknown, unnamed, and unidentified until recently. it is even more remarkable because this is the only treatment common to all societies and cultures. when we examine the long history of medicine, it is the only common denominator between the egyptian physician who prescribed crocodile dung and the modern physician who prescribes penicillin. moreover, its effectiveness has been attested to, without exception, for more than two millennia. the history outlined in the powerful placebo provides sufficient enough of evidence to debunk the hypothesis that until recently the history of medical treatments was essentially the history of the placebo effect. being that kemetic medicinal practices have influenced subsequent cultures, both african and otherwise, we should not be astonished that a substantial portion of those olden remedies that were associated with various the netcheru continue to be employed by both “professional” and nonprofessional healers in the contemporary era. nonetheless, the problem, still, is that the tenets of intellectual racism and/or white supremacy continuously attempts on every front to disconnect present-day africans from classical african ideas. to highlight this point, crowder sums it up best: within the context of world history, the african civilization of egypt represented the cradle of medical research and scientific achievement. it is a historical irony to witness the descendants of this impressive scientific legacy relegated to the fringes of the american medical community and deemed by so-called white academic authorities as intellectually incapable of pursuing careers in medicine. 																																																													 arthur k. shapiro and elaine shapiro, the powerful placebo: from ancient priest to modern physician (baltimore: john hopkins university, ), . 	 this myth was a product of the larger distortion of black history to legitimate slavery, segregation, peonage, and eventually the ‘closed door policy’ of white medical associations. given this quandary, the writer opines there is an exigent need for africans to embrace, in the words of george g.m. james, our “stolen legacy” and to take matters of health into our hands, with the understanding that dire situations (i.e., amputation, injuries sustained motor vehicle accidents, etc.) may require the services of allopathic or conventional medicine. nevertheless, for african-centered thinkers, there is no need to debate, for the evidence our ancestors left behind speaks for itself and settles any disputes: ancient egyptians, who were african in every sense of the word (i.e. phenotype, culture, etc.) produced the first medical vocabulary, the first known medical treatises, the first splints and bandages, the first surgical and natural drug therapies as well as the first written observation of human anatomy. in light of this, the sad reality, laments newsome, is that contemporary presentations of medicine in african antiquity deny african descendants the reality of our ancestor’s contribution to medicine by establishing ahistorical narratives and ignoring the fact that the identity and cultural qualities of ancient egyptians are analogous to the physical characteristics and cultural expressions found in african people (both continental and diasporic) today. 																																																													 ralph l. crowder, “black physicians and the african contribution to medicine” the western journal of black studies vol. , no. (spring ), . see george g.m. james, stolen legacy (trenton: africa world press, ). fredrick newsome, “black contributions to the early history of western medicine: lack of recognition as a cause of black under representation in us medical schools,” journal of the national medical association, vol. , no. ( ), . 	 african bodies displaced, anterior concepts of healing re-traced where you from fool? no, i wasn’t born in ghana but africa’s my mama and i did not end up here from bad karma. or for b-ball, selling mad crack or rapping. peter tosh tried to tell us what happened. he was saying if you black, then you african, so they had to kill him and make him a villain cause he was teaching the children. i feel him. young was trying to drop us a real gem. that’s why we busing holes in the ceiling when we hearing: i’m a african, i’m a african, and i know what’s happening. you a african, you a african. do you know what’s happening? ignored, distorted, deliberately concealed or innocently omitted the fact remains that by and large most of the information about the negro in medicine remain unknown. the aforementioned valuation by the black nationalist-oriented rap group dead prez is particularly apposite to the nature of this research. for several millennia african people have had to endure multifarious episodic disruptions at the hands of european and other foreign malefactors, to include: ) the over dozen of invasions of the nile valley (particularly kemet) had to endure in the ancient world; ) the forceful capture, advent and sustainability of the trans-atlantic slave trade, chiefly responsible for the underdevelopment of africa; ) the partitioning of the continent of africa for imperialist gains in addition to the inter-group activity restriction (i.e., chattel slavery) of africans in america, both during the colonial and antebellum eras; and ) its upshot – a government-sanctioned apartheid system of social proscription for the so-called people of 																																																													 dead prez, “i’m a african” from the album, let’s get free (february , ). dr. john lawrence sullivan holloman, jr., president emeritus, national medical association. for a comprehensive examination on the deliberate exploitation and debilitating effects european colonialism had on the political, social and economic structures of the continent of africa, see walter rodney, how europe underdeveloped africa (washington d.c.: howard university press, ). 	 “color” in the united states. given this quandary, africans, regardless of the displaced locations from which they found themselves, have been able to hold onto and maintain their intrinsic cultural sensibilities. for this reason, we are especially concerned with the way in which african people utilized supernatural devices and natural elements of the earth to heal themselves and others while living under onerous and restrictive conditions in what is now consider the united states of america. it is with the publication of african historian michael gomez’s groundbreaking treatise, exchanging our country marks that has given currency to this subject of scholarly inquiry. commended for his methodological approach on the development of african identity in the western hemisphere, gomez, considered one of the pioneers in “diasporic african studies,” examines not only the processes by which native-born african captives endured the horrors of the slave trade and the “peculiar institution” but also how the transmutation from a conglomerate of heterogeneous african cultures to a unique identity grounded in colonial and antebellum experiences took shape; what greg carr refers to as “improvised collective identities.” one of the more definitive elements highlighted in exchanging our country marks is explored in chapter two, entitled, “time and space.” it is in this section that gomez explores what he likes to describe as the “multifaceted atlantic slave trade.” indicated by his extensive quantitative and qualitative research, the author maintains that the height of the slave trade (exports), in terms of total numbers, occurred from the 																																																													 see greg e. carr, “towards an intellectual history of africana studies: genealogy and normative theory, the african american studies reader, second edition, ed. nathaniel norment, jr. (durham: carolina academic press, ), , f.n. . 	 eighteenth century through the first decade of the nineteenth century. as evidenced by the incorporation of various tables into the narrative, concrete statistics offer a better insight into the approximate percentages and the total numbers of africans enslaved as well as the geographical source of capture on the continent of africa. in juxtaposing his data with the works of curtain, inikori, lovejoy, jones and johnson, richardson, and hall, gomez lists the collective regions from which continental africans were forcefully captured, relocated, and as a result formed a sole yet inimitable identity from the intermixing of multi-ethnic trans-national groups: ( ) the bight of benin – i.e., togo, benin and southwest nigeria; ( ) the bight of biafra – i.e., cameroon, gabon and southeastern nigeria; ( ) the gold coast – i.e., ghana; ( ) mozambique-madagascar – including tanzania; ( ) senegambia; ( ) sierra leone – including the ivory coast, liberia, guinea-bissau and guinea; ( ) west central africa – to include angola and congo. still, gomez makes the distinction that during the half millennia of the trans-atlantic slave trade, the largest percentage of africans enslaved and relocated to north america came particularly from the regions of: west central 																																																													 michael gomez, exhchanging our country marks: the transformation of african identities in the colonial and antebellum south (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), - . see phillip d. curtain, atlantic slave trade: a census (madison: university of wisconsin press, ), - . see joseph e. inikori, “measuring the atlantic slave trade: a rejoinder” journal of african history, vol. , no. ( ), - . see also, mechal sobel, trabelin’ on: the slave journey to an afro-baptist faith (westport, ct: greenwood press, ), - . see paul e. lovejoy, “the impact of the atlantic slave trade on africa: a review of the literature” journal of african history, vol. , no. ( ), - . see adam jones and marion johnson, “slaves from the windward coast” journal of african history, vol. , no. ( ), - . see david richardson, “slave exports from west and west - central africa, - : new estimates of volume and distribution” journal of african history, vol. , no. ( ), - . see gwendolyn mildo hall, africans in colonial louisiana: the development of afro-creole culture in the eighteenth century (baton rouge: louisiana state university press, ), appendix c, table , - . gomez, exchanging our country marks, - . 	 africa and the bight of biafra. enslaved african communities in america, nonetheless, fashioned societies, which incorporated collective elements of an african experience concomitant with the syncretization of influences acquired during enslavement in a homeland alien to their own. in his critical commentary, “through the prism of folklore” african historical thinker sterling stuckey labeled this development of africana culture, the “black ethos of slavery.” it is suffice to say, then, the transmission of african cultural survival in the western world strongly influenced the initial years of alternative medical practices by africans in america. notwithstanding the “health-depressing effects of slavery…africans proved to be exceptionally resilient and capable workers. the agricultural skills and bondage of diverse forms of crop production further contributed to the value of the european plantation system and served as an important dimension of their health-promoting survival skills.” throughout the short-lived indentured servitude era in the colonies and more extensive enslavement period in the nation that became the united states of america, white slavers, through the seasoning process and other divisive mechanisms attempted to eradicate any sense of african being, including the indigenous health practices inherent within enslaved africans. according to historian joseph holloway, “[t]he cruel conditions of slavery, its adherence to a rigid working system, and its rules against any african tradition that threatened the slave system [prematurely] guaranteed the 																																																													 ibid., . sterling stuckey, “through the prism of folklore: the black ethos in slavery” america’s black past, ed. eric foner (new york: harper and row publisher, ), - . sterling stuckey, going through the storm: the influence of african american art in history (new york: oxford university press, ), - . 	 destruction of many african political, social, and economic institutions among the slaves.” to their dismay, africans remained devout keepers of their indigenous cultural sensibilities, invoking those originating impulses from africa; thereby relying on what robert farris thompson calls that “flash of the spirit.” while in captivity, particularly within the plantation system, various symbols were utilized to differentiate and to define the relationship between the slaver and enslaved. for example, the whip was ostensibly representative of the so-called slave master. similarly, the chain was ultimately emblematic of the bondage in which africans found themselves subjected. on the contrary, the lore of herbs and the utilization of the plant and mineral kingdom to administer therapeutic modalities—among other strategies, became symbolic of the defiance africans had against an incipient and underdeveloped dominant medical delivery system antithetical to their welfare. to attend to their medical needs, africans, from their respective locales back home, brought with them their own materia medica, in other words, a keen understanding of how to make effective mineral, plant and herb concoctions to cure an array of illnesses—, therapeutic procedures they had learned and mastered while in africa. from the time of the first settlement by europeans and the usurpation of native 																																																													 joseph e. holloway, africanisms in american culture, second edition (bloomington: indiana university press, ), . see robert farris thompson, flash of the spirit: african & afro-american art & philosophy (new york: vintage books, ). according to marimba ani, a symbol, or what she refers to as an “ikon” (a variant of the word icon) is a powerful image that becomes a forceful presentation of the national and/or cultural idea of a people, which ultimately causes individuals to internalize the values of the dominant a culture, or in this instance, reject it. see marimba ani, yurugu: an african-centered critique of european cultural thought and behavior (trenton, n.j.: african world press, inc., ), . 	 american land up to the revolutionary war, the practice of medicine—in every sense of the word—by white colonists was based merely on conjecture. as a result, the medical practices of the day, employed by europeans americans—what john duffy refers to as “heroic medicine—,” included the usage of pernicious and ineffective curative techniques as well as the administration of harsh and poisonous arsenicals, cathartics, diuretics, emetics, mercurials, purgatives and other harmful drugs. covey alludes to the fact that formally trained physicians during the colonial and enslavement era depended primarily on the dominant medical theory of that time, known as the theory of depletion. the primary modalities, the author maintains, under this prevailing theoretical concept were: ( ) bleeding; ( ) blistering; ( ) purging; ( ) sweating; and ( ) vomiting, with bleeding and purging being administered for almost any ailment, regardless of its symptoms. to pinpoint the harsh effects these drugs had on african captives, sharla fett highlights that of all the fruitless medical treatments haphazardly administered by whites: “most objectionable to enslaved sufferers were the harsh purgatives prescribed by physicians and planters, [and] anyone dosed with heroic medicines such as ipecac, jalap, or tartar emetic soon felt their strong affects.” accordingly, the consequence was that “[f]or enslaved african[s]…purgative medicines took on the additional symbolism of 																																																													 john duffy, the healers: a history of american medicine (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ), - ; and william dillon piersen, black legacy: america’s hidden heritage (amherst: university of massachusetts press, ), . herbert c. covey, african american slave medicine: herbal and non-herbal treatments (lanham, md: lexington books, ), . ibid. sharla m. fett, working cures: healing, health, and power on southern slave plantations (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), . 	 plantar control and bodily objectification.” in recalling the reluctancy and disdain africans had for taking such harsh “medicines,” benjamin botkin offers the words of at least one dissatisfied african, elder alabamian—jenny proctor, who lamented: “we had to take the worst stuff in the world for medicine, just so it was cheap. that old blue mass and bitter apple would keep us out all night.” without question, the african elder’s unfavorable antebellum memories associated the unpleasantness of supposedly antebellum remedial substances with the economic incentives of the slaveholder to impose onto the enslaved, medicine not costly. in her seldomly-referenced dissertation, judith karst examines the pervasive interests and popular attitudes about sickness and health during the colonial period in america and posits that during the eighteenth century, the “lay” healer was as much revered as the so-called trained physician and thusly contributed to the well being of the ill much the same as the latter. during this era, european american practitioners, who were mostly ignorant of the medical doctrines being taught, learned and accredited within european universities, could not afford to receive such training. they had limited or no knowledge on the etiology of diseases, and as a consequence, was in direct competition with their fellow common folk who, were too, well-versed in the feeble palliative methods of the day, argues karst. in essence, whites allowed weak medical theories to 																																																													 ibid. benjamin a. botkin, lay my burden down: a folk history of slavery (new york: dell publishing, ) (reprint, originally published in by university of chicago press), . see judith ward-steinman karst, “newspaper medicine: a cultural study of the colonial south, - ” (ph.d. dissertation, tulane university, ). for a discourse to extend the point karst makes in her dissertation, see also kay k. moss southern folk medicine, - (columbia, sc: university of south carolina press, ); and john c. gunn, gunn’s domestic medicine, or poor man’s friend: in the hours of affliction, pain, and sickness (reprint: originally published in ) (knoxville: the university of tennessee press, ). 	 drive their motives and determine the outcome, rather than drawing conclusions based on observation. with this in mind, a better part of them who attempted to “practice” medicine were either self-taught or apprentice-trained save those affluent enough to receive university medical training abroad. to put it mildly, the state of the medical system in america at that time was in disarray and was in no way yet a full-fledged operational body. nineteenth century physician robert beck recollects on the destitute state of medicine during s in the colonial era and summed up best its medical mediocrity: “as may naturally be presumed, in a country circumstanced as the american colonies were for a long period after their original settlement [and conquest], the medical profession continued for a succession of years in a low and degraded condition. in point of respectability, it undoubtedly stood lower than either the legal or theological professions.” 																																																													 john b. beck, medicine in the american colonies: an historical sketch of the state of medicine in the american colonies, from their first settlement to the period of the revolution (reprint; originally published in ) (albuquerque, nm: horn & wallace publishers, inc., ), . for a more comprehensive discourse on the state and uses of medicine during the colonial period in america, see, robert baker, before bioethics: a history of american medical ethics from the colonial period to the bioethics revolution (new york: oxford university press, ); rebecca tannenbaum, health and wellness in colonial america: health and wellness in daily life (santa barbara: abc-clio, llc, ); louis h. toledo-pereyra, a history of american medicine from the colonial period to the early twentieth century (lewiston, new york: edwin mellen press, ); sharon cotner, kris dippre, david m doody, robin kipps and susan pryor, eds., physick: the professional practice of medicine in williamsburg, virginia, - (williamsburg: colonial williamsburg foundation, ); colonial medicine (williamsburg: jamestown-yorktown foundation, ); john h. cassedy, medicine in america: a short history (baltimore: john hopkins university press, ), particularly chapter ; lester s. king, “the british background for american medicine” the journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (july , ), and “medical education: the early phases, the journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (august , ); raymond phineas steams, science in the british colonies of america (urbana: university of illinois press, ); leonard everett fisher, the doctors: colonial americans (london: franklin watts, ltd., ); joseph ioor waring, a history of medicine in south carolina, - (charleston, s.c.: south carolina medical association, ); richard harrison shyrock, medicine and society in america: - (ithaca: cornell university press, ); thomas 	 as a consequence, the medical experience in america at the time, up until the mid-nineteenth century (when european americans travelling to europe for medical training vastly increased), had been one in which any white man who could read could freely be his own physician; a stark contrast of how africans—prior to their arrival to the west—viewed the custodial responsibilities bestowed upon a select few to carry out the profession. interestingly, physician volney steele maintains that during the same era “one could become a doctor in three ways: ) attend a medical school; ) apprentice himself to a practicing physician; or ) simply purchase a diploma.” nonetheless, tending to one’s illness was done primarily on a one-to-one basis for established infirmaries had yet to be established in america until . in essence, medical guidance and/or formal instruction, based on european standards of competency was lacking due to the fact: there were neither lectures nor hospitals which could be resorted to, while the great expense attending a foreign education put it out of the power of all, except a favored few, to avail themselves of the only means of becoming regularly instructed. under such circumstances it was not to have been expected, for a long series of years after the first settlement of the country, that [the] profession would be at all distinguished for character or knowledge. 																																																																																																																																																																																					 proctor hughes, medicine in virginia, - (williamsburg, va: virginia th anniversary celebration corporation, ); maurice bear gordon, aesculapius comes to the colonies: the story of the early days of medicine in the thirteen original colonies (ventnor, nj: ventnor publishers, inc., ); michael kraus, “american and european medicine in the eighteenth century” bulletin of history of the history of medicine, vol. (january , ); and wyndham b. blanton, medicine in eighteenth century (richmond, va: garrett and massie, inc., ), inter alia. for an examination on the western foundations of medical practices conducted by european americans, see the informative work of guy williams, the age of agony: the art of healing, - (london: constable, ). volney steele, bleed, blister and purge: a history of medicine on the america frontier (missoula, mt: mountain press publishing company, ), . frederic e. sondern, “brief history of organized medicine” bulletin of the new york academy of medicine, vol. , no. , (january ), . beck, medicine in the american colonies, . 	 even university-sanctioned medical schools in america were nonexistent until the latter part of the first half of the eighteenth century. to be exact, there were only two university-established medical schools in operation during this era in the british colonies, both located in the more northeastern region area of the country: ( ) the university of pennsylvania, established in ; and ( ) the university of columbia, founded two years later in . in both colonial and antebellum america there was an unequivocal distinction between the medical practices of europeans (i.e., white americans) versus those of enslaved (and quasi-free) africans. these alleviative customs, as diverse as they were, and still are, foundationally representative in their antecedent intellectual productions. on this very point, carruthers asserts that the variance of such modern orientations between africans and europeans are rooted in antecedent thought processes, what he 																																																													 harold e. farmer, “an account of the earliest colored gentlemen in medical science in the united states” bulletin of the history of medicine, vol. (january , ), . for a more detailed discussion on the chronology of the establishment of conventional medicine in the united states, see see ira rutkow, seeking the cure: a history of medicine in america (new york: scribner, ); volney steele, bleed, blister and purge: a history of medicine on the america frontier (missoula, mt: mountain press publishing company, ); judith w. leavitt and ronald l. numbers, eds., sickness and health in america: readings in the history of medicine and public health (madison: university of wisconsin press, ); james s. cassedy, medicine in america: a short history (baltimore: john hopkins university, ); paul starr, the social transformation of american medicine: the rise of a sovereign profession and the making of a vast industry (new york: basic books, ); john duffy, the healers: a history of american medicine (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ), - , and the healers: the rise of the medical establishment (new york: mcgraw-hill book company, ); joseph f. kett, the formation of the american medical profession: the role of institutions, - (new haven, ct: yale university press, ); henry e. sigerist, “medical history in the united states: past—present— future” bulletin of the history of medicine, vol. (january , ); archibald malloch, “certain old american medical workers” bulletin of the new york academy of medicine, vol. , no. (october, ); and francis randolph packard, history of medicine in the united states, volumes i and ii (new york: paul b. hoeber, inc., ), inter alia. for an assessment on how american medicine transmogrified over a five-hundred year period—since the appearance of the europeans to the americas in the fifteenth century, under the edict of the spanish crown, up to the first half of the twentieth century—, see david dary, frontier medicine: from the atlantic to the pacific, - (new york: vintage books, ). 	 refers to as “tri-continental antiquity.” for carruthers, these more distant and “modern cultural perspectives are: modern science, which in some sense evolved from the ancient european thought, and the living tradition, which is a modern extension of the wisdom of ancient african thought.” in her useful and ethnographically centered work, secret doctors, wanda fontenot addresses the clandestine manner by which africans disregarded the wishes of the “master” class to heal themselves. she writes that despite the “forced treatments, enslaved africans maintained their own afrocentric beliefs and practices associated with certain ailments, and they continued to engage the services of secret doctors [who]…hid their knowledge about medicine, they administered their own remedies (which included herbal medications and/or amulets), and carried out other healing rituals behind closed doors. ” moreover, as a means to counter the disastrous outcomes of remedies administered by white slavers, in an effort to exert some control over their lives, africans tended to their own maladies, or if need be, sought medical counsel from other africans they entrusted. to this chagrin, africans preserved and maintained from an ancient african heritage a distinct brand of self-care, replete with an array of comprehensive remedies. the upshot was the existence of a dual system of health care in america that was invariably at odds with each other—one practiced by africans that was in 																																																													 for a more thorough discussion on the foundations of african/european ancient and modern thought production, see jacob h. carruthers, “science and oppression” (chicago: kemetic institute, ), and western civilization: africa or greece, whose legacy? (chicago: chicago state university, college of education, ). carruthers, mdw ntr, - . wonda l. fontenot, secret doctors: ethnomedicine of african americans (westport, ct: bergin & garvey, ), . 	 alignment with their worldview of complementarity, and the other, by their menacing adversaries. in the words of clovis semmes: the struggle against european oppression and dehumanization deeply involved the struggle to preserve african medical traditions. after all, the battle for the bodies, minds, and spirits of african peoples literally challenged the foundation of [european american] traditional medical practices. even though…africans brought better preventive health measures, more diverse vegetable diets, better oral hygiene, better habits of cleanliness, and an array of effective herbal and physical treatments to the new world, chattel slavery eroded these practices over time…nevertheless, the enslaved africans made new adaptations, transmitted traditional medical knowledge informally [through the oral tradition], learned and practiced “white” medicine, learned about local herbal remedies from native peoples, and explored and tested their new environments for effective medical remedies. furthermore, william piersen and other scholars reveal that the content mastery of self-treatment by africans held in thralldom inadvertently caused many europeans, despite their detestation of african mores, to acknowledge the efficacy of remedies created from the plant kingdom, and as a result, sought their medicinal counsel. to their dismay, europeans routinely observed africans having greater success attending to and treating; ( ) various illnesses; ( ) wounds that needed extra care in order to heal; and ( ) tropical diseases particularly associated with africans, such as yaws—a physical disorder in which the responsibility to cure was bestowed upon enslaved african 																																																													 clovis e. semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism. . william dillon piersen, black legacy: america’s hidden heritage (amherst: university of massachusetts press, ), . see also, todd l. savitt, medicine and slavery: the diseases and health care of blacks in antebellum virginia (urbana: university of illinois press, ), ; richard b. sheridan, doctors and slaves: a medical and demographic history of slavery in the british west indies, - (cambridge, uk: cambridge university press, ), , ; kenneth f. kiple and virginia hammelsteib king, another dimension to the black diaspora: diet, disease and racism (new york: cambridge university press, ), ; and lawrence w. levine, black culture and consciousness: afro-american folk thought from slavery to freedom (new york: oxford university press, ), - . 	 women. moreover, whites would often depend on the enslaved community to administer medical care to their own. in severe cases of illnesses among africans, plantation owners would openly seek the assistance from the enslaved community, be it woman or man; however, savitt does admit to the paranoia of white slavers that, “in regular illnesses among the majority of slaves, planters expected to be informed and involved in the treatment.” on the contrary, without their (whites) knowledge, africans ensured the continuation of a “living tradition” and resisted the demands of their white abductors. hence, “black home remedies circulated secretly through the slave quarters and were passed down privately [and orally] from generation to generation,” [and m]ost of these cures were derived from local plants…..[by which] whites would learn of a particularly effective medicine and adopt it.” a case in point: physician, turned confederate soldier (with the rank of captain) richard s. cauthorn, who turned his acre plantation in essex county, virginia into a confederate camp, atypically publicized in the issue of the monthly stethoscope and medical reporter that a remedy, which had been used for years by enslaved africans while in bondage, was equally as effective (if not more) as quinine in treating spasmodic 																																																													 sheridan, doctors and slaves, - , ; and piersen, black legacy, - . yaws is a transmittable disease in which enslaved africans and others indigenously from tropical climates (i.e., the caribbean, central and south america, the pacific islands and southeast asia) had a proclivity to contract. this sickness is acquired by presence of a microorganism, called a spirochete, in the bloodstream. as the disease relates to enslavement in the u.s., clovis semmes reveals: “in the antebellum south yaws was at times mistaken for syphilis…[and] tended to protect against syphilis, but the disease died out by the civil war. after this time, syphilis became more of a problem for african americans.” semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism, . todd l. savitt, medicine and slavery: the diseases and health care of blacks in antebellum virginia (urbana, il: university of illinois press, ), . ibid. 	 chills and fevers. this admittance by cauthor further reveals that during the chattel era enslaved africans had their own unique medical system, which was further evidenced in recurrent references in the literary works by other whites. some of these references include pieces written by william byrd and francis p. porter, among others. in another example, but more nuanced, south carolina plantation owner, henry reverend expressed how one of the africans he had in bondage, “old march,” had a such a keen facility with herb usage to cure ailments, that he “was commonly consulted by his fellow slaves that that white doctor who was called in to treat the slaves “complained that his prescription were thrown out the window, and march’s decoctions taken in their stead.” africans’ wide-ranging lore of herbs and other plant life (i.e., organic elements of the natural world) was without question an awareness due to the intergenerational transference of classical african medicinal knowledge of anterior times. hence, one cannot ignore how much enslaved africans’ botanical expertise contributed to the materia medica of white america albeit in contrast with the latter’s traditional medical practices. during the era in which slavery was the central mode of economy in america, europeans customarily observed africans having greater success in treating various 																																																													 richard s. cauthorn, “a new anti-periodic and a substitute for quinia,” monthly stethoscope and medical reporter, vol. ii, no. , eds. goodridge a. wilson and richmond a. lewis (january ), - . see louis b. wright and marion tinling translated and edited version, the secret diary of william byrd of westover, - (petersburg, va: dietz press, ). see francis p. porter, “report on the indigenous medical plants of south carolina.” in transactions of the american medical association, vol. ( ): - . lawrence w. levine, black culture and black consciousness: afro-american folk thought from slavery to freedom (new york: oxford university press, ), - . 	 diseases. in peirsen’s chapter, “duh root doctuh wuz all we need,” from his informative text, black legacy, the author asserts: “africans had a broader, more psychologically sophisticated conception of disease causation and control than did early emigrants from europe.” in this respect, as cauthorn recognized before him, piersen postulates that africans who were brought to the americas against their will were most likely the innovators to the discovery of quinine (used to treat malaria) and sarsaparilla, by which the latter would be subsequently used as a diuretic to treat venereal diseases. similarly, africans had brought with them from their ancestral homeland the applied knowledge on how to inoculate with the small pox virus (known as variolation) before the spread of this form of immunization became prominent in europe and america,” explains sheridan. in the same vein, gwendolyn mildo hall explicates, in her groundbreaking treatise, africans in colonial louisiana, how african ingenuity in the mastery of treating illnesses with herbs were significant in the deep south. she writes that enslaved africans were frequently commissioned as: medical doctors and surgeons in eighteenth-century louisiana. they were skilled in herbal medicine and were often better therapists than the french doctors, who were always described as surgeons. du pratz wrote that a slave doctor belonging to the plantation of the king in new orleans had taught him to ‘cure all illnesses to which women are subject, because these black women are no 																																																													 piersen, black legacy, . ibid., . through his own research, piersen discovers that as early as , in colonial peru, african women, in the city of lima, sold foodstuffs to its denizens and offered curative therapies using sarsaparilla to treat ailments that cause swelling of the lymph nodes in the axillae region (i.e., armpit and groin) of the body, more commonly known as buboes. see piersen, black legacy, ibid. in citing nicolas bautista monardes’ written work as a source, piersen maintains that “the first recognition of the medical properties of sarsaparilla in the english-speaking world would not be until a generation later in ,” . see john frampton, nicolas monardes: joyfull news out of the new founde world, wherein is declared the rare and singular vertues of diuerse and sundrie hearbes, trees, oyles, plantes, and stones, with their applications, as well for phisicke as chirurgerie (translated from the spanish edition) (london, ), sheridan, doctors and slaves, . 	 more exempt than white women.’ this slave doctor had an effective cure for scurvy before , the year du pratz left louisiana. first he treated the pain. then he made a paste from iron rust soaked in lemon juice and herbs, which he placed on the patient’s gums at all times except when the patient ate…evidently, this cure was ignored in louisiana, where it would have been easy to administer: there were so many oranges growing there that the [european] settlers allowed them to rot on the trees. as late as , scurvy among the newly settled canary islanders was attributed to eating salt meat.” being from a tropical climate, africans, even though enslaved, readily used more vegetables in their diets than their european foes. and even in a racist society where enslaved african’s dietary regimes were of least importance to white slavers, the nurturing and community-oriented spirit of those africans in bondage even still “improved the nutritional habits of many of their [captors].” along the lines of sanitation and cleanliness, the “[p]reventive and public health measures” taken by enslaved africans “included daily baths, wearing loose clothing and washing it daily, burning animal waste and rubbish, the use of fires to protect against insects and chills, variolation, and the use of toilets and latrines. moreover, the africans routinely practiced better oral hygiene than the europeans, using certain groups and herbs to clean and brushed their teeth.” unfortunately, as africans became more accustomed with the cultural influences of their white counterparts, as it relates to eating regimes (diet)—save the culinary concoctions created by enslaved africans known today as “soul food”—, their lives became more europeanized, and as a result, became less healthy. the eurocentric scholarship of white anthropologist loudell snow, whose body of scholarly research is centered and veiled in the investigation of naturalistic alternative 																																																													 gwendolyn mildo hall, africans in colonial louisiana: the development of afro-creole culture in the eighteenth century, (baton rouge: university of louisiana state university press, ), . piersen, black legacy, . semmes, racism, health, and post-industrialism, - . 	 methods of self-health care by contemporary africans, attempts to minimize the significance of the indigenous african contribution to the contemporary medical health delivery system in the united states. within her article, “folk medical beliefs and their implications for care of patients,” snow indicates that “folk medicine” as a whole developed from an amalgamation of intercultural theoretical and practical medical approaches and practices, which she opines ultimately derived from modern scientific medicine. to add insult to the discourse of a sustained and evident african holistic medical tradition, snow, by way of her formal anthropological training, without hesitancy, regards one of the contributory elements as “african rare traits.” in a word, her racist and minimalist definition of the african healing systems, which was most pervasive, functional and contributory during the colonial and antebellum eras in america, attempts to abate this fact as if africans did not come to the west with indigenous and inherent cultural values. the research, however, exhibits that the african contribution to the american medical delivery system is more extensive than snow expresses. not only did africans contribute to their own health care, but many of their medicinal points of views were incorporated into the larger enslavement system in the united states as well as the other slave holding societies in the americas. on this very point, william grimé emphasizes: one of the natural consequences that followed the beginning of the exploration of the west african coast by the portuguese…was their acceptance of slavery, soon to be followed by an active participation in…the lucrative slave trade between the coasts of western africa and eastern south america. indeed, the decade that followed is one of the most important periods for the documentation of the 																																																													 loudell f. snow, “folk medical beliefs and their implications for care of patients.” annals of internal medicine, vol. , no. (july ), . ibid. 	 man-made dispersal of plant materials and products. there is hardly any questions that such staple food plants as the yam (dioscorea), the cassava (manihot), maize (zea), the banana and its related plantain species (musa), and sorghum (sorghum), to mention a few, owe their existence on both sides of the atlantic to the ever-sailing slave ships. to add emphasis, in the entire chapter, entitled “plants introduced by the slaves” grimé provides an extended enumeration, with detailed descriptions and pictorials, of a total of seventeen plants that accompanied captured and soon to be enslaved africans on their unwarranted journey into the unknown abyss of the west atlantic. additionally, in the section of the text, titled “plants employed by the slaves,” the author provides an extensive list of plant flora africans utilized to heal themselves and others while in bondage. in similar fashion, authors kenneth kiple and virgina king, whose written work, another dimension to the black diaspora, is a study of african disease susceptibilities and immunities in slave-holding societies throughout the united states, compiled an extensive list of herbal and plant remedies utilized by african healing practitioners during the antebellum era that included the following plant species: catnip, chinaberry tea, comfrey, dogwood, elephant tongue, garlic, jerusalem oak, life everlasting (a.k.a. rabbit tobacco), mayapple, mustard week, orange milkweed, peach tree leaves, peter’s root, pine needles, poke root, raspberry leaves, red oak bark, sea myrtle, sage, snakeroot, sweet 																																																													 william ed grimé, ethno-botany of the black americans (algonac, mi: reference publications, inc., ), . see also, edward s. ayensu, medicinal plants of west africa (algonac, mi:reference publications, ), ; and robert voeks and john rashford, eds., african ethnobotany in the americas (new york: springer, ). ibid., - . ibid., - . 	 william root, tansy leaves, and wintergreen tea (a.k.a. lion’s tongue), to name a few. understandably so, african uses of the vegetation for curative purposes varied depending on the region from which they were held in bondage, primarily because of the multifarious strains within the plant kingdom. with this in mind: “herbal practices, for example, changed with varying ecosystems,” and specific regions, such as the south carolina sea islands and coastal georgia, which “offered more concentrated evidence of african cultural retentions.” in summation, piersen advances the idea that: african practitioners were, in fact, no less skillful than their european counterparts, and in many ways black medical practice was superior to that offered by the white practitioners who were typically recognized as the era’s only legitimate doctors. the transference of african medical knowledge permitted black americans not only to tend to their own medical needs but to contribute to the improvement of american health as a whole. even today, in the st century, the allopathic medical healthcare system in the united states, as well as other industrialized european nations, rely heavily on herbs as biomedicine extrapolates the therapeutic essences of these flowering plants to mimic its ameliorative effects with the making of synthetic pharmaceutical drugs. given the continued reliance on holistic health therapeutic techniques and other alternative health devices (e.g., the usage of herbs, a more nutritious low-protein, a non-animal-based eating regiment to eradicate degenerative diseases, etc.) in many african communities throughout america, individuals will continue to seek, use, and even become more reliant on alternative medical solutions that can be traced to, in the more immediate historical 																																																													 kenneth f. kiple and virginia himmelsteib king, another dimension to the black diaspora: diet, disease, and racism (cambridge: ma, cambridge university press, ), . sharla fett, working cures: healing, health, and power on southern slave plantations (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), . piersen, black legacy, . 	 sense, self-care health customs of enslaved africans in the antebellum south, and to an even more antecedent time of classical african medicinal practices. 	 	 chapter : the predominence of “scientific” medicine unveiled introduction while chapter four of this dissertation was more historical in nature, this section of the treatise is more instructive. presently, there is a marked rise in the popularity of holistic or alternative medical practices in the united states, and given the poor state of health a substantial amount of africans in america find themselves in, this chapter is a imploration to the african masses to consider the various effective holistic modalities available to them; make better food choices; and as an act of liberation, take matters of health into our own hands. in this regard, the overall intent of this section of the dissertation is to: ( ) examine and differentiate between the therapeutic concepts of mainstream “scientific” medicine and holistic medicine as a means to highlight the different approaches each utilizes to address various health disparities and/or dis-eases; ( ) highlight how, through the emergence of the philanthropic-sanctioned work of abraham flexner, the holistic or alternative health professions in the united states became ostracized and labeled by the medical governing bodies as “unconventional” from the beginning of the twentieth century onward. it is the expectation of the writer that the information provided would allow some of us to consider (or reconsider previously practiced medial beliefs) these alternative therapeutic measures as a substitute to combat ailments, those extant or forthcoming. 	 “scientific” medicine unveiled, holistic medicine upheld what i discovered in my search to identify myself and why we failed to respond to a medical system in which i was taught had all the answers, was the simple fact that the standard of evaluating the health of the patient was never a standard based on the patient’s anatomy, physiology, growth and development curves. when i came into the awareness that the medical western standard of health chemically is based on the blood chemistry of the caucasian male and female, and the physiology and anatomy of the caucasian male and female, it was quite obvious that i could never experience optimal health care when measured by a standard that belongs to another race. in a non-colonial society the attitude of a sick man in the presence of a medical practitioner is one of confidence. the patient trusts the doctor; he puts himself in his hands. he yields his body to him. he accepts the fact that pain may be awakened or exacerbated by the physician, for the patient realizes that the intensifying of suffering in the course of examination may pave the way to peace in his body. at no time in a non-colonial society, does the patient mistrust his doctor. on the level of technique, of knowledge, it is clear that a certain doubt can filter into the patient’s mind, but this may be due to a hesitation on the part of the doctor which modifies the original confidence. scientific medicine, as predominately practiced in nations that considered themselves “developed,” is heralded as being the most effective method of treating illnesses. however, there are a great number of myths and misconceptions upon which the success of scientific medicine is built. for instance, authors michael rachlis and carol kushner, whose written work critiques the bio-medical model of canada, which is in many ways analogous to that of the united states, argue that present day medical practices operate in a manner that calls into question the “scientific-ness” of its scientific medical practices. in their estimation: “[t]here remains little doubt that the lack of 																																																													 jewel pookrum, vitamins and minerals from a to z. frantz fanon, a dying colonialism. 	 ‘science’ in medicine leads directly to a lot of unwarranted intervention, which not only waste scarce resources but risks harming patients as well. in the same vein, african- centered physician nana kwaku opines that allopathic medicine “arrogantly and chauvinistically dismisses all that fails to toe the line of the medical industrial complex.” this system,” adds opare, “sucks up an obscene . percent of our [gross domestic product] and gives us over , dead per year. complications brought on by the doctor or hospital are the third leading cause of death in the united states.” in his piece, is your doctor’s medicine killing you? llaila afrika mirrors the sentiments of opare by highlighting the iatrogenic causes of death via the administration of pharmaceutical drugs and the encumbering burden they place on the human body. afrika upholds: the use of synthetic isolated concentrated chemicals (drugs) are harmful. when consumed they trigger the sympathetic nervous system (fight or flight action) to respond by fighting to rid the body of the invading chemical. the physiological reactions of the immune, digestive, lymphatic, nervous, hormonal reproductive, skeletal and circulatory systems is to fight the poisonous drug. the drug changed the normal biochemistry of the body and all the bodily systems alter their biochemical make up by contributing their biochemical to fight the invader. once they give away their biochemical balance, they become altered and sick fighting against the drug. 																																																													 michael rachlis and carol kushner, second opinion: what’s wrong with canda’s health-care system (toronto: collins publishers, ), . nana kwaku opare, the rule book and user guide for healthy living: common sense for black folks who are sick and tired of being sick and tired (atlanta: opare publishing, llc, ), . ibid. in closely reading the article from which opare obtained these statistics, the exact total number of deaths per year in america, due to iatrogenic (physician-caused) reasons were , in , the time in which the article was produced. moreover, the breakdown of medical fatalities are as follows: , deaths per year from adverse effects of medication; , deaths per year due to infections contracted while hospitalized (i.e., nosocomial infections); , deaths per year from multifactorial errors occurring in hospitals; , fatalities per year as a result of needles or superfluous surgeries; and , deaths annually from erroneous or inadequate medication administration to patients. see barbara starfield, “is us health really the best in the world?” journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (july , ), - . llaila o. afrika, is your doctor’s medicine killing you:? medical drugs that do not work (elmont, ny: afrikan holistic health, ), . 	 consequently, as prescriptions drugs are taken to “treat” certain symptoms, the root cause of the illness is masked and never addressed, thereby allowing the chemical makeup of pharmaceuticals to cause havoc, and in turn, destroy helpful bacteria (i.e. flora) in the intestinal tract, which can lead to an array of issues with the bowel system. in both theory and practice, scientific medicine takes a reductionist approach to health and disease. this form of medical practice maintains that health and disease can be explained by organic functioning or dysfunction. distinguished nutritional biochemist and professor emeritus of cornell university t. colin campbell, whose significant work as a proponent of a whole foods plant-based diet and involvement with the groundbreaking china study, as well as the most recent documentary on health, 																																																													 the china study, considered the most elaborate, comprehensive ecological study of health and nutrition conducted in the contemporary era, is a twenty-year study carried out through the triumvirate partnership and efforts of the chinese academy of preventive medicine, cornell university and oxford university, which revealed, through extensive research, that high consumption of animal-based foods is associated more with chronic diseases, while those individuals who consumed primarily a plant-based eating regiment were more healthier and free from such temporal ailments. see junshi chen, t. colin campbell, li junyao and richard peto, eds. diet, lifestyle, and mortality in china: a study of the characteristics of chinese counties, zhongguo de shan shi, sheng huo fang shi he si wang (oxford: oxford university press, ithaca: cornell university press, and beijing: people’s medical publishing house, ). published some fifteen years later, a more recent rendition of the former medical treatise was written by t. collin campbell and his son, thomas campbell ii, a medical physician. offered within this posterior piece is over primary sources as references, to include a majority of scholarly publications from the scientific community, which reveal: “dietary change can enable diabetic patients to go off their medication; heart disease can be reversed with the diet alone; breast cancer is related to levels of female hormones in the blood, which are determined by the food we eat; consuming dairy foods can increase the risk of prostate cancer; antioxidants, found in fruits and vegetables, are linked to better mental performance in old age; kidney stones can be prevented by a healthy diet; and type diabetes, one of the most devastating diseases that can befall a child, is convincingly linked to infant feeding practices.” t. colin campbell and thomas m. campbell ii, the china study: the most comprehensive study of nutrition ever conducted and the startling implications for diet, weight loss and long-term health (dallas: benbella books, ), - . in an interview with the new york times, t. collin campbell verbalized his disdain for the myth established by scientific medicine that degenerative diseases are hereditary. in his own words: “the idea is that we should be consuming whole foods. we should not be relying on the idea that genes are determinants of our health. we should not be relying on the idea that nutrient supplementation is the way to get nutrition, because it’s not. i’m talking about whole, plant-based foods.” “nutrition advice from the china study” new york times, january , . 	 forks over knives, offers his expertise and explores the predominant scientific paradigmatic value of reductionism as it relates to allopathic or mainstream medicine. in his most recent publication, entitled whole, campbell juxtaposes the wholistic (the methodological premise from which holistic medicine operates) and reductionist approaches—the theoretical model on which organized or scientific medicine is based. campbell insists that the former takes into account the whole as being greater than the sum of its parts, while proponents of the latter feel you get a better understanding of the world by focusing on the components or parts rather than the whole. as a result, the reductionist approach, which compartmentalizes the body’s dysfunction as it seeks out treatment, is the primary reason that allopathic medicine seeks, through the creation of an array of research grants, “medical solutions,” consequently spending millions of taxpayers dollars on medical research to “combat” individualized dis-eases (e.g., cancer research) that could otherwise be addressed from a comprehensive or holistic perspective, taking into account the synthesis of the corporeal and utilizing naturalistic, alternative means to eradicate illnesses. afrika acknowledges the intentional economic greed by the scientific medical 																																																													 t. colin campbell, along with naturopathic physician, pam popper; african american physician terry mason, who serves as the commissioner for the department of public health in chicago; chinese physician junshi chen; and european american physicians: neal barnard, caldwell esselstyn, john mcdougal as well as husband and wife physician team, matthew lederman and alona pulde, who founded and currently operate exsalus health and wellness center in los angeles, california, a medical practice that focuses on preventing and reversing dis-ease without the use of pharmaceuticals but utilizes a comprehensive patient-centered approach, are among the main cast of this groundbreaking documentary, forks over knives, which advances, through extensive medical research and successful human clinical trials, the concept that a whole foods plant-based diet can eradicate an array of degenerative diseases and/or metabolic syndromes (i.e., hypertension, type diabetes, cardiovascular disease, osteoporosis, arthritis, to name a few) without the use of invasive surgery and/or pharmaceutical drugs. see lee fulkerson (director), forks over knives (los angeles: monica beach media, ). t. colin campbell and howard jacboson, whole: rethinking the science of nutrition (dallas: benbella books, ), . 	 community, which, in his estimation, have no regard for the human body or “temple” and offers his position on the matter: “caucasians have an overabundance of research projects and institutions and devote large sums of money to them.” in the absence of “knowing,” afrika feels that “[w]hen you research any subject it means that you lack knowledge about the subject. in this case, we have a civilization (european) that is ignorant.” in short, the author concludes that african lives (and others) are imperiled by avarice and medical ignorance. haki madhubuti echoes the sentimentalities shared by afrika. for him, “western technology and science is very destructive to individuals, the society and the environment.” “this is not to infer,” madhubuti continues, “that there have not been any ‘advancements,’ but it is to suggests that most of the time and money invested in western research and development have not made people healthier.” with obesity and other degenerative diseases reaching epidemic proportions worldwide today, the time has now come for the mainstream medical community to come to terms 																																																													 afrika, african holistic health, xxv. ibid. haki r. madhubuti, black men obsolete, single, dangerous? the afrikan american family in transition: essays in discovery, solution and hope (chicago: third world press, ), . ibid. now that obesity and other metabolic syndrome dis-eases are currently plaguing a majority of europeans worldwide, there is a sense of all out global urgency, in the same way the united states and other europeans nations militarily took notice of the third reich, in the late s and early s, when nazi germany imposed its political and oppressive dominion onto other “whites,” namely european ashkenazi jews (as well as africans and the roma), who were persecuted in nazi concentration camps. in reviewing data spanning nations and over , studies from to , the institute for health metrics and evaluation at the university of washington, in seattle, found that a staggering . billion people worldwide are now considered overweight and obese. to no surprise, thirteen percent of world’s obesity epidemic problem, the largest share of any country, is home to the united states, even though america accounts for less than five percent of the planet’s population; china and india are close second and third, respectively. for africans in america, due to disenfranchisement, socio-economic conditions and disproportionate distribution of resources in the united states, the rates of obesity for specific population are even more alarming. see, “weight of the world: . billion people obese or overweight” chicago tribune (june , ), . see also, thomas h. frazier and stephen a. mcclave, “nutritional therapy of the obese critically ill patient” clinical nutrition highlights, vol. , no. ( ), - . 	 with the fact that other alternative naturalistic health practices should seriously not only be taken into account, but in some medical instances, should be the preferred method of treatment. irwin press offers an insightful juxtaposition between holistic medicine and scientific medicine and provides the value of the former, particularly as it relates to the community. for press, alternative health medical systems are: open systems, accepting substantive input from-and thus capable of functionally contributing to-economic, familial, ritual, moral, and other institutional sectors. modern, scientific medicine, on the other hand, is a largely closed system, based on precisely defined knowledge, technique, and procedures, all of which are discontinuous from ordinary social process. its governing paradigm isolates modern medicine from the social and cultural environment. its concepts and methods have become universal in application and are not altered significantly by time and place of treatment or by [the] personality of [the] physician. an open system is an adaptive system. it is capable of incorporating new environmental elements and thus may change or elaborate its structure as a condition of survival or variability…as open systems, [holistic health] medical systems should thus be especially capable of adapting to novel environments or threats and of affording continuity of old functions while offering new ones to meet the needs of populations experiencing new pressures and opportunities. this capability of folk medicine appears to be a significant ‘factor accounting for the low incidence of psychiatric disorders in societies undergoing considerable social change, where rates would be expected to be higher. in all honesty, the writer understands that there are certain physical maladies or injurious circumstances that need to be treated by invasive measures (i.e., surgery or administration of certain anesthesia), and the reality is that such traumatic circumstances (e.g, an open fracture) cannot rely on herbal remedies for corrective action or satisfactory therapeutic results. this, one cannot deny. however, on the other hand, we also cannot repudiate the “fact that the disease industry wants to use a drug to cure every physical and mental condition without discovering why energy is being [wit]held, what caused an ailment or why the immune system is compromised, is every reason for holistic 																																																													 irwin press, “urban folk medicine: a functional overview” american anthropologist, vol. , no. (march, ), - . 	 practitioners to recognize nature and listen to the body.” the aforementioned words by african naturopathic physician keith moreno in chapter three of this work resonates and ushers in a universal therapeutic call to arms for custodians and advocates of natural medical techniques alike to take heed and action. although campbell’s critique is grounded in medicine, what his observation brings to light is the significance of culture as it relates to the variance between two worldviews: one that is linear (“scientific” in the western/european sense) and one that is cyclic (holistic or cyclic in nature). on this very point, daudi ajani ya azibo, in citing african psychologist wade nobles, maintains that the african worldview, as an inquiry of the empirical world or scientific construct, expresses itself at the primary level of culture, through the exploration of axiology (acknowledgement and practice of moral and governing principles), cosmology (an inquiry of the origin the universe), and ontology (an investigation of the nature of being). such a worldview, contends azibo, takes into account and truly understands all elements of the universe—including the biological makeup of humans—are intrinsically connected, interrelated and depend on a symbiotic 																																																													 keith moreno, the mistrust about disease: ethnomedicine as applied to the misconceptions of health (seattle: createspace independent publishing, ), . for an expanded discussion on how scientific medicine and multinational pharmaceutical corporations manipulate illness as a source of profit and control, see howard b. waitzkin and barbara waitzkin, the exploitation of illness in capitalist society (indianapolis: bobbs-merrill educational publishing, ). daudi ajani ya azibo, “articulating the distinction between black studies and the study of blacks: the fundamental role of culture and the african-centered worldview” the afrocentric scholar: the journal of the national council of black studies, vol. , no. (may , ), - . in this written piece, azibo is mindful and rightfully acknowledges that wade nobles’ differentiates between the theoretical concepts of worldview and cosmology (page , f.n. ). see wade nobles, “the reclamation of and the right to reconciliation: an afro-centric perspective on developing and implementing programs for the mentally retarded offender” the black mentally retarded offender: a wholistic approach to prevention and habilitation, eds., a. harvey and t. carr (new york: united church of christ commission for racial justice, ), - ; and wade nobles, l. goddard and w. cavil iii, the km ebit husia (oakland: the institute for advanced study of black family life and culture, ), - . 	 and rhythmic connection to maintain a harmonious balance. as this relates to the holistic model of medicine, a disease from which an individual suffers could very well be causal because of other contributory factors, thereby effecting the initial underlying physical disparity (e.g., an emotional imbalance, the occurrence of a psychologically-traumatic event, etc.) in a word, within this system of medicinal analysis, health and disease are contextualized within a broader spectrum that includes other factors seen as relevant to a person's health, and as a result, comprehensive therapeutic tactics are sought out to establish a homeostasis state within the body. it would be slipshod reasoning to suggest or claim that “scientific” medical practices serve no purpose or have little value. without question, the technological advances attained by this medical approach have, through acute intervention, saved many lives and continues to do so to this very day. nevertheless, the misconceptions of the perceived success of scientific medicine have bolstered the high degree of confidence, to put it mildly, in scientific medicine as the correct treatment method for those in medical need. in summation, the predominate belief that mainstream medicine is the preeminent and perhaps the only medicinal strategy to remedy physical maladies and/or dis-eases is arrogant at best, and preposterous at worst. to clarify, curative practices associated with scientific medicine follow the western model and include all of those currently offered and taught in medical schools throughout the united states and abroad that are sanctioned by governing and self- regulating medical professional bodies such as the american medical association 																																																													 azibo, “articulating the distinction between black studies and the study of blacks,” . 	 (ama), the american colleges of surgeons, and the royal college of physicians & surgeons of the united states. self-regulating professional medical bodies such as the aforementioned establishes a foundation for custodians of conventional medical sciences (and the practice itself), and equally significant, provides an apparent justification for thinking that scientific medicine is the more suitable and only viable form of medical practice. revealing as it may be, the phrase “allopathic medicine” is commonly associated with and lies within the scope of scientific medicine. even more, the term “allopathy” is used to indicate and encompasses all contemporary practices under conventional medicine. surprisingly, the term allopathy was actually coined by samuel hahnemann, the founder of the alternative medicinal practice known as homeopathy, to depict a particular theory of treatment. the term itself, according to james wharton, means “other than disease” and refers to a method of treating illnesses and symptoms in which the drugs have no similarity or “other set relation to the disease.” to be clear, the definition is contrasted with the definition for “homeopathy,” which refers to its pharmacological principle, the “law of similars.” while allopathic remedies attack or act against the symptoms or illness, homeopathic remedies are matched to the symptoms 																																																													 the theoretical bedrock of western medical institutions that follow the scientific model of medicine is the royal college of physicians & surgeons, which have four colleges housed in ireland and the united kingdom, to include: ) the royal college of surgeons of edinburgh; ) the royal college of surgeons of england; ) the royal college of physicians and surgeons of glasgow; and ) the royal college of surgeons in ireland. satellites of the royal college have been established in other european ran countries, such as australia, canada, the united states and zealand as well as in non-european countries, namely hong kong, south africa, and thailand. for an editorial overview of the medical objectives outlined for the professional body housed in america, see the journal of the royal college of physicians and surgeons of the united states of america: education, research and retraining, vol. , no. ( - ). james c. wharton, “the first holistic review: alternative medicine in the th century” examining holistic medicine, eds., douglas stalker and clark glymour (new york: prometheus books, ), . 	 experienced in an effort to treat “like with like.” on another note, the catchphrase “scientific medicine,” like the idiom “holistic health” is an umbrella term in which a multitude of health practices have dissimilar approaches toward dealing with health and disease. a case in point: virologists are specialists that frame dis-ease as an infection from which it can be addressed by chemical means; immunologists hone in on dis-ease(s) within a particular immune system by assisting in its incapacity to defend itself against harmful bacteria; and epidemiologists are professionals who address the prevalence of dis-eases within a particular population. the designation “holistic medicine,” on the other hand, is usually applied to any form of health care delivery system at variance from medical practices endorsed by medical regulatory bodies, such as those previously mentioned. in general, holistic or alternative medicine does not fall under the regulatory guidelines of medical organizations like the american medical association (ama). as alluded to earlier, the label attached to these forms of therapeutic practices, like its counterpart (scientific medicine), include a broad range of alternative approaches to medicine, which are not offered in medical schools throughout america. exemplars of holistic medicinal practices include: colon hydrotherapy, iridology, naturopathy and reflexology, to name a few. in their article, “unconventional medicine in the united states,” authors eisenberg, kessler, foster, norlock, calkins and delbanco highlight that pejorative epithets, such as “unorthodox” or “unconventional” are intentionally attached to holistic 																																																													 dana ullman, homeopathy in the st century (berkeley, ca: north atlantic books, ), . katherine cotrell, “the age of alternatives” chatelaine, vol. , no. (july ), . for definitions of these various holistic health practices, see “definition of key terms” in chapter of this dissertation. 	 health practices by the dominant medical community, regardless of their proven efficacy in treating illnesses and/or diseases; with the more tolerant of the labels being “complimentary.” the first two designations signify that, according to governing medical bodies, alternative health practices are not in conformity with its regulatory standards. quite often these terms are used depreciatory for curative services that are not unlawful per se but are not endorsed as legitimate medical practices either by predominate medical organizations. on the other hand, “[n]ot all doctors, of course, are disdainful of the new trends.” therefore, the latter appellation—complimentary medicine—is used more frequently by medical doctors sympathetic to holistic therapeutic practices, who view them as not in competition with scientific medicine but rather as having a symbiotic relationship in the eradication of dis-eases. as the term implies, any treatment that is deemed “wholistic” or “holistic” is any treatment that takes into account the entire being of a person. thus, a patient’s symptoms are considered in a multidimensional nature; that is, the spiritual, mental, emotional and physical makeup of an individual is under the scope of investigation and not just the physical component—as it is in scientific medicine. in a word, that which affects the mind, body and spirit of an individual is taken into account, critically examined and considered as agents towards one’s health or its antithesis—disease. such a diagnosis takes into account the african worldview, as espoused by azibo and other african thinkers. this frame of medical reasoning invokes the understanding: an individual 																																																													 david m. eisenberg, ronald c. kessler, cindy foster, frances e. norlock, david r. calkins and thomas l. delbanco, “unconventional medicine in the united states: prevalence, costs, and patterns of use” new england journal of medicine, vol. , no. (january , ), . kenneth r. pelletier, holistic medicine: from stress to optimum health (new york: delacorte press/seymour lawrence, ), xvii. 	 (indivisibility + duality) that is situated in her/his environment is part of a larger whole. prior to the abatement of the consciousness of the african healer, afrika advances that “the ancestral teachers of the african healing arts understood and taught its practitioners that: ( ) all things in nature were related; ( ) all matter in nature originated from “the one divine source;” ( ) all creation was related and similar, but each living organism was original and unique; and ( ) all life and matter was created for a specific purpose and for a specific divine reason.” accordingly, a person exists, not isolated from the milieu from which she/he resides, and it is this context, which profoundly affects one’s health and well-being. in short, the methodological and theoretical frameworks of holistic health practices deem it compulsory to include and take into account all elements of a person’s existence, those corporeal and metaphysical. interestingly, several forms of alternative medicinal practices have, if you will, achieved a partial “mainstream” status in their own right, while other naturalistic therapeutic practices remain on the medical fringe of mainstream or conventional medicine. acupuncture and chiropractic medical care are prime examples. these practices, argues cotrell, have achieved professional recognition by scientific medicine due to the fact they have produced medical results backed by western notions of scientific investigation. understandably so, still to this day, many of the medical practices considered holistic or alternative in nature remain on the periphery on medical acceptability. up to the early part of the twentieth century this was not the case in america. practitioners of the holistic health or alternative healing community practiced 																																																													 afrika, african holisitc health, . cotrell, “the age of alternatives,” . 	 somewhat freely in the united states, as did their fellow colleagues, university-trained medical physicians. however, with the publication of a monumental written work commissioned by the carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching in , medicine—how it would be practiced and taught in the university—would be transformed henceforth. in fact, the sweeping research on medical education in the united states, conducted by abraham flexner, fueled by the philanthropic auspices of andrew carnegie, and subsequently the john d. rockefeller’s benefaction of scientific medical reform ensured that the holistic health and/or naturalistic alternative health tradition remain on the medical fringe well into the sth century. flexner, philanthropy and the medical fringe of the holistic health profession much of the reverence given to abraham flexner is on account of the extensive medical research he conducted in the early nineteenth century on behalf of organized professional medicine in the united states. in december, flexner, an educator as opposed to as a physician, was formally hired by henry smith pritchett, president of the carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching, as a result of the attention the former garnered with the publication of his written work, the american college. in a 																																																													 published in , the american college was written by abraham flexner while he was enrolled in graduate studies at the university of berlin. the treatise was a critique of the system of higher education in america. within the book, flexner quotes harvard university board member charles francis adams, jr., grandson of john quincy adams, as saying: “so far as i have been able to ascertain through twenty-five years of discussions of the harvard board, of which i have been a member…the [college] authorities are as wide apart now as they ever were. there is no agreement; no unified effort to a given end.” mimicking the sentiments of adams, jacob gould schurman, then president of cornell university, in his presidential address to the university, lamented: “the college is without clear-cut notions of what a liberal education is 	 month’s time flexner began his fieldwork on an extensive medical research project. as a matriculated undergraduate of john hopkins university, with also doing graduate work at both harvard university and the university of berlin—institutions from which he did complete his studies—, flexner, in erudite fashion, began reading up on the history of medical education in both europe and america, respectively. in referencing flexner’s stint on the higher education in the united states, joshua myers reveals: “as abraham flexner had seen…the american university was both unfettered and ungrounded in the extended traditions of the major european universities,” and “[a]side from their strong religious moorings, american intellectuals, much like the roman empire’s invaders, the creators of modern europe, would too have to appropriate their own classical heritage.” for this reason, one of flexner’s objectives was to germanize the american medical educational system. after consulting with then secretary of the american medical association and editor of its journal, george simmons, flexner also received council from secretary of the council on education, arthur dean bevan. even still, the alumni looked towards his alma mater—john hopkins university—as the primary medical model for his subsequent research. 																																																																																																																																																																																					 and how it is to be secured,…and the pity of it is that it is not a local or special disability, but a paralysis affecting every college of arts in america.” abraham flexner, the american college (new york: the century co., ), - . abraham flexner, henry s. pritchett: a biography (new york: columbia university press, ), . joshua maurice myers, “reconceptualizing intellectual histories of africana studies: a review of the literature” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ), . for a compelling and comprehensive discourse on how the major tenets and pedagogical structures of the western contemporary research university are germanic in origin, see william clark, academic charisma and the origins of the research university (chicago: the university of chicago press, ). e. richard brown, rockefeller medicine: medicine and capitalism in american (berkeley: university of california press, ), . ibid. 	 accordingly, flexner began his investigative undertaking of using as a benchmark the design of john hopkins university medical school, which became the standard to assess the curricula of other medical institutions throughout the united states. in giving further reverence to the institution of higher learning that he so admired, flexner admits without hesitancy the theoretical guiding light it provided: “without this pattern in the back of my mind, i could have accomplished little.” so thought flexner, all other medical schools in the united states were subordinate and paled in comparison to medical model taught and practiced at hopkins. the acclaim of the university from which he received his baccalaureate are apparent in these words: “it possessed ideals and men who embodied them, and from it have emanated the influences that in a half-century have lifted american medical education from the lowest status to the highest in the civilized world.” within an eighteen-month time span, flexner had completed his study by which he investigated medical institutions in the united states and issued his concluding results. the “flexner report,” as it was commonly referred to in scholarly circles, originally published under the title, medical education in the united states and canada, would change the medical landscape in america for years to come. the overall effectiveness behind the medical theory posited by flexner’s extensive assessment (i.e., the “report”), avows physician-sociologist howard waitzkin, was the “underlying assumption…that laboratory-based scientific medicine, oriented to 																																																													 abraham flexner, i remember: the autobiography of abraham flexner (new york: simon and schuster, ), . ibid., . see abraham flexner, medical education in the united states and canada: a report to the carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching, bulletin no. (new york: carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching, ). 	 the concepts and methods of european bacteriology, produced a higher quality and more effective medical practice;” a notion today that is steadily but in chronic fashion being slowly diminished. waitzkin goes on to expose the slipshod research practices conducted in the flexner report, in its attempt to minimalize the proven utility of naturalistic medical practices in the beginning of the twentieth century: “although the comparative effectiveness of various medical traditions (including homeopathy, traditional folk healing, chiropractic, etc.) had never been subjected to systematic test, the report argued that medical schools not oriented to scientific medicine fostered quackery and dangerous mistreatment of the public,” and as a consequence, the concluding results of the flexner report “called for the closure or restructuring of schools not equipped to teach laboratory-based medicine.” being substandard in their quotidian medical practices was considered the principal criterion for why these medical institutions suffered closure, so proclaimed the results of the report. however, scott whitaker and josé fleming, authors of the rarely cited text, medisin offer an appealing narrative. according to them, the decision of whether medical schools remained in operation (besides those black medicals schools that suffered closure due to academic racism) had more to do with their inclination to acquiesce and comply with the standards mandated in the report. whitaker and fleming argue that the determining factor was less about the medical schools exhibiting academic excellence, but rather the “determining test was integrity, the willingness of the school’s 																																																													 howard waitzkin, “medical philanthropies: the band-aid treatment?” the sciences, vol. , issue (july/august, ), . ibid. 	 administration and faculty to accept a curricula supporting drug research. this is how the profiteering began in the medical industry”. to add validity to and support this claim, historian joseph goulden expresses: “flexner had the ideas, rockefeller and carnegie had the money, and their marriage was spectacular. the rockefeller institute for medical research and the general education board showered money on tolerably respectable schools and on professors who expressed an interest in research.” unquestionably, this delivered a final blow to alternative medicine being able to practice freely in american society, consequently being placed on the medical fringe of the health care delivery system in the united states. based on the estimates provided by waitzkin, within an eleven-year time frame—from to —the upshot of the flexner report, in addition to the medical directives implemented prior to flexner’s research , resulted in the cessation or conflation of ninety-two medical schools. more specifically, as it relates to the research conducted by flexner, in five years time afterwards, a total of thirty five percent of medical schools in north america had closed their doors. the message was unequivocal: no longer would “unscientific” alternative health professions—which until then had been equally respected branches of medicine— 																																																													 scott whitaker and josé fleming, medisin: the causes & solutions to disease, malnutrition and the medical sins that are killing the world (hoover, al: divine protection publications, ), . joseph c. goulden, the money givers (new york: random house, ), . in , baptist minister frederick taylor gates attracted the attention of john d. rockefeller as a result of the leadership skills he displayed as head of the american baptist education society. soon thereafter, gates would become both the philanthropic and personal financial counselor for the rockefeller fortune, respectively. nearly a decade later, in , gates, who lamented over what he considered to be a lack of competent practitioners in the medical profession, would envision a need for science in medicine to strengthen the field as he saw fit. thus, the research conducted by abraham flexner in , posterior by over a decade, solidified the imperatives initiated by gates in the latter part of the nineteenth century. see george w. corner, a history of the rockefeller institute, - : origins and growth (new york: the rockefeller institute press, ), - . lester s. king, “the flexner report of ,” journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (february , ), . 	 qualify for funding. only those medical schools willing to acquiesce and adjust their curricula to correspond with the standards and medical model flexner most admired (the germanic university system) would be allowed to thrive. we should be mindful that prior to the usurpation of scientific medical reform in early twentieth century america, there were twice as many custodians of health practicing alternative medicine than those in conventional medicine. it would be negligent not to mention that mandates to enforce medical education, based on the foundation of western “science,” occurred earlier than that of the publication of flexner’s text medical education in the united states and canada. on this point, todd savitt explains: “as historians have shown, abraham flexner did not inaugurate american medical education reform with his report; he stepped into the middle of such an era, put his imprint on it and, though his work with the [general education board] after , influenced the way reforms were implemented.” this proved to be extremely problematic for the medical institutions that it most effected by the switch solely to “scientific” medical education, being that a lion’s share of them openly “taught clinical techniques of homeopathy, herbalism, midwifery and other 																																																													 in no way was the “flexner report” an original research enterprise. the american medical association at that time was the professional organization for physicians who practiced allopathy, the sect of medicine characterized by administering drug therapy in large doses. the medical organization was eager to establish its type of medical practice as the only legitimate medical sect, which in fact at the time it was in the minority to medical approaches utilizing alternative therapeutic techniques. to that end, the american medical association had conducted its own review of medical education in . the ama understood in advance that their findings—based on their medical approach of drug therapy being in the minority to alternative health practices at the time—would be considered biased, and thusly approached the carnegie foundation to undertake a survey independent of their own, which subsequently culminated in into the “flexner report.” see lester s. king, “the founding of the american medical association” journal of the american medical association, vol. , no. (october , ), - . todd l. savitt, “abraham flexner and the black medical schools” journal of the national medical association, vol. , no. , (september ), . see also kenneth m. ludmerer, learning to heal: the development of american medical education (new york: basic books, ); and robert p. hudson, “abraham flexner in perspective: american medical education, - ” bulletin of the history of medicine, vol. , no. (november , ), - . 	 forms of healing not grounded in western european [medical] perspectives;” nonetheless, “[sc]ientific, laboratory-based medicine became the norm for education and practice” for the future. the completion of the “flexner report” was so successful in eliminating medical schools that endorsed and/or practiced holistic health, or what walsh referred to as “sectarian” medical schools, that by the year the former head of the american medical association’s council on medical education, arthur dean bevan, boasted: “we were, of course, very grateful to pritchett and to flexner for enabling us to put out of business the homeopathic and eclectic schools surviving in .” even though institutions whose medical practices were naturalistic in scope were deliberately placed on the medical fringe, eliot freidosn leaves something to be desired in his offering of the definition of a profession. according to freidson, any occupation is a profession to the degree that they are able to carve out, define, and control some aspect of work as their own special preserve. thusly, he asserts: “it would appear that those occupations that deal with arcane information [i.e., holistic health practices] have a better chance of doing this than those whose information and skills may be relatively easily acquired and subjected to scrutiny and control by groups outside the occupation itself.” even still, medical schools that practiced curative methods outside of the methodological scope of scientific medicine, or not in alignment with the directives of scientific medical education, were considered non-compliant; thus, making it virtually impossible for these institutions to comply, even in a perfunctory manner, with statutory requirements. 																																																													 waitzkin, “medical philanthropies,” . quoted in james j. walsh, history of the medical society of the state of new york (new york: the medical society, ), . eliot friedson, profession of medicine: a study of the sociology of applied knowledge (new york: harper and row, ), . 	 to the writer, mainstream medicine still remains unimpressive with its utilization of the scientific method. in medical schools today, preston embellishes on how so-called “knowledge is imparted to the medical student by pronouncement: first because the student is deluged with so much biological information to memorize he cannot stop to question what is being told, and second because the medical subculture use ex cathedra statements as a matter of course.” the irony of this is that the mere addition of “scientific facts” to the medical curriculum has done nothing to teach medical students about the “techniques of information gathering, the rules of evidence and inference from data, the need for controlled studies and epidemiological studies for assessing the real effects of therapies or the fundamental fact that human responses to therapies can be predicted at best only as probabilities.” unfortunately, these failings of medical education, brought to light by preston, have had little effect today on the majority of the public’s opinion of organized medicine. to augment the predominance of scientific medicine, the american medical association (ama), incorporated in but founded exactly a half a century earlier in , just four years antecedent of the founding of the rockefeller institute, became the largest association of medical doctors and the most dominant medical professional body in the united states. during the beginning of the twentieth century onward, the ama would thrive whilst professions of alternative health practitioners (homeopathy, naturopathy, etc) suffered drastically. moreover, african american medical doctors, who 																																																													 thomas a. preston, the clay pedestal: a re-examination of the doctor-patient relationship (seattle: madrona publishers, ), . ibid. 	 were also professionally trained—or even those wishing to practice medicine—were marginalized by the domineering medical institution, exhibiting the most foundational of nations’ societal norms – white supremacy. and even with the appointment of dr. lonnie bristow in as the first african american president of the american medical association, the quandary of outright racism in the medical field still persists to this day. why, you might ask? harriet a. washington answers the inquiry with brevity yet clarity: “reminders of this rancorous history persist, and the a.m.a.’s apology remains pertinent, if long overdue. consider the statistic: in , when abraham flexner published his report on medical education, african-americans made up . percent of the number of physicians in the united states. today [in ], they make up . percent.” washington raises a vital and accurate point on how the steady flow of racism in the medical profession has continued well into the twenty first century. the sad reality is that when the flexner report was first published, its effect reverberated and hurled a drastic blow to the professional aspirations of burgeoning african american medical students wishing to practice medicine as a vocation. to be exact, the report recommended that all save two predominately black medical schools (i.e., howard and meharry universities) ceased operations. to the dismay of the black medical profession, only these two institutions of higher learning survived the reform era of 																																																													 harriet a. washington, “apology shines light on racial schism in medicine” new york times (july , ). see todd l. savitt, race and medicine in nineteenth- and early-twentieth century america (kent, oh: the kent state university press, ), chapters - , ( - ), “abraham flexner and the black medical schools” journal of the national medical association, vol. , no. , (september ), - , “entering a white profession: black physicians in the new south, - ” bulletin of the history of medicine, vol. , no. (winter, ), - ; and james l. curtis, blacks, medical schools, and society (ann arbor: the university of michigan press, ). 	 medical education in america. although it is beyond the scope of this dissertation, it is imperative to mention africans who were university-trained in the field of medicine and used their acumen to combat racism. like martin robison delany ( - ) and james mccune smith ( - ) before him, w. montague cobb ( - ) was a medical defender of the african way. his emancipatory efforts, in the twentieth-century, as both a licensed physician and a physical anthropologist, being the st african in the united states to earn a doctor of philosophy in the discipline from case western reserve university in — , diligently pioneered efforts to counteract the myths and unfounded pseudoscientific notions that had been concocted by white racist intellectuals, positing the supposed biological inferiority of african people. in fact, cobb was among the first physical anthropologists to direct the resources of that discipline (anthropology), by utilizing his training as a medical doctor, toward the social problems deliberately created and experienced by africans in america. for the purposes of medical unification, in , cobb established the imhotep national conference on hospital integration as an attempt to establish a coalition between the national medical association, comprised of a black constituency and the american medical association, a white dominant medical institution. with the short-lived success of an alliance between the two professional medical bodies, racism continued to carve out its discriminatory landscape in america as 																																																													 see william montague cobb, progress and portents for the negro in medicine (new york: national association for the advancement of colored people, ), medical care and the plight of the negro (new york: national association for the advancement of colored people, ), and “race and runners” the journal of health and physical education, vol. , no. (january ), - . see also, melvin a. douglass, “william montague cobb ( - ): the principal historian of afro-americans in medicine” crisis, vol. , no. (january ), - , . 	 “the two medial groups increasingly found themselves on the opposing sides of important antidiscrimination battles.” what is more, “the national medical association campaigned for medicare and medicaid on behalf of its members’ mostly [b]lack, often poor patients,…the a.m.a. censured both programs as ‘socialized medicine.’” for medical research to be carried out in an effective manner, it takes a great deal of capital to back its initiatives in order for it to be successful. in his own study, abraham flexner acknowledged that prior to his work being published in , great strides had already been made in reforming medical education, making the “scientific” investigation of medicine, based off of the western standard, the norm. more specifically, it was the philanthropy of steel mogul andrew carnegie that financed abraham flexner’s “report” and oil magnate john d. rockefeller’s patronage of medical reform that ushered into the first quarter of the twentieth century the predominance of scientific medical education in the united states. with flexner’s research serving as the foundation for the medical educational standard in america, soon thereafter he “became the lens that brought the rockefeller and carnegie fortunes into focus on the unsuspecting and vulnerable medical profession.” in the chapter, “reforming medical education: who will rule medicine?” of the text, rockefeller medicine men, author e. richard brown summarizes quite aptly the elite’s philanthropic scheme to usurp and transmogrify the medical care delivery system 																																																													 harriet a. washington, “apology shines light on racial schism in medicine” new york times (july , ). ibid. abraham flexner, medical education in the united states and canada: a report to the carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching, bulletin no. (new york: carnegie foundation for the advancement of teaching, ), - . whitaker and fleming, medisin, . 	 in america as they saw fit. however, in order to deal with the overcrowding of the medical profession, due to the operating medical schools in the nation, which resulted in the relative poverty most physicians experienced, brown writes: to deal with these problems, the medical profession adopted an effective strategy of reform based on scientific medicine and the developing medical sciences. their plan was to gain control over medical education for the organized profession representing practitioners in alliance with scientific medical faculty. their measures involved large expenditures for medical education and required a major change in the financing of medical schools. dependent on outside capital, the profession opened the door to outside influence. the corporate philanthropies that intervened turned the campaign to reform medical education into a struggle for control between private practitioners, on the one hand, and academic doctors and the corporate class, on the other. the conflict over who would rule medical education, to which we now turn, was fundamentally a question of whose interests the medical care system would serve. in his pivotal text, philanthropic foundations and higher education, e.v. hollis maintains that over ninety percent of the financial contributions made to higher education—including medical education—, from - , were made by just nine eleemosynary foundations. even more striking, of those nine charitable institutions, the rockefeller benevolent societies accounted for seventy three percent of the sum total given to higher education in the united states during this period, and the carnegie foundations comprised less than a third of that, another twenty two percent. hence, combined, these two philanthropic corporations, led by the two most notable business tycoons of its era, comprised ninety five percent of all charitable contributions endowed to higher education in the united states. quite comparable to hollis’ written work, howard berliner, in his insightful scholarly treatise, outlines a tripartite of stages by 																																																													 e. richard brown, rockefeller medicine men: medicine and capitalism in american (berkeley: university of california press, ), - . e.v. hollis, philanthropic foundations and higher education (new york: columbia university press, ), . ibid., . 	 which benevolent foundations were instrumentally involved in the development in scientific medicine in america: ( ) - , a time frame that can be best characterized by the funneling of monies for scientific medical research, which concluded with the publication of the flexner report; ( ) - , the period from which philanthropic aid was streamed to medical education; and ( ) to the last quarter of the twentieth century, an era in which benevolent foundations buttressed primarily the policy studies of medical care. all three phases of charitable contributions toward the development of scientific medicine, largely by both rockefeller and carnegie, with the former dispensing the greater part of monies, laid the foundation for which organized medicine today firmly stands. in their estimation, whitaker and fleming suggest that since the first decade of the twentieth century, the carnegie and rockefeller foundations, “have invested over a billion dollars into the medical schools of america to promote chemically oriented medisin in america.” this funneling of monies to medical schools obedient to the pharmaceutical charge left no room for naturalistic health practitioners to prosper in society as their counterparts soon would. as a consequence, argue the authors, “naturopathic, homeopathy, and chiropractic medicine was denied funding because its foundation was not based upon chemical drugs. that’s why medical doctors know nothing about nutrition after spending four years in these rockefeller approved schools, because it is not part of the curriculum and is not profitable.” in short, 																																																													 howard s. berliner, “philanthropic foundations and scientific medicine” (ph.d. dissertation, john hopkins university, ), - . whitaker and fleming, medisin, . ibid. 	 scientific medicine had gained dominion over medical education and the health care delivery system in the united states from the beginning of the twentieth century up to the twenty first century but would not champion without causing some serious health challenges and a multitude of causalities to its denizens, who became most dependent on its pharmacological and invasive strategies (i.e., the administration of pharmaceutical drugs, invasive surgery, etc.) to remedy their physical and/or mental maladies. 	 chapter : dismantling normative theories of western standards of dietary needs some of our top scholars are intellectual giants, but are dietary degenerates. and these ‘dietary degenerates’ are still drug addicts of white male domination. if our top scholars and intellectual giants are still drug addicts of white male domination how can we [totally] unplug ourselves, and liberate ourselves. we dig our own graves with our teeth. live right, think right, eat right, and do right. you will not have to die to go to heaven to be like angels; you will be like them while you live. spiritual warriors must stress, that we as new afrakans have to be as meticulous about our diet, and the foods and drinks that we consume, as we are about the clothes we wear and the education we feed our minds and our children’s minds. 																																																													 mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, spiritual warriors are healers elijah muhammad, how to eat to live elijah muhammad, how to eat to live mfundishi jhutyms ka n heru hassan k. salim, spiritual warriors are healers 	 oh how my people love to eat what’s bad laughing all the while saying leave us alone you rabbit head, wooly head black man god will surely bless these germs in tears i cry for the hurt of my people oh how the years did fly by when i saw some of them again oh how they looked at me gazed at me is it really you? it can’t be oh how our backs ache and how our hands swell up and our bowels run like the mighty euphrates in tears they cry son, could you please help us? i cry for the hurt of my people one old man said son don’t you cry for us cuz you told us what would happen if we ate that soul food macaroni and cheese and pork chops saying it was finger licking good but instead we laughed at you and called you names but good god have mercy today, son we’re bending over in all our pain but it’s a miracle, son god sure did bless you cuz you still look so young like the day you told us not to eat that soul food, as he walks away. 																																																													 poem by jerome a. smith (aka gabriel), “eat to live – a tribute to elijah muhammad” 	 introduction the year was a watershed for the revolutionary spirit of african people in the united states. throughout the year, numerous rebellions were recorded throughout cities across the nation as a direct result of blacks being discontent with their unjust conditions and the hypocritical notions of democracy. the first of these rebellions materialized in cleveland, but the most conspicuous and devastating were in the cities of detroit and newark, signaling across the united states a commonality among blacks demanding parity in the same manner given to other citizens. in an insightful piece, kenneth b. clark expresses incredulity in the fact that “it is one measure of the depth and insidiousness of american racism that the nation ignores the rage of the rejected…the wonder is that there have been so few riots, that negroes generally are law-abiding in a world where the law itself has seemed an enemy.” regarded as one of the most visible and notable advocates of civil disobedience through nonviolence resistance, martin luther king, jr. ( - ) made an abrupt ideological transmogrification during this same year and thus turned his humanitarian efforts to indict the united states, who he considered was responsible for the disenfranchisement and killing of countless africans and establishing, legislatively, a system of social proscription that specifically ostracized blacks in america. it was 																																																													 paul a. gilje, rioting in america (bloomington: indiana university press, ), . kenneth b. clark, “the wonder is there have been so few riots” black protest in the sixties: articles from the new york times, eds. august meier, elliot rudwick and john bracey, jr. (new york: markus wiener publishing, inc., ), . the works written on martin luther king, jr. are numerous; however, for a thorough, extended and comprehensive examination on the life and activism of king, it would be useful to explore taylor branch’s three-volume work, written over an eighteen-year period, on this iconic figure. see taylor branch, parting 	 during this year in which the famed baptist preacher activist, at the riverside baptist church in new york city, gave what would be his first public speech of an outright revolutionary stance, “beyond vietnam: a time to break silence,” one in which he castigated the united states of america for its involvement in the vietnam war and exposed the hypocrisy of the nation that proclaimed to be democratic but was in actuality its antithesis: a system of oppression and exploitation as african americans vehemently suffered the disproportionate distribution of resources on all fronts of life in american society. unlike before, while in the limelight, king could no longer hold his tongue in the public sphere, thus, in his own words, he uttered: “i knew that i could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today—my own government…for the sake of hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, i cannot be silent.” consequently, it would be on this very day—april —in which king would live exactly days more, only to meet his demise in by way of an assassination in memphis, tennessee, primarily due to his relentless outright critique of the undemocratic policies of racist america. consequently, for many african americans, king’s vision of universal love, which stood at the time as america's primary hope of civil progress, diminished the very day he was slain. in the same year that king delivered his monumental speech at riverside, elijah 																																																																																																																																																																																					 the waters: america in the king years, - (new york: simon & schuster, ), pillar of fire: america in the king years, - (new york: simon & schuster, ), and at canaan’s edge: america in the king years, - (new york: simon & schuster, ). see james m. washington, ed., a testament of hope: the essential writings and speeches of martin luther king, jr. (new york: harper collins publishers, ), - . martin luther king, jr., “a time to break silence” a speech delivered at a meeting of clergy and laity concerned at the riverside baptist church in new york city (april , ). 	 muhammad ( - ), the venerated and prominent leader of the nation of islam, who gained legitimacy as its leader after being imprisoned for draft resistance during world war ii, published, through the auspices of his religious organization, a monumental treatise on health, entitled how to eat to live. essentially, this work implored africans to reevaluate their eating regimes—which were based primarily on the standard american diet (sad) —and to take matters of health, as it relates to the choices and discipline of food consumption, into their own hands. incontrovertibly, the surfacing of this text in was not happenstance. the timely piece appeared at the height of when certain black civil rights organizations, like king himself, became more revolutionary, in both rhetoric and action. for example, the student non-violent coordinating committee (sncc), during its inception, was an activist organization that used non-violence maneuvers to address and combat racism in america, which was led by the younger black vanguard of the civil rights movement. however, the thrust of the more radical and progressive—in the words of cedric robinson—black movements in america (i.e., the black power and black arts movements) gave way to and spurred sncc to change its philosophical tune and evolve from non-violent tactics to adopt for its own a more revolutionary stance 																																																													 karl evanzz, the rise and fall of elijah muhammad (new york: pantheon books, ), - . this is a common catchphrase that defines the eating regiment embraced mostly by communities in “developed” and burgeoning “developing” nations, namely the united states. the dietary customs of a standard american diet (sad) include the quotidian high consumption of: meats; processed, refined carbohydrates and grains; meat by-products (e.g., eggs, milk, cheese, butter, cream, yogurt, etc.) and the plethora of foodstuffs made with high fructose corn syrup (i.e., beverages, candies, chips, breakfast cereals, etc.). cedric robins has written a critical text that examines a much-neglected discourse in academe: the emergence of various movements of black cultural resistance from the colonial period to the civil rights era in the united states, based primarily on the experiences and sensibilities of both enslaved and quasi- free africans. see cedric j. robinson, black movements in america (new york: routledge, ) 	 tantamount with the changing times. from his standpoint as a young activist during this period, james turner considers the mid- s to the mid- s signified the heyday of the black power movement in america. in the same vein, notable philadelphia activist and educator muhammad ahmad articulates in his informative tome, we will return in the whirlwind that after , numerous black radical organizations, to include sncc—e.g., the black panther party (bpp), revolutionary action movement (ram), league of revolutionary black workers, etc.—“used as a form of what was termed, revolutionary nationalism (unity of lower class, african-americans, poor) to galvanize the african-american mass radical movement…what cedric robinson calls [b]lack marxism and what rod bush calls [b]lack nationalism and class struggle.” an exemplar of this momentum was witnessed with the establishment of the republic of new africa, an organization that publicly advocated for the establishment of an african state within the southern region of the united states as a means to materialize and bring 																																																													 the publication of black power in , co-written by then sncc chairman stokely carmichael (later named, kwame ture) exhibits, as a prime example, the pervasiveness of radicalism found throughout black america and abroad in the s. see stokely carmichael and charles v. hamilton, black power: the politics of liberation (new york: random house, inc., ). for more posterior discourses on the black power movement in the u.s., see also, samori sekou camara, there are some bad brothers and sisters in new orleans: the black power movement in the crescent city from - ib(new orleans: kamali academy press, ); peniel e. joseph, “rethinking the black power era” the journal of southern history, vol. , no. , (august ), - , “the black power movement: a state of the field,” journal of american history, vol. , no. (december ), - , waiting ‘til the midnight hour: a narrative history of black power in america (new york: henry holt and company, ) and the black power movement: rethinking the civil rights (new york: routledge, ); judson l. jeffries, ed. black power in the belly of the beast (urbana and chicago, il: university of illinois press, ); jeffrey ogbanna green ogbar, black power: radical politics and african american identity (baltimore: the john hopkins university press, ); and william l. van deburg, new day in babylon: the black power movement and american culture, - (chicago: university of chicago press, ) inter alia. according to turner, the black power movements in the united states reached its height during the timeframe of to . see james e. turner, “africana studies and epistemology: a discourse in the sociology of knowledge,” the african american studies reader, second edition, ed. nathaniel norment, jr. (durham, nc: carolina academic press, ), . muhammad ahmad, we will return in the whirlwind: black radical organizations, - (chicago: charles h. kerr publishing company, ), . 	 into existence, with the soverign ownership of land in america, the anterior catchphrase articulated first by martin delany, then marcus garvey, and others after them—“a nation within a nation.” these societal movements orchestrated and run by blacks, maintains james anderson, espoused nationalistic ideology and black pride amongst the african masses, and such camaraderie led to, amongst other things, the international and national black power conferences of , and , which were held in the municipalities of washington d.c., newark, new jersey and philadelphia, pennsylvania, respectively. to the dismay of blacks with nationalist and political sensibilities, the third national black power conference in philadelphia which was held from august to september , , and whose objective was to engineer a unified program for the black power movement, would also prove to be the last. nonetheless, subsequently black nationalist ideology would gain prominence beyond the borders of america with the convening of the first regional international black power conference, held in bermuda in . in spite of its tenets of self- reliance and feverish criticism of mainstream america, dean robinson recognizes that “[b]lack nationalists did offer certain conceptual innovations; and the rhetoric and activism of the black power era did influence politics during the mid- s to early 																																																													 james d. anderson, “aunt jemima in dialectics: genovese on slave culture” the journal of negro history, vol. , no. (january, ), . paul m. washington with david mcl. gracie, “other sheep i have:” the autobiography of father paul m. washington (philadelphia: temple university press, ), - ; and robert allen, black awakening in capitalist america: an analytic history (trenton: africa world press, ), - . kwasi konadu, a view from the east: black cultural nationalism and education in new york city (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . for a more extensive discussion on the black power conference in bermuda, see quito swan, black power in bermuda: the struggle for decolonization (new york: palgrave macmillan, ), - . 	 s.” in a word, africans began to address, through discourse and direct action, their own needs in ways other than to “fight against obvious mis-appropriations of power, whether with mass actions or through the use of ‘legal’ means.” although it is beyond the scope of this study, it would be remiss not to highlight the community service work of the black panther party of self-defense during the same era, who attempted to address health concerns of black communities across america. in her illuminating text, alondra nelson informs us it was the establishment of the pioneering free breakfast for children program and the people’s free medical clinics as a requirement for all chapters that “would be borne out by the strategic repertoire employed in the party’s work around issues of medicine and well-being,” signifying the radical organization “was heir to a legacy of african american health advocacy.” in essence, the black panther party promoted healthier eating as a form of liberation and determined the need for substantial healthcare for blacks as paramount. akin to the emancipatory efforts of blacks mandating the acknowledgement of their african humanity in the united states, there too was a campaign in the s, generated by the masses to: ) critique the drastic rise of the industrialization of the food industry; and ) promote health and wellness via proper food consumption. in a word, 																																																													 dean e. robinson, “to forge a nation, to forge an identity: black nationalism in the united states, - , (ph.d. dissertation, yale university, ), ii. haki r. madhubuti, from pan to planet, life studies: the need for afrikan minds and institutions (chicago: third world press, ), . alondra nelson, body and soul the black panther party and the fight against medical discrimination (minneapolis: university of minnesota press, ), , and . see also, mark brody, “panthers map a people’s health plan” daily world (june , ); “black panther party plans health clinics” los angeles times (november , ), ; and “black panthers set up clinics” washington post (november , ); and joshua bloom and waldo e. martin, jr., black against empire: the history and politics of the black panther party (berkeley: university of california press, ), chapter , entitled “breakfast,” - . 	 the role of food became synonymous with s activism. according to warren belasco, the public began to take notice in what he deems the “counterculture cuisine” as early as in the haight-ashbury district of san francisco, california. however, argues belasco, a larger following of this counterculture of cuisine developed after the takeover of people’s park in berkeley by residents in april , in which local residents “planted vegetable seeds, trees, and sod…[and] shared fruit.” in consequence, the establishment of food cooperatives (i.e., co-ops) across america was a direct result of the conflict at people’s park. it is imperative to highlight that this progressive food movement that belasco mentions was spear-headed and run largely by a white liberal populace, and in no way should it overshadow blacks’ activist stance toward health and wellness during the same timeframe. in fact, there were organizations run by africans in america that also advocated a naturals foods dietary lifestyle. conceivably, the most notable group, given some disastrous events, was philadelphia’s move organization, which espoused a strict vegetarian and mostly raw foods eating regimen by the early s. according to authors john anderson and hilary hevenor, the inspiration behind the philosophical outlook on dietary practices was inspired first in when move founder john africa’s wife, dorothy joined “the kingdom of yahweh, a religious sect whose members were required to maintain a vegetarian diet;” a regimen john africa 																																																													 warren j. belasco, appetite for change: how the counterculture took on the food industry (ithaca and london: cornell university press, , ; and (author unknown) “grab land,” good times (april , ), . ibid., . lois wickstrom, the food conspiracy cookbook (san francisco: productions, ), . 	 would subsequently accept as his own and adopt as an way of life for move. elijah muhammad’s nutritional call to arms the countless atrocities inflected upon african people, for several centuries, in a country that at best deemed them second class citizens, served as a historical marker for elijah muhammad to implement his own religious, political, and economic motives in the united states of america. as howard university alum louis wright eloquently puts it in his doctoral dissertation, muhammad’s “political formulations provide impressive evidence that he recognized this situation in america to be not a contradiction but the logical consequences of a “grafted” people designed to destroy and corrupt freedom, justice, and equality in the world through deception.” with the undeniable 																																																													 john anderson and hilary hevenor, burning down the house: move and the tragedy of philadelphia (new york: ww norton & company, ), . of the move’s sixteen mandates, what they deemed “beliefs and practices,” the one labeled “raw food and distortions” reveals the organization’s view on diet and respect for the environment: “the diet of john africa gave us consists of fresh raw food. we always keep plenty of wholesome raw food on hand and eat whenever our bodies tell us to, not according to artificial meal-time standards. we make sure no one around us goes hungry, because we know that good food is an essential requirement of life. we acknowledge that some of us were raised on the system’s food, or ‘distortion’ as we call it. doing the work we do can also put us under a lot of pressure when parent or child or husband and wife are separated by the system’s oppression. so it is not uncommon to see some of us eating cooked food on occasion. however, you will never see a committed move member use drugs, cigarettes or alcohol. the hundred of miles that the system has place between us and some of our brothers and sisters in distant prisons has also forced us to use cars to maintain the close contact our family is used to. but we look forward to the day when we can live together the way we want to, without a need for air-polluting technology.” move, years on the move (philadelphia: self- published, ), . louis e. wright, “the political thought of elijah muhammad: innovation and continuity in western tradition” (ph.d. dissertation, howard university, ), v. while it is beyond the scope of this dissertation to engage in an comprehensive examination of the positive influence elijah muhammad and the nation of islam had on african communities throughout america, for the sake of scholarship, it is imperative to acknowledge that numerous academicians have written a plethora of theses/dissertations on elijah muhammad and/or the nation of islam (only two of which were trained in the discipline of africana studies and five, historians by training), which include the following: hatim a. sahib, “the nation of islam” (ma thesis, university of chicago, ); “ibrahim mahmond shalaby, “the role of the school in cultural renewal and identity development in the nation of islam in america” (ph.d. dissertation, 	 																																																																																																																																																																																					 university of arizona, ); walter abilla, “a study of black muslims: an analysis of commitment” (ph.d. dissertation, case western reserve university, ); william a. marshall, “education in the nation of islam during the leadership of elijah muhammad, - ” (ed.d. dissertation, loyola university of chicago, ); andrea d. sullivan, “politicization: the effect of the nation of islam upon the prison inmate” (ph.d. dissertation, university of pennsylvania, ); audrea hart blanding, “contact with the nation of islam as it relates to internal-external control and subjective expected utility of membership in the nation” (ph.d. dissertation, university of michigan, ); oliver jones, jr., “the constitutional politics of the black muslim movement in america” (ph.d. dissertation, university of illinois, ); e. curtis alexander, “three black religious educators: a study of the educational perspectives of richard allen, elijah muhammad, and adam clayton powell, jr.” (ed.d. dissertation, columbia university, ); raquel ann muhammad, “black muslim movement after the death of elijah muhammad” (ph.d. dissertation, united states international university, ); barbara ann norman, “the black muslims: a rhetorical analysis (ph.d. dissertation, university of oklahoma, ); martha frances lee, “the fall of america: the nation of islam and the millennium” (m.a. thesis, university of calgary, ); barbara jeane taylor whiteside, “a study of the structure, norms and folkways of the educational institutions of the nation of islam in the united states from to ” (ed.d. dissertation, wayne state university, ); louis e. wright, “the political thought of elijah muhammad: innovation and continuity in western tradition” (ph.d. dissertation, howard university, ); fareed z. munir, “islam in america: an african american pilgrimage toward coherence” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ); cynthia s’thembile west, “nation builders: female activism in the nation of islam, - ” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ); claude andrew clegg iii, “an original man: the life and time of elijah muhammad, - ” (ph.d. dissertation, university of michigan, ); carlos d. morrison, “the rhetoric of the nation of islam, - : a functional approach” (ph.d. dissertation, howard university, ); jeffrey ogbonna green ogbar, “from the bottom up: popular reactions to the nation of islam and the black panther party, - ” (ph.d. dissertation, indiana university, ); samuel t. livingston, “the ideological and philosophical influence of the nation of islam on hip-hop culture” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ); michael a. barnett, “rastafarianism and the nation of islam as institutions for group-identity formation among blacks in the united states: a case study comparing their approaches” (ph.d. dissertation, florida international university, ); edward earl curtis, iv, “toward an historical islam: universalism and particularism in african-american islamic thought” (d.litt. et phil dissertation, university of south africa, ); devissi muhammad, “let us make man in our image and our likeness: muhammad ali and the nation of islam during the civil rights era” (ph.d. dissertation, bowling green state university, ); sultana rahim-barakzoy, “islam is the blackman’s religion: syncretizing islam with black nationalist thought to fulfill the religio-political agenda of the nation of islam” (m.a. thesis, west virginia university, ); kathy makeda bennett muhammad, “humble warrioress: women in the nation of islam, a comparative study - and - ” (ph.d. dissertation, union institute and university, ); stephen carl finley, “re-imagining race and representation: the black body in the nation of islam” (ph.d. dissertation, rice university, ); bayyinah sharief jeffries, “a nation can rise no higher than its women: the critical role of black muslim women in the development and purveyance of black consciousness, - ” (ph.d. dissertation, michigan state university, ); nathan joseph saunders, “white devils and so-called negroes: jehovah’s witnesses, southern baptists, and the early nation of islam in detroit” (m.a. thesis, university of south carolina, ); and patrick d. bowen, “the african-american islamic renaissance and the rise of the nation of islam” (ph.d. dissertation, university of denver, ), inter alios. for books written on elijah muhammad amid his educational and ideological stance, see louis e. lomax, when the word is given…a report on elijah muhammad, malcolm x, and the black muslim world: (new york: signet books, ); e. curtis alexander, elijah muhammad on african-american education: a guide for african and black studies programs ( : reprint, new york: eca associates, ); malu halasa, elijah muhammad (new york: chelsea house publications, ); paul lawrence guthrie, making of the whiteman: history, tradition and the teachings of elijah muhammad (warwick, ri: beacon communications, ); mattias gardell, in the name of elijah muhammad: louis farrakhan 	 evidence that africans were societally and institutionally disenfranchised in american society, muhammad fashioned and utilized an altered rendition of orthodox islam to take a proactive stance to ameliorate these repressive circumstances as he saw fit. as a religious leader, muhammad was the head of, for over four decades, arguably the most pervasive, progressive and influential contemporary black 																																																																																																																																																																																					 and the nation of islam (durham: duke university press), ; claude andrew clegg iii, an original man: the life and time of elijah muhammad (new york: st. martin’s press, ); karl evanzz, the messenger: the rise and fall of elijah muhammad (new york: pantheon books, ); abul pitre and tynnetta muhammad, the educational philosophy of elijah muhammad: education for a new world (lanham, md: university press of america, ); hebert berg, elijah muhammad and islam (new york: new york university press, ); nasir makr hakim, is elijah muhammad the offspring of noble drew ali and marcus garvey (phoenix: secretarius memps publications, ); abul pitre, an introduction to elijah muhammad studies: the new educational paradigm (lanham, md: university press of america, ); the department of supreme wisdom, an economic blueprint for black america by the honorable elijah muhammad (seattle: createspace independent publishing, ); nasir makr hakim, when speaking of elijah muhammad (phoenix: secretarius memps publications, ); wesley muhammad, take another look: the quran, the sunnah and the islam of the honorable elijah muhammad (atlanta: a-team publishing, ); michael “mikal” saahir, the honorable elijah muhammad: the man behind the men (indianapolis: words make people publishing, inc., ); herbert berg, elijah muhammad (london: oneworld publications, ); and rashad a. muhammad, the messiah elijah muhammad is still physically alive!: how strong is the foundation? (atlanta: a-team publishing, ). interestingly, prior to , the year that malcolm x, arguably the most prolific adherent of the nation of islam, was paroled from prison and became a devout follower of elijah muhammad, there were but two scholarly treatments written on the religious organization. see erdmann d. beynon “the voodoo cult among negro migrants in detroit” american journal of sociology, vol. , no. (may, ), - ; and hatim a. sahib, “the nation of islam” (m.a. thesis, university of chicago, ). books published in the s onward that offer either a scholarly treatment, approbation or critique of muhammad himself and/or the noi, counting those written by former or current members of the organization, include, but are not limited to: c. eric lincoln, the black muslims in america: the first full study of the black muslims - a movement of , negroes who preach black supremacy, black union against the white man (boston: beacon press, ); e.u. essiem-udom, black nationalism: a search for identity in america (chicago: university of chicago press, ); louis lomax, when the world is given (new york: the world publishing company, ); malcolm x, the autobiography of malcolm x: as told to alex haley (new york: ballantine, ); wallace d. muhammad, as the light shineth from the east (chicago: wdm publishing co., ); clifton e. marsh, from black muslims to muslims: the transition from separatism to islam, - (metuchen, n.j.: scarecrow press, ); martha e. lee, the nation of islam: an american millenarian movement (lewiston, n.y.: edwin mellon press, ); jabril muhammad, this is the one: the most honored elijah muhammad, we need not look for another!, vol. (phoenix, jabril muhammad, ); fahim a. knight, in defense of the defender: the most honorable elijah (durham, n.c.: fahim and associates, ); and adib rashad, elijah muhammad: the ideological foundation of the nation of islam (newport news, va: u.b & u.s. communications systems, ), inter alia. for a general discourse and examination of the differences between the nation of islam and orthodox islam, see mustafa el-amin, the religion of islam and the nation of islam: what is the difference? (newark: el-amin productions, ). 	 organizations in america in the twentieth century, second only to the universal negro improvement association and african communities league (unia-acl), founded by one marcus mosiah garvey, jr. ( - ). save garvey’s organization, no other black movement in the u.s. had such a unifying power and synergy to command such national attention than the nation of islam. although muhammad is considered an enigma to most of white america, he was nevertheless considered one of the most active african american theologians of this past century, and to a greater extent, is often credited with opening the gates for millions of blacks to convert to islam. c.e. lincoln, who wrote the first comprehensive examination on the nation of islam, contends that the majority of whites in the u.s. knew very little or nothing about the black religious organization, and for “those who learn of the movement tend to consider it an extreme and dangerous social organization,” blindly comparing the noi to the klu klux klan. even today, the nation of islam is still mostly understood among the general public whose familiarity of religious traditions is confined primarily to judeo-christianity. aside from being a faith-based organization, the nation of islam offered a sense of racial pride to africans in america that had not been experienced to such magnitude since the early days of garvey and the unia-acl. interestingly, the formation of the nation of islam occurred at a time in america when societal conditions for african americans were, at the very least, dismal. in particular, the noi was founded during the era of the great depression, a period when racial barriers averted progress. for some blacks, the appearance of the nation of islam 																																																													 c. eric lincoln, black muslims in america, reprint (boston: beacon press, ), . 	 was timely as they felt the black (christian) church was not as effective and vigorous enough in its stance against racial inequality. during this time, a “new deal” was enacted by the presidential (i.e., franklin d. roosevelt) administration in america to ameliorate the pitiable social and economic conditions of its citizens by which unemployed and poor whites benefitted most. on the contrary, for the descendants of enslaved africans, these same federal domestic relief programs were more of “raw deal,” particularly due to the fact that the issuance of such programs were disproportionate among blacks and did not provide the same efforts of relief as it did for white america, argues joe william trotter. simply put, the intent by the united states government to provide economic relief for all of its citizens was more or less façade. during elijah muhammad’s tenure as leader, the efficacy of the nation of islam to recruit african people—whom he considered the “asiatic black man/woman”—at the grassroots level paled in comparison to no other religious sect of its time. for black communities throughout the united states, the proselytization of the nation of islam by muhammad has been “regarded as the primary embodiment of the sect and the single most significant mover in the skyrocketing conversion of african americans to islam;” a fact comparable only to muhammad’s redoubtable and most disciplined pupil— malcolm x aka el-haj malik el-shabazz ( - ). in addition to being one of most charismatic speakers and the nation’s most prized ministers during the s and s, malcolm, with an astute facility to express intricate theoretical concepts in a simplistic 																																																													 joe william trotter, jr., “from a raw deal to a new deal?: - ” in to make our world anew, volume ii: a history of african americans since , eds. robin d.g. kelley and earl lewis (new york: oxford university press, ), - . karl evanzz, the messenger: the rise and fall of elijah muhammad (new york: pantheon books, ), xi. 	 fashion, who also served as the national spokesperson for the noi, was the billboard of optimal health for the nation of islam by abiding to a strict moral code and discipline. chicago writer and former editor of muhammad speaks salim muwakkil vouches for the inescapable magnetism malcolm x had on the minds of blacks during his heyday as a standout member of the nation of islam. muwakkil elaborates on el-haj malik el- shabazz’s persona, intellectual savvy, content mastery and charisma, which can be attributed to how cared for his corporeal temple: “for us [africans in america], malcolm almost single-handedly removed the stigma of ‘corniness’ from intellectual achievement. he translated,” muwakkil continues, “his hip, urbane, street-life sensibility into a kind of intellectual style we admired immensely. we wanted to talk like malcolm; his meticulous diction, vast vocabulary, and knowledge of history sent us to the dictionary and the library, willingly.” to his credit, malcolm preached tirelessly as he implored african people to refrain from foods deemed injurious and unhealthy. malcolm’s physical presence alone amply illustrated how he personified publicly the dietary discipline needed and required of noi members to abide by the teachings of muhammad regarding food and nutrition. beginning in , temple # in harlem thrived—with malcolm as its head minister— and served as the face of the nation of islam’s message about health in new york city, further solidifying the overall affect the teachings of muhammad had on and the edible mark it left in the minds of blacks to 																																																													 salim muwakkil, “the nation of islam and me” the farrakhan factor: african-american writers on leadership, nationhood, and minister louis farrakhan, ed. amy alexander (new york: grove press, ), . 	 embrace and make change. to this end, author karl evanazz boasts that “the name elijah muhammad,” within the african american community, “had a ring as familiar as big ben’s to the british and connotations as unique to them as those of the pyramids to the [ancient] egyptians.” somewhat perplexed but convinced of its effective ability to recruit african americans to become part of its religious organization, the renowned novelist, playwright and poet james arthur baldwin ( - ) felt compelled to put into words the value of the nation of islam to black america. in his notable essays in book-length form, the fire next time, published the same year of the passing of the esteemed historian, activist, editor, poet, author, sociologist and pan-africanist william edward burghardt du bois ( - ) and the march on washington for jobs and freedom, baldwin, albeit being raised in a christian home, weighs in on elijah muhammad and the religious organization for which he was its doyen and head parishioner. in his own literary fashion, baldwin writes at length: i sometimes found myself in harlem on saturday nights, and i stood in the crowds, at th street and seventh avenue, and listened to the muslim speakers. but i had heard hundreds of such speakers—or so it seemed to me at first. anyway, i have long had a very definite tendency to tune out the moment i come anywhere near either a pulpit or a soapbox…then two things caused me to begin to listen to the speeches, and one was the behavior of the police. after all, i had seen men dragged from their platforms on this very corner for saying less virulent things, and i had seen many crowds dispersed by policemen, with clubs or on horseback. but the policemen were doing nothing now. obviously, this was not because they had become more human but because they were under orders and because they were afraid. and indeed they were, and i was delighted to see it…the behavior of the crowd, its silent intensity, was the other thing that forced me to reassess the speakers and their message…the speakers had an air of utter dedication, and the people looked toward theme with a kind of intelligence 																																																													 malcolm x, the autobiography of malcolm x: as told to alex haley (new york: ballantine, ), - . ibid. 	 of hope on their faces—not as though they were being jolted…they [blacks] were merely glad to have, at last, divine corroboration of their experience, to hear—and it was a tremendous thing to hear—that they had been lied to for all these years and generations, and that their captivity was ending, for god was black. why were they hearing it now, since this was not the first time it had been said?...now, suddenly, people who have never before been able to hear this message hear it, and believe it, and are changed. elijah muhammad has been able to do what generations of welfare workers and committees and resolutions and reports and housing projects and playgrounds have failed to do: to heal and redeem drunkards and junkies, to convert people who have come out of prison and to keep them out, to make men chaste and women virtuous, and to invest both the male and the female with a pride and a serenity that hang about them like an unfailing light. he has done all these things, which our christian church has spectacularly failed to do. baldwin’s words, which revealed the capacity of the nation of islam to attract the black masses should not be taken lightly; words we should take to heart being that baldwin, like his contemporary harold cruse and george s. schuyler before him, was among other things, a social critic that rarely, if ever, resisted the opportunity to place under the 																																																													 james baldwin, the fire next time (new york: the dial press, ), - . for an examination of the unconventional writer harold cruse’s keen ability to critical analyze the ideological and political stances of various black social movements in america, see harold cruse, the crisis of the negro intellectual: a historical analysis of the failure of black leadership (new york: william morrow and company, inc., ), rebellion or revolution? (new york: william morrow and company, inc., ), and plural but equal: a critical study of blacks and minorities and america's plural society (new york: william morrow and company, inc., ). considered one of the most contentious black wordsmiths of his era, george schuyler’s iconoclastic style of writing received both praise and censure from the black intellectual community. notwithstanding his gift as a columnist and editor, schuyler’s ideological shift from leftist politics (i.e., socialism) to conservative values sheds some light as to why he decided to write fiction or otherwise, in the manner he did. nonetheless, in many respects, his scathing, impenitent, and unflinching literary style served as an antecedent example for later radical critics, such as ishmael reed and the inimitable writer harold cruse. in actuality, schuyler’s career as a literary critic and niche as a satirical writer began in , with his collaborative efforts with socialist and labor leader asa phillip randolph. by way of his monthly column in the messenger—“shafts and darts: a page of calumny and satire,”—schuyler began his facetious vituperations of contemporary african american social leaders. after a two-year stint with the leading black socialist organ, schuyler continued to hone his irreverent craft with what would become a four- decade career ( - ) with the black newspaper pittsburgh courier. in addition to his vocation as a columnist, schuyler’s reputation as a satirist would reach its apex in with the publication of the novel, black no more. see george s. schuyler, black no more (new york: the macaulay company, ); george s. schuyler, black and conservative the autobiography of george s. schuyler (new rochelle, ny: arlington house publishers, ); michael w. peplow, george s. schuyler (woodbridge, ct: twayne publishers, ); jeffrey b. leak, ed., rac(e)ing to the right: selected essays george s. schuyler (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ); and oscar r. williams, george s. schuyler: portrait of a black conservative (knoxville: university of tennessee press, ). 	 proverbial magnifying glass ideologies for which he had an issue. in black nationalism, essien-udon paraphrases elijah muhammad to highlight his grassroots approach to enlist members and divulges: “the official policy of the nation of islam…is to recruit the ‘negro in the mud’ into the movement and to ‘alienate him from giving support to middle-class negro leadership.’” understandably, in the context that it was the masses of black america that was most affected by racial oppression and disenfranchisement, it should not be difficult to understand the relevance of the nation to recruit the destitute. in atlanta, boston, philadelphia and new york, all places elijah muhammad sent malcolm x to organize new temples, the nation of islam sought out prospective converts by “fishing on those harlem corners—on the fringes of [black] nationalist meetings.” in his recruitment for new members, malcolm x recollected that “everyone who was listening was interested in the revolution of the [b]lack race.” in order to ensure maximum conversion to the nation of islam, malcolm and his assistants also probed “little evangelical storefront churches…[because] the congregations were usually southern migrant people, usually older, who would go anywhere to hear what they called ‘good preaching.’” it is vital to acknowledge and bring to light the nation of islam’s insistence on self-reliance, a precept that can be best defined by borrowing the once popular acronym “fubu” to stress the “for us, by us” principle that guides the nation of islam to obtain economic sovereignty outright. without question, the noi set forth a model of economic 																																																													 e.u. essien-udom, black nationalism: a search for an identity in america (new york: dell, ), . malcolm x, the autobiography of malcolm x, - , particularly . 	 self-sufficiency for africans as demonstrated by the considerable business empire acquired by muhammad and his followers. for the refractory and contumacious religious organization, food played “a part of a larger ideology of black nationalism, in which self-reliance and the achievements of blacks are linked to the ‘black community’ at large.” by the time elijah muhammad transitioned, the nation of islam had acquired numerous business enterprises, to include dry cleaners, farmland, and restaurants throughout the country. priscilla mccutcheon lends credibility to these acquisitions and maintains: “the most widespread effort of the noi to promote self-reliance among blacks is the purchase of muhammad farms in bronwood, georgia to grow a variety of fruits and vegetables…to ‘develop a sustainable agriculture system that would provide at least one meal per day…[for] million black people.’” put simply, the teachings of sustenance by the nation of islam as well as the publication of how to eat to live provided an ideal starting point at the height of black power era for using food not only as a means to address hunger and nutrient deficient diets but also as a tool of empowerment for african americans. in addition to the self-governing entrepreneurial aspirations, disciplined behavior and devout worship conducted by its devotees, adherence to certain dietary laws were equally imperative to the nation of islam. one of the requirements, for both new converts and existing members, aside from abstaining from drugs and alcohol, was to radically alter their eating habits from the traditional diet of soul food, and “by all means 																																																													 priscilla mccutcheon, “community food security ‘for us, by us:’ the nation of islam and the pan african orthodox christian church,” eds., alison hope alkon and julian agyeman, cultivating food justic: race, class, and sustainability (cambridge, ma: the mit press, ), . ibid.; and ridgely abdul mu’min muhammad, “the farm is the engine of our national life” the farmer, vol. , no. (february , ), <http://www.muhammadfarms.com/farmer-feb - .htm> 	 necessary,” refrain from consuming pork. the latter point is what set the nation apart from their fellow black religious counterpart, namely the black church. overall, muhammad’s goal was to raise african descendants from a dietary and mental death in the same manner as the biblical narrative posits jesus raised lazarus from a physical one. the dietary sanction of a pork-free diet espoused by muhammad, differentiated for him, the dietary practices of noi members from that of black christians. in the chapter entitled, “why they urge you to eat the swine,” muhammad, who was well aware that swine occupied a large space on the dinner table of countless black christian homes, articulates such distinction: the taking of the prohibited flesh of the swine as food is beyond righteous imagination…they [christians] are so fond of swine flesh that they sacrifice it in the church, and then ask divine blessings upon it. they barbeque and cook it, and hold a feast in their places of worship and eat this slow-death poisonous animal—which god has forbidden—as though they had an option with god…preachers and priests are working along with the enemy, or adversary, of god, teaching the people that it is all right to eat swine—their bellies stretched with the hog in them and saturated with the whiskey and wine. this is the type of religion under which you have been brought—christianity and its preachers and priests. none of them have tried to prevent you from breaking this divine law by teaching you the consequences of such an act. having gone through the same experience as a one-time lover of pork, the writer understands too well how christians (or anyone) rationalize its consumption, but if devout followers of the faith heeded to scripture (e.g., leviticus, chapter verse - ), bacon, chitterlings, pepperoni, pork chops, ham, ribs, sausage and so forth would be nonexistent in the household. 																																																													 elijah muhammad, how to eat to live (chicago: muhammad mosque of islam no. , ), . see also, shahrazad ali, how not to eat pork (or life without the pig (philadelphia: civilized publications, ). 	 in hog & hominy, a historical piece that primarily explores the foundation, evolvement, and meaning of soul food within the context of the west atlantic, frederick douglass opie recognizes the significance of three entities during the late s and s within the african american community that argued against the poor eating habits of blacks: ( ) the nation of islam, ( ) institutionally-trained african intellectuals; and ( ) proponents of a natural food and/or plant-based eating lifestyle. the author makes the case that of the three groups he identified, the nation of islam served as the foundation and vanguard during this period in offering more nutritious and alternative options to eating soul food. in his examination of the health tradition of the noi, opie discloses that the all-black religious organizations were well aware of how food could be an indicator of social position, and through the solicitation of remedial information, the main objective was to prevent blacks from the mental deception of a dietary death. for the nation, this was crucial because prior to the s, the author reveals that, “most medical associations did not talk at any length about the health effects of the traditional american diet,” and [even now] “the medical profession as a whole has not done very well at teaching doctors and medical students in training about nutrition.” given this conundrum, matters of making the right food choices to remain healthy fell primarily onto the responsibility of the individual; a duty the nation gladly accepted due to their: devotion and love for black people. in all, opie does acknowledge the influence of natural food advocates and scholars of the same era in raising awareness for blacks to eat 																																																													 frederick douglass opie, hog & hominy: soul food from africa to america (new york: columbia university press, ), . ibid., . 	 healthier; however, prior to “the s, the nation of islam, more than any other african american organization, raised the food consciousness of black people in the united states.” the appearance of how to eat to live in was a supplication and nutritional call to arms to not only nation of islam members but to the larger african community: an appeal that beseeched blacks to take matters of health into their own hands by being conscious of what foods they consume. without question, this dogmatic yet influential and enlightening body of work on health prognosticated the astronomical rate by which the health and well-being of africans in america would be adversely affected in the st century with the production and sale of industrialized and highly processed foods. on the other hand, the message embodied in how to eat to live posited that blacks could obtain optimal health by monitoring their food intake with sustenance that promoted a state of equilibrium within the body; a premise which antedates the release of the documentary on health, forks over knives by four and a half decades. in contrast to forks over knives, the release of the documentary urban kryptonite provides chiefly an african-centered and holistic approach to health. the film includes various leading african holistic health practitioners and natural food advocates such as llaila o. 																																																													 ibid., . due to the exorbitant rate by which the united states has surpassed other nations in obesity rates and degenerative diseases, the release of forks over knives is timely. supported by the modalities of western scientific research as well as numerous leading physicians in the field of medicine, the documentary introduces a radical yet convincing case that modern diseases can be prevented, halted, and often reversed by adopting a whole-food, plant-based diet. nonetheless, according to the writer, the ameliorative theme expressed in this documentary has its foundation in african healing practices, which date back to the cultural practices of classical african civilizations. in a word, forks over knives is a contemporary, rehashed and multi-cultural plea for “all americans” to embrace a more healthy dietary lifestyle to address the burgeoning epidemic rise of corpulence and other degenerative diseases so prevalent in the united states—an endemic situation that could have, and should have been addressed and prevented some time ago by the governing bodies and “licensed” custodians of health (i.e., physicians) of western medicine. 	 afrika, djehuty ma’at-ra and aris latham, to name a few, who examine in detail the issues of disease among africans, both continental and diasporic, and addresses the propaganda associated with sickness within the black community. the dietary laws outlined in how to eat to live served as a print medium to: ( ) regulate the types of foods that noi members and others should consume and refrain from; ( ) provide ways of how to prepare such fare; and ( ) when and how often they are to be eaten. as an addendum, in order to assist in this radical transformation and ensure they were well-versed in the dietary regulations espoused by muhammad, the nation of islam implemented a nutritional training program in the s in westchester county at its mount vernon temple to further educate the catechumen on the essentials of “how to eat to live.” while a eating a proper diet was a fundamental tenet within the organization, not all noi devotees were as disciplined as muhammad would have desired. ironically, as curtis points out, in a chapter of his book, entitled “rituals of control and liberation” members of the nation adhered differently to such appetite ritual control, thusly deciding which edicts to ignore and which to follow. in this respect, one can argue that muhammad’s naiveté superseded his determination to enforce such food restrictions. nonetheless, outside of the non-secular organization, some african americans, who were not religiously affiliated with the nation of islam, and who did not 																																																													 see urban kryptonite: african roots, foreign diseases (detroit: urban kryptonite films, ); and damien mcswine, urban kryptonite: the formidable health decline of african diaspora descendants located in america (detroit: p.i. health group llc, ). opie, hog & hominy, . edward e. curtis, iv. black muslim religion in the nation of islam, - (chapel hill: university of north carolina press, ), . 	 meet the teachings about food with contempt—like that of soul food devotees—became acquainted with and received the instructions on “how to eat to live” with open arms. at the onset of the how to eat to live, muhammad is forthright in his position about appropriate eating habits and summons the reader to be cognizant of their food choices and the temporality from which they consume them. he urged contemporary africans in america to take notice that they are surfeit in one of the most frequent habits humans have next to breathing—eating. muhammad’s point was as clear-cut as the titles of chapters fourteen and fifteen signify: “overindulgences” is “the enemy,” and “our big problem is eating too much and too often.” in this respect, for muhammad, discipline was a crucial element with eating, for if exercised properly, he assured balance and harmony within the body would be the upshot. “there is no way,” argued muhammad, “of prolonging the life of human beings—or any other life—unless it begins with restrictions of the foods which sustain life; the right kinds of food and the proper time when it should be taken into our bodies.” as the book reveals, the most common and recurring theme articulated by muhammad throughout how to eat to live is for black people to limit their number of meals to one per day and take drastic notice that “one of the gravest wrongs is to eat when you do not want to.” “brothers and sisters,” muhammad continued to persuade, “let you’re your stomachs rest…[and] stop trying to eat three meals a day and all in between…[because] that is enough to kill chickens and hogs.” 																																																													 muhammad, how to eat to live, . ibid., , , - , , , , , , - , - , , - , , , , and . ibid., . ibid. 	 regrettably, most individuals are oblivious to the fact of the “proper time” to eat that muhammad mentioned by which the body has a biological clock in which it needs to stay in rhythm in order to maintain homeostasis or a balanced state. this circadian rhythmic flow is especially important when it comes to the consumption of food, its digestion, and the elimination of its waste products. as the sun rises, the morning is a vital time of the day for cleansing being that it is the period in which a person has been without food the longest while asleep. if we take into account the linguistic breakdown of the term that describes the first meal of the day, it offers evidence to the significance of this fact. for example, the term “breakfast,” when separated into two syllables becomes: break + fast, which lends credence that a person’s first meal of the day should be to ingest foods that assist in “breaking the fast,” a fast that takes place during the hours of rest. as an eliminative aid, nourishment that is cleansing in nature, which assists in this process include—water, herbal teas, vegetable and fruit juices and fresh fruit. in their tome on the finer points of food combining, fit for life, harvey and marilyn diamond add to this by asserting: the basis of the human’s ability to deal with food relies on the effective functioning of three regular daily cycles. these cycles are based on rather obvious functions of the body. to put it in its simplest terms, on a daily basis we take in food (appropriation), we absorb and use some of that food (assimilation), and we get rid of what we don’t use (elimination). although each of these three functions is always going on to some extent, each is more intense during certain hours of the day. noon to p.m. — appropriation (eating and digestion); p.m. to a.m. — assimilation (absorption and use); and a.m. to noon — elimination (of body wastes and food debris). 																																																													 harvey diamond and marilyn diamond, fit for life: the natural body cycle, permanent weight- loss plan proves that it’s not what you eat, but when and how (new york: warner books, inc., ), ; paul pitchford, healing with whole foods: asian traditions and modern nutrition (berkeley: north 	 according to the tenets of the nation of islam in which food and health were central to their teachings, the standard american diet (sad) was chiefly responsible for the various diseases suffered by africans in america and was conspiratorially designed to physically annihilate them. to this end, what troubled and concerned muhammad most was the mimicry of blacks in adopting this dietary regime. he warned his brethren of the ill effects of overindulgence and the eating of food and drinks he deemed “poisonous.” for muhammad, such a lifestyle originated with whites, and if continued, he argued, would equate to an untimely demise, one meal at a time, for the african race. as a means to divulge and enlighten the black community, muhammad writes: “this is the secret knowledge of the death that they caused us to suffer through foods.” some thirty plus years after the initial publication of how to eat to live, african-centered naturopathic physician suzar expresses similar sentiments offered by muhammad and is wholeheartedly convinced that as “long as people of color around the world continue eating the drugfoods of their colonizers and ‘refining’ their food like their colonizers, they will continue to suffer the chronic poor health and epidemic killer- diseases of the same.” 																																																																																																																																																																																					 atlantic books, ), - ; michael smolensky and lynne lamberg, the body clock guide to better health: how to use your body’s natural clock to fight illness and achieve maximum health (new york: henry holt and company, ); and gay gaer-luce, biological rhythms in human and animal physiology (mineola, ny: dover publications, inc., ). for an unapologetic and african-centered critique on the american diet, see llaila o. afrika, nutricide: the nutritional destruction of the black race (beaufort, sc: golden seal, ); and suzar, drugs masquerading as foods: deliciously killing american-afrikans and all peoples, vol. of (oak view, ca: a-kar productions, ), inter alia. muhammad, how to eat to live, . suzar, drugs masquerading as foods: deliciously killing american-afrikans and all peoples, vol. of (oak view, ca: a-kar productions, ), . 	 prior to the rapid advances of the industrialization of foodstuffs in the united states in the s, muhammad strongly urged that blacks be mindful of the: ( ) consumption of the diet of mainstream america; ( ) economic motives of multinational corporations; and ( ) conciliatory attitudes of consumer protective agencies (e.g., the food and drug administration) at the expense of human health. the “messenger” implored: “we must not be confused…with the various advice offered to us from the modern-day food and medical scientists. if you take their advice and try to eat all of the different kinds of foods, cooked in their many different ways, at their many different time of day, and their many different suggestions on how much you should eat, you will most certainly die. brothers and sisters, i repeat: it will most certainly kill you.” likewise, elijah muhammad urged blacks to be mindful of non-animal products too and the industrialization process that most foodstuffs have undergone. as a result, he suggested one should consume only whole grains and refrain from products that have gone through a bleaching process. forthrightly, because they have been stripped of their original nutritional value, muhammad mandated: “never [eat] white flour, which has been robbed of all its natural vitamins and proteins sold separately as cereals.” similarly, but by marked contrast, muhammad spurned corneal and its byproduct—cornmeal—as he considered it to be “too rough for the stomach,” which eventually “wears out the stomach like sand grinds away a delicate rug on your floor.” to bring awareness to blacks of a white-owned and controlled food industry, muhammad conveyed how the profits of 																																																													 ibid., . elijah muhammad, message to the blackman in america (chicago: muslim mosque of islam no. , ), . elijah muhammad, how to eat to live, book no. (chicago: muhammad’s temple of islam no. , ), . 	 capitalism via the industrialization and the creation of foodstuffs supersede the concerns for one’s health, which ultimately affects black lives. on this very point, he offered: “you know as well as i that the white race is a commercializing people and they do not worry about the lives they jeopardize so long as the dollar is safe. you might find your self eating death if you follow them.” on the contrary, muhammad maintained that blacks should listen more to their bodies and have a firm grasp of the dietary needs that would prolong life. such familiarity, he opined, would be indispensible in improving the health of africans in america. given the societal constraints black found (and continue to find) themselves, muhammad felt they should consider the autonomy of their own being and be mindful that, “the most significant laws begin with the physical body as a means of breaking social control previously exerted over black bodies through white domination and as a means of asserting his own ritual authority over such bodies.” with his understanding of the ill-effects chattel slavery had on the psyche of enslaved africans and their descendants as well as the psychological and physical baggage that accompanied it, muhammad unabashedly articulated his disdain about foods introduced to africans during the enslavement process. and even though he never referred directly to “soul food” in his writings, muhammad nonetheless intensified his condemnation of southern traditional dietary practices. according to doris witt, it is imperative “to recognize, therefore, that the foods associated with soul were stigmatized by muhammad at least in part because they operated through, and 																																																													 muhammad, message to the blackman in america, . stephen carl finley, “re-imagining race and representation: the black body in the nation of islam” (ph.d. dissertation, rice university, ), - . 	 perhaps even contributed to, the cultural dominance of his nemesis, black christianity.” in truth, the only meat banned in the qur’an was pork; nevertheless, muhammad substantiated his prohibition of or aversion to other foods mostly associated with cuisine mostly associated with the southern diet. as proof, muhammad declared: “the slave masters taught us to eat the rough foods, such as field peas, and today, being accustomed to eating them, we still eat them along with sweet potatoes (which are not good for anyone but hogs) and white potatoes (which, since they are so starchy and fattening, are not good for anyone unless they are in a zone where they cannot secure better food.” to solidify his point on the continuance of contemporary blacks eating foods once forced upon them, muhammad upholds: “america continues to give the so- called negroes the same bad food and drink that her (america’s) fathers did in the days of slavery.” despite the popularity of soul food in the s and s, elijah muhammad, with his openness and candor, had an effective impact throughout black 																																																													 doris witt, black hunger: food and the politics of u.s. identity (new york and oxford: oxford university press, ), . elijah muhammad was correct in this respect that field peas (e.g., black-eyed peas) and beans, in their original state, are irritants to the gastrointestinal system of humans. while beans are rich in protein, they are nonetheless, along with peas, acidic in nature, and therefore are irritants to the digestive system. evidence of this results in flatulence or gas, which is caused by the absence of a digestive enzyme, which breaks down the trisaccharides (a triple sugar) found in beans. to avoid the discomfort many people have in digesting beans, african american vegan chef juanita prince provides an effective “bean treatment” in which legumes can be prepared in such a way to avoid gastric discomfort and eliminate flatulence. juanita prince, ethnic pride in vegetarian cooking (oxnard, ca: prince press, ), . according to jewel pookrum, the consumption of potatoes and tomatoes “interfere with mid-brain activity,” and “both are in the ‘nightshade’ family. they contain a common chemical known as ‘solanine.’ as members of the solanaceae species of plants, they are poisonous! ‘cancer apple’ was a common name for the tomato in many areas in europe during the early s. it was used only for ornamentation and seldom eaten because of its toxic effects. potatoes were not eaten until after the rye famine and rye grain blight that occurred in ireland in the s. because the rye plants were destroyed by blight, the tuberous potato plant was eaten as a temporary survival food. however, it remained and was brought to the united states during the migration period [of the s] and has now become a mainstay in many households and in fast food restaurants across the country.” jewel pookrum, vitamins and minerals from a to z (brooklyn: a&b publishers group, ), - . muhammad, how to eat to live, . ibid., . 	 communities in america. in the same manner as muhammad articulated his concern for blacks’ consumption of what he considered a “slave diet,” ralph johnson and patricia reed, in their article, “what’s wrong with soul food?” made the claim that it was european slave traders who introduced inferior foods to african captives. the authors insisted that white slavers only provided the shoddiest sustenance to the enslaved, such as “white refined rice, cornmeal, [white] potatoes, pig fat [i.e., lard], salt pork, [and] grits…” these foods, johnson and reed argued, were problematic to the proper functioning of the body and was “nothing more than slave food. add to this slave food the chemicalized, refined sugary, fast, convenience foods of our modern society and you have quite a deadly combination.” like jazz, “soul food” is a cuisine unique to the north american experience, which is a direct result of the trans-atlantic slave trade. to be clear, what is referred to as soul food has an enduring long and deep legacy within the population of africans in the u.s. that dates back to chattel slavery. during this episodic disruption, african ancestral mothers and daughters, as a result of their repressive and prohibitive conditions, had to utilize their inherent african genius to make a culinary masterpieces out of scraps they were given, making due with what was at hand, and using vegetables to balance out the toxicity of the ware (pig entrails, pig feet, pig snout, pig tails, and ham hocks, etc.) given them by the slaver. in turn, spices and foods from the earth, some of which 																																																													 ralph johnson and patricia reed, “what’s wrong with soul food?” black collegian (december /january ), . ibid. 	 originated from africa and reminded african descendants of their ancestral homeland, were used to prepare meals and accentuate that most important aspect of food preparation for all african people—taste. delicacies for enslaved african families were the end result from animal remains that was considered otherwise unfit for european enslavers. in a paper presented at the mpambo multiversity conference in jinja, uganda, ron g. and emile j. lewis mirror the same sentiments as muhammad and weigh in on the debilitating effects soul food, genetically modified organisms (gmos), and denatured refined foods have on african people: using the principles of genetic engineering, they [western european cultures] promote the genetic modifications of crops, food and animals, leading to patents on plants and other living things…[and] blacks living in western cultures are suffering from a variety of chronic endocrine problems and degenerative diseases directly attributable to diet such as: insulin resistance, excessive intake of refined carbohydrates and processed foods, reduced intake of raw vegetables and fruits, lack of proper fat in the diet, and lack of exercise. we indulge in high carbohydrate foods that have been processed, refined, synthesized, artificially- flavoured, and loaded with chemical preservatives…one of the leading culprits is the poisonous foods eaten by blacks called “soul food”: ham, potato salad, french fries, macaroni and cheese, white rice, pork chops, chitterlings, pig feet, and hog maws. all of these foods are cooked in or laced with pork fat, lard, milk, eggs, butter, salt, spices, and lots of refined white flour and white sugar. to dismiss soul food outright without regard to its rich history and temporal relevance would be culturally insensitive to say the least. nonetheless, in the provocative piece, the hood health handbook, denis lopez reminds us: “as captured africans had to adjust to the western diet, adaptations of food preparation and the incorporation of 																																																													 for an extensive and descriptive list of the plant flora introduced and utilized by enslaved africans while in bondage in the west atlantic, see, grimé, ethno-botany of the black americans, the chapters entitled, “plants introduced by the slaves” and “plants employed by the slaves,” - ; and - ; and robert voeks and john rashford, eds., african ethnobotany in the americas (new york: springer, ). ronald g. and emile j. lewis, “black survival in crisis: the plight of afrikans in the globalisation of western (european) culture,” a paper presented at the mpambo multiversity conference on “we are one people: multiple dreams of a different world” transformative thought, learning and action in jinja, uganda (june - , ). 	 meat became more and more prevalent and thus unhealthy for blacks in america.” to this day, the fact remains that the epidemic of diseases that blacks are confronted with today is primarily the consequence of consuming such a diet in addition to a meat-eating diet laden with salt, sugar and grease as well as denatured foods that are oftentimes contaminated with a spectrum of industrial chemicals. in a word, these eating habits are addictive and most damaging to the health, vitality and mental capacity of african people. even still, “[l]ike cornbread, sweet potatoes, and yams, pork became part of the southern african american’s diet during infancy. this made it very difficult for many african americans in their adult years to imagine a life without it.” intriguingly, c’bs alife allah presents an insightful point as to the nature of foods enslaved africans ate as a means to sustain themselves during tireless hours of labor on the plantation. moreover, he juxtaposes a professional runner eating a meal high in carbohydrates prior to a race to maintain energy to that of the suppressive lifestyle of african laborers in bondage. allah articulates: before a marathon runner gets ready for a marathon he will eat a meal the night before of heavy pasta. the reason why is that past releases its sugar/energy on a slow release. thus when they are getting tired down the line in the run their body will release energy. the runner eats for his profession. during slavery they were working from sun up to sun down often time in humidity and heat. the foods were heavy in fat and calories to compensate for this heavy labor. nearly no one nowadays is working like the slaves worked, so eating like they did does nothing except push us into obesity and disease. 																																																													 denise lopez, “back to life: black health in america” the hood healthbook: a practical guide to health and wellness in the urban community, volume one, eds. supreme understanding and c’bs alife allah (atlanta: supreme design publishing, ), . opie, hogs & hominy, . c’bs alife allah, “the history of soul food: big mama had a big heart attack and you’re still ignoring why” the hood healthbook: a practical guide to health and wellness in the urban community, volume one, eds. supreme understanding and c’bs alife allah (atlanta: supreme design publishing, ), . 	 without question, everything has its time and space under the sun, and the necessity for enslaved africans to partake in such foods for subsistence and survival is one matter, but to eat in that manner in the st century and neglect the wide range of data and information that reveals the health consequences of such behavior without concern is outright negligent and indicates apathy on the part of those most affected. making more appropriate food choices will carve out a better course towards a future in which african families and communities are not burdened by eating regimes detrimental to their well- being. since the publications of how to eat to live in and , respectively, black advocates of vegetarian and vegan cuisine have provided healthier food options for aficionados of the dietary practices particularly associated with slavery. rather than being directly influenced from the teachings of the nation of islam leader elijah muhammad, the religious conversion to the seven day-adventist faith was the principal motivation behind mary keyes burgess’ reformed eating habits. born a louisianan, later in life burgess adopted a lacto-ovo vegetarian diet, which ultimately let to the creation of numerous vegetarian soul food recipes. as an adult, burgess migrated to california and served as the primary cook for the family education center, located in a largely black and hispanic section of san bernardino where “she aptly proved that soul food was no less soulful in vegetarian.” the literary upshot to her wizardry in the kitchen was the publication soul to soul in , considered one of the first vegetarian soul food cookbooks written, in the 																																																													 mary keyes burgess, soul to soul: a new vegetarian cookbook (santa barbara: woodbridge press publishing company, ), . 	 contemporary era, by an african american. in a chapter entitled, “good things in place of meat” burgess understood taste and texture as appealing factors in the creation of alternative soul food cuisine. on this very point, she writes: “soul food can be more appealing than ever without meat—if you know what to use in its place…but the taste and texture of meat are important in many soul food recipes. fortunately, modern food research has given us delicious and wholesome substitutes for meat and this book will help you to use them in making real soul food with that authentic taste.” posterior to elijah muhammad and the nation of islam’s efforts to enlighten and ameliorate the physical ills of blacks, there is one contemporary black religious sect that has heeded the nutritional call to arms espoused by muhammad and stand out in this regard: the african hebrew israelites of jerusalem. established in by former chicago bus driver ben ammi, who led a total of some three hundred and fifty african americans of the same city, first to liberia and then israel, to establish “the kingdom” as it is commonly known by its adherents. the african hebrew israelites are a predominately african american religious organization in which the members’ dietary regime consists of either vegan and/or raw foods. popular in black communities across the globe, their main culinary enterprise, named soul vegetarian, is the largest chain of 																																																													 ibid., . for the most comprehensive examination of the religious sojourn of ben ammi and his followers to liberia, and subsequently to dimona, israel, see prince gavriel hagadol and odehyah b. israel, the impregnable people: an exodus of african americans back to africa (washington d.c.: communicators press, ). for an extensive discourse of the religious and ideological worldview of the african hebrew israelites of jerusalem, see ben ammi, physical immortality: conquering death (dimona, israel: communicators press, ), an imitation of life: redefining what constitutes true life and living in the new world (washington d.c.: communicators press, ), everlasting life: from thought to reality (washington d.c.: communicators press, ), the black man and truth (washington d.c.: communicators press, ); and shamiyah e. elyahkeem, the ramle seven: seven men and the destiny of a nation (dimona, israel: communicators press, ). 	 black-owned vegan restaurants worldwide, with locations in atlanta (the first of its kind), chicago, israel, maryland, tallahassee, and accra and cape coast, ghana. the menu of the soul vegetarian restaurants consists primarily of vegan versions of soul food dishes such as collard greens, macaroni and cheese, corn bread and bbq tofu, but they also offer vegan specialty items like bbq cauliflower, kale salad, carrot tuna, parsley salad, jerusalem bakes (seasoned potato wedges baked instead of fried), gyros, meatloaf, mash potatoes and gravy as well as a vegan version of the popular chinese dish egg foo young, to name a few. with names of dishes that carry sentiments of black nationalism (e.g., the garvey burger), “soul veg,” as it is affectionately called by its patrons, meshes africana culture with cuisine. in addition to the delectable cooked and raw options available at the restaurants, those with a penchant for sweets will also be delighted to find cinnamon rolls, various cakes and the african hebrew israelites’ own line of nondairy ice ream, dream kream, with an assortment of flavors to include: butter pecan, chocolate, coffee, mint chocolate chunk and vanilla. other than their own establishments, most of the ice cream flavors can be found at selected health food stores like whole foods market, making it only the second black-owned and produced frozen dessert to be sold in whole foods stores’ southeast region of the u.s. to promote a healthier eating lifestyle even further and make available the various dishes sold at soul vegetarian restaurants, the african hebrew israelites have 																																																													 african american ashiki taylor is the founder of ice supreme, which is a nut-based (i.e., almond and cashew), gluten-free frozen dessert available in six different flavors that is also animal, dairy, rice and soy-free. the urban business roundtable featured the entrepreneur and acknowledged: “taylor has successfully brought a healthy frozen treat to market at a time when fitness and health are a major focus of both individual americans and our national economy.” alfred edmond, jr., “ubr morning post: ice supreme’s ashiki taylor; fitness entrepreneur saran dunmore” black enterprise: wealth for life (april , ). 	 self-published several vegan cookbooks and/or raw “un-cook” books. the first of their written works, entitled soul vegetarian cookbook was published in . the overall intent behind this culinary offering, the hebrew israelites explain: is to direct you toward a totally new way of eating. diet is a very important factor for the survival of a people. a good diet is based upon the organic elements that give and sustain life. many people take the human body and its functions lightly. they do not consider what they consume as having a direct and permanent effect on the quality of their health. that is why we take the time to present a consciousness and seriousness about the diet-related diseases that our destroying our people by the thousands each year. cancer, hypertension, arteriosclerosis, sugar diabetes and strokes are just a few diseases that we can lessen the effects of, or even eradicated, by adopting a proper diet. thirteen years later, the hebrew israelites offered in an enhanced rendition of their initial publication with improved recipes, again with the health of blacks in mind, under a similar name—the new soul vegetarian cookbook. in addition to providing supporters of their cuisine vegan, cooked versions of soul food, the “kingdom,” as they refer to their religious community, published in the same year, the joy of living live, a raw and living foods book for enthusiasts of raw foods. zakhah, author of the 																																																													 kitchens of soul vegetarians, soul vegetarian cookbook (washington d.c.: communications press, ), . yafah asiel, the new soul vegetarian cookbook (atlanta: divine universal sisterhood, ). another prominent vegan and raw food chef and member of the african hebrew israelites of jerusalem is queen vida m. amuah. “queen vida,” born and raised in the central region in ghana, offers an array of delightful fresh juices, and vegan and raw dishes to the african community in west end section of southwest atlanta out of her own domicile; a culinary practice that is purely truly african, communal and grassroots. see vida m. amuah, queen vida’s international vegan cuisine (charleston, sc: createspace, ). zakhah, the joy of living live: a raw food journey (washington d.c; communication press, ). for other publications written by africans that dedicate their food feature to raw, living foods and drinks, see imar hutchins, days @ delights of the garden: learning how to eat right and live well in a stressed-out world (new york: four winds press, ); jasmine (teoorah shaleahk simòn, juice power: for the thirsty soul, nourishing juices that taste great! (summertown, tn: book publishing company, ); lillian r. butler and eddie d. robinson, healthy journey: your personal road map for vibrant living and youthful aging (new york: labor of love productions, llc, ); high priest kwatamani, raw and living foods: the first divine act and requirement of a holistic living way of life, raw & living fruits, vegetables, seeds & nuts. the natural foods for man, he and she, in the divine consumption plan (ellenwood, ga: kwantamani holistic institute of brain body & spiritual research & 	 abovementioned text, who is currently one of the leading chefs in dimona, israel headed in july a free twenty-one day virtual food extravaganza/video series via the world wide web, titled soul vegan summit in which leading chefs of the african hebrew israelite community in israel demonstrated, through live presentations, how to prepare an array of healthy dishes primarily associated with the organization. like elijah muhammad before her, mary burgess and the african hebrew israelites of jerusalem, holistic health counselor afya ibomu has heeded the call to educate the black masses on the importance of nutrition and provide them a platform for which they can catapult and adopt a healthier eating routine. should an individual consider making the transition to a plant-based diet devoid of animal protein and animal byproducts, the major concern usually is how to convert extant eating habits to one they aspire. in her salubrious text, the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy, ibomu answers the grand tour questions that countless people ask when attempting to become vegan or just want to just explore with the dietary regime: ) which do i actually eat;? and ) how do i shop to eat nutritionally to sustain a vegan lifestyle? these inquiries the book answers in a comprehensive fashion. surely, mouth-watering recipes included in this piece, like al greens, garvey salad, mac-n-cheez, my mama’s potato salad, southern 																																																																																																																																																																																					 dev., inc., ); nwenna kai, the goddess of raw foods (pasadena, ca: awaken media, ); hiawatha corner, eating raw, living well (bloomington, in: xlibris corporation, ); tassili maat, raw recipes on the go: quick and easy raw food in minutes or less (atlanta: self-published, ); chef star, it’s salad time: dairy, meat and gluten free salad recipes (louisville, ky: createspace, ), and wow! that’s raw?: raw vegan comfort food recipes (louisville, ky: createspace, ); ama t. opare, food for the soul from ama’s kitchen, soulful vegan and raw vegan recipes: easy gourmet recipes even your non-vegan friends and family will eat (atlanta: opare publishing, llc, ); chef ahki, electric: a modern guide to non-hybrid & wild foods (self-published), , inter alia. shortly after the conclusion of the soul vegan summit, the recipe video presentations were no longer available free charge, so in order to reap the benefits of the series, one now has to pay a nominal monthly fee to gain access. see http://soulvegansummit.com. 	 fried tofu, satisfy my soul grits, and sweet baked beans represent southern cuisine and black culture are certain to delight. as a holistic health consultant, the writer can attest to how extremely difficult it can be for someone to make the transition from a meat-based diet to becoming a vegan without the proper guidance. moreover, equally challenging is to be able to effectively maintain the dietary habits, appreciate the conversion and enjoys it during the process. consequently, this is the exact predicament most individuals find themselves. given the circumstance, it is vital to be properly educated, so the outcome will not result in abandonment of a healthier eating regiment. it for this reason afya ibomu’s enlightening work is valuable to the african community. in the chapter aptly titled “where to begin,” ibomu provides seven efficacious steps on how to transition into veganism, which includes the following: ) be an avid reader and take the time to research the subject matter of alternative dietary lifestyles and nutrition that peak your interest most; ) remove one type of food from your eating regiment bi-weekly; ) limit or eliminate processed foods; ) each week, include at least one staple to your diet to enhance your taste buds; ) consume foods that range in color to ensure you get a nutrient-balanced diet; ) regardless of the psychological and physical challenges you may encounter, be steadfast and patient; and ) ensure that you consume fresh fruits and fresh vegetables on a quotidian basis as part of your eating regiment. one of the most significant aspects of the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy 																																																													 afya ibomu, the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy: your all-in-one guide for soulful vegan recipes, grocery shopping, dining-out, nutrition and more! (atlanta: nattral unlimited, llc, ), - . 	 that is most appealing and extremely essential to the african community, given the constrained socio-economic conditions most of our people find themselves, afya ibomu reveals how to shop economically and holistically. in the essence of complementarity, ibomu has teamed up with her husband, stic (khunum ibomu)—the other half of the renowned black nationalist-oriented and revolutionary hip hop duo, dead prez—in the creation of two websites that promote fitness and healthy eating with african people particularly in mind. to assist those interested in preparing healthy dishes, ibomu provides vegan recipes with accompanying videos on both her website, nattral.com and stic’s rbgfitclub.com the fourth section of the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy, excitingly titled “let’s go shopping” offers various places to shop for nutritional fare such as farmers markets, organ farms located within and service the black community, health food stores, food cooperatives (co-ops), community supported agriculture (csa) and gardens cultivated at home, which ibomu cites as the most cost-effective for the consumer. “with larger companies gaining more control over the [food] industry,” writes ibomu 																																																													 as the ceo of nattral.com, ibomu established an alliance with malawi to provide drinkable water for african communities throughout the country. in addition to the global initiative, her website provides viewers not only nutritious recipes but offers: a blog; healthy tips; the ability to purchase written works of her own and others as well as other accessories that promote a healthy vegan lifestyle. see http://www.nattralcom. in his own words, stic founded rbg (revolutionary but gangsta) fitclub, as a means to “recognize the urgency in our communities in general to revolutionize our priorities as it relates to health.” for him, rbgfitclub upholds the ideals mostly associated with “fitness, nutrition, sobriety, meditation, alternative healing, [and] social justice around health issues.” in a word, this undertaking represents a “holistic lifestyle and fitness movement,” grounded in five principles: “knowledge, nutriton, exercise rest and consistency.” the benefits of the rbgfitclub website is that one can: ) become a member of the “millions miles movement,” an initiative to inspire runners, cyclists, and walkers to complete a total of one million miles collectively; ) purchase stic’s motivational training rap album, the workout, attire and other paraphernalia that reflect a movement centered in hip hop culture with an african-centered approach to fitness. see http://www.rbgfitclub.com. see also, stic, eat plants lift iron: a plant based weightlifting experiment (atlanta: boss up, inc., ). ibomu, the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy, - . 	 “organic farming is becoming more about paper work than actual love for pure food.” thusly, her agricultural solution and advice is to plant sustenance “that you purchase [which] not only makes sure that your food is organic; it also helps saves money. planting vegetables or herbs in large tubs on your balcony or having a full garden in your yard all helps you to increase your nutrient intake and save money.” equally noteworthy in book is the informative dvd that accompanies the written work, entitled “pimp my tofu.” given the vast industrialization of soybeans into genetically modified organisms (gmos), ibomu provides a way to alleviate its consumption and illustrates a simple way on how to make tofu (bean curd) from organic soybeans in the pleasure of your own kitchen. in like manner, especially helpful and informative in this healthy treatise is the segment that provides readers with how to make healthier, vegan selections when choosing to eat out. in the chapter, entitled “dining out & menu guide,” the author provides: ) pointers on which types of foods to avoid to maintain a healthy vegan lifestyle; ) types of restaurants (i.e., caribbean, chinese, indian, italian, japanese, mediterranean, mexican, thai, etc.) in which one can eat and specific menu options to enjoy and still stay true to veganism; and ) travel tips to make trips more comfortable. unquestionably, the vegan soulfood guide to the galaxy, with its plethora of well-thought out and instructive material on how to effectively practice a vegan lifestyle, provides for the african reading audience and others interested, a road map on how to 																																																													 ibid., ibid. - . 	 transmogrify into veganism in a thrifty manner and take matters of health into one’s own hands. as an added pleasure for those enticed by the healthy, delicious fare from the abovementioned text, afya ibomu has subsequently published in the vegan remix! which offers over ninety palatable recipes—accompanied with several music playlists (i.e., ball so hard, grown folks, old skool, positive vibes, ride out, sunday morning and turnt up)—that span international flavors like asian, ethiopian, italian, and mexican cuisines. the most recent textual enterprise of providing the essence of soul food with a vegan twist is offered by progressive chef bryant terry. unlike any other black author of vegan soul food, terry incorporates into his culinary written works various elements of africana culture. raised in memphis but now residing in oakland, bryant terry utilizes, as a culinary artisan, the agricultural inspiration and knowledge he gained from the farms his family owned in rural mississippi. in his first solo written project, vegan soul kitchen, terry includes not only savory vegan recipes (e.g., uncle don’s double mustard greens and roasted yam soup, watermelon-basil vinaigrette, black-eyed pea fritters, banana-maple pecan cornbread muffins, spicy smothered green cabbage, johnny blaze cakes, soul on ice pops, and maple yam-ginger pie, etc.) but also chronicles his upbringing enmeshed with elements of africana artistic expression, a culinary panache he describes as “afro-diasporic cuisine.” bryant, who considers himself a food justice 																																																													 see afya ibomu, the vegan remix:! a soulful spin on world cuisine (atlanta: nattral unlimited, llc, ). several years prior to his own initial publication, terry bryant co-authored an innovative text that: ) promotes the purchasing of organic foods; ) supports it advocacy by divulging how government regulations on agricultural are intrinsically linked to the influence of the pesticide industry; and ) the debilitating effects pesticides has on our bodies and environment. see anna lappé and bryant terry, grub: ideas for an urban organic kitchen (new york: penguin group, ). 	 activist, is inspired to create for african americans flavorful yet healthy recipes because, as he puts it forthrightly, “more and more studies are proving that properly executed vegan diets are highly beneficial for cleansing and detoxing as well as lowering the risk for and ameliorating some chronic illnesses.” as a melodious compliment, in the same fashion as ibomu’s latest work, each southern-inspired recipe in vegan soul kitchen is paired with a song (or songs) by music artists such as: aaliyah, fela kuti’s lead percussionist tony allen, alice and john coltrane, mile davis, herbie hancock, hypnotic brass ensemble, krs-one, nina simone, sarah vaughn, and stevie wonder, to name a few, to instill the aspects of africana culture into cuisine and agriculture. within his culinary style, bryant invokes the upshot of african artistic creativity due to the episodic disruption of chattel slavery. to express the amalgam of that experience in the western hemisphere as it relates to his appetizing creations, bryant reveals: “i have imagined new recipes through the prism of the african diaspora—cutting, pasting, reworking, and remixing african, caribbean, african american, native american, and european staples, cooking techniques, and distinctive dishes to come up with something all my own. like the dj being moved by the energy of the crowd to guide selections, i let the spirits of my ancestors and progeny move me to conjure up these edible treats.” in an april , interview with ebony magazine, bryant reemphasizes his sincere concerns about the chronic dis-eases blacks suffer from today and posits that an 																																																													 bryant terry, vegan soul kitchen: fresh, healthy, and creative african-american cuisine (boston: da capo press, ), xxi. ibid., xxii. 	 animal protein-free diet is remedial to combat such maladies. he offers: it is important to realize that african-americans are suffering from some of the highest rates of obesity, and other diet-related illnesses, such as diabetes, hypertension, heart disease, certain cancers, i think it’s important for me to present plant-based diets or vegan diets as a tool for addressing this public health crisis that our people are suffering. its not just the friend out here in berkeley who are saying that a vegan diet can be a healing diet; it can address chronic illnesses or alleviate a lot of the health problems that people are dealing with. mainstream medical institutions that are saying plant-based diets are actually a powerful tool for helping to heal our bodies when people are dealing with chronic illnesses and for preventing any of the chronic illnesses affecting our people. the uniqueness of bryant’s healthy culinary creations coupled with expressions of africana culture has set him apart so much that ebony featured him again in . as one of a triumvirate of african american health personalities highlighted, terry was heralded especially for his activism as an advocate of a healthy dietary lifestyle. in his latest publication, afro-vegan, bryant expresses his familiarity with the african custom of having respect for the elders. rather than provide a “foreword” for the cookbook, bryant instead includes an introductory section, entitled “permission to speak,” in which rightfully chooses elder culinary historian and educator jessica b. 																																																													 “bryant terry: the ‘inspired’ chef urges black folks to eat (and live) better” ebony (april , ), - . the inspiration behind the magazine interviewing terry bryant was the publication of his text in . see bryant terry, the inspired vegan: seasonal ingredients, creative recipes, mouthwatering menus (boston: da capo press, ). “ black vegan chefs you should know” ebony (april , ). this particular piece ran by ebony magazine acknowledges the curative activist work of tracey mcquirter, author of by any greens necessary, latham thomas, author of mama glow) and bryant terry. however, the publication neglected to mention another key african american chef, author and health advocate of a plant-based diet, del sroufe, who has been thrust into the mainstream due to his contributory efforts in the celebrated and lucrative forks over knives plant-based foods project. see del sroufe and glen merzer, better than vegan: favorite low-fat, plant-based recipes that helped me lose over pounds (dallas: banbella books, inc., ); pamela a. popper, glen merzer and del sroufe, food over medicine: the conversation that could save your life (dallas: banbella books, inc., ); and del sroufe and isa chandra moskowitz, forks over knives - the cookbook: over recipes for plant-based eating all through the year (new york: the experiment, llc, ). bryant terry, afro-vegan: farm-fresh african, caribbean, and southern flavors remixed (berkeley, ca: ten speed press, ). 	 harris to do the honors of writing the literary libations. without question, the culinary works created by terry bryant reveal that africana culture is expressed through various mediums but to meld them as one continuous stream is equally significant. through the mass media outlets of television and film, two african americans most recently have extended the discourse of soul food that deserves mention. cartoonist and writer aaron mcgruder’s provocative cartoon series, boondocks examine the phenomenon of soul food. in the season episode, fittingly titled “the itis,” mcgruder castigates, through satire, the obsession and satiation most african americans have with soul food. in sardonic fashion, he critically analyzes and presents an animated rendition of the movie soul food to underscore and address the culinary culture of african americans as well as the ambivalence and addictive behavior by which they consume fare that was once fashioned to sustain enslaved africans during enslavement era in the united states. as the animated narrative continues, mcgruder expresses how even when the matriarch in the film, big mama died of diabetes, the family continued with the same dietary habits—the consumption of soul food—as a means to bring the family closer but was nonetheless primarily responsible for the elders’ eventual demise in the first place. for certain, the intent of aaron mcgruder, in covering director george tillman’s film was to highlight the contemporary dietary habits of blacks, which are now largely responsible, along with the consumption of refined processed foods, for the decline in health and the proliferation of degenerative diseases found among african americans. 																																																													 aaron mcgruder and rodney barnes (writers), “the itis” boondocks: season (aired: january , ; available on dvd july , ). 	 with the release of his documentary, soul food junkies, director byron hurt embarks on a culinary journey and examines the cultural significance and debilitating effects the soul food tradition has on the health of african americans and its applicability to black identity. through the lens of candid interviews with activists, community members, food justice advocates, political officials, scholars, physicians and cooks of the cuisine mentioned above, the documentary places the culinary tradition under the proverbial magnifying glass, highlighting its negative consequences (i.e., degradation of health) and positive aspects (i.e., communal gathering of friends and family). to address the need for agricultural sustainability, the film also provides a cursory examination of lower income african communities in the united states, which are out of the geographical proximity of viable grocery stores or local supermarkets that offer an abundance of produce and other foods with nutritional value; an ecological phenomenon referred in scholarly circles as “food desserts.” due to the deprived 																																																													 byron hurt, soul food junkies: a film about family, food & tradition (plainfield, nj: god bless the child productions, llc, ). for an examination and assessment on the prevalence of “food deserts” in both african american and continental african communities and the need for agricultural sustainability in these locales, see robert gottlieb and anupama joshi, food justice (cambridge, ma: mit press, ), - and - ; sharon l. florentine, “community gardens can fight urban blight—and so can you” temple university magazine (spring ), - ; tamara warren, “urban famine” jet, vol. , no. (june , ); lavonna blair lewis; lark galloway-gilliam; gwendolyn flynn; jonathan nomachi; latonya chavis keener; and david c. sloane, “transforming the urban food desert from the grassroots up a model for community change” family & community health, vol. , supplement s , (january/march ), s -s ; and jane battersby and jonathan crush, “africa’s urban food deserts” urban forum, vol. , no. (june ), inter alia. the written work by authors esther and birdina lewin is considerably one of the earliest treatments that urge sustainable agricultural initiatives in black communities throughout the united states. in their intergenerational treatise, growing food, growing up, the lewins take into account how the conditions in black communities—particularly in major cities—and mass media have both contributed to the confusion in the minds of black youth about food and nutrition. as a remedy, this text, in the tradition of black self-reliance, instructs children on how to start a garden, grow their own sprouts, and prepare certain food from scratch, such as wheat germ, carocoa, fudge sauce, crunchy granola and carob brownies, to name a few. see esther lewin and birdina lewin, growing food, growing up: a child’s natural food book (los angeles: the ward ritchie press, ). for the most 	 conditions of these areas, it is challenging at best to find healthy food options due to scarcity and the predominance of fast food chains; a socioeconomic circumstance that cannot be minimalized or overlooked as a strong correlation with the poor health status of many african americans. while elijah muhammad provided, in both his teachings and writings, the groundwork for blacks on “how to eat to live,” the “messenger” did not take into account, either through his own ignorance or penchant for meat and its byproducts, the devitalizing effects the consumption of them have on the human body—given its acidic nature and the havoc it causes on the body. even muhammad himself admitted to his shortcomings in his own diet, particularly a habit he attributed to his time in incarceration. muhammad confessed: “when we were eating the right food in the right way, we had no doctor bills and no medical bills…however, as soon as we changed and began to call on the doctor and his drugs—and it brought about one complaint after another. i would never have suffered today from bronchial asthma if i had not disobeyed the law of the right foods to eat. now i am on the way back to try and adjust my life according to the way allah (god) taught me.” 																																																																																																																																																																																					 recent discourse on sustainable agriculture, from both an african-centered and grassroots perspective, see, jeffrey l. jordan, edward pennick, walter a. hill and robert zabawa, land & power: sustainable agriculture and african americans (waldorf, md: sustainable agriculture publications, ); and tanya denckla cobb, reclaiming our food: how the grassroots food movement is changing the way we eat (north adams, ma: storey publishing, ). one of the most recent visible and leading advocates of agricultural sustainability in communities’ predominately african american in america is los angeles- based ron finley, aptly labeled “the guerilla gardener.” in a interview entitled after his appellation, finley maintains: “gardening is the new gangsta,” simply because “[w]e’re in a war, under siege, and everybody’s asleep an the wheel. fast food companies are the terrorist—food terrorists.” carmella monk crawford, “the guerilla gardener” message (march/april ), - . his endearing and indefatigable work as an agricultural activist has caught the attention of mainstream america so much that ron finley is exclusively featured in the documentary, urban fruit. muhammad, how to eat to live, . 	 just like all of the africans living in america, followers of the nation of islam are not exempt from arthritic conditions, constipation, complications of the skin, diabetes, hypertension, impotence, infertility, menstrual abnormalities, migraines, obesity and other dis-eases individuals commonly suffer from in the united states. without question, membership into the nation of islam is no indemnification against the plethora of diseases that affect african americans collectively and the american population in general. regrettably, the current leader of the noi, louis farrakhan is a prime example. over the years, he has battled with prostate cancer since as early as . even his spiritual father, elijah muhammad himself suffered from multifarious illnesses at the time of his death, to include: congestive hear failure, diabetes and an ongoing battle with chronic bronchitis, which prompted him at times to reside in phoenix for relief. although elijah muhammad condoned the eating of meat amongst his parishioners, he equally affirmed that a diet free of animal protein was ideal. most likely, muhammad was conceivably empathetic of the fact that the consumption of animal flesh has an enduring history that is a traditional, economic, habitual and gluttonous custom. in his own savvy way, the minister implied to his reading audience, in both volumes of how to eat to live, that a vegetarian lifestyle—devoid of animal flesh and its byproducts—is sufficient enough to maintain good health. he avowed, “if you can do without eating any kind of flesh, that is fine,” and a half decade later, in book two of 																																																													 in his most recent and last battle with protest cancer, minister farrakhan was admitted and treated effectively at howard university hospital in march . see, “nation of islam leader minister louis farrakhan takes four-month sabbatical for health reasons” jet (april , ), ; and steve kloehn and mike dorming, “farrakhan prognosis called ‘excellent’” chicago tribune (april , ), . evanzz, the messenger, . muhammad, how to eat to live, . 	 the text with the same title, he did not waiver as he stated: “as i have said time and again, that no meat is good for us.” even more, muhammad expressed the benefits of longevity one can obtain from adopting a natural diet. “natural food,” he urged, “will give to us natural health and beauty and prolong our lives, if the poison hand of the commercializer does not touch it.” while muhammad makes a strong argument, he neglected to expound and clarify as to what “natural food” actually entails, which would prove helpful for those who consider making a dietary change. for the reader; however, who might be interested in altering their eating regime to a natural foods lifestyle, this poses a problem being that muhammad offered only a generalized term without exemplars for one to investigate or abide by. to address the theoretical wavering of his dietary teachings, elijah muhammad’s philosophy of dietary habits, in both volumes of how to eat to live and message to the blackman in america seem to have no logical development and little consistency in its instructions, and as a result, its composition may easily frustrate any efforts to understand and accept his overall purpose. the quandary, according to the writer, is that meat consumption plays a major and pivotal role in the development of cancers and other maladies amongst african americans. to this end, muhammad allowed too much room for interpretation in how to eat to live and his teachings for members of the nation of islam and other believers to embrace a carnivorous diet. diametrically opposite to the normative school of thought that one needs to consume meat for health reasons—a model muhammad himself espoused—, western 																																																													 elijah muhammad, how to eat to live, book no. , . ibid., . 	 scientific research that has been conducted thus far reveals a diet that consists primarily of meat and its derivatives begets a slew of diseases that could otherwise be prevented with making more nutritional decisions. paradoxically, at one point in time, western medicine wholeheartedly supported the consumption of meat for its nutrition purposes. however, due to the plethora of information exposing its consequences, its advocacy is no longer unanimous in the medical field that once heralded the theoretical concept. indeed, the facts are overwhelming, which indicates that the eating of animal flesh in all forms is the pri cause of massive epidemics, such as cancer, heart diseases and many other diseases. something to consider: a year prior to the publication of muhammad’s first volume of how to eat to live, the journal of the american medical association, operated by the most influential governing and self-regulating professional body of organized medicine in the u.s., published an article that reported a vegetarian diet can prevent the preponderance ( - %) of all heart diseases; a detail quite illuminating given that the number one cause of death today in the united states is heart disease. during the s, there were a few black licensed physicians who called for food reform and spoke out against a soul food diet. the african american publications jet and ebony served as those mediums of discourse. the november , issue of jet published an article entitled, “medic links soul food with high blood pressure.” the chief cardiologist of provident hospital in baltimore, dr. elijah saunders expressed his medical concern for african americans’ dietary habits. in essence, the leading african 																																																													 donald e. pickering, delbert a. fisher, anne perley, glaydis m. basinger and henry d. moon, “influence of dietary fatty acids on serum lipids” journal of the american medical association pediatrics, vol. , no. (july , ). 	 american heart specialist expressed “that the high salt content of soul food may be a contribution factor in the high incidence of hypertension among blacks,” therefore “if you are black, you should limit the amount of highly-salted soul foods in your diet.” another example of the concern for the destructive eating habits of blacks is dr. therman e. evans, who at the time was president of the board of education of the district of columbia and national health director of operation push. unquestionably, evans was forward thinking in the medical field with his understanding of the fundamental relationship between food and health. in the march issue of ebony, evans revealed the alarming health statistics of africans in america, which in truth was: twice the incidence of iron deficiency anemia; a higher incidence of arthritis, a very serious disabling disease; nearly twice the incidence of diabetes; a significantly greater incidence of heart conditions (heart disease is the number one medical killer of all people in this country); two to three times the incidence of high blood pressure; and a strikingly high incidence of cancer (the number two medical killer). given the arrested state of corporeal incidences for blacks, evans articulated that african americans can no longer “continue to disregard what we eat as if our diet has no effect our health status. in fact, what we eat is both directly and indirectly related to every major illness we know of, including hearth disease, high blood pressure, cancer, diabetes, and infectious disease. we must, individually, take care of our bodies…” one black independent publication, which was more nationalist and grassroots in its delivery also dedicated written space during the s to critically analyze and address the ameliorative needs of african people and provide solutions. with 																																																													 “medic links soul food with high blood pressure” jet, vol. xliii, no. (november , ), . therman e. evans, “on the health of black americans” ebony (march ), . ibid. 	 understanding the significance of the health of africans americans as priority number one, blacks books bulletin dedicated an entire volume in , appropriately titled “health and black survival, ” based on the sign of the times for the african people in america. within the issue, various articles included: ) “spinal manipulation” as a key to health; ) a one-on-one interview with dick gregory; ) a critical analysis of hypertension, a major health problem even now amongst blacks; and ) an assessment by editor haki mahubuti on how the industrialization of foodstuffs are used against blacks as a form of agricultural warfare. two months after the ebony feature of therman evans, the leading mainstream african american periodical published an article in may entitled, “good health is a family affair.” the physician primarily interviewed for the piece, dr. keith w. sehnert opined that blacks should increase the consumption of “raw fruits and vegetables because they added necessary vitamins and minerals and valuable bulk to your diet.” as for the intake of protein for nutritional purposes, sehnert maintained, “beans, nuts and new soya- meat extenders and substitutes are other good sources of protein,” particularly because they are more wholesome and lower in calories than that of “beef, lamb or pork.” in essence, with slightly nuanced medical approaches, african american medical doctors were calling for at the time radical food reforms to address the state of health amongst blacks collectively and the need for them to make sovereign decisions to improve their 																																																													 see “health and survival” black books bulletin, vol. , no. (summer ). interview with dr. keith w. sehnert, “good health is a family affair: good nutrition, exercise, sleep, physical examinations, etc.” ebony (may ), . ibid., . 	 well-being. similarly, as a result of numerous studies conducted over the last three decades— by both healthcare professionals and licensed medical physicians—, western medicine has obdurately began to reveal the undeniable link between the consumption of meat and its derivatives to the increase of deaths, various metabolic syndromes and various diseases. to be exact, in , the national cancer institute released the largest study ever conducted to date on the correlation between meat consumption and health. the conclusive findings of the study, of a cohort of a half million individuals, over a ten-year period, revealed “red and processed meat intakes were associated with modest increases in total mortality, cancer mortality, and cardiovascular disease mortality.” 																																																													 bill rhoden, “the ten worst things you can do to your health: seven medical school professors discuss the prime areas of concern” ebony (january ), - . morgan e. levine, jorge a. suarez, sebastian brandhorst, priya balasubramanian, chia-wei cheng, rashmi sinha, amanda j. cross, barry i. graubard, michael f. leitzmann, and arthur schatzkin, “meat intake and mortality: a prospective study of over half a million people” archives of internal medicine, vol. , no. (march , ), . dean ornish, founder of the preventive medicine research institute and clinical professor of medicine at the university of california, san francisco reveals that even though “people have been told for decades to eat less meat and fat, americans actually consumed percent more added fat, percent more sugar, and percent more meat in than they had in and . percent more calories than they had in , according to the agriculture department. not surprisingly, we are fatter and unhealthier.” dean ornish, “the myth of high-protein diets” the new york tines (march , ); and united states department of agriculture, office of communications: agriculture fact book “profiling food consumption in america,” ( - ), . for a more expanded examination on how the consumption of animal protein by humans is unquestionably linked to the chronic illnesses they incur, see also, david a. snowdon, roland l. phillips and gary e. fraser, snowdon “meat consumption and fatal ischemic heart disease.” preventive medicine, vol. , no. (september ), - ; benjamin j. abelow, theodore r. holford and karl l. insogna, “cross-cultural association between dietary animal protein and hip fracture: a hypothesis” calcified tissue international, vol. , no. (january ), - ; margaret thorogood, jim mann, paul appleby and klim mcpherson, “risk of death from cancer and ischaemic heart disease in meat and non-meat eaters” british medical journal, vol. , no. (june , ), - ; margaret thorogood m. “the epidemiology of vegetarianism and health” nutrition research reviews, vol. , no. (january ), - ; timothy j. key, gary e. fraser, margaret thorogood, paul n. appleby, valerie beral, gillian reeves, michael l. burr, jenny chang-claude, rainer frentzel-beyme, jan w. kuzma, jim mann and klim mcpherson, “mortality in vegetarians and non-vegetarians: a collaborative analysis of deaths among , men and women in five prospective studies.” public health nutrition, vol. , no. (march ), - ; timothy j. key, gary e. fraser, margaret thorogood, paul n. appleby, valerie beral, gillian reeves, michael l. burr, jenny chang-claude, rainer frentzel-beyme, jan w. kuzma, jim mann and klim mcpherson, “mortality in 	 unquestionably, its eye-opening results should convince even the most enthusiastic meat eaters to at least take notice or even refrain from such dietary practices. additionally, it has been proven, as many scientific studies have shown, that diets consumed in geographical areas with high incidences of colon cancer are due high in animal and fat content. thus, eating regiments that are high in animal protein result in a high fecal concentration of bile acids, thus providing more substrate for conversions to carcinogens, 																																																																																																																																																																																					 vegetarians and non-vegetarians: detailed findings from a collaborative analysis of prospective studies” the american journal of clinical nutrition, vol. , no. (september ), s- s. amanda j. cross and rashmi sinha, “meat-related mutagens/carcinogens in the etiology of colorectal cancer” environmental and molecular mutagenesis, vol. , no. (june , ), - ; luigi fontana, samuel klein and john o. holloszy, “long-term low-protein, low-calorie diet and endurance exercise modulate metabolic factors associated with cancer risk” american journal of clinical nutrition, vol. , no. (december ), - ; anne c. m. thiébaut, victor kipnis, shih-chen chang, amy f. subar, frances e. thompson, philip s. rosenberg, albert r. hollenbeck, michael leitzmann and arthur schatzkin, “dietary fat and postmenopausal invasive breast cancer in the national institutes of health– aarp diet and health study cohort” journal of the national cancer institute, vol. , no. (march , ), - ; dean ornish, mark jesus m. magbanua, gerdi weidner, vivian weinberg, colleen kemp, christopher green, michael d. mattie, ruth marlin, jeff simko, katsuto shinohara, christopher m. hagg and peter r. carroll, “changes in prostate gene expression in men undergoing an intensive nutrition and lifestyle intervention” proceedings of the national academy of sciences of the united states of america, vol. , no. (june , ), - ; rick fox, “eating meat may increase risk of early death, study finds” the new york times (march , ); an pan, qi sun, adam m. bernstein, matthias b. schulze, joann e. manson, meir j. stampfer, walter c. willet and frank b. hu, “red meat consumption and mortality: results from two prospective cohort studies” the journal of american medical association internal medicine, vol. , no. (april , ), - ; federica madia, luigi fontana, mario g. mirisola, jaime guevara-aguirre, junxiang wan, giuseppe pasarino, brian k. kennedy, pinchas cohen, eileen m. crimmins and walter d. longo, “low protein intake is associated with a major reduction in igf- , cancer, and overall mortality in the and younger but not older population” cell metabolism, vol. , no. (march , ), - ; yoona kim, jennifer keogh and peter clifton, “a review of potential metabolic etiologies of the observed association between red meat consumption and development of type diabetes mellitus” metabolism, vol. , no. (july ), - , inter alia. quite interesting, even as early as , a two-year exhaustive study of cancer was conducted in chicago in association with the department of health by one dr. g. cooke adams, who “proved conclusively that diet is a most important factor in the increase of the disease and its death rate.” as a result of the research findings, dr. adams concluded: “there cannot be the slightest question that the greatest increase in cancer…is due to the increased consumption in animal foods...” “cancer increasing among meat eaters” the new york times (september , ). it should also be noted that along with animal protein and dairy products, research studies have shown that eggs too increase the risk for heart disease in humans. see yuni choi, chang yoosoo, jung eun lee, sohyun chun, juhee cho, eunju sung, byung-seong suh, sanjay rampal, di zhao, yiyi zhang, roberto pastor-barriuso, joao a.c. lima, hocheol shin, seungho ryu and eliseo guallar “egg consumption and coronary artery calcification in asymptomatic men and women” atherosclerosis, vol. , no. (may , ), - . 	 agents that tend to cause cancer. from an anatomical standpoint, there is a distinction between the digestive tract of humans, which are structured much differently than that of inherent carnivores. more specifically, the colon of a carnivore is much shorter in length, which allows for digested animal flesh (raw flesh i might add) to pass and be expelled in a shorter period of time. on the other hand; however, the large intestine of a human being is much longer and more convoluted than a carnivorous animal, and a consequence, when humans consume animal protein, the ability to eliminate waste properly in a timely manner is retarded, thusly causing constipation, the buildup of mucoid plague and ultimately autointoxication of the blood stream. notwithstanding their formal medical training, there is a small cadre of university-trained but least contained african american physicians that confront head on the orthodoxy of western medicine. in the same demeanor as former sharecropper and renowned civil rights activist fannie lou hamer articulated, african-centered physician nana kwaku opare (who uses hamer’s famous adage as the subtitle of this book) exhibits no tact in writing about his independent stance as a healer and the discontent about the fabricated narrative and current state of western medicine. in his 																																																													 see sydney m. finegold, howard p. attenbery and vera l. sutter, “effect of diet on human fecal flora: comparison of japenese and american diets” the journal of american nutrition (december ), - . for discourse on the anatomical variances between humans and natural carnivorous animals, see llaila o. afrika, african holistic health (brooklyn, ny: a&b publishers group, ), - ; and jane brody, jane brody's nutrition book: a lifetime guide to good eating for better health and weight control (new york: w. w. norton & company, ), . the term “mucoid plague” was coined by naturopathic physician richard anderson. for a comprehensive discussion on how mucoid plaque is formed in the large intestine of humans, and how autointoxication occurs as a result, due primarily to the consumption of animal protein and its derivatives, see richard anderson, cleanse & purify thyself. book one: the cleanse (medford, or: christobe publishing, ), cleanse and purify thyself, book two: secrets of radiant health and energy (medford, or: christobe publishing, ), and cleanse and purify thyself, book . (mt. shasta, ca: triumph, ), - to - ; - ; and - to - . 	 own words, opare laments: when we new doctors graduated from ucsf, we were led in reciting not the hippocratic oath, but a hypocritical oath instead. i alone in my class refused to stand during graduation and recite this oath, knowing it to be a lie that almost none of us would abide by. i vowed instead to do my part to change this system that kills as many as it helps. since then, i have found the road to truth in medicine to be as lonely as my graduation was. i have found, until recently, a precious few doctors willing or able to question the rotten core of allopathic medicine. it is a form of medicine that arrogantly and chauvinistically dismisses all that fails to toe the line of the medical industrial complex. with the founding of opare institute in the predominately black section of southwest atlanta, nana opare has brought into fruition his prior aspirations to address the medical needs of africans in america in ways more foundational, ameliorative and alternative to that of mainstream medicine. in addition to his pedigree as a licensed physician, he is trained in the fields of and offers to his clients: nutrition medicine, acupuncture and traditional chinese medicine, and osteopathic manual medicine. the need to provide alternative means of medical assistance with the cultural sensibilities of african people in mind are critical to opare, so much that he offers a kilombo care program to clients, which includes, amongst other services, personalized physician care via house calls and personal coaching in the kitchen on the essentials of natural foods preparation. nana opare’s holistic health aspirations are in collaboration with his business partner and wife, ama t. opare, who serves as the chief executive officer and education director of the opare institute. in addition to her posts at the institute, ama opare is also a gourmet raw vegan chef whose culinary skills and knowledge she makes available for africans globally. for example, in , she established the online website, food for the soul as a means to provide an array of information and resources relating to vegetarianism, 																																																													 opare, the rule book and user guide for healthy living, . 	 veganism, and raw and living foods, particularly with african people solely in mind. established to create a sense of community amongst blacks who live or aspire to this dietary lifestyle, opare shares her intent behind the creation of the website: you may wonder why this site is for black vegetarians and not all vegetarians and who qualifies as a black vegetarian. let me explain. many black folks experience a feeling of aloneness that can be different and more isolating that what other vegetarians may experience. the cultural norm in many communities is linked to chicken wings, macaroni and cheese and a highly meat based diet. to provide a place where we can find others like us. to connect us together across the miles. to share recipes, to share ideas, to make friends, to support each other. it is a site for folks who are vegetarian or who are interested in learning more about veganism, raw and living foods and vegetarianism. it is for people of african descent only. it is intended to be a safe space where we can speak our mind and not worry about offending anyone or being called out by someone who doesn't and can't understand our perspective as black people. there are many other places where anyone is welcome. food for the soul isn't one of them. in ideological concurrence with nana opare’s position as an emancipative physician, but from a more nuanced approach, houston-based african american physician, baxter d. montgomery has established a successful independent, self- governing medical treatment facility in the southwest. the publication of his text, food prescription for better health proves to be innovative in its own right. in the chapter entitled, “a new approach to health care” montgomery articulates that a great majority of “medical interventions involve treating patients and their symptoms to bring about relief, rather than spending time diagnosing the root cause of disease states to treat,” and “[d]espite mounting evidence that the vise-grip [i.e., cause] of our chronic illnesses is our poor nutrition and lifestyle choices, we continue to apply more pills and procedures to 																																																													 ama t. opare, “why this site is for black vegetarians” food for the soul: the online home for black vegetarians, www.foodforthesoul.opare.net (april , ). see also, ama t. opare, food for the soul: from ama’s kitchen, soulful vegan and raw vegan recipes, easy gourmet recipes even your non-vegan friends and family will eat (atlanta: opare publishing, llc), . 	 suppress superficially the outward manifestations of the these conditions.” as a licensed physician himself, montgomery is certain: “american medicine needs to change its focus. medical practice has become a process of prescribing medicines and procedures to treat the side effects of the bad foods we eat. the key issue for true health is a healthy lifestyle, and the core of that lifestyle is optimal nutrition. that needs to be the focus of our practice.” montgomery’s words resonant and his medical training as a seasoned cardiologist support his medical opinion and worldview. for example, in his private practice located in houston, texas, baxter montgomery currently manages patients with coronary heart disease cardiac arrhythmias, as well as chronic illnesses such as obesity, diabetes, hypertension, diabetes and other inflammatory conditions, utilizing naturalistic health techniques quite contrary to the western medical training he received to become a licensed doctor. additionally, baxter montgomery pioneering contributions to the field of medicine include his establishment as founder and holds posts as the executive director and medical director of: ) the johnsie and aubary montgomery institute of medical education and research; and ) two houston cardiac association and the montgomery heart and wellness centers. likewise, the twin pillar of baxter’s profound facility as a physician is marked by his dual appointments as a: ) fellow of the american college of cardiology; and ) clinical assistant professor of medicine in the division of cardiology at the university of texas health science center, also in houston. clearly, the efficacy of the therapeutic work by which both drs. nana opare 																																																													 baxter d. montgomery, the food prescription for better health: a cardiologist’s proven method to reverse heart disease, diabetes, obesity, and other chronic illnesses, naturally! (houston: delworth publishing, ), . ibid., - . 	 and baxter montgomery operate with holistic health practices as licensed medical professionals without being enmeshed in the underpinnings of western medicine is without question commendable and deserves merit. with respect to the dietary beliefs of elijah muhammad, in no way does the writer suggest he meant any harm to african people as his religious proselytization, community service and economic initiatives in black communities across america suggest otherwise. however, due to the contradictory nature of his instructions regarding food and nutrition in how to eat live, it seems that muhammad was most likely ill-advised in his methodology towards diet, or certain aspects of it. one could suffice this was mostly due to the fact that muhammad’s teachings about dietary food restrictions to muslim adherents and others was primarily shrouded and largely dependent upon dogma, rhetoric and hearsay. nevertheless, the eating regiment that elijah muhammad advocated for african americans during the s and s was unmistakably healthier than the diet primarily informed by the experiences of chattel slavery that many blacks were accustomed to eating. in sum, the teachings of elijah muhammad regarding food and nutrition were fundamentally responsible for making thousands of africans more aware of their health conditions, which in turn influenced future generations to make the necessary advancements up the dietary ladder to a more health conscious lifestyle. anterior to elijah muhammad’s teachings about food and nutrition, the advocacy of a natural foods dietary lifestyle for blacks had already been undertaken. the most influential advocate of change in this regard was none other than alvenia moody fulton ( - ). fulton would acquaint african americans with dietary habits more 	 wholesome than what the publications of how to eat to live subsequently had to offer. unlike elijah muhammad, fo promoted outright total abstinence from animal protein and its byproducts. before muhammad’s treatises hit the shelves, alvenia fulton was already educating the african community about nutrition and healthful dietary practices as early as the s. in fact, in january , she founded the better living health club in her own dwelling, and in order for individuals to become a member, the compulsory requirement was for them to take her therapeutic creation: a five-day formula that cleansed the body and initiated weight loss. fulton eventually earned a doctorate in naturopathy (n.d.) from the lincoln college of naturopathic physicians and surgeons in indianapolis, indiana, and to add to her credentials as a naturalistic healer, she also obtained certifications as a biochemical therapist (a craft she would use when concocting herbal remedies for clients in her home) and a nutritional counselor in from the american institute of science, also in indianapolis. before delving into the field of alternative medicine, alvenia fulton was active in the ministry, as she became the first woman to matriculate from the greater payne theological seminary in birmingham, alabama. subsequently, fulton served as pastor in three churches of the first black denomination of the christian faith in the u.s.: ) st. johns african methodist episcopal in manhattan, kansas; ) st. stephens african methodist episcopal in birmingham, alabama; and ) st. johns in louisville, kentucky. the turnaround for fulton as a healer and pioneer in the benefit of better nutrition 																																																													 “meet the diet columnist” chicago defender (may , ), , column . ibid. “dr. alvenia fulton, , famed nutritionist, dies in chicago” jet, vol. , no. (march , ), . 	 occurred in . in her therapeutic treatise, radiant health through nutrition, fulton expressed the trajectory from which she went from a sickly woman to a beacon of health. born on a farm in pulaski, tennessee, fulton recollected about being raised on a heavily starched southern diet, and by her own admission, her “greatest problem concerning food, in my particular case, was that i more than often, overate.” due to the overindulgence of denatured foods lacking fiber, fulton expressed how her mucus-ridden body yielded to repetitive occurrences of sore throats and colds, which resulted in a tonsillectomy, and subsequently in life, a rectal surgical operation as a result of constipation and hemorrhoids. to add insult to bodily injury, after her migration to chicago, she fell ill with bleeding duodenal ulcers, a malady that was an eye-opening experience for fulton. after discovering a natural cure for ulcers involving the consumption of raw cabbage juice, fulton decided to execute the holistic treatment for nearly two weeks and successfully eradicated her ulcerous condition. it was at this very moment alvenia fulton was introduced to and became aware of the efficacy of a natural foods dietary lifestyle. in her own words, fulton explains natural progression: “it came, then, as a matter of course, that i became a health food, health store devotee and enthusiast. i had to curb my zeal and desire to influence and convert others, for each must develop his own desire to investigate the new.” under the guidance and supervision of naturopath m.o. garten, fulton would 																																																													 alvenia m. fulton, radiant health through nutrition (chicago: life line, ), . ibid. ibid., . see m.o. garten, the cycle of health (self-published, ), tomorrow’s health (self-published, ), the dynamics of vibrant health and neuropractic (self-published, ), aches and pains—their cause and removal (self-published, ), the health secrets of a naturopathic doctor (west nyack, 	 go on an extended fast and make the most drastic transmogrification into the realm of naturalistic health practices as a way of life. the upshot, according to opie, was the “elimination of long-term problems in her body such as arthritis, upper respiratory congestion, and swelling in her ankles; the fast also reduced the size of a tumor in her body.” with astonishment, fulton recalled the value of the cleansing, realized the beneficial results and noticed: “the tumor was smaller. when i consulted dr. garten again, he suggested that i eat raw foods from six to nine months and start another fast. this is how i learned about raw food and became a vegetarian.” to continue and further the bodily catharsis, fulton followed the eating regiment laid out by the one who inspired her detoxify initially. the no frills and non-negotiable diet suggested by garten included: only fruits, nuts, and vegetables and whole grain from one month to a year. do not cook anything that can be eaten raw. (natural organic foods, fruits, vegetables, nuts and unheated and untreated honey). no white sugar or anything containing white sugar. nothing made with white flour, no meats of any kind, no salt (use kelp instead), no cow's milk. use goat's milk or coconut milk or almond milk made fresh daily and drink plenty of fruit and vegetable juices. drink plenty of mint and alfalfa tea. from that point onward, alvenia fulton would lead a plethora of individuals on the path of purification, not only from the knowledge she possessed as an autodidact and trained naturopath but also as a gleaning example of good health in the flesh. miraculously, in just a four-year timeframe, fulton healed herself completely and 																																																																																																																																																																																					 ny: parker publishing company, inc., ), and the natural and drugless way for better health (west nyack, ny: parker publishing company, inc., ) frederick douglass opie, “spotlight: alvenia fulton” in “women’s leadership in the development of medicine” ed., karen o’connor, gender and women's leadership: a reference handbook (thousand oaks, ca: sage publications, inc., ), . fulton, radiant health through nutrition, . ibid. 	 established in the fultonia health and fasting institute at w. rd street in the englewood neighborhood of the south side of chicago. the analeptic establishment of fulton served a tripartite function, as a: ) locale that distributed an assortment of herbs for remedial purposes in the same manner a pharmacy issues synthetic drugs to their patients; ); a health food store that sold alternative health products; and ) a restaurant that offered an array of vegetarian dishes, raw foods in addition to fresh fruit and vegetable juices. in an interview with sepia magazine, fulton described her cuisine as “soul food with a mission, and the mission is good health.” to amplify her teachings of a natural foods lifestyle to african americans and others who would listen, fulton hosted a saturday morning hour-long radio show program in , aptly entitled, the joy of living. to augment the knowledge she already acquired in naturalistic health techniques and practices through self-tuition, fulton received her doctorate in naturopathic medicine from lincoln college of naturopathy in indianapolis. along with her with accreditation in alternative medicine came a bevy of censure from those who were either: ill-informed of her alleviative methods; or just grounded in the faith of allopathic medicine. to no avail, fulton was not deterred to provide natural therapeutic methods to a community of her own that was without question in desperate need. in addition to her ameliorative and tireless efforts as a naturopathic physician, fulton authored several treatises of alternative 																																																													 dianne struzzi, “natural healer alvenia fulton” chicago tribune (march , ). opie, hogs & hominy, . alfred duckett, “how to eat and love” sepia, vol. , no. (may ), . opie, “spotlight: alvenia fulton,” . 	 health in addition to radiant health through nutrition: vegetarianism: fact or myth; the fasting primer; and fasting made simple. alvenia fulton’s adeptness and content mastery in naturopathic medicinal techniques attracted not only members of the black community but her clientele included african american notables from the sports, religious, and entertainment realm such as muhammad ali, godfrey cambridge, roberta flack, red foxx, mahalia jackson, eartha kitt, and gale sayers. additionally, fulton’s expertise with a whole foods plant- centered dietary pattern attracted the likes of the accomplished thespians of the stage, film and television that were sympathetic to the political and cultural sensibilities of black nationalism—wife and husband duo ruby dee ( - ) and ossie davis ( - ). in their acclaimed autobiography with ossie & ruby, ruby dee recalls her and ossie davis’ initial encounter with alvenia fulton in chicago while performing in the latter’s theatrical production, purlie victorious. one of the reasons i will always cherish the city of chicago is that there i met dr. alvenia fulton, a naturopath and holistic practitioner...when the entire cast was invited to visit her store and have dinner in her home. she prepared an unusual, most tasteful meal. it wasn't until it was over that we realized that no meat had been served. the meat substitutes were delicious, fulfilling, and only a small part of the vegetables feast, topped off with a marvelous dessert and a truly believable coffee substitute. that dinner was the beginning of a long relationship in which she changed my way of thinking about food. she not only showed me better ways to prepare and enjoy it, but also introduced me to the concept of food as medicine. she gave me a new respect for the miracle that is the human body and how better to care for it. 																																																													 					 	see alvenia m. fulton, vegetarianism: fact or myth. (chicago: c.a.m.s. binding, ). see alvenia m. fulton, the fasting primer: the book that tells you what you always wanted to know about fasting (chicago: b.c.a. publishing corporation, ). see alvenia m. fulton, fasting made simple. (chicago: fultonia press, ). duckett, “how to eat and love,” . ossie davis and ruby dee, with ossie & ruby: in this life together (new york: william and morrow and company, ), . 	 the irony in the concluding sentence is that even though ruby dee nearly eradicated uterine fibroids under the holistic medical direction of fulton previously, in she ill- advisedly, due to the suggestion of her husband and the persuasiveness of western medicine, took the path of allopathic medicine and begrudgingly capitulated to the knife, resulting in a mastectomy. in remorse, the legendary actress expressed: “too many times over the years, i’ve regretted not having first consulted dr. alvenia fulton, a black woman who carried with her age-old alternative solutions to modern problems.” even more, ruby dee articulated her indecisiveness between the disparate medicinal philosophies: i’m still wobbling on the fence, reluctant to jump down on one side or the other, waiting to commit to a medical system that embraces the best of all known disciplines.” similar reverence to alevnia fulton was provided by the accomplished editor, essayist, poet and publisher of third world press—haki madhubuti. in his though- provoking text, black men obsolete, single, dangerous? madhubuti is highly reminiscent of the influences he received as inspiration to adopt a dietary lifestyle holistic in nature. in the chapter—which is a play on singer tina turner’s famous song— “what’s food got to do with it,” he acknowledges the emancipatory dietary efforts of alvenia fulton, elijah muhammad and dick gregory. madhubuti expresses his admiration: at that time, the late sixties, health was not the “in” thing…during that period, with the exception of dr. alvenia fulton and dr. roland sydney, the proximity of chicago’s black community to ‘natural’ health was extremely limited. both 																																																													 ibid., - . ibid., . ibid. 	 dr. fulton and dr. sydney have been untiring in their advocacy of a natural, drug-free way of life. their example and commitment have been sources of inspiration to me. and, of course, one must also include the extraordinary efforts of dick gregory. however, i first encountered an alternative way of eating by reading elijah muhammad’s how to eat to live. by that time ( ), i have excluded pork from my diet. mr. muhammad’s basic message to me was ) people eat too much food in this country, ) people are eating the wrong ‘foods, and ) there is need for self-discipline. unequivocally, the aforementioned veneration provided madhubuti captures a clear picture of the positive triumvirate effect alvenia fulton, elijah muhammad and dick gregory had on many african people’s lives. while alvenia fulton was a female pioneer amongst blacks to promote fasting as a mechanism to detoxify the body, and her apprentice, dick gregory, a front runner and most visible of a natural foods diet, paul goss can easily be enthroned with the title of elder male statesman in the tradition of africana holistic health. a native georgian from the rural community of canton, paul goss is the oldest of ten siblings. as a youth, goss gained the passion for and derived most of his knowledge of herbs from neighborhood elders ms. bellamy and mitchell—known affectionately throughout the community as “the herb lady” and the “root doctor,” respectively. an alumni of the historic hbcu stillman college—located in tuscaloosa, alabama—by , goss, through intensive self-study, became an autodidact naturopathic physician and herbalist, or in the words of earl thorpe, a holistic health practitioner “without portfolio” and began taking on clients as a profession. thirteen years later, in , goss founded and continues to serve as the president of new body products in compton, california, a business that sells various herbs, essential oils, teas, and other health products. known particularly for his 																																																													 haki r. madhubuti, black men obsolete, single, dangerous,? . “dr. goss,” http//:www.newbodyproducts.net, accessed may , . 	 content mastery of iridology (i.e., the study of the iris), goss used this alternative medicinal practice along with a strict vegan eating regiment and herbal remedies for his clients to treat various illnesses. in addition to his successful career as a naturopath and businessman, paul goss adds to his accolades being the key developer of two holistic health ranches in white oak, north carolina and douglas, arizona entitled, eden. among his other accolades as a health practitioner, goss is also the author of several noteworthy holistic health treatises. aside from paul goss’ invaluable contribution in the tradition of health, the naturalistic therapeutic work of dr. sebi ( - ) deserves mention. a honduran by birth, dr. sebi feverishly proselytized his holistic campaign, which implored africans in america and abroad to adopt a dietary regiment devoid of foods he considered “hybrid.” what set sebi apart from other african holistic health practitioners was that his provocative dietary restrictions were stricter and went beyond that of a vegan or raw food lifestyle. from his estimation, hybrid foods do not provide the electric catalyst needed for proper cell growth and functioning, and for this reason, foods such as soy, carrots, nectarines, lemons, cauliflower, broccoli, etc. fell into the aforementioned category and were not fit for human food consumption. aside from his austere dietary recommendations, sebi was an adept healer who successfully cured his clients of innumerable diseases, to include acquired immune deficiency syndrome (aids). his efficacy and innate ability to naturally remedy corporeal maladies was enshrined in 																																																													 see paul goss, the natural way (compton, ca: self-published, ), forever young (compton, ca: self-published, ), the rebirth of gods (compton, ca: self-published, ), and the eyes of forever young (compton, ca: self-published, ). 	 when dr. sebi was acquitted all of charges by new york attorney general robert abrams of falsely claiming to rid individuals of all diseases through natural means. given all of alvenia fulton’s accolades and contributory efforts in the tradition of alternative medicine, one can easily contend that her most visible and enduring accomplishment as a jegna in the holistic health and natural foods movement was her assistance of dick gregory on the path of health and wellness. fueled by the overt racism and social proscription blacks had to endure, dick gregory spent most of his time throughout the s and s as an activist addressing social and humanitarian issues. at times his activist work and dalliances in electoral politics intertwined as he once: ) marched with martin luther king, jr.; ) ran unsuccessfully as a mayoral candidate in chicago; and ) ran for the presidency of the united states in as a write-in candidate during the eventual election of richard nixon. dick gregory attributes the launch of his career as a comedian to playboy mogul hugh hefner, who saw him perform at herman roberts show bar in chicago, and on the spot, hired him to display his comedic genius at the playboy club in the same city. ironically, his initial comedic performance at hefner’s establishment in january was before a “convention of frozen food executives from the south,” a racial circumstance if which gregory was nearly denied work due to the color of his skin. it would be the national acclaim that gregory received as a comedian that would 																																																													 for a brief discussion of dick gregory’s rationale on running for president of the united states, see dick gregory, write me in! (new york: bantam books, inc., ), - and - . phillip lutz, “a bit slower, but still throwing lethal punch lines” the new york times (february , ). dick gregory, with robert lipsyte, nigger: an autobiography (new york: pocket-simon, ), . 	 prepare him for a sociopolitical agenda he linked to the advocacy of a natural foods movement. his ascent into the realm of health activism began the same year as the publication of how to eat to live, during his mayoral campaign in chicago against incumbent richard daley, sr.; a tenacious political figure that gregory says “julius caesar could have taken lesson from him.” during an era when a lion’s share of african american cookbooks were devoted to celebrating soul food, dick gregory became arguably the most conspicuous promoter of vegetarianism, and a raw foods and fruitarian diet. prior to his holistic encounter with and eventual tutelage under nutritional innovator alevina fulton in , gregory actually refrained from eating meat as part of his nonviolent dietary approach to protest the oppression and injustices blacks experienced in segregated, racist america. however, the manner in which dick gregory became a vegetarian is unconventional. unlike most individuals that make the dietary transition, gregory did not become a vegetarian for health reasons. rather, the change in his eating regimen came about as a result of his wife, who was nine-months pregnant at the time, being physically assaulted by a police official in mississippi. in a personal interview conducted by the writer, gregory shared: when i became a vegetarian it had nothing to do with health. i became a vegetarian because i just didn’t believe that a person should be killed. then i looked at a mississippi sheriff kick my old lady in the belly when she was nine months pregnant.” in order to psychologically accept without recourse the traumatic experience of what actually happened to his life partner, gregory 																																																													 dick gregory, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, april , . ibid. 	 told himself: “man, i got to trick myself and make myself believe that the only reason i didn’t jump on that sheriff is because i don’t believe that anything should be killed, including animals.” that’s what i did. that night i decided i wouldn’t eat anything that had to be killed…i didn’t even know how to spell vegetarian.” however, due to his ignorance or not being well-informed of a vegetarian lifestyle, gregory ate in an gluttonous manner, a dietary habit elijah muhammad expressed most african americans were guilty. as a result, due to his fear of not receiving enough protein, gregory’s weight steadily rose from pounds to over pounds because, as he puts it, “i thought i had to it.” it is a wonder how elijah muhammad’s teachings and influence about health never made it into the discourse of gregory’s written words. in her telling, feminist treatise black hunger, doris witt’s subtitle of chapter five, “dick gregory’s cloacal continuum” lends credence to gregory’s oversight in his writings. witt explains it is quite interesting “gregory himself has little to say in his writings from this period about the nation of islam or its controversial leader [and] it seems possible that gregory’s indebtedness to muhammad’s dietary fixations is greater than he has been willing to admit. if his secular, integrationist politics are incompatible with elijah muhammad’s advocacy of theistic [b]lack [n]nationalism, their dietary concerns share a number of striking similarities.” paradoxically, for whatever the reason—be it his preceding theological and ideological variances—, later in life dick gregory acknowledges the ameliorative work of elijah muhammad in the same customary fashion as his naturalistic 																																																													 ibid. doris witt, black hunger, . 	 heroine alvenia fulton. for example, in the foreword to the hood health handbook, gregory, in reflection, reminisces about the “messenger’s” nutritional call to arms to blacks in the united states in a venerated manner: “i can’t help but think back to the great elijah muhammad, who talked about how diet is just as important as liberation.” in the same vein, in a one-on-one interview with byron hurt, the director of soul food junkies, gregory expresses the drastic impact elijah muhammad and the nation of islam had on the eating habits of many african americans. unapologetically, gregory acknowledges to hurt: “the biggest shock to me was what elijah muhammad was able to do with non-believers. my mother ain’t gone be nothing but a christian all her life, and would go to war if you told her…but she stop eating pork.” “why was that?,” asked hurt. gregory’s simple reply, without hesitation: “elijah muhammad!” according to gregory, no other theological organization had such a lasting impression and effect on the dietary ethics of african americans like that of elijah muhammad and the nation of islam. convincingly, gregory upholds: “i don’t know anybody or a group of religious people that will never stop being anything but their religion but he got millions of black folks to stop eating pork. he wasn’t our leader. he was their leader and we read the book and felt so comfortable with that we stopped eating pork.” dick gregory became so enthralled in the practices of a natural foods dietary lifestyle that he, as inspiration for others, led by example and practiced what he preached. as a result, it afforded him by the aerobic prowess he once enjoyed as a high school 																																																													 supreme understanding and c’bs alife allahm, eds., the hood healthbook: a practical guide to health and wellness in the urban community, volume one, (atlanta: supreme design publishing, ), v. dick gregory, interview with byron hurt from the documentary, soul food junkies, . gregory, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, april , . 	 and college track star to partake in rigorous exercises like a quotidian regiment that consisted of running ten miles a day. his physical tiptop conditioning at nearly forty years of age allowed him to perform long distance runs for humanitarian reasons. even more, in using the tactics of nonviolence civil disobedience but in a more nuanced fashion, gregory would go on extended fasts—a holistic remedial technique taught to him by fulton in —as a tactic in a humanitarian effort to bring awareness to and protest both international and domestic injustices. in his literary homeage to the health activist work of dick gregory, clovis semmes provides a succinct synopsis of how the former began to use fasting a tool of protest: gregory’s first protest fast was a decisive change that reflected his broader concern for world peace, the elimination of world hunger, and improving the human condition generally. gregory clearly wanted to show others the good they could do if they had self-discipline and followed certain principles on how to live. this first fast extended from thanksgiving day to new year’s day and was the beginning of gregory’s use of fasting as a form of social protest and his journey toward becoming an entrepreneur of health. gregory consumed only distilled water at this time. [alvenia] fulton joined gregory on the fast and helped to prepare him for the challenge. in preparation, fulton directed gregory to take days of fruit juice prior to switching to distilled water on thanksgiving day. she instructed gregory to cleanse his colon with enemas and to continue with this process after the fast began. reportedly, gregory went from pounds to pounds during his approximately -day fast. gregory claimed to have remained active throughout the fast, traveling to cities and delivering lectures. from onward, gregory incorporated fasting into his activist stratagem in the same manner as his civil rights contemporaries engaged in marching and sit-ins as an act of non-violent civil disobedience. in a interview with chicago tribune writer clarence petersen, gregory fervidly expressed: 																																																													 clarence petersen, “gregory: no lightweight he” chicago tribune (may , ), b . clovis e. semmes, “entrepreneur of health: dick gregory, black consciousness, and the human potential movement” journal of african american studies, vol. , no. (september ), . 	 i was on water of for days against the drug traffic in this country…a lot of people said you can’t stop the drug traffic. but you can create an awareness. while i was on the fast i was nationwide television, and they asked me what i thought about the drugs. i said ‘i find it pretty hard to believe that a -year-old kid can find a heroine peddler and the fbi can’t,’ and across the country a whole lot of people started saying, ‘wow, man!’...you do not fast to change the minds of tyrants…you do not fast to make bad people good. you fast to create a moral force, an honest, ethical force that all the honest, ethical people can rally behind and make changes.” the sweeping and transformative affect that a dietary lifestyle, which was introduced to gregory by fulton, had done so in just five years’ time, and such is evident in the dedication to the publication of his text, political primer. in admiration, gregory’s gratitude went out to, save fulton, renowned african american chicago naprapathy specialist roland sidney, naturopathic practitioners, individuals who promoted cleansing the body, and chiropractors. from the guidance he received from his personal health adviser, gregory implores devotees of the standard american diet (sad) to observe the eating habits of animals in their natural habitat.” in referencing alevnia fulton, gregory writes: “wild animals are never fat or overweight. they have no heart ailments, indigestion, high blood pressure, or artery trouble, constipation, piles, etc. they have no colds or fevers in epidemic, mass scales that humanity has fought through the centuries. animals adhere to a strict diet, even to fasting, as the creator and nature intended. you cannot force a sick animal to eat.” in the chapter titled “lesson fourteen a turnip in every pot,” gregory communicates his quandary with human beings consuming cow’s milk for nutritional value. in order to convince individuals of its nonsensical rationalization, the natural foods 																																																													 petersen, “gregory: no lightweight he.” dick gregory, dick gregory’s political primer (new york: harper & row, ), . 	 advocate presents a persuasive analogy. gregory asserts: if you feed a young calf its own mother’s milk after the milk has been pasteurized, the calf will die. yet mothers of america lovingly fed their own children the ‘purified’ product, not knowing its harmful effects. traditional american dietary mythology holds that calcium is the vital ingredient in cow’s milk and that it helps children to develop strong bones and teeth. it is really casein, rather than calcium, which builds bone structure. the only catch is that the casein in cow’s milk is intended to develop the bone structure of a calf [and not a human]. thus the casein content is designed to develop a bone structure some three hundred times greater than that which would be provided by a child consuming his own mother’s milk. while gregory suggests that casein strengthen bones, he overlooked the fact that casein is the main protein found in cow’s milk, which he argues himself is harmful to humans. on the other hand, calcium does strengthen bones; however, when it is derived from the milk of another species for nutritional purposes, the results are anything but beneficial and instead weaken the bones of humans and cause a slew of chronic illnesses and/or diseases. in actuality, the most nutritious form of calcium that is bio-available (can be 																																																													 ibid., . for wide-ranging treatments on the inimical consequences the consumption of dairy products has on the human body, see theodore m. bayless, benjamin rothfeld, carol massa, ladymarie wis, david paige, and marshall s. bedine, “lactose and milk intolerance: clinical implications” the new england journal of medicine, vol. , no. (may , ); robert cohen, milk: the deadly poison (englewood cliffs, nj: argus publishing, inc., ); giuseppe iacono, francesca cavataio, giuseppe montallo, ada florena, mario tumminello, maurizio soresi, alberto notarbartolo and antonio carroccio, “intolerance of cow's milk and chronic constipation in children” new england journal of medicine, vol. , no. (october , ); physicians committee for responsible medicine, “understanding lactose intolerance” (januray , ), “health concerns about dairy products” (april ), “dairy fact sheet (december , ) and “protecting your bones” (april , ); diane feskanich, walter c willett, and graham a colditz, “calcium, vitamin d, milk consumption, and hip fractures: a prospective study among postmenopausal women” the american journal of clinical nutrition, vol. , no. (february ); amy joy lanou, susan e. berkow and neal d. barnard, “calcium, dairy products, and bone health in children and young adults: a reevaluation of the evidence.” pediatrics, vol. , no. (march ); keith woodford, devil in the milk: illness, health and the politics of a and a milk (nelson, new zealand: craig potton publishing, ); li-qiang qin, jia-ying xu, pei-yu wang, jian tong and kazuhiko hoshi, “milk consumption is a risk factor for prostate cancer in western countries: evidence from cohort studies” asia pacific journal of clinical nutrition, vol. , no. (september ); ron schmid, the untold story of milk, revised and updated: the history, politics and science of nature's perfect food: raw milk from pasture-fed cows (washington, d.c.: newtrends publishing, inc., ); joseph keon, whitewash: the disturbing truth about cow's milk and your health (gabriola, british columbia, canada: new society publishers, ); and kendrin r. sonneville, catherine m. gordon, mininder s. kocher, laura m. pierce, 	 digested by the human body) can be found in microalgae and/or sea vegetables (e.g., chlorella dulse, hijiki, kelp, marine phytoplankton, nori, spirulina, wakame, etc.) as well as dark, green leafy vegetables (collards, kale, romaine, spinach, etc.), rendering no reason for humans to consume milk but from a lactating woman. simply put, the milk of cows is for calves in the same way a mother’s milk is solely for infants. humans have no more need of cow’s milk than they do for horse milk, giraffe’s milk or the milk of a rat. speaking from the experience of his own transformation, gregory portends the health issues of st century america will become a vital concern and foretells: “i have experienced personally over the past few years how a purity of diet and thought are interrelated. and when americans become truly concerned with the purity of food that enters their own personal systems, when they learn to eat properly, we can expect to see profound changes effected in the social and political system of this nation. the systems are inseparable.” arguably dick gregory’s most profound written contribution to the holistic health movement was the penned collaborative effort with alvenia fulton—dick gregory’s natural diet for folks who eat, which was written in . undoubtedly, this treatise “is the most compelling evidence that fulton’s was an important influence on gregory.” it just seven years, as chapter two of the text discloses, gregory went from being: ) a person who ate all foods indiscriminately; ) a staunch consumer of alcohol; and ) a chain smoker of cigarettes, to wholeheartedly embracing a dietary lifestyle of 																																																																																																																																																																																					 arun ramappa and alison e. field, “vitamin d, calcium, and dairy intakes and stress fractures among female adolescents” archives of pediatrics & adolescent medicine, vol. , no. (july ), inter alia. dick gregory, dick gregory’s political primer, . opie, hogs & hominy, . 	 raw nuts, and fresh fruits and vegetables. particularly informative in this section are not just gregory’s explanation of his own gastronomical transformation (from “omnivore to fruitarian”) but the definitions of various dietary practices that he provides—i.e., fruitarianism, omnivorism, veganism, vegetarianism, and vitarianism. a nutritional gem that is unfortunately not taught to our children in school when they are being (mis)educated on the fundamentals of the basic food groups via the “food pyramid” is how to properly combine foods so that there is an ease of operation from the ingestion of meals to the expulsion of waste. gregory elaborates on this often ignored principle of consumption and food combination: “when the foods are eaten haphazardly and in the wrong combinations, like meat and potatoes, bread and butter and perhaps jam, fruit and sugar, ice cream, pie or cake, coffee and sugar, the incompatible mixture cause a great deal of fermentation. belching is a consequence of the consumption of canned, cooked and processed foods.” with the same methodological intent as jewel pookrum had in her subsequent work, vitamins and minerals from a to z, in this anterior publication, dick gregory provides a similar compendium of natural food sources with have consists of vital nutrients. sub-titled, “the dick gregory shopping list,” the comedian turned health advocate, in chapter five of natural diet (i.e., “food or somethin’ to eat?”), presents a useful lists of multifarious examples of fruits, vegetables and nuts that contain calcium, chlorine, fluorine, iodine, iron, manganese, magnesium, phosphorous, potassium, silicon, 																																																													 for the detailed description and/or definitions of the aforementioned terms, see dick gregory, dick gregory’s natural diet for folks who eat: cookin’ with mother nature, eds. james r. mcgraw with alvenia m. fulton (new york: harper & row, ), - . dick gregory, dick gregory’s natural diet for folks who eat: cookin’ with mother nature, james r. mcgraw with alvenia m. fulton, eds. (new york: harper & row, publishers, ), . 	 sodium and sulfur. the intent here is to make those unaware of the nutritional value of an array of foods that come from the earth and are at our disposal, be it from the market or gardens established at home. if liberation is the objective for african americans, gregory maintains we must have a thorough and critical analysis of and scrutinize all aspects of the black experience in the united states, including dietary practices. to make his point, gregory provides a homology of the africana experience to awaken blacks from a dietary slumber. he avers the following correlation: when it comes to diet and nutrition, i see an analogy in the experience of [b]lack americans which would benefit all americans. it can be summed up in the admonition, ‘give up the ‘process’ and go ‘natural.’’ let me explain. there was a day in the [b]lack community not too very long ago, when the way to be ‘cool’ and ‘hip’ was to go through the painful baking process of straightening out your nappy hair. the straightened hair was called a process. then came along the civil rights movement of the s and with it dr. martin luther king and malcolm x and stokely carmichael and h. rap brown, telling [b]lack folks to take pride in their [b]lackness and be as black and as beautiful as mother nature intended them to be. all of a sudden, the ‘process’ hair style gave way to the afro, or ‘natural’ hairstyle. black folks gave up the ‘process’ to go ‘natural.’ the same advice applies to diet and nutrition. give up the processed food and start eating natural foods. unfortunately, most [b]lack folks decided to go ‘natural’ in every phase of their life except diet. they cling to that ‘soul food.’ the exemplar provided by gregory has merit. being that africans were, in the words of john henrik clarke, the only individuals brought to america under special invitation (i.e., involuntary, forced labor), we owe it to ourselves, to examine every part of our lives that has been (or still is) adversely affected, directly or indirectly, from direct contact with europeans in the west atlantic; the dietary habits we have been accustomed to are no exception to the rule. while gregory makes a strong argument, particularly his 																																																													 ibid., - . ibid., . 	 emphasis on the concluding statement—which the writer alluded to earlier in the chapter—one should be mindful nonetheless of the enduring connection with and gastronomical preoccupation most africans in america have with both the taste and identification with cuisines directly linked to experiences associated with slavery that may not necessarily be the most healthy of food choices. given the circumstances, it is the responsibility of those africans who have acquired and applied the information necessary to bring about a dietary change, and thusly provide useful information and nutritious, succulent yet healthy alternatives to blacks collectively in order to promote health and wellness. so that his new lifestyle as a natural foods connoisseur would not be contradictory in any aspect of his life, the audacious comedian abandoned the artistic trade that brought him the financial accolades and acclaim nationwide in the same year that dick gregory’s natural diet for folks who eat was published. in an hour-long interview with african american chicago tribune writer, vernon jarrett, gregory explained that while concluding his comedic performance one night, he “announces to two full houses…that he was giving up the nightlife side of his career as of september, , because he can’t cut the long hours any longer.” but the truth of the matter, divulges jarrett: “dick told me that he had a problem in doing anything that would encourage people to consume alcohol or do anything that might be damaging to one’s personal health.” as the vietnam war was on the threshold of concluding, gregory shifted his activist energy to the international pandemic of world hunger and utilized his fascination 																																																													 vernon jarrett, “dick gregory’s health advocacy” chicago tribune (may , ), section , . ibid. 	 with long distance running and combined it with a fasting regiment as a means to publicize the humanitarian cause. a prime example is when gregory completed a mile from chicago to washington d.c. in to sensationalize the life-threatening food shortages in african and asia. astonishingly, fulton, who was sixty-eight years old at the time, ran alongside gregory for the first mile and a half of his regional trek. basically, gregory’s aim was to advocate and bring awareness to the health advantages of being a vegetarian and its relevance to world hunger. to him, the consumption of meat was not an efficient way to address the global issue or to feed people in general. in this way, gregory highlighted the wastefulness of resources in the production of animals for human consumption and expressed how it takes one hundred pounds of grain to produce just one pound of meat and ten pounds of animal protein to add one pound to your own weight. the alarming reality that gregory raised is ultimately one thousand pounds of grain is used to produce a mere ten pounds of meat for consumption as opposed to appropriating that surplus of grain to feed a plethora of the needy. by , the finalization process of production of a dietary and nutritional supplement that gregory created was complete, a formula he clandestinely mentioned to blacks book bulletin in an interview a year earlier. named by gregory as formula 																																																													 in a photo taken by photographer floyd rawlings, alvenia fulton is show running alongside dick gregory as they departed the renowned dusable museum in chicago on july , . “black books bulletin interview dick gregory,” black books bulletin, vol. , no. , (summer ), . s.a. young, “dick gregory runs miles to protest food shortages.” los angeles sentinel ( ), a , column . the major concern dick gregory had was a major corporation would financially capitalize on the creation of his dietary supplement should he reveal it prematurely. therefore, he decided to be “tight- lipped” about the product as best he could until its unveiling. in a interview with black books bulletin, gregory elaborated on this very point: “i’ve invented a food. i can’t talk about it too much but anybody wanting to get it i can say ninety-eight percent of the food is kelp. it’s a seaweed. the reason i don’t get into it much now is because if one of the big companies rips it off, they will do a twenty million 	 x, he assured it “could provide the body with all the nutrition it needed to perform at optimal levels,” and as proof he “consumed this formula and fruit juices when he made his cross-country run against hunger and starvation in the world, running from los angeles, beginning april , , to new york, ending july , .” the popularity of formula x amplified; particularly when outspoken activist and boxing great champion muhammad ali attributed the endurance he exhibited for fifteen rounds to regain the heavyweight title against twenty-five year old titleholder leon spinks to gregory’s nutritional creation. in his own candid manner, ali professed, he [gregory] mixed the vitamins every day in fruit juice…he would give the formula to me before and after dinner, and a little before i went to bed. this went on for one month. during the fight i showed no fatigued. i was actually not tired in the last round. i did the impossible, danced rounds at age , and the idea is, if this can do for me, what will do for the starving man in africa, bangladesh, india or wherever it might be. with such a sports icon like ali vouching for formula x, which consisted of “ vitamins, herbs and minerals,” its reputation skyrocketed as it attracted other prominent sports figures. in his memoir, callus on my soul gregory explicates when major league baseball hall of famer willies stargell reached out for nutritional support in , without hesitation he answered the call. upon stargell’s request, gregory assisted him and other teammates during the regular season and playoffs by continually administering to them the nutritional formula. the upshot: the pittsburgh 																																																																																																																																																																																					 dollar advertisement campaign and it will sell so high poor folks can’t get it.” “black books bulletin interview dick gregory,” black books bulletin, vol. , no. , (summer ), . semmes, “entrepreneur of health,” - . “ali credits dick gregory formula for his energy” jet, vol. , no. (october , ), . ibid. 	 pirates won the world series that same year. a year later, dick gregory came to the aid of randy jackson, the youngest of the famed jackson brothers. he remembers the day of the most unfortunate incident: “in , i got a call from randy jackson’s father, joe. randy…had a near-fatal car accident. the doctors were hours away from amputating his right leg when his father called. we immediately started treating him with formula four x…[and] his condition improved dramatically. he went from almost losing his leg to walking within three months.” to substantiated gregory’s claim, in the june , issue of jet, several months after the horrific vehicular occurrence, randy jackson himself “credited dick gregory, social activist and author of cookin’ with mother nature, with speeding up his process. ‘i was taking these pills, this certain formula he (gregory) had given me…and the doctor couldn’t believe how strong my bones started to heal,’” avowed the recovered member of the jackson five. so successful and effective was gregory’s restorative formula that in , a food supplement firm in ohio, cernitin america, inc. paid him one million dollars for multi- level distributing rights while gregory retained mail order rights to his product. equally momentous, gregory extended his humanitarian efforts internationally in into nile valley culture as he administered his formula to a number of starving and malnourished african children at the university of ethiopia medical school. as a 																																																													 dick gregory, callus on my soul: a memoir (new york: kensington publishing corporation, ), . ibid., “randy jackson walks again, talks about his future” jet, vol. , no. , (june , ), - . kenneth m. jones, “a natural wonder” black enterprise (may , ), . “dick gregory delivers his nutritional formula to starving ethiopians” jet, vol. , no. (may , ), ; and “dick gregory’s formula to be used all over ethiopia following successful tests” jet, vol. , no. (may , ), . 	 result of this business venture, formula x would be marketed as a weight loss product under the new brand name, dick gregory’s slim-safe bahamian diet. however, in a vow for self-reliance, within three years, gregory severed business ties with cernitin in and decided sell his formula through his own newly-formed company—correction connection, inc.—, which was based in philadelphia and became the first major african american multi-level marketing company in the united states. the twin pillar of the executive echelon included dick gregory, who served as the chairman and former vice president of business affairs for philadelphia international records, larry depte as president. unfortunately for gregory the sovereign business venture he established lasted only two years. after returning from a business trip in japan in , the business relationship between he and president of the company had dissolved, and as a result, the nature of correction connection, inc. and its royalties were tied up in federal court until a federal judge ruled in favor of gregory in october . in the aftermath, the company was now bankrupt and gregory lost his home of nineteen years in the process. to sum up the circumstance from which dick gregory found himself, clovis semmes puts it best: “the transformation of gregory’s venture from purely a humanitarian venture to a commercial product is indicative of a commodification process that often tends to distort and co-opt progressive social change in american society [and] the possibility for cooptation is always present, but cultural transformation or cultural revolution, a concept whose full theoretical elaboration is not possible here, remains central to meaningful 																																																													 “dick gregory launches new enterprise with slim-safe bahamian diet” jet (march , ), . gregory, callus on my soul, , . 	 social change.” even still, since , dick gregory has been on the unwavering path of health and wellness for nearly a half of a century, and if you have had the opportunity to engage in an extended dialogue with him, as have the writer on several occasions, in no way is vibrancy of dick gregory waning anytime soon. it is suffice to say then that his stringent dietary regiment is key in his ability to engage for an extended amount of time, even well into his eighties. as his track record on the advocacy of naturalistic health practices reveals, dick gregory is nothing less than a long-distance runner in the tradition of the holistic health movement, and his stamina alone and “do as i say and as i do” approach to healthy eating has paved the way, inspired and ushered in others africans his junior to follow in his proverbial shoes to embrace a dietary lifestyle of raw foods in a manner as devout as him—aris latham’s preeminence in the gastronomical world of gourmet raw cuisine deserves mention. a panamanian by birth, aris latham has become an innovator of the raw and living foods tradition, and without question, he is a visionary with culinary wizardry of raw food creations. latham’s proclivity for fresh fare was ingrained in him during childhood in central america. according to the raw foodist extraordinaire, it was his grandmother, the matriarch of the family, “who supervised all the cooking” and “molded his curiosity and affinity for fresh fruits and vegetables.” in his adolescent years, while living in panama, school did not interest young aris, and as a result, he recollects: “i 																																																													 semmes, “entrepreneur of health,” - . carole sugarman, “fruitful and mulitplying: african-american vegetarians serve up good-for-the- soul food” the washington post (may , ), e . 	 dropped out of the seventh grade so i was out in the bush. i couldn’t figure how to work this thing called school so my buddy and me dropped out and went to the bush. that is when i started my first food venture. we used to go get sacks of mango and sit right in front of the school and go into the business.” on his sojourn from central america to the united states, latham expresses that “it was …by the time i got to brooklyn [and] they had to stick me in the ninth grade because of my age. i graduated from there and went on to college.” for latham, was a pivotal year. after just being in the united states for three years, he noticed, “in the hood there was malcolm x, the nation of islam and all kind of other stuff going. we were shifting from not eating pork and eating only once a day. also, we had independent institutions, black schools, food co-ops and those kinds of things,” and as consequence of those cultural impetuses, “by , i became a complete clean vegetarian. when i use the word vegetarian that does not include any animal by-products.” like in the late s to mid- s, there was subsequently a concomitant revival of african american interests in the alternative health and natural foods movement. in fact, by the late s and early s, written works devoted to vegetarianism and holistic health in general began to surface again—in the same manner it did with the works by elijah muhammad, dick gregory, alvenia fulton, mary burgess and others in the previous two decades)—, as evidenced by the writings of nia and zak kondo, and 																																																													 aris latham, personal interview with heru setepenra, may , . ibid. ibid. see nia and zak kondo, vegetarianim made simple and easy: a primer for black people (washington d.c.: nubia press, ). four years after the publication of this treatise on vegetarianism by the husband/wife duo, kondo wrote, with the assistance of malcolm x scholar paul lee, one of the most 	 keith wright. given this, staff writer of the the washington post, carole sugarman, in her article entitled “fruitful and mulitplying,” highlights the resurgence of natural foods activism in the washington d.c metropolitan area, which profiles: ) aris latham, who at the time co-owned green city market & café with nutritionist and former researcher at the united states department of agriculture ed huling; ) el rahm ben israel, then manager of soul vegetarian café & exodus carryout – a defunct establishment formally located directly across the street from howard university; ) after the harvest café owner yokemi ali; and ) raw food restaurateurs and co-owners of delights of the garden—anu kmt and philadelphia native imar hutchins , both graduates of morehouse college and culinary apprentices of latham. also within the piece, african-owned health-inspired establishments that received honorable mention were: attorney and engineer coy dunston’s yours naturally stores; garrison’s natural foods in northeast d.c., hetep and seneb health food stores, both located in northwest d.c. on georgia avenue. while carole sugarman never directly refers to dick gregory in the article as an 																																																																																																																																																																																					 extensive examinations on the assassination of malcolm x. see baba zak a. kondo, conspiracys: unraveling the assassination of malcolm x (washington, d.c.: nubia press, ). see keith t. wright, a healthy foods and spiritual nutrition handbook: a comprehensive guide to good food and a healthy lifestyle (self-published, ). just like many african americans felt about the heart felt written words of how to eat to live and natural diet for folks who eat during the liberation movement era of the s and s in the u.s., certified nutrition counselor, herbalist, iridologist, reflexologist and author keith wright, who graduated with an bachelor’s degree from the university of pennsylvania and a graduate degree from temple university, dedicated his written work on holistic health to both dick gregory and the honorable elijah muhammad—bestowing upon the late minister the title of “the first renown propagator of nutrition,” amongst blacks in the united states. see the “dedication” section of this text for the reverence given to elijah muhammad by the author. see also, keith t. wright, the sweetest fetish: sugar and its affect on you, your emotions and your health (philadelphia: health masters, ), and kick the sugar kraving before it kicks you: sugar and its effects on your body and mind (brooklyn: a&b publishers group, ). see hutchins, days @ delights of the garden, mentioned supra. 	 impetus for the resurgence of black interest in the culture of natural foods, she does, however, indicate that aris latham, was “influenced by the teachings of dick gregory” in making the decision to transition from a cooked, meatless diet to a largely raw food and fruitarian eating regimen. furthermore, sugarman informs us: “it was in … that la tham…starting eating raw foods…soon la tham would use his familiarity with tropical foods to invent to his ‘sun-fired cuisine,’ imaginative combinations of fresh, raw foods such as pâtés made from brazilian nuts; savory pies filled with cashew ‘cheese’ or sun-dried tomatoes, and salads made from sea plants, jackfruit or lotus roots.” after being on a meat-free diet for over half a decade, latham became inspired, as sugarman mentions above, by dick gregory to adopt a raw foods eating regiment. when asked by the writer how he specifically came to know about the dietary habits of a raw foodist, without hesitation, latham replied: i stopped eating all animal products in . after years on that journey and not going on to the fake, imitation-texturized-vegetable protein and all of these types of things. i basically used my home-style cooking, but i tried to make it easier. rather than fry the plantain, i just baked it and got out of the kitchen. that opened up the door for me to consider raw food. i started to read about it. the big spark back in those days was dick gregory and his mentor dr. alveania fulton out of chicago at the fultonia institute. she put my brother [gregory] on a huge fast and knocked him down from pounds to pounds… in living flesh, dick gregory, dr. alvenia fulton, and also dr. ann wigmore were a big inspiration, but reading and finding out about this, applying it and seeing the difference in my life, stamina, energy…i locked into it. to complement his vast knowledge of food and nutrition through self-tuition, institutions of higher learning have also credentialed aris latham, including him receiving an honorary doctorate for his foundational culinary wizardry of raw food 																																																													 sugarman, “fruitful and mulitplying,” e . ibid. latham, personal interview, may , 	 cuisine. latham lays out the genealogy of his academic pedigrees: i graduated with a bachelor of arts from the university of new york in spanish and education because around that time i was planning on going to vietnam so i had to stay in school and study something to go under my belt. i got a b.a. in spanish just for bragging. i did all of that: stayed in school, got my b.a., and of course from then a whole different window opened. i ended up studying for my master’s degree at california state university, fulton in linguistics - bilingual education. ultimately, i was honored with an honorary doctorate degree from the city university of los angeles of sunfired food science, having developed what i had developed. i was very privileged to be honored alongside one of great, brilliant minds of the twentieth century, a man by the name of nathaniel bronner who started the bronner brother’s empire. the elder who started that and i were both honored together. he got his ph.d. for having developed the whole bronner brothers system, and i got one for having developed the sunfired food system. to make it plain, latham’s comestible formations of rather unique and ambrosial raw food dishes gained the attention and notoriety of both mainstream america and the academy. even more, his improvisational culinary genius in the healing laboratory (i.e., the kitchen) urged african people to, at best and/or as frequent as they could, live on a diet of unfired fruits, vegetables, nuts and seeds—cooked from the sun rather than from the stove or oven—to experience and obtain optimum health. to this end, joel alexander, in referencing o.l.m. abramowski, affirms that the taste of cooked food, once acquired, has proved the curse and the bane of mankind ever since. with the help of fire, man has enabled to render edible things altogether foreign to his digestive apparatus.” like afro-caribbean linchpin thinker hubert henry harrison, latham too is 																																																													 ibid. joel alexander, blatant raw foodist propaganda! or sell your stove to the junkman and feel great or consider your true nature (nevada city, ca: blue dolphin publishing, ), . see hubert henry harrison, when africa awakes reprint (baltimore: black classic press, ) reprint (first published in ); john g. jackson, hubert henry harrison: the black socrates (austin, tx: american atheist press, ); hubert henry harrison, a hubert harrison reader, ed., jeffrey b. 	 an autodidact, especially in the field of his profession. his immense knowledge on health, food and nutrition are primarily due to latham’s close readings of written works on subject matters closely related to his culinary trade. according to him, education through self-tuition is the result of his personal “master library of , books.” latham elaborates on the education he gained through his own personal, independent research: “my official title is food scientist. all the work that you hear me expounding on today is all work that i have directed myself. i didn’t sit in a classroom or study with anybody. this is work that i studied on my own…i couldn’t find what i was looking for in the school systems so i had to teach myself, and i went with this, and this is what has become of it.” to add to his accolades as a raw food chef, in the oxford encyclopedia of food and drink in america included latham in their piece on “vegetarianism” and bestowed upon him the title, “father of gourmet ethical vegetarian raw food cuisine.” recognizing the epistemological operational premise of the article was chronologically centered on western underpinnings, latham highlights its revisionist historical nature and omission of classical african foundations of holistic health. on this particular topic, he explains: 																																																																																																																																																																																					 perry (middletown, ct: wesleyan university press, ); and jeffrey b. perry, hubert harrison: the voice of harlem radicalism, - (new york: columbia university press, ). latham, personal interview, may , . ibid. in its honor and acknowledgement of his contribution to the culinary world, the oxford encyclopedia of food and drink in america had this to say about aria latham’s contribution to the raw and living foods movement: “another immigrant to whom the raw foods movement owes much is aris latham. a native of panama, he is considered to be the father of gourmet ethical vegetarian raw food cuisine in america. he debuted his raw food creations in , when he started sunfired foods, a live- foods company in new york city. in the years since, he has trained thousands of raw food chefs and added innumerable gourmet raw food recipes to his repertoire.” “vegetarianism: raw food movement” the oxford encyclopedia of food and drink in america ed., andrew f. smith (new york: oxford university press, ). 	 the article was an exposé on the history of vegetarianism based on their time. they started with pythagoras who studied on the banks of the nile with our ancestors and elders. the article went from pythagoras to the ben franklin period up to modern day raw food where they just mentioned dr. ann wigmore for having brought wheatgrass and the whole sprouting culture…however, in looking at all the people [mentioned] in the encyclopedia, everyone else is dead, but me. at age sixty-seven, confidently, with combined elements of vainglory and truth about his mental and physical well-being, aris latham claims: “i am walking as a legend, but what is more important to me is walking upright, healthy, bright and strong with my mind clear and sharp not sick and vegetating, waiting in some hospice on death row for the last stroke to hit me. our responsibility as individuals is to take ownership whatever that means. you have to figure how to do it and how not to kill yourself.” from the inception of his inclination to create live foods, aris latham has made it a point to be accessible for the african masses globally to educate and teach his culinary craft. in a word, his pedagogical approach to cuisine is at the grassroots level in a way that mirrors the nation of islam’s approach to attract new converts. when asked how his works contributes to the african community, latham affirms: “i have always kept myself accessible to the community. i also have a huge global community… i am always accessible whether i am in belize, jamaica, panama, nigeria, ghana, or tanzania. everywhere i’ve gone to share this energy.” in his modus operandi as a health activist, latham is selfless and makes much of his body of work available pro bono. he 																																																													 latham, personal interview, may , . ibid. ibid. 	 articulates the indebtedness he feels to provide his work to those willing to listen: i’ve done quite a bit of work that you can find on you tube. i’ve put a lot of stuff out there without any charge. i had a lecture at clark atlanta a few years back…many of our practitioners sell all of their work. you have to buy it to access it. it is their business, but i see the value of being in a position where i can share without having to charge people because a lot of us don’t get this information. it is lifesaving information. we need to access it not only for us, but other children that have gone astray. as practitioners, people out there on the forefront, a lot of us maintain our work strictly within the confines of our community…this is where my work is and i like to always be able to make sure that our people can access it on any level. if you can’t afford it, i can give it to you free. it’s really not mines. i am just a vessel. i am just a channel to make sure the work of our ancestors goes on…lets keep it tight, open, available, accessible to all of us and that is what i urge all of our leaders and healers to do and not merchandize our knowledge so much. after four decades of fashioning extravagant culinary raw food creations, aris latham has produced but one penned contribution. for him, the one-on-one aspect of enlightening individuals across internationally and exposing them to creative ways to enjoy a raw food dietary lifestyle is equally, if not, more important. rather than publishing treatises of his craft, latham aligns himself within the customs—culinary that is—of a dieli and considers his work, in the words of amadou hampaté bâ, a “living tradition.” to this, latham explains: my books are living books…so a lot of my work you can find online at no charge, workshops, lecture, seminars that i have been doing, but other than that, you are not going to find me wrapped up, packaged up out there in the mass media world. to me, this is more important, having this living book, having this direct interaction with you in person because really, words can’t replace this. i just want your taste buds. when i can smack that, i got your mind and colon too. 																																																													 ibid. see aris latham, sunfired foods: sunfired food recipes by aris latham (bethesda, md: sunfired foods, ). 	 it’s more important to have this in a living form and it’s always going to be with you for the rest of your life because really what i am sharing with you is just foundation. after nearly forty years of living solely on a raw foods diet, latham is a firm believer, based on his own transformation and extant optimal health, that chronic illnesses and/or diseases are not inherited and do not have to pass on from generation to generation. the culprit, he argues, are improper food choices. based on his own familial circumstances, latham shares: now it has been years of not eating any cook food whatsoever and i know the difference. my siblings: one brother years younger than me died of a massive heart attack a couple of years ago. the other, one year older than me died of two forms of cancer. my oldest brother is and he has everything. my sister is and she has everything. between the both of them they have the whole pharmacopeia sitting in the house. they have big drugstores in their house. i go to my brother’s house and he’s like, ‘why you bringing all that stuff in my fridge: all those fruits and vegetables filling up the fridge. i have fruit juice up in the cabinet.’ i tried to show them the light and they bring me all of that other stuff so i said, ‘you go ahead if you want to be living dead. while living in new york city, latham owned and operated two wholesome eatery establishments. the first, house of life, was established in in the heart of harlem. it was also the same year he started his live foods company, sunfired foods. latham paints a proverbial picture of the healthy eatery’s atmosphere in uptown: the first place we started off with was in harlem. what i did with that place we had an herb shop…one herb for every day. we had a produce stand outside and inside we had all the other stuff. but in in harlem, there was no raw food in sight, and folks were looking for the herbs to heal themselves. they’d come in for herbs, and what do they see back there: all of these paradise pies and all of 																																																													 latham, personal interview, may , . ibid. 	 this stuff. and this is how we got harlem eating live back then. we’d do like a sun burger and folks would come in and eat that, and it just looked like what they wanted and next thing you know they would come back later and ask, “brother, what kind meat was that?” we don’t come in knowing them on the head beating them, saying health food is good for you and all of that. they were coming because they are looking for health. so they are coming in for the herbs and we hooked them once they get in there. aris latham’s second salubrious enterprise in new york city was the sun-fired juice club on flatbush avenue in brooklyn. the healthy oasis served a combination of both cooked and raw food (all of which was animal-free cuisine) in addition to having an outdoor fruit and vegetable stand in front of the establishment available for patrons. the juice bar consisted of “ninety-nine flavors of juices freshly made,” and the establishment also “had fruits, vegetable juice, nut milk, milk shakes…a smoothie bar [and] another case with about thirty raw food dishes, called eden’s paradise…people would come in maybe just to buy a cooked dish and they would come in a see all of this raw food. that is how we got the [park slope] community on raw food.” sun-fired juice club was latham’s last business operation in the united states before his relocation to jamaica, a tropical environment where an abundance of fresh fruits and vegetables could be acquired year round for the raw and living foods aficionado. of all his business ventures as a promoter of raw and living foods, latham considers green city market and café, which was situated in the affluent area of bethesda, maryland, to be his most rewarding establishment. for nearly five years— from to —the , square foot natural foods supermarket had an array of produce, other health products as well as a restaurant housed inside that served its well- to-do patrons until a larger corporate health food store moved in, and as a result, business 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 declined. latham expounds on the competitive overhaul: “we were before wholefoods,” nonetheless “[they] came in and put two stores within short distances of us, and because we were doing the retail they crushed us because this is how they do…so they…crushed the co-ops, the community stores and everything. we had to shrink back, and i went back to just preparing food.” due to latham’s extensive knowledge and facility in the creation of inimitable, colorful and appetizing raw food dishes, mainstream corporations have sought out his culinary expertise. as a result, latham has trained countless chefs, in both the private and public sector, on the intricacies of his own culinary development—sunfired food cuisine. the virtuoso of raw foods elaborates on the demand of his professional culinary services: “i have done a lot of consulting work, setting up restaurants for people all over the world, cleaning up restaurants. not only in our community, but i have done work with hilton hotels, major resorts in south america, here in the u.s., [and] down in the caribbean.” as the scope of this study posits, aris latham sees a vegetarian (i.e., meatless and dairy-free) lifestyle as a dietary practice that dates back to classical africa. thusly, he implores contemporary africans, in the spirit of cultural continuity, to tap into their ancestral memory banks and palates and strongly consider such dietary habits. in the spirit of his nutritional antecedents, latham proclaims: the main thing is that there is nothing new under the sun. this is our ancestral work. we just bringing it back to life, reigniting the flame, because we know in studying our history that even to get into the mystery school to study with imhotep and all our great masters you had to do days and nights of fasting 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 before you could even get to the door. and then once you got in, you could not eat any cooked food…this is nothing new. this is all old time tradition…that has been our tradition coming from the south. we are not into this processed, packaged culture. this is not our vibration, but convenience and all of these other things, we got caught and now we need to break the shackles because this really has become really enslavement when we start eating this kind of food. that’s why they are taking it to this other level to enslave us even further that you got to see them in order to eat. with all his world travels, aris latham oftentimes frequented the city of philadelphia in the s when he resided in new york city. the rationale for his visits: latham took notice of the holistic vibrancy within the city and co-taught a class on natural cures of the body every wednesday evening in the pascep at temple university alongside ausar auset society founder ra un nefer amen. latham shares about his frequent travels to the so-called “city of brotherly love:” he embellishes about his temporary sojourn in philadelphia: “i was in philly back in the ’s. i was here for a couple of years. it wasn’t permanent. i was in new york so i would go back and forth. i taught a class at temple university in the evenings. i alternated teaching wednesday night with shekem shekem [ra un nefer amen] of the ausar aset society. the class was on natural cures for the body. there were a couple of other brothers and sisters that did it as well.” clearly, based on his familial ties and the black revolutionary spirit that radiates from within the city of philadelphia—since the times of richard allen in the 																																																													 ibid. the pan-african studies community education program (pascep) began in as a means to provide scholarly instruction on a volunteer basis, offering an array of courses from various cultural interests and fields of study (e.g., african american literature, astrology, financial planning, genealogy, line dancing, meditation, nonprofit start-up, organic gardening, spanish, etc.) to the neighboring black communities throughout the philadelphia metropolitan area. for a comprehensive examination on the institutionalization of pascep at temple university, see jamal benin, “pan-african studies community education program: the institutionalization of a community education program” (ph.d. dissertation, temple university, ). latham, personal interview, may , . 	 late eighteenth century—aris latham recognizes, acknowledges and appreciates the enduring activist life force exemplified in contemporary black philadelphia. 	 chapter : the invocation to get well in “illadel” there is nothing mystical about the reasons why one group of people can easily become physically and mentally alert. an abundance of nutritious food and pure drinking water may spell the difference between advance and decay. the number of death-dealing diseases developing from malnutrition alone is alarming. but what should be stressed above everything else is that millions of babies may become both physically and mentally retarded by disease while in their mother’s womb— which is another way of saying that a people wholly ignorant or indifferent to basic health can themselves become inferior in fact… introduction within the united states, there are a multitude of contemporary africana holistic health practitioners, advocates of a natural foods diet and activists that are unequivocally aware of the disparaging health conditions ever so present in black communities throughout the country. as a result, these promoters of health and wellness have been duty bound to offer a plethora of alternative medical solutions to ameliorate and address numerous ailments that plague melanin-dominated people. given this, africans in america have the opportunity to make an independent decision to heal themselves through natural—as opposed to chemically-induced—measures, first and foremost by being educated on the abundance of naturalistic health information at their disposal, and 																																																													 chancellor williams, destruction of black civilization: great issues of a race from b.c to a.d. 	 second, by applying such curative practices without the use of allopathic prescribed synthetic pharmaceutical drugs that, in the writer’s estimation, masks the symptoms of illnesses without addressing the foundation or overall causes of the dis-ease(s). for those individuals who may choose to, out of blind faith and/or sheer comfort and habit, continue to seek the medical advice and services from mainstream medicine can, at a minimum, utilize the information provided in this chapter to assist in any extant maladies or illnesses that may arise. as it pertains to this study, the curative and activist work carried out by black holistic health practitioners, raw and/or vegan restaurant proprietors, storeowners that provide naturopathic therapeutic products, and proponents of other naturalistic health practices in the city of philadelphia serves as an exemplar in this regard. with this in mind, the therapeutic activism on the part of a cadre of african healers and health activists who reside in this nation’s first capital will be highlighted within this section. since the latter part of the eighteenth century black philadelphians have been, as seen through the self-emancipatory efforts like that of richard allen ( - ), absalom jones ( - ) and others via mutual aid societies, on the forefront in: ) exposing the societal inequalities evident in their municipalities and ) mandating or initiating self-help efforts despite the glaring disenfranchisement. in a metropolis that has been anything but a “city of brotherly love” for its black residents, the revolutionary thrust by the african masses in philadelphia over time have not waivered one bit. 																																																													 see richard allen and absalom jones, a narrative of the proceedings of the black people during the late awful calamity in philadelphia in the year and a refutation of some censures thrown upon them in some late publications (philadelphia: independence national historical park, ); and charles h. wesley, richard allen: apostle of freedom (washington d.c.: the associated publishers, . 	 as it relates to this study, the year proved to be a watershed in more ways than one: ) the path-breaking treatise on health, how to eat to live was published, establishing a stimulus for african americans to take notice of the foods they consume; and ) the ideology of the black power movement’s vow to establish community-based leadership drastically impacted subsequent black political leadership in the city of philadelphia. in his innovative piece up south, which broadens the chronological parameters of the civil rights and black power movements in philadelphia, matthew countryman affirms that, “black student organizing and other forms of community-based activism in philadelphia served to the center the structure of black leadership in the city,” which in effect, “[t]he leadership of future black movement organizations in campaigns in philadelphia would include significant and substantial representation of working-class activists from the city's poor black neighborhoods.” interestingly enough, the two turning points would intertwine as some enlightened and progressive thinking members of the black community felt compelled to address by alternative means the health needs of fellow residents and assist in any way they could. unquestionably, the ideology of self-determination during this era would have blacks closely examine all areas of life, with health, food consumption and nutrition being equal concerns as well. with the cultural continuity of african descendants ever flowing like a river, the manifestations of self-reliance and dominion over black lives, which was the philosophical basis during the black power era, can be clearly seen in philadelphia today in how black vindicators of naturalistic health practices (i.e., more mindful dietary habits 																																																													 matthew j. countryman, civil rights and the black power in philadelphia (philadelphia: university of pennsylvania press, ), . 	 and an array of holistic health ameliorative methods) promote healthier dietary habits in this vibrant but veiled tradition of holistic health. the healing arts of black philadelphia “make it plain” in a city that prides itself on food staples native to its locale such as pretzels and cheesesteaks, there are some black eatery establishments that offer healthier dietary options and understand the value of eating to live. as a result, these vegan and/or raw food restaurants serve the black community in philadelphia with fare more nutrient-rich that nourishes the body contrary to that of processed, refined fast food. located in the heart of the section of the city known as germantown on germantown avenue, all the way live is the healthful dining establishment of north philadelphia native beverly medley and daughter neisha, co-owners of the restaurant. as a business that has been in existence since (which used to serve its patrons restaurant style out of medley’s domicile) all the way live serves both vegan and raw food cuisine to its patrons. medley, who manages the establishment, purchases the food and oversees the preparation of the dishes served to customers and expresses in detail the overall intent of the business: so what we do at all the way live” is basically what they call raw, live, vegan food, which is the no cooking or if i do cook… we do cook certain things really discriminate on what we put heat to…so we don’t use everything, because basically the whole idea of “all the way live” is to keep the body mucus-less. so when you have less mucus, which is the cause of disease you’re gonna feel 	 better, mentally, physically, spiritually. so we don’t want to over tax the system, but at the same time we want you to enjoy your dining here so then that is where the art comes in. the question then becomes: ‘how can you give this to our community where they can thrive, but they still enjoy?’ one of medley’s concerns with eating regiment of african americans is that there is far too much consumption of foods that are low in water content; a dietary circumstance in which blood cells, tissues, glands, organs and so on are not hydrated and replenished properly, leading to dehydration of essential body parts. however, the remedy, mrs. medley opines, is when you intake foods that are high in fiber, vitamins and minerals and “once the blood starts to becoming cleaner and thinner and more like water like it is supposed to be, instead of putrid and thick, it’s going to feed all the organs and start to heal the organs better...it’s called getting clean because if you continue to do this, your health is going to automatically improve.” at age sixty-three, beverly, who is now a raw foodist has been on a journey of her own to obtain a standard of health that is optimal. in fact, her thoughts about diet would forever change nearly four decades ago. with the city of philadelphia being one of the black muslim populations in america, beverly’s trajectory towards health and wellness began while she was in her twenties as a direct result of her association with a neighbor who was an adherent of the islamic faith. in her own words, medley conveys: i actually began the journey with a young muslim sister that lived across the street from me who would tell me about not eating pork, and i remember thinking she was crazy. i was like: ‘you got to be kidding me.’ and all the while i was thinking about eating at my mother-in-law’s house and all she used was pork and lard and fried the best chicken in the world. so she would give me material concerning not eating pork…she was talking to me and trying to help 																																																													 beverly medley, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, june , . ibid. 	 me, but i couldn’t hear her. i’d look at her, saying to myself in my head ‘something’s wrong with her, and ain’t nothing wrong with me.’ but that is the extent of disease in your mind. you can’t even see that you are injuring yourself. clearly, the proverbial seeds were planted; however, cognitive dissonance accompanied with denial had inundated medley’s feelings of her extant meat-eating diet, which contradicted what was being revealed to her. the nutritional “game changer;” however, medley remembers, happened during a routine visit to the home of her muslim colleague, who had a vast library. while perusing her extended book collection, medley reminisces that, “it was one little paperback book that was on her shelf and it was called cooking with mother nature by dick gregory. that book changed my life…and i’m going to tell you why his book led me to do that. in a nutshell, in his book, it’s holistic because he didn’t just talk about the physical. he talked about the spiritual and the mental, and i felt that i needed help in that area.” the nutritional teachings of dick gregory’s natural diet for folks who eat was so influential to the neophyte of a holistic lifestyle that the younger medley “fasted like he said in his book, which is to fast for days,” and as a result, her dietary regiment “went from vegetables to fruits to juices and then i ended up on water…and after that i felt so good that i never really looked back. i had some setbacks, maybe a year into it, but after that year i never looked back ever again.” in the same way the health advocacy of dick gregory inspired medley, the teachings of elijah muhammad were equally motivating. interestingly, her close reading of how to eat to live is dissimilar 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 from other as she admits: i found that people have different interpretations of that [book] because my interpretation of how to eat to live was that the honorable elijah muhammad was saying that you shouldn’t eat meat, and if you do,” be mindful of what you consume. while elijah muhammad and dick gregory were without question catalysts for medley’s newfound approach to food and nutrition, beverly shares that it was philadelphia-based grassroots raw foodist winfred postell who gave her gastronomical words to live by. postell, medley inform us “worked with aris latham back in the ’s” and gave me a lot of support back in the ’s when i really was going strong” as a proponent of a vegan dietary lifestyle. akin to the artistic fashion that aris latham mustered up gourmet raw food cuisine, so too did win postell—a shortened epithet he was referred to by those closest to him. ensuring that an intergenerational transmission of dietary knowledge be passed down to future generations, postell constantly encouraged medley to stay on the path to eat to live and reinforced to her that “food is a tool and use your tool,” particularly with your “children to keep them on this diet.” these heart-felt and lasting words medley would use henceforth as her methodological impetus to heal african people within the philadelphia metropolitan area through vegan and raw food preparation and service. in heart of the university city district of west philadelphia, another health conscious food operation is atiya ola’s spirit first foods. located at baltimore avenue, this frequently visited diminutive restaurant, the brainchild of restaurateur atiya 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 ola sankofa, has been in operation since september and is open six days of the week with monday being the only day of cessation. prior to that, the establishment was under different management and was a café that specialized in offering the standard american breakfast entrees as well as the most common morning staple—coffee. nowadays, atiya ola oversees the business operations of spirit first foods, and conversely, the target market is vegan and raw food aficionados. with several chefs employed to execute the preparation of food for the establishment, sankofa supervises the way in which dishes are made, presented and served in a way that is appealing to customers. analogous to the culinary sentiments of all the way live, the menu options available to philadelphians at spirit first foods are primarily vegan and raw food dishes that are made on a daily basis. ironically, the differentiation, however, is they also cater to pescatarian and lacto-vegetarian customers in which they offer dishes like salmon, tuna, and goat cheese salad. born and raised in nearby wilmington, delaware, atiya ola is the second eldest of eight children. in the same vein as her parents, she too has eight offspring. atiya ola’s gravitation towards and a penchant for fresh sustenance stemmed from her exposure as a child from which her mother and older sister—fifteen years her senior— “cooked mostly with fresh foods from scratch.” eventually, sankofa began to make masterful, creative raw dishes by way of informal instruction, through methods of self- tuition rather than through any specialized training or credentials per se. from her own estimation: 																																																													 atiya ola sankofa, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, june , . 	 i guess i am an autodidact. i didn’t go get any certificates. i actually just have a truth pill. my girlfriend, zuhairah and i were always threatening to be vegetarians and then a moment came where we could be vegetarians. we started moving in that direction when a group called dicc, with reverend james bevel as the head, brought that organization to philadelphia. at that time i was making clothes and…sister erica henry was leaning toward raw food, so as we moved into that atmosphere, raw food rung my truth bell. [thus,] i started leaning in that direction and started creating raw dishes. it just grew out of that. that is how i got to where i am today. as a restaurant owner who sole responsibility is to feed its patrons, atiya ola takes pride in providing fare that is complementary and beneficial to a healthy dietary lifestyle and is equally assistive in the digestive process. in a word, a majority of the options available at spirit first foods are “primarily uncooked that allows you to have the enzymes you need which are the catalyst for regeneration and healing.” due to the appealing presentation and appetizing nature of the raw food dishes available at the restaurant, such as the “world famous couscous,” spirit first foods has widespread popularity throughout the city. with easy accessibility to the restaurant via public transportation, sanfoka affirms that patrons throughout the metropolitan area are able to reap the benefits of the wholesome food: we have lots of people that come from all over to get the food. we have people that have gone to the doctor and the doctor says that you have to change your diet and then one of their friends brings them to the café for them to get the food. we also have people who have been eating the food who come back to testify how much better they are feeling. in fact, we have a young girl right now that’s been consistently coming to the café, learning how to eat the foods, studying how to eat the foods and is feeling much better. when queried about the definition of holistic health, sanfoka’s understanding comprehensively captures the triumvirate nature of the phrase. she replies: that is a 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 great question because most of the time that we get ill it’s always addressed from the physical and never from the spiritual or the emotional body, but the truth is you get ill in the emotional body. that is where you get ill first. things upset you emotionally and the energy gets stored in the body.” as a result, atiya ola stresses that african people should take matters of health seriously to improve physical health and additionally release any deeply-imbedded emotional issues. given the enduring ordeal africans experienced while forcefully transplanted as a result of the episodic disruptions of the middle passage, chattel slavery and the subsequent social proscription in the western hemisphere, the psychological repercussions are evident today, opines sankofa; an enduring circumstance that joy degruy leary describes as post traumatic slave disorder. on this idea, sanfoka expounds: as a people [we] have been in major trauma from the day that we left our shores so we have been suffering for generations. we have suffered major trauma, depression, inter-generational depression, and it continues on. and so what you see when you see that our community can be heavily drug-addicted is really people that are depressed, self-medicating. when you look at the level of unemployment, teenage pregnancies, diabetes and you decode that. it all decodes out to an upset and an emotional body. and since we never had therapy, it still continues and lingers. all of that is criminal. since they [europeans] brought a people here and disenfranchised them and continue to disenfranchise, we are constantly borderline, if not over the top depressed. from both a spiritual and cultural uplifting aspect, the teachings of elijah muhammad regarding food and nutrition had a lasting effect on atiya ola. in her own words: “definitely…elijah muhammad was a great impetus in the direction of urging us 																																																													 ibid. joy degruy leary, post traumatic slave syndrome: america's legacy of enduring injury and healing (portlant: uptone press, ). see also, omar g. reid, post traumatic slavery disorder: definition, diagnosis, and treatment (charlotte: conquering books, ). sankofa, personal interview, june , . 	 to release some of the foods we were eating.” moreover, at twenty-one years old, sankofa had an associate named dawud arasul that asked her to: come go with me to the mosque. i went with him…and that day the lecture was on not eating pork. my family ate pork and at that time my pleasure was in eating pork chops, ham and bacon…[a]fter the lecture i went to get my pork chops. i cook them, and then i could not eat them…it just became an education of release…which became more of an impetus for me to let go of pork. i would say that that was a key factor in releasing [because] the muslims were on it. the move to philadelphia for atiya ola in from neighboring wilmington was is no way happenstance. the notable geographical move came as a result of the shift in black consciousness in the united states. according to sankofa, her and a number of other individuals from her hometown came to the nation’s first capital as artisans. in detail, she explains: “we came to participate in the african culture movement. it was like thirteen of us that came to philadelphia, and we lived in a commune. when we came, we came to manufacture art and clothing. for over ten years i made african clothing: the red, black and green flag, kufis, pouches, and bottles. i am an artist at heart so i did different paintings…and we sold all these things in our african culture store.” in understanding the challenges that come with making a dietary change, especially with the pervasive marketing schemes of fast food establishment and other major food corporations in america, sankofa provides some insight. for individuals attempting to convert from a meat-eating regimen to a dietary lifestyle free from animal protein, atiya ola offers as sustainable solutions several recommendations she feels will make the transition more smooth: ) become an avid reader and study all facets of holistic health 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 and dietary lifestyles alternative to the standard american diet; ) pay close attention and make a mental note of how your body reacts to the new dietary change; ) learn how to forgive and be upfront when communicating with others; and ) incorporate some form of creativity into your routine as it is a healing mechanism in itself. according to atiya ola, the importance for black women in philadelphia to convene space in order to heal in a communal setting was vital during the latter part of the twentieth century. as evidenced, in , philadelphia-based emotional therapist pearl jackson—who sankofa served as her chef at a healing retreat at drexel university—sponsored and brought former obstetrician and gynecologist (ob/gyn) and uterine fibroid expert jewel pookrum to philadelphia; the organizers of the event were fellow community members. the intent of the conference was to promote balance and harmony among the interested cadre of black women from a holistic stanpoint, attending to any spiritual, physical and mental issues. put simply, atiya ola maintains, “we were all..trying to get in alignment,” and “jewel pookrum came with the universal principles and the spiritual laws, so…we endeavored to study and be our own therapist in a sense.” atiya ola was of the impression that by jewel pookrum’s presence, instruction, guidance, and expertise in black women health and emotional issues: “we [could] start applying the laws to [our] life and behavior; then it allows you to examine certain things that may have already happened. a key word is re-perception, to re-perceive events. that was the basis of it [the conference]: to get a core of women to get well and facilitate 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 to other woman.” as a result of pookrum’s first visit, there was a holistic appeal by the philadelphia group who intended the initial symposium to establish a continuous healing circle with dr. pookrum as the central figure. the upshot: the philadelphia principal women’s universal support group was formed with a membership of approximately ten individuals with the central focus being to offer alternative solutions to eradicate uterine fibroids, a reproductive malady disproportionately evident among african american women. the frequency of the meetings, sanfoka reveals, were on a weekly basis and the tenure of the ppwusg lasted approximately five years in which both pearl jackson’s residence and member legiri’s home on th and diamond in north philadelphia were central locations for the meetings. offering wholesome food to the black community in philadelphia is of utmost importance to atiya ola sankofa. equally important to her, she opines we must be vigilant in the self-assessment and reflection of our own lives so that any unattended emotional issues be addressed and confronted. to assist in this self-exploration, that which helped sankofa in her own healing process, blacks must, she testifies, examine the relationship dynamics of the most enduring and significant institution among african people—the family. according to beverly medley, yahimba uhuru, also a native of philadelphia, was one of the first people in the city to offer animal-free and dairy-free food as a dietary option to the african community. in contrast, according to aris latham, high priest kwatamani was the first individual to offer raw food cuisine to the african community in 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 philadelphia in the s. the name of the salubrious food establishment in philadelphia was entitled first innercourse and it offered to its customers dishes named in reverence of ancient nile valley culture such as: “the king’s and queen’s loaf, the nile valley, kush-hi supreme, the royal kemetic salad, the pharoah’s loaf, among others. nonetheless, medley proudly admits that “mama yahimba,” an epithet of reverence given to her by associates, “was doing it all before, preparing food. before me, atiya ola, everybody there was yahimba…she was doing the vegetarian cooking.” born in , yahimba uhuru too is a native of philadelphia and is the youngest of seven siblings. in addition to her currently working as a cashier at the whole foods market in philadelphia, uhuru has obtained her bachelor’s degree in health and wellness from kaplan university, and her subsequent academic endeavor is to pursue a master’s degree in the same field of study. her passion to educate the african masses on healthy eating over the years inspired uhuru to become a columnist writer, for the past twenty-five years, for the provincial philadelphia newspaper—westside weekly where her written contributions, “concentrate on natural healing, alternative medicine, herbology, and going back to basics as far as healing is concerned.” exemplars of her literary input for the local periodical is revealed in both the november and october articles, 																																																													 latham, personal interview, may , . 					 high priest kwatamani, e-mail correspondence with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, june , . also, see high priest kwatamani, raw and living foods, the first divine act and requirement of a holistic living way of life: raw & living fruits, vegetables, seeds & nuts. the natural foods for man, he and she, in the divine consumption plan (ellenwood, ga: kwantamani holistic institute of brain body & spiritual research & dev., inc., ), and the prophetic , year benu cycle: encoding the consciousness of higher peace through the divine union of masculine and feminine energy: spiritual analysis of western culture and re-awakening naga consciousness (ellenwood, ga: kwantamani holistic institute of brain body & spiritual research & dev., inc., ). medley, personal interview, june , . yahimba uhuru, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, september , . 	 entitled “spice it up” and “a delightful fall fruit salad” in which uhuru provides readers with: ) a short compendium of spices as well as the therapeutic properties of the following: thyme, tarragon, sage, paprika, oregano, nutmeg, mint and marjoram; and ) a delicious autumn recipe and the medicinal properties of each ingredient, to include— apples, bananas, currants, dates, pears and non-dairy yogurt. clearly, the physical well-being of black communities throughout philadelphia is a pressing matter for uhuru as she uses the westside weekly as a forum to educate the masses through the written word. in addition to her penned endeavors with the local paper of west philadelphia, the edification on holistic health that yahimba uhuru administers to the black youth is indispensable. a prime example is how she used to instruct a class on nutrition at an african-centered school named academy of the way, an institution located in west philadelphia that was headed by the late mama alomisha alewa but is now not in operation. the pedagogical stance and technique utilized by uhuru in teaching that specific course was extremely effective, as she divulges: “some of those students are now in their thirties, and they still remember things that i said,” which causes mama yahimba to feel that “as long as i reach one person, at least one person, i feel as though i have succeeded.” for uhuru, the locution holistic health in itself necessitates an individual use natural elements of the earth to provide sustenance and curative assistance if need be. 																																																													 yahimba uhuru, “spice it up” westside weekly, vol. , no. (november - , ), . yahimba uhuru, “a delightful fall fruit salad” westside weekly, vol. , no. (october - , ), . uhuru, personal interview, september , . 	 rather than use grafted substances (e.g., pharmaceuticals) and non-vibrational (i.e., dead) matter to treat symptoms and/or seek nutritional value, one should instead consider “[h]ealing the body through god’s pharmacy—through the earth,” an initiative “we were supposed to do in the first place,” by not introducing toxins into the body, and instead utilize natural herbs and spices to “work with the body,” argues uhuru. her own designation of the phrase holistic health was formulated back in when she fell ill and came across and read one of the leading treatises on holistic health at the time. in seeking alternative ways to treat her malady, uhuru came across and read one of the leading treatises on holistic health at the time. in her own words, yahimba recalls: “i remember being tired of being sick, and i just felt as though there had to be another way. and at the time i think i was about twenty-three, and i picked up jethro kloss’s back to eden book, and i was really intrigued by it. it taught [me] how to heal the body…then i decided to purchase some herbs and see how i felt. and you know, that was it. i will tell you that jethro kloss started me in the direction.” subsequently, mama yahimba was introduced to the raw and living food, sustenance dick gregory refers to as “natural” approximately two years later by her first husband when she belonged to the ecology food co-op on th and lancaster avenue in west philadelphia. from that point onward, uhuru considered all plant-based foods to be the natural remedy for all ills. put simply, uhuru opines: “food is our medicine,” and “[i]t’s important to eat healthy.” with an analogy, she continues: “you can’t put the wrong fuel in a car and expect it to 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 operate at optimal performance. it’s the same thing with the body. the wrong food in the body is going to create disharmony and disorder…and creates diseases;” therefore, “[i]t’s very important to eat the way we were meant to eat.” due to her endearing passion to feed people, something that makes her “feel really, really good,” in yahimba opened up uhuru’s place, a vegetarian restaurant (that did not use any animal products whatsoever), in west philadelphia on th and chestnut street. her content mastery in the culinary arena, a craft medley mentioned in her interview with the writer, was exemplified with the opening this healthy eating establishment. the business was operated intergenerationally, family-owned, and in the essence of communalism, its doors were open to philadelphia residents to display their talents. as proof, uhuru discloses: i taught my daughters how to cook when they were six, so they became my chefs. my son immanuel; he was my dishwasher. my husband at the time; he did the business aspect of it, and my son had his own group, the african griots. so we used to have entertainment in the restaurant also…it was a family structured business. the children were the dishwashers. they were the cooks. they were the people that kept the restaurant clean. people really flocked there. they used to hang out and play some nice music. we used to have a street fair there where local artists would come…[and] we would bring in musicians like shakare ensemble, nani ka, and baba crowder…as far as entertainment is concerned. to satisfy the appetite of its patrons, the restaurant offered creative menu options such as: almond roti with cashew gravy; mock steak sandwich; eggplant zucchini stew; okra, corn and tomato; mixed vegetables with brown rice; and the following baked goods prepared by yahimba’s daughters—cornbread; brownies and carrot cake, to name a few. 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 in all things holistic, yahimba uhuru feels that africans must, given our socio-economic circumstances in america, take responsibility of independently maintaining our health the best we can, given that all institutions in this nation, including the healthcare industry are governed by racist standards. with this in mind, the health and wellness scholar beseeches to african people that “[w]e can self-medicate. not self-stupicate, but self- medicate. it’s easier to take the easy way out and not take responsibility.” all in all, yahimba uhuru is for certain that in inspiring blacks to be healthier and make better food choices, she is carrying out her divine purpose on earth. in her estimation: “i feel as though my goal in life is to get out here and empower my people. if that means living from penny to penny, so be it because i know in my heart the creator will take care of me.” with regards to providing sustenance and healing to the african community in philadelphia through natural foods, zakiyyah ali proverbially wears two hats. the title of her business, ali’s f.a.c.e.s., an acronym for: foods, agribusiness, consulting environmental services, lends credence to the dual foci of her overall objectives as an agricultural and food activist in the city of philadelphia. since december , ali has sucessfully run an itinerant raw food business, which she currently operates out of the north philadelphia black-owned bookstore, black and nobel; a providential situation in which patrons get to be fed both intellectually and gastronomically. second, ali is a prize winning professional gardener and farmer who is, in the same vein as the lewin 																																																													 ibid. 	 sisters, instrumental in teaching sustainable agriculture and environmental sciences to the black youth in philadelphia. although a philadelphian by birth, her penchant for farming, explains ali, was stemmed from her grandparent’s and parent’s roots in south carolina; the myrtle beach area of mullin nichols. ali expounds on the agrarian lifestyle from both her maternal and paternal side that influenced her as a youth: it was too factions: my mother’s mother was a sharecropper…but then on my father’s side, my grandfather owned over a hundred acres of land, so he was the man. white folks rented from him, and you know it was a whole different side on grandpops’ side, but again is was my exposure to all types of gardening and farming…down there, they were farmers. you know they farmed professionally. being able to go into a field as big as this block was amazing and there was nothing but melons there. one field had honeydews and another field had muskmelons. i never knew blueberries grew on trees. there were all these types of fruits. with this foundation and connection to fresh fruits and vegetables, ali eventually began to see the possibilities of and utilize the curative properties of food. after graduating from the restaurant school at walnut college in , ali was employed as a food service supervisor at one of the independent black schools in philadelphia—the mitchell education center in germantown, which was located on the exact site where germantown high school now resides. unquestionably, this position proved to be a fruitful experience for both ali and the children. with her involvement of establishing gardens in other locations throughout the city, ali, with permission from the principal of the school, “started…composting and gardening, and with that [she] created [the] first 																																																													 see esther lewin and birdina lewin, growing food, growing up: a child’s natural food book (los angeles: the ward ritchie press, ). zakiyyah ali, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, june , . ibid. 	 children’s environmental program.” this agricultural experience for the students was enlightening as they got a distinctive understanding of food. from the cultivation of the seeds of various fruits and vegetables, to the observation of their growth, then being able to eat the harvested products gave the black youth a respect for agriculture as well as a newfound love for fresh food. even more, due to the transformative process of gardening the children witnessed firsthand, ali was “able to devise up a lesson out of whatever the plant was doing. and then the final crescendo comes when you actually produce a fruit.” the efficacy by which ali was able to effectively teach the students gardening was primarily due to the her apprenticeship with her jegna of sustainable agriculture, blanche epps, who cultivated a vast garden in which she “grew everything [mentioned] in the bible and the qur’an…an amazing space…just stellar.” in addition to the tutelage she received from blanche epps, ali too was deeply inspired about food and nutrition from the teachings of elijah muhammad and the nation of islam. zakiyyah ali informs us that “[f]ood and food service in the african american community,” is something that needs to be talked about more frequently; however, in detail, she expounds that her: true understanding that cultures or peoples have food, that came from the nation of islam, honorable elijah muhammad peace unto to him. his book, how to eat to live talked about a diet for a people and a diet that wasn’t for a people. i remember some things and some other things that i didn’t like, so when i got exposed to the nation of islam and what the messenger was teaching, it resonated with me. here is somebody [muhammad] that is telling us what we should and what we shouldn’t eat… what we are being told by the media was something different. that started me on the food quest…so i decided then that food was going to be the vocation or profession that i was going to pursue. now i could 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 see my place in it because of the nation. in mgt [muslim girls training], the sisters were supposed to do food, make dinners, and i always would sell my dinners… this is what the females did in the mosque…there were a lot of things in terms of training…but culinary food, how to take care of your husband and children, were taught in the mosque. that is how my food service started there…sometimes i just created smell in the kitchen and everybody was at the door, “sis. zakiyyah what you making?” i thought that there was something to this. like other activists and inhabitants of black philadelphia, ali too was affiliated with the pan african studies community extension program (pascep) at temple university. after taking classes in addition to vending food at pascep, she formed a culinary alliance with sunfired food founder and proprietor aris latham. the coalition between the two resulted in ali’s relocation from philadelphia to new york city in the late s, where she was an instrumentalist in offering her culinary expertise and services to latham’s natural foods restaurant in harlem—house of life. on this very point, ali maintains that, “by the time i met aris i was already in that vegetarian mode, and he was the extension in terms of talking about a live food diet.” thusly, she adds: “i started my raw food journey with my culinary background already [so] it was really kind of easy to gravitate, pick up, share, exchange ideas, concepts and make food. so that is how the live food became my diet and my occupation.” based on the research conducted in this study, there were no holistic health practitioners serving the black community in philadelphia seemingly interested primarily in making money than they were concerned in providing natural cures and positively effecting the african community. simply put, the neighborhood reputation of these 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 practitioners were not commercially motivated. on the contrary, they earned the respect and trust of their neighbors and were thought of as contributing to the uplift of the black community. that is, while providing natural health care services they additionally tended to be conscientious with respect to political consciousness, working with the youth and extolling positive aspects of africana culture. these exemplars, in the words of semmes, “not only…illustrate an existing vehicle for community self-development, but also…emphasize the need for african americans to look within their midst and select, support, and legitimate their progressive artists, teachers, and leaders who have rejected commercial co-optation in behalf of community development.” unlike most white contemporary holistic health establishments located throughout america, ethel wilson’s establishment is situated in the heart of the black community in north philadelphia. in her interview, wilson tells of growing up in rural faraday, west virginia as a coalminer’s daughter and the eldest of nine siblings. her fondest memories stem from learning from elders, particularly her grandmother, some of nature's secrets concerning ways and methods of restoring a condition of health to the human body. contrarily, as a youth, wilson remembers regrettably having to “drink castor oil on the weekends,” but to alleviate the atrocious aftertaste her “grandmother would make a hole in the orange and heat it and pour it in the orange.” although she was refrained from doing so, wilson recollects that her grandmother used to take wheat germ as a nutritional supplement. rather than succumbing to pharmaceutical drugs, the terrain of rural west 																																																													 clovis e. semmes, “the dialectics of cultural survival and the community artist: phil cohran and the affro-arts theater,” journal of black studies, vol. , no. (june, ), . ethel wilson, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, may , . 	 was therapeutically utilized in the wilson family, so “[i]f something happened to you then they would go out and get a weed…it was burdock,” an herb primarily used for its curative properties in treating stomach ailments, colds, liver issues and other gastrointestinal ailments. undeniably, these recollections of her childhood shaped the very foundation of wilson’s sensibilities towards holistic health as an adult. in regards to her formal training in natural medicine, wilson attended trinity school of natural health where she obtained credentials as both a certified natural health professional (cnhp) and a doctor of naturopathy (n.d.) in and , respectively. to augment her training as a holistic health professional, and more importantly meet the needs of the surrounding african american community in philadelphia, wilson apprenticed and trained with seasoned non-conciliatory naturopath llaila o. afrika for over five years to receive an african-centered perspective in the field of holistic health. bringing truth to the adage that you are never too old to learn, ethel wilson entered into the business aspect of holistic health at an advanced age. in fact, after a thirty-three year career and retirement as a lab technician at the container corporation of america in manayunk, pa (in which she simultaneously sold herbs to both co-workers and supervisors while on the job), wilson founded her own holistic health establishment, to your health in . the advantage for blacks in philadelphia seeking alternative means of healing was the strategic locality of wilson’s therapeutic enterprise— conveniently situated on w. allegheny avenue in the heart of north philadelphia. 																																																													 ibid. 	 the curative objectives of to your health, wilson affirms is that “[w]e detox everything…in here…we do the foot detox and of course the consultations are done out of here, but we do the foot detox and that pulls the toxins out of your body.” in a word, ethel wilson’s overall objective is to serve and heal the african community by holistic means of any ailments, foodborne or otherwise. as alluded to earlier, the well-being of the african community rather than economical gain is the primary concern for wilson as a holistic health practitioner. on this very point, she imparts: “i’ve had people come in here and tell me, ‘herbs are high and this and that,’ and i tell them that i have to sell them according to the manufacturer, which i don’t do. however, for them, i go down on them. i figured i did get free shipping…i’m trying to help them.” additionally, in order to convince her clientele of her charitable sentiments, wilson would reassure them: “you know if you need an herb just let me know you can have it.” moreover, wilson willfully admits: “my foot detox was fifteen dollars, and i would have people waiting for me in the mornings when i came. on saturday whole families would come because they had never seen anything like that. and it was really awesome. i wish that i was charging fifty dollars like one of my friends was, and i would have been able to put some money aside, but i was just able to pay for the water and the salt.” unequivocally, ethel wilson's generosity with her products and health services lends credence to her own economic sacrifice and awareness of the socio-economic conditions of most of the denizens in the surrounding community of her 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 holistic health business in north philadelphia. due to the dominance of western medicine the practice of herbalism continues but is not as pervasive in this country as it was in the past. the preservation of the tradition; however, due to alternative modes of healing being placed on the periphery of professionalization in the field of medicine in the early th century, has been more or less individualistic but has in some instances been preserved through family tradition. as alluded to earlier in the study, the use of herbal remedies has never disappeared in the african american community but was probably re-stimulated by a heightened interest in naturalistic health care techniques associated with a surge of black consciousness during the black power movement of the mid- s through the s. aside from the salubrious culinary and other holistic practitioner services offered to black philadelphians, a prime example of the mastery in the healing arts of medicinal herbs is ron norwood. other noteworthy herbalists within the philadelphia metropolitan area that currently serve the african community deserve mention. they include the likes of: tony moore, merriam house, and ron gaines—the proprietor of the establishment earth mother herbs located on w. lehigh avenue in north philadelphia. throughout the city, ron norwood has established a respectable reputation amongst his colleagues and patrons in philadelphia as an erudite professional herbalist. in , norwood embarked on a triumvirate partnership with other herbalists; the upshot was a philadelphia establishment entitled university herbs, which lasted for 																																																													 see chapter of this dissertation, entitled “the predominance of ‘scientific’ medicine unveiled.” 	 several years. currently, norwood is the founder and sole proprietor of the herb nook wellness center, a quaint establishment located on spruce street in west philadelphia that has been in operation since . in addition to an in-depth collection of books and pamphlets on all aspects of herbal remedies at reasonable prices, the herb nook wellness center makes available a wide variety of herbal formulas. as a retail establishment, the herb nook also has on hand for customers an array of spices, vitamins, supplements as well as organic and natural skin care products. even more, personal consultations, classes, and seminars are offered at his establishment to many local residents; and it is not uncommon for clients to come seek his services from other states. for norwood, the intra/intergenerational transmission of knowledge is paramount. thusly, he attests: “from all of the information that i have accrued over the years, i then pass it on to the community within the scope of seminars or across the counter information sessions.” simply put, his extensive travel across and outside of the united states (studying abroad the different forms of healing and how indigenous cultures take care of themselves via what they consume) has presented norwood the opportunity to amass a great deal of valuable and useful information to impart onto others. of all the respondents interviewed in this study, ron norwood exhibited particularly a strong sense of pragmatism regarding his herbal practice. accordingly, his many instances of herbal remedies are concocted in a similar but more nuanced fashion and is as equally effective as those offered by white practitioners in the same field of 																																																													 ron norwood, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, may , . ibid. 	 alternative medicine. for example, the herbal charts and lists utilized and incorporated into norwood’s practice is just as effective and analogous to the herbal descriptions found in jethro kloss’ (a noteworthy early twentieth century herbalist and one of this country’s earliest soy food pioneers) magnum opus back to eden. as a sagacious herbalist, norwood deems it is imperative for his clients to recognize and understand the symbiotic relationship between herbs and the corporeal as it relates to health and wellness. thus, when he educates on the therapeutic aspects of herbs, norwood’s primary focus is on: “the nutritional aspect of it. i really make it a point to explain to people that these are plants; they are from the same source that we are from. they are from the earth. you have your minerals; you have your vitamins. all you have to do is give them to your body you will get the benefit of it.” a north carolinian by birth, norwood was born in durham in . as the second oldest of five, both ron and his siblings were greatly influenced by their grandmother, an experienced farmhand who was considered one of many working women healers of the south. norwood elaborates on his vivid childhood memories of his grandmother’s expertise with the healing properties of plant life: my eyes were opened by my grandmother. it’s a funny thing that she grew plants. she was a country girl. she was very intelligent but not an educated woman, but if you put her out in the woods you wouldn’t have to worry about her being able to survive. i can remember an instance with my older brother and i. whenever we would have breakfast or a meal my grandmother would always go out and come back with these plants and put them in a cup and pour hot water over them. many years later, i found out it was an herb called catnip. 																																																													 see jethro kloss, back to eden: the classic guide to herbal medicine, natural foods and home remedies (twin lakes, wi: lotus press, (reprint: originally published in ). norwood, personal interview, may , . 	 afterwards, i found out that catnip was used as a digestive aid. so we had these little stomachs at seven and eight year olds, but we had all this food on the table and grandma knew we were going to stuff ourselves, so she thought ‘let’s just have them drink this catnip’…she was intelligent enough to look at it from a nutritional standpoint so afterwards i looked at it from that position and moved on from there. years before becoming an advocate and practitioner of holistic health, norwood attended and graduated from west chester university as a voice major in the music department. interestingly enough, it was a brief discussion with his english professor that established for norwood a link between the overall health of the body with what one consumes. being on a typical on-the-go collegiate diet as an undergraduate, norwood admits that he “ate everything that could walk,” but also struggled with concentrating in his classes. after sharing such with the professor, his advice was: “why don’t you try to leave that alone for a couple of weeks. it was difficult,” confesses norwood “but fortunately enough i was open to it and it made a difference. my energy level increased drastically,” and from that point onward “[i]t didn’t take long for me to realize that there was something to what he said.” it was epiphanies such as the aforementioned in addition to what he previously learned from grandmother as a child that indubitably served as the foundation of ron norwood’s trajectory into the healing arts. later in life, to add to his alternative healing repertoire, norwood became a longtime member of the accredited national iridology research association (nira) later changed to the international iridology practitioners association (iipa) based off of its global recognition by naturopathic physicians worldwide. additionally, during the 																																																													 ibid. ibid. ibid. 	 s, he attended the renowned the school of natural healing in springville, utah, founded by autodidact holistic practitioner and master herbalist “dr.” john raymond christopher. in the same timeframe as well as the subsequent decade, norwood enrolled himself into the pioneering bastyr university in seattle, washington—the first naturopathic school to be accredited in the united states—to hone his previous training in and fascination with iridology. more specifically, norwood affirms: “i went there in the ’s for two summers, and i went there in and and the primary focus was to study different nutritional factors as it relates to iridology.” just as aris latham, ra un nefer ament and zakiyyah ali provided their voluntary instructional services to community learners, norwood too taught at the pan african studies community extension program (pascep) at temple university for over sixteen years. in fact, for the first nine years—since —, norwood discloses, “i was involved in teaching herbalism and iridology…however, in when hit” the interest of his students at pascep changed, and as a result, he “stopped teaching that [herbalism and iridology] and went in to teaching metaphysics” for the next seven years until his tenure at temple concluded in . contemporaneously, in the s, in addition to his curative activism as an herbalist and iridologist, norwood wrote a weekly editorial for nearly six years for the organ, the philadelphia tribune. in the same vein, to date, he has produced several unpublished written works; however, norwood expresses with confidence that these texts will be forthcoming in the near future. these pieces, norwood has informed the writer, 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 are titled: ( ) i’m tired of brown rice—a tome that entails an array of dishes using this healthier grain and how to eat food that your cellular structure would recognize; ( ) as it was— a book structured in a genealogical and annotated bibliography format that enumerates all of the written works norwood has read thus far on alternative healing; and ( ) spiritual insights as awesome soundbites—a written work that primarily deals with metaphysics. throughout the city, there are an abundant of licensed colon hydrotherapy businesses that offer their services to individuals with gastrointestinal issues or for those who patronize solely for purposes of weight loss. of them, the infinity health and wellness center is an establishment that takes into consideration the costly nature of alternative health care and thusly it offers an array of services to its clients at a reasonable price. located in sherman mills at scott lane, infinity health and wellness is the brainchild of its founder and proprietor, cheryl tyler, a native of north philadelphia. tyler obtained a bachelor’s degree in business administration and accounting from regis university, which allowed her the administrative acumen to run a successful business in alternative medicine. after a nine-year stint with the unites states army, tyler subsequently practiced in the field of holistic health for over fifteen years, with ample time being spent in the south. under the tutelage of michael imani of the nile wellness center in atlanta, tyler received her colon hydrotherapy training at the awareness institute for wellness & education in marietta, georgia. to add to her 																																																													 the infinity health and wellness center takes into account how individuals overindulge, particularly during major holidays, and for this reason the establishment offers promotions and sizeable discounts throughout the year. see http://www.infinityhealthwellness.com. cherly tyler, telephone interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, februrary , . 	 credentials as an alternative health practitioner, tyler received a certificate in plant-based nutrition from cornell university; a course headed by colin t. campbell, a major contributor of the fork over knives enterprise. aside from the individual efforts to promote and offer blacks naturalistic health modalities or alternative medicinal approaches, there too exists in the city of philadelphia organizational efforts to encourage african americans to be more self-conscious in choices of food consumption and take matters of health into their own hands. the ausar auset society of pennsylvania, which opened its doors in philadelphia in , is an exemplar of such community involvement. centrally-located in germantown on germantown avenue, the spiritual organization is adjacent to several black businesses and is in close proximity to beverly medley’s raw food restaurant, all the way live. comprehensively, the holistic philosophy of the ausar auset society incorporates an epistemological operational premise based on kemetic culture accompanied with elements of eastern philosophical and theoretical concepts, wellness therapy and techniques, and an advocacy of a raw food and/or vegan lifestyle that spans over a four- decade period. in addition to housing a store that sells alkaline water as well as its flourishing vegan restaurant—the nile café, the locale also offers numerous training sessions centered around both kemetic spiritual and eastern philosophical health care systems. the classes they provide include: ( ) ausarian initiation courses given in a 																																																													 ibid. the ausar auset society is a spiritual organization with african-centered sentiments that was originally established in brooklyn, new york in by its founder and leader, ra un nefer amen, with a foundational basis rooted in ancient egyptian culture and spiritual systems. with the new york location serving as the headquarters for the organization, there also exists numerous chapters nationwide in atlanta, charlotte, chicago, milwaukee, oakland, philadelphia, pittsburgh, washington d.c., in aliis locis as well as international branches in bermuda, london and toronto. 	 four-part series; ( ) paut neteru meditations; ( ) weekly metu neter oracle divination workshops; and ( ) element qi-gong classes spiritual center. of the collective membership within the ausar auset society, the one individual interviewed for this study is the spiritual leader of the philadelphia branch, tehuti khamu. born and raised in the bronx borough of new york city, khamu is the youngest of three siblings. akin to wilson and norwood’s childhood experiences, khamu’s inspiration and foundation of a healthy lifestyle too was influenced by his grandmother. in his own words, he reminisces: my earliest memories are of my grandmother who is from jamaica. it was interesting because she was the first person that i ever experienced that would drink bottled water and back in those days it wasn’t like today with spring water; you know bottled water is very popular. she actually had it delivered. it was in a glass green bottle, and i definitely noticed when i had water in her house. it was a different taste and she always kept fresh fruit in the house. i just remember the fruit at her house being so delicious. she had…[in] her top drawer full of vitamins. every time we went over there she would give us the acerola and vitamin c to suck on instead of candy. in similar fashion, khamu’s parents encouraged he and his siblings to eat healthy and feverishly promoted physical fitness via athletics to promote in the household a philosophy of health and wellness. on his memories as a youth, khamu recollects: “my parents also didn’t buy a lot of soda or snacks in the house. it was more like we had juices and whole wheat bread. my sandwiches were only with whole wheat bread. it was a good foundation. my father was also a track man…so we were always into fitness and exercise. he encouraged us into sports so being one of three brothers we all participated 																																																													 tehuti khamu, personal interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, september , . 	 in sports.” particularly being attracted to the cohesion of the spiritual discipline and physical demands, khamu, in his teenage years, became a student of the martial arts to include the angolan side of capoeira, admitting in retrospect that it all stemmed from getting “hit with the bruce lee thing.” in all, it was the tutelage from his grandmother and the inspiration from his immediate family that provided for khamu the proverbial compass to navigate him on the trajectory that would eventually prove useful in his later years as a steadfast advocate of healthy living and key member of the ausar auset society. based off of the philological tenets established and orchestrated within the ausar auset society by ra un nefer amen —which is in direct contrast and variance with the arbitrary agreements established in the field of egyptology —, the organization have created a nuanced version of medu netcher to fit their own institutional needs. moreover, the ausar auset society considers the usage of language imperative and deems it a vehicle to linguistically promote and sustain african culture. with its paradigmatic basis being ancient nile valley culture, the ausar auset society incorporates into its organizational lexicon the indigenous language of kemet to: bestow 																																																													 ibid. ibid. see hehi metu ra enkamit, african names: the ancient egyptian keys to unlocking your power and destiny (washington, d.c.: ser ap-uat publishers, ). see raymond o faulkner, a concise dictionary of middle egyptian (oxford: griffith institute, ashmolean museum, ); james p. allen, middle egyptian: an introduction to the language and culture of hieroglyphs (cambridge: cambridge university press, ); and sir alan gardiner, egyptian grammar (oxford: griffith institute, ashmolean museum, ). see also, ankh mi ra, let the ancestors speak: removing the veil of mysticism from medu netcher (washington d.c.: jom international, inc., ); théophile obenga, african philosophy, the pharaonic period: – bc (popenguine, senegal: per ankh, ); rkhty amen, the writing system of medu neter: ancient egyptian hieroglyphs (self-published: the institute of kemetic philology, ), and mejat wefa: conversation book, english to medu neter (self-published: the institute of kemetic philology, ). 	 honorific titles upon members of the organization; and establish a hierarchy within the organization. according to khamu, the hierarchical structure established within the ausar auset society is modeled after african kingship. in this regard, the specific entitlements that are bestowed on esteemed members of the organization, khamu inform us, are as follows: ( ) “shekem ur shekem,” which denotes kings of kings, an appellation established solely for ra un nefer amen; ( ) the “seratu,” the enstooled elders of the organization; ( ) “nesewtu,” a term of plurality that signifies “queen mothers”—of which there are three positions responsible for leadership in the london, philadelphia and washington d.c. chapters; ( ) the “watu”—a pluralistic title designated for the six queen mothers who provide leadership in various chapters of the ausar auset society through the united states; ( ) the title “ur aua” which represents the phrase of nobility, “paramount kings”—the masculine equivalent to the nesewtu with the same number of leaders and tehuti khamu holds one of the positions with residency in philadelphia; and ( ) numerous national rulers in positioned in new york headquarters. to further promote ancient nile valley culture, the ausar auset society has an annual celebration they identify as kemet fest. depending on the location the event is held each year, the duration of kemet fest may vary, not to exceed a three-day interval. in , however, the annual celebration was held at the independent, private school lotus academy in philadelphia while ausar auset society simultaneously celebrated its 																																																													 khamu, personal interview, september , . 	 forty year anniversary of being in existence as an organization. khamu offered details of extravaganza and expressed it was: “[a three-day kemet fest…and we had a bunch of workshops on different topics—meditation, kemetic history, philosophy, qi gong, etc. then we had a night of entertainment. we had spoken word, drumming, and conscious musicians performed…[at kemet fest] we have a festive environment and its very uplifting for people to realize that they can be spiritual, be healthy and have a real good time as opposed to giving up partying. in summation, the articulation of ausar auset society's seminal celebration by tehuti khamu echoes the sentiments of the triumvirate mission evidenced within the organization: spiritual commitment; the promotion and embodiment of health and wellness; and the assurance of celebratory expressions and undertakings—the last, an attribute inherent in all african people. while the vegan restaurant operated by the ausar auset society of pennsylvania offers an array of savory “mock” meat dishes to customers—as a means to provide healthy alternatives to animal protein—, khamu willfully discloses that members of the organization are strongly encouraged to adopt an eating regiment that is based more on a raw food diet that consists of fresh fruit, fresh vegetables, fresh juices and minimal non- meat protein intake. nonetheless, khamu is assuredly cognizant of the health consequences that manifests due to the overconsumption of animal protein in one’s diet, thusly the nile cafe provides an array of menu options devoid of meat. other health activists have weighed in on this subject and present non-assuaging arguments that is 																																																													 arlene edmonds, “ausar auset society celebrates years” the philadelphia tribune (march , ). khamu, personal interview, september , . 	 worth examination. using as inspiration malcolm x’s well-known catchphrase that is most often taken out of context, tracye lynn mcquirter’s forthright and down to earth treatise on health, by any greens necessary awakens and urges black woman to attend to their bodies, eat healthy, look great and feel even better in doing so. quite poignantly, mcquirter addresses, critiques and deconstructs the “sacred cow” of the protein myths established by agricultural multinational corporations (and endorsed by lobbyists) with marketing schemes and upheld by the acquiescence of the federal government. the eating of meat by humans, mcquirter argues, is a choice but one that is misguided without knowing all of the nutritional facts. the author highlights, in referencing the recommended daily allowance (rda) from the institute of medicine, that on an “average, we need to get about to percent of our calories from protein, or about fifty to seventy grams a day.” this can be accomplished without much effort, claims mcquirter, with the consumption of plant-based foods rather with animal protein. the public health nutrition authority assures us that “[o]nce you understand the high amounts of protein contained in plant foods, you can see why it’s easy to get more than enough protein from a healthy vegan diet.” what mcquirter addresses bring to light what nutritionists have known for some time now. one must consider if large amounts of protein-rich animal products are the bulk of daily meals for an individual, which is the typical occurrence with the standard 																																																													 tracye lynn mcquirter, by any green necessary: a revolutionary guide for black women who want to eat great, get healthy, lose weight, and look phat (chicago: lawrence hill books, ), . ibid. 	 american diet, the body falls victim to the physiological equation: the consumption of copious amounts of animal protein will necessitate even larger amounts of carbohydrates, particularly because both carbohydrates and proteins must be equally balanced in a diet in order for health to be ascertainable. paul pitchford, in his landmark piece, healing with whole foods, adds validity to the discourse and weighs in on the matter: when protein is grossly overstated in the diet, one will crave concentrated carbo hydrates in the form of refined sugar, sweets, pastries, polished [white] rice, and the white-flour breads and pastas. alcohol also enters into the equation, as it is essentially liquid sugar…by eating too much protein one ends up in a pathologic state. to find temporary balance, unfortunately most succumb to another pathologic extreme by over-indulging in refined carbohydrates and/or alcohol for balance (many alcoholics have told me they never crave sweets. they don’t need sweets—they drink their sugar.)…the solution to the excess-protein dilemma is quite simple: eating moderate amounts of protein balanced by carbohydrates, such as those from whole grains, legumes, starchy vegetables,, and fruits. in accord with the nutritional sensibilities of pitchford, mcquirter postulates that the essential amino acids (nine in total) that we, as humans, need to be nutritionally sound can be derived from fruits, vegetables, legumes and grains. in the same vein, she raises an incontrovertible point about how we receive the essential building blocks via consumption: “the amino acids in meat come from the grains that the cow or pig or chicken or turkey ate or from the seaweed that the fish ate. when you eat an animal for protein, you are getting your essential amino acids secondhand from plants, rather than getting them firsthand by eating the plants themselves.” again, mcquirter is certain a much healthier option to obtain dietary protein comes from plant foods as opposed to the flesh of dead animals. john mccabe, author of vegan myth, vegan truth shares the 																																																													 paul pitchford, healing with whole foods: asian traditions and modern nutrition (berkeley, ca: north atlantic books, ), mcquirter, by any green necessary, - . 	 same nutritional philosophy as mcquirter. he, too maintains, it is not necessary to eat animal protein to get the essential amino acids of the protein molecule. the amino acids needed to make protein in a human can easily be obtained by eating a variety of fruits and vegetables. all fruits and vegetables contain all of the essential amino acids. it is not [bold type emphasized] necessary to combine rice with beans to get protein. all fruits, vegetables, sprouts, nuts, beans, and seeds contain protein. the protein found in meat, dairy, and eggs is much more concentrated than the protein found in plants. a diet that contains a lot of concentrated protein is a burden on the body, especially on the bones, joints, liver, blood stream, digestive tract, brain, and kidneys. in other words, based on the articulation of both tracye mcquirter and john mccabe, an individual can go directly to the original source to obtain protein—which should only be a small percentage of your daily caloric intake anyhow—to meet the nutritional need for optimal health, and because of that there is absolutely no need to consume animal protein or its byproducts to obtain protein. in providing a clear-cut narrative, mcquirter reminisces about wisdom she received from dick gregory, and as a result, traces the industrial process of hamburger meat from the “cow to a heart attack,” and even further “to global warming.” by calling to the forefront the guilt many meat-eaters might feel when thoughts arise of how the most prevalent food staple is made, mcquirter conveys: most everyone knows that hamburgers comes from cows. however, most folks would rather not talk about how it gets from a cow to a hamburger. you already know,” stresses mcquirter, “deep down that the process is disgusting, but you’d rather not think about it—just as long as you can keep enjoying your hamburgers in peace. it’s understandable, because hamburgers come with such cruelty, suffering, and filth that you have to be in complete denial to eat them. the point mcquirter raises begs the writer to ask the question: if individuals cognitively 																																																													 john mccabe, vegan myth, vegan truth: obliteratiing rumors and lies about the earth-saving diet that can save your life (santa monica, ca: carmania books, ), . mcquirter, by any green necessary, . ibid. 	 addressed the inhumane and chemicalized process by which hamburgers, or other processed meats for the matter, are made, will such an awareness make them duty-bound to consciously consider other healthier dietary options? as one critic graphically put it in eric scholosser’s muckracking text fast food nation: “the hamburger habit is just about as safe as getting your meat out of a garbage can.” as a consequence, the gastronomical catastrophe of which the processed hamburger becomes makes its way to the lunch counters of many public schools throughout the united states which happen to be enrolled in the federal government- sanctioned national school lunch program. not surprisingly, the student populace of these primary schools consist predominately of black and/or brown children. in the philadelphia tribune march article, “‘pink slime’ on philly lunch menus” staff writer damon c. williams underlines how the finalized toxic beef product, in the form of hamburger meat, is ultimately fed to students in the philadelphia public school system. even more, williams particularizes the nature by which “pink slime,” a dysphemism for a noxious food additive, is added to ground beef during the industrialization process: “it is an ingredient used to clean your stove, bathroom and patio. now, in a controversial purchase by the united states department of agriculture, ammonium hydroxide has found its way into the meals of thousands of children in the school district of philadelphia who are currently enrolled in the national school lunch program [nslp].” 																																																													 eric schlosser, fast food nation: the dark side of the all-american meal (new york: harper perennial, ), . damon c. williams, “‘pink slime’ on philly lunch menus” philadelphia tribune (march , ). 	 admittedly, continues williams, “the usda has recently acknowledged the purchase of million pounds of ‘pink slime’—the stomach-churning moniker given to the low-quality scraps of beef that have been treated with ammonium hydroxide—and sold to other beef processors and fast-food and frozen-food suppliers.” in the customary back pedaling manner the federal government is known for in addressing critical issues such as this, the justification and rationale of both the usda and beef product, incorporated is: “meat processors use ammonium hydroxide to sterilize the meat and kill off e. coli, salmonella and other pathogens.” even if there was some validity in how it effectively sanitizes harmful bacteria, there is no justification or consideration by the usda and the beef industry as to the debilitating effects ammonium hydroxide has on the gastrointestinal system of humans, namely our children. the unfortunate circumstance of it all, williams admits, is that the philadelphia school district of philadelphia, when questioned, acknowledged the purchase by the usda and admits to their enrollment into the national school lunch program, assuring it has “a long-standing arrangement and there’s no need for parents or the community to fret; [because] the district has been enrolled in the nslp since the early ‘ s.” in the same vein that the kemet fest celebrated by the ausar auset society encourages ancient nile valley culture, the heal thyself garden party was established to inform and educate philadelphians about the availability and benefits of non-traditional or alternative health care choices. after receiving inspiration from reading queen afua’s seminal text heal thyself for health and longevity a year earlier amid amalgamating 																																																													 ibid. ibid. 	 lessons learned from his own self-healing, the heal thyself garden party was founded in the summer of by physician and attorney david harmon. the upshot was a healing affair that was held in germantown and resulted in over three hundred attendees “from every social, political and economic background, and every spiritual path, and level of consciousness.” due to the success of the celebration of wellness that year, the heal thyself garden party became an annual event in philadelphia and was met with equal success in the subsequent years. however, in there was a change of vanguard. when harmon accepted the invitation from alhaji alihu mahama, the vice president of ghana at the time, to serve as a medical doctor in the west african nation, the leadership of the heal thyself garden party was handed to paul bodhise. licensed as a doctor of chiropractic medicine, bodhise is an also an herbalist, massage therapist and a naturopathic practitioner. with these professional tools under his proverbial belt, he recognizes the upkeep of optimal health is also a holistic enterprise. in his holistic treatise, the urban sage, bodhise writes there are seven natural healing forces individuals should engage in order to maintain a salubrious lifestyle: ( ) proper diet; ( ) exercise; ( ) proper breathing; ( ) positive thoughts; ( ) 																																																													 queen afua, the city of wellness: restoring your health through the seven kitchens of consciousness (brooklyn: health thyself publishing, ), . ibid., . a chiropractor, by definition, focuses on the diagnosis, treatment and prevention of spine disorders in which the primary chiropractic technique involves manual therapy to manipulate the spine as well as soft tissues and other joints. as an alternative health care practitioner, these health professionals place an emphasis on enhancing the health and well-being of patients without pharmaceuticals or invasive surgery. akin to what aspiring medical doctors undergo, chiropractors too, are subjected to extensive training in order to become a doctor of chiropractic. the primary chiropractic technique involves manual therapy to manipulate the spine in addition to soft tissues and other joints. before his departure of philadelphia, paul bodhise was the proprietor of his former healing establishment, heal yourself the natural way, which was located on south th street in south philadelphia. 	 adequate rest; ( ) ample time in the sun; and ( ) the intake of a sufficient amount of water. currently, the administration and leadership of the heal thyself garden party is in the healing hands of zeola brown; a responsibility handed down to her by paul bodhise, one in which she considers an utmost honor. continuing in the tradition of the foundational ideas established by harmon and congealed by bodhise, brown maintains that the overall objective of the heal thyself garden party remains intact. in this regard, she avows that their continuous ambition is to simply “offer healthy alternatives to combat the devastating impact of health conditions plaguing our community such as diabetes, cancer, high blood pressure, obesity, worker and sport-related injuries, etc. in order to effect positive changes in overall physical health and mental well-being [and] foster a higher social consciousness in regards to living and working together harmoniously.” just as it did in the inaugural festivity in , the annual event continues, brown assures us, to have as presenters a multitude of adroit holistic health practitioners “who are the foremost authorities on a wide variety of alternative healthcare subjects such as: yoga, chiropractic, acupuncture, aromatherapy, chelation therapy, exercise, proper eating, breathing, and food consumption,” and circumstantially, the heal thyself garden party “brings together individuals and presenters from diverse cultural groups to promote healthy living in an entertaining atmosphere.” included in the annual celebratory event is a sizeable market place to add cultural flare and promote 																																																													 paul brown bodhise, the urban sage: a holistic survival kit for the new millennium truth seeker (philadelphia: bodhise holistic healing group, ), - . zeola brown, telephone interview with heru setepenra heq-m-ta, october , . ibid. 	 within the african community cooperative economics. for certain, the activism in alternative healthcare in the city of philadelphia predates the heal thyself garden party. as proof, a year antecedent to the inauguration of the occasion, queen afua along with an array of holistic health specialists, civil servants, physicians, and health activists convened in philadelphia to provide various educational and health services distinct from traditional medicine practices to the black community. in the publication, city of wellness, afua recalls those momentous undertakings during the solstice of the latter years of the twentieth century: in the summer of , all across this beloved city, natural living practitioners, medical professionals, and government officials came together to answer the cry for healing among its citizens. we came together to plant seeds of wellness through natural living. i joined hands with the gifted healer dr. paul bodhise and other holistic practitioners…through the leadership and organizational skills of brother bodhise and the efforts of other notables in the community, we set up a citywide schedule of wellness seminars, fitness training programs, weekly weigh- ins, vegetarian food preparation classes, and numerous other healing opportunities for the community. the mayor of philadelphia fully endorsed and supported this wellness charge, as the city took on the banner of wellness to promote a health citizenry. afua continues to expresses, in admiration, through heartfelt words, the indefatigable efforts of philadelphian health activists and holistic practitioners to provide the black community with health solutions via an array of medicinal alternatives—work that amounts to what she considers the burgeoning of a present-day curative weheme mesu: the city of wellness concept was fortified by the extraordinary healing that took place—and continues to unfold—in philadelphia, the ‘city of brotherly love.’ 																																																													 afua, the city of wellness, . see chapter of this dissertation, , f.n. . for a more thorough examination of the kemetic concept of weheme mesu, see jacob h. carruthers, african world history project: the preliminary challenge (los angeles: association for the study of classical african civilizations, ), - , and . 	 despite the severe health challenges faced by the people of this city, philadelphia has demonstrated that it holds amazing possibilities for a healing renaissance. it was in this city that i became part of an unprecedented birthing of wellness, and saw firsthand the healing power that our people can call forth in the spirit of unity and common purpose. another notable event in philadelphia that promotes health and wellness which is also held on an annually basis is the international locks conference. founded by sharon cynthia ellawesia leornard goodman in , the locks conference is a preeminent forum that promotes the symbiotic relationship of and intrinsic link—through seminars, hair demonstrations, live music, workshops, vegan cuisine, spoken word, dance classes, panel discussions, and guest speakers—between family, culture, optimal health and natural hair care. as an ancillary component to the two-day event, the conference provides for its patrons: ( ) an ornate fashion show that displays the savvy of its models and artistic genius of local designers; and ( ) a sizeable cultural marketplace with multifarious products offered for purchase. considered a frontrunner of the holistic health and african cultural movement in philadelphia for the past several decades, akousua ali-sabree is the program director of this yearly extravaganza. known affectionately in community circles as “mama akosua,” sabree has been at the forefront and is an instrumental figure in promoting african culture, spiritual balance, prosperity and well-being, economic empowerment, and community service amongst blacks in philadelphia. in addition to her 																																																													 afua, the city of wellness, . to no avail, the writer found no fortune in securing an interview with akosua ali-sabree as a contribution to this africana intellectual project. in no way is this expressed as a critique but as a notice to the reader that any shortcoming in providing a comprehensive narrative of the health activism of such a stellar figure in the african community in the city of philadelphia is the fault of the writer alone. 	 administrative responsibilities with the locks conference, sabree also serves as the executive director of the amadi wellnes connection. as the name suggests (amadi signifies “general rejoicing” in the igbo language), the pioneering institution, which has been in existence since , celebrates the lives of african people and with the assistance of proficient consultants and specialists, and through a multitude of assistive and holistic practices (e.g., life coaching, spiritual counseling, meditation workshops, neuro-linguistic psychotherapy, virtual gastric band hypnosis, etc.) the amadi wellness connection provides for those in need a more culturally relevant and subtle approach to health and wellness. 	 																																																																																																																																																																																					 	 chapter : conclusion this dissertation is a small contribution to the contemporary africana intellectual project, duty bound to “the rescue and reconstruction of african history and culture premised upon a reclamation of classical africa as an operational epistemological concept” with the ultimate intent on “retrieving the memory and sebayt of the african deep well, to inscribing it in a renewed fashion, and to connecting it to new vistas of research and interpretation.” thusly, the stimulus behind this study is to establish and highlight a historical genealogy of an africana holistic health tradition, inaugurated in the medical system of ancient nile valley culture, by which natural health care techniques were used and are still in operation by africans descendants throughout the diaspora, namely africans in america. in posterior times, particularly in the united states today, chapter one examines that there is an alarming epidemic of heart disease, various cancers, diabetes, hypertension and other diseases whereby africans in america, which make up a mere thirteen percent of the nation’s population, are disproportionately atop the statistical list of these physical maladies. even more, the current obesity rate throughout the world has 																																																													 “appendix : inaugural meeting of the african world history project,” african world history project: the preliminary challenge, eds. jacob h. carruthers and leon c. harris (los angeles: association for the study of classical african civilization, ), . greg kimathi carr, “notes from the editor” the compass: journal of the association for the study of classical african civilization, volume , issue (washington d.c.: association for the study of classical african civilization, ) , . 	 reached an alarming number—over billion to be exact—, and again, africans are disproportionately affected. this study argues such epidemics are impacted by a combination of factors: a destitute life style; a lack of knowledge of how certain dietary habits create corporeal complications; poor food choices; and overindulgence. aside from this fact, a majority of africans, due to the combination of—disenfranchisement, socioeconomic conditions, residing in areas considered “food deserts,” and the adoption of the standard american diet—, suffer more from the leading causes of diseases than other groups in this country. in the interest and tradition of capitalism and competitive marketing strategies, there are a plethora of health products on the market, some legitimate and others not, attempting to attract buyers from all walks of life. moreover, these marketing strategies cater primarily to those individuals who have the necessary funds or income levels to purchase such items. but the harsh reality is that a large majority of africans in america, due to their lowly income status do not have, or have yet acquired the cash surplus to purchase health products, which are, to say the least, costly. in this respect, a corner store bodega or a diminutive privately-owned local grocery store is shelved mostly with denatured foods and drinks high in calories but low in nutritional value, which consequently becomes the dietary norm for africans residing in these communities. on 																																																													 “weight of the world: . billion people obese or overweight,” chicago tribune (june , ), . as african bodies are concerned, these statistics can be misleading as one must take into account that the western standards of medicine as well as the body mass index (bmi) is primarily based on the blood chemistry and bodily measurements of a european male and female. according to jewel pookrum, m.d., “at the present time, the needs and distinctions of the caucasian race have dominated the world and set the standards for health. this has created much misinformation in the races as to what is best for them health- wise to maintain balance.” jewel pookrum, vitamins and minerals from a to z (brooklyn: a&b publishers group, ), - . 	 the other hand, chains of expansive supermarkets, natural food stores (e.g., whole foods market, inc., sprouts farmers market, earth fare, etc.), specialty grocery stores (e.g., trader joe’s) or co-op natural foods establishment that offer an array of nutritional foods and goods more beneficial to one's health are usually located in “sub-urban” areas out of the vicinity for africans without transportation measures to conveniently shop. the key issue here is proximity. nevertheless, we cannot ignore the fact that now social programs like snap/food stamps are now acceptable currency in such establishments, with transportation to these business being the only caveat. chapter two divulges the uniqueness of this work and its endorsement with the relevant literature of african medical traditions that utilize as therapeutic tools natural elements of the earth. the works of african-centered thinkers and those conversant in natural medicinal practices explore the foundational aspects of ancient egyptian remedial techniques as well as the historical perspective of the uses of alternative medical modalities by african descendants. chapter three necessitates the need for an african-centered perspective to examine the cultural and theoretical distinction between conventional medicine and holistic health practices. given this, the theoretical health model (i.e., health theory) upheld by african-centered naturopathic practitioners and physicians postulate that when the body is deprived of the essential vitamins, minerals and proper nutrients from 																																																													 in his second feature documentary, director byron hurt’s soul food junkies, in addition to examining the cultural significance of and debilitating effects “soul food” has on african american’s health, the film also provides a cursory examination of how most predominately african communities in the united states are out of the geographical proximity of grocery stores that offer produce and other foods with nutritional value; aptly referring to these communities as “food desserts.” see, byron hurt, soul food junkies: a film about family, food & tradition (plainfield, nj: god bless the child productions, llc, ). 	 denatured and overly processed foods, the upshot is a dis-eased state. rather than let the body be self-corrective with the consumption of nutrient-rich foods, african advocates of natural health care argue that mainstream medicine, in contrast, justify and promote pharmaceuticals as the primary means to address health issues—without the acknowledgement of its debilitating after effects and how it depletes the body’s natural ability to detoxify and repair itself. chapter four explores the intricacies of the medical practices of ancient egyptian society and reveal its foundational aspects of what we call today holistic health or alternative medicine. in addition, the chapter considers how enslaved africans embraced alternative health measures transmitted from anterior generations to treat an array of morbid health conditions, for themselves and the enlaver; an emancipatory health initiative given the alternative was the therapeutic modalities of a burgeoning, ineffective medical system in america. the shift in the united states just over a century ago by which orthodox medicine became the dominant model of health care and surpassed holistic health practices, with the assistance of philanthropic contributions and research funding of big trusts, is reconsidered in chapter . as a result, pharmaceutical usage was imbedded into the curriculum of university medical training and became the primary mode of therapy in the american health care system while natural health care establishments were placed on the periphery of professionalization. however, due to current iatrogenic circumstances and pharmaceuticals drugs being the number three killer in the united states, there is a gradual shift by individuals to seek other alternative means of health care to address their 	 health needs. and given the increased prevalence of existing “nontraditional” medical establishments available throughout the united states today, africans now have an array of remedial options from alternative health care systems rather than the sole dependence of western medicine for therapeutic services. chapter six explicates the significance of the publication of the health treatise how to eat to live by elijah muhammad in , and as a result of its surfacing, the study examines the subsequent resurgence in the united states of naturalistic health care techniques utilized amongst a coterie of african holistic health practitioners, advocates of natural health care and health activists. chapter seven reveals the posterior influence of muhammad’s health activism with a particular exploration of the various elements of holistic health practiced by and for black philadelphians. as a result, in cities across america, africans are more and more turning to nontraditional or alternative means to address their ailments, becoming fed up with the side effects and the toll that pharmaceuticals take on the body. in this regard, africans are beginning to take heed to muhammad’s nutritional call to arms and take matters of health into our own hands. more than ever, today, as this study has attempted to reveal, there are plethora of proficient holistic health practitioners and multifarious sources on health and wellness (e.g., publications, audiovisuals, conferences, seminars, healthy eating establishments, etc.) at our disposal to become cognizant, more knowledgeable, and assist us to obtain and maintain optimal health. the tireless work of our elder african holistic health practitioners and natural health advocates should be not go unnoticed by the african masses. rather, like with all 	 aspects of africana culture, there is a need for the continual intergenerational transmission of knowledge to ensure the preservation of this olden africana holistic health tradition continues. in all, this study posits african thinkers take into account the extended genealogy unequivocally expressed in kemetic culture of a tradition that has, and continues to enmesh and not distinguish between the dynamics of mind, body, and spirit (i.e., holistic) with the intake of natural elements to maintain a sound body and mind. our ancestors along the nile left elements of this tradition, which requires workers to become proficient in the translation and transliteration of medew netcher, unearth additional ancient african healing practices and link its findings with contemporary africana expressions of holistic health concepts; an arduous intellectual enterprise the writer intends to employ. the examination of the africana holistic health tradition in the city of philadelphia is but a preliminary glimpse into the health activism and advocacy of natural health care that currently takes place in black communities across america. the long term goal of the writer is to examine numerous municipalities predominately african in america for evidence of a movement centered around holistic health and the presence of alternate health care services made available to members of its community. a close examination of this long narrative of the usage of complimentary and naturalistic health techniques in africana culture to address corporeal dis-eases therefore lends credence for foundationalists—whose epistemological operational premise is nile valley culture—to explore this enduring and vibrant africana holistic health tradition and 	 incorporate it into and undergird our own nationalist 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in the city of philadelphia, to the present” principal investigator dr. nathaniel norment chair, african american studies department temple university student investigator/ contact: heru setepenra heq-m-ta doctoral student, african american studies, temple university heru.heq-m-ta@temple.edu, - - about interview a consent form gives you information about the study and seeks your agreement to participate in a study. i will read the form aloud to you as you follow along. please ask me to explain any words or information that you do not clearly understand. if you prefer to take this consent form home before signing to think about or discuss with family or friends before making your decision you may do so. after a week’s time, i will contact you to find out your decision, and if necessary, set up an interview. if you prefer to sign the consent form now, you will take with you a copy of this consent form. purpose of the study one of the critical issues that african americans face today is the subject of health— there is a gap in understanding the distinction between conventional medicine and alternative medicine. a majority of african americans seek conventional medicine to attend to their specific illnesses and/or disease(s) and do not take into consideration the plethora of options available that also address health concerns. the purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the holistic health tradition, address its distinction from conventional medicine and highlight the availability of the multifarious holistic health practitioners and organizations available to african american families and the alternative medical services they offer to promote health and wellness. heeding the call for social responsibility and community engagement, an initiative embraced by the department of 	 african american studies, i feel an obligation to help improve the quality of life for african americans by providing alternative means of wellness that would otherwise be overlooked in mainstream medicine. i seek to meet these goals by interviewing adults who have been and are currently involved in holistic health as (a) certified holistic practitioners; (b) authors of holistic health and alternative cuisine; (c) natural food and/or naturopathic store owners, and (d) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. procedures if you agree to participate in this study, you will be asked a series of questions about your observation of and/or involvement in the tradition of holistic health and alternative medicine. as a participant in this study, you may choose to have your interview written, tape-recorded, or video-taped. in later pages of this consent form, you will be told in detail about those options. the interview for this study will be very much like a conversation in that after we ask a few opening questions, you will get to tell your story on your own terms without a lot of interruption except for a clarifying questions we may ask now and then. we expect that most interviews will last about an hour; however, the length of the interview will depend upon how much you want to share. the estimated duration of the study is twelve ( ) months. if the interview ends and you have additional items to add or questions to ask, subsequent interviews can be scheduled as your time permits. voluntary participation and withdrawal your participation in this study is entirely voluntary, and refusal to participate will involve no penalty. you may discontinue your participation at any time by telling me you will not participate in an email, by phone or face-to-face within two ( ) months of your original interview by contacting by any of the contact means listed on the front page of the consent form, and requesting that your interview no longer be used. benefits & compensation for participation there are no direct material benefits or payments for your participation in this study. however, in giving your testimony, you will be adding to the historical record of african people in america as well as their practices of holistic health in assisting the african american community. i, the researcher, plan to show my gratitude by providing each participant with a copy of the completed doctoral dissertation as well as a small gift of appreciation. risks and discomforts i do not anticipate any risk, however, for some people; it is possible that discomforts may directly result from remembering and recounting events that occurred. if you feel uncomfortable talking during the interview about a certain subject or that your recounting a particular incident or event may be putting yourself, your family and/or loved ones in 	 danger, you may elect not to answer. you may also skip questions, and come back to them later, or not at all, if you wish. you may take breaks or even terminate your participation at your will. should you want to participate in this historical project without giving your name, that option is available to you and will be discussed further on later pages. this research has been reviewed and approved by the temple university institutional review board. please contact them at ( ) - or e-mail them at: irb@temple.edu for any of the following: questions, concerns, or complaints about the research; questions about your rights; to obtain information; or to offer input. selecting your audio, video, or written interview agreement options before starting your interview, i want to tell you about your various options. you may choose whichever option you are most comfortable. you can choose to have your interview video-taped, audio recorded, or handwritten. if you permit me to interview you, you may tell me if your name may or may not be used. if you choose not to reveal your name, i will use a false name that you may choose from a list. if you choose not to be identified by name, i ask that you try not to use real names in reference to yourself or others, and i will do the same. if you should happen to use your name or the name of someone else who you do not want to have included in the study, i can dub it out of the final presentation. if you wish to tell your story in your video or voice but do not wish to have your video or voice played in public, i can also use technology to distort your voice or write out your story, and then use someone else’s voice to narrate your story and your video or voice would not be used at any point in the documentary. i will now go over what each type of interview involves. if you have any questions, please feel free to stop me and i will answer them before moving forward. . video-taped interview this option means that in public presentations of this study both your face and your voice will be captured on film and viewed by the public—just like on television. however, with this option you can also choose to: a. ______ be filmed facing the camera without concealing my true name, face and distorting my voice. 	 b. ______ be filmed facing the camera with my face revealed using a false name. c. ______ be filmed facing the camera, but i want to have the researcher use computer technology during the tape editing stage to conceal my voice, with my identity concealed using a false name. . tape recorded interview the second option you may choose is the tape-recorded option. even if i tape-record your interview, you get to decide how i use that tape and whether it is ever heard in public beyond the interview. however, with this option you can also choose to: a. ______be audio- recorded without concealing my true name or distorting my voice. b. ______ be audio-recorded, using a false name. c. ______be audio-recorded interview in public presentations of this study; but i want to have the researcher use computer technology during the tape editing stage to conceal my voice, with my identity concealed using a false name. d. ______be audio-recorded, however, the researcher may not play the audiotape of my voice in public. the researcher may obtain actors to read my interview information for the study. . written interview the third option is that you can tell me your story and i can write it with pen or paper and/or type it into a laptop computer. with this option neither your face nor voice will be recorded. although this option may require more time, it is the best way of completely concealing your identity if you feel the need to do so. a. ______written interview without concealing my true name. b. _____ written interview, using a false name. do you have any questions about the interview options? now have heard the three interviewing options, please place a check mark in the space next to the option you prefer. 	 confidentiality all documents and information pertaining to this research study will be kept confidential in accordance with all applicable federal, state, and local laws and regulations. because this project is aimed at contributing to the history and legacy of african educational traditional and alternative movements, this researcher, like all historical research, plans to use participants’ names in recording their stories. however, should you wish to not have your name used, you may elect this option. this would mean that when the results of this study are presented publicly or published, the researcher would not identify you by name. the results may also be kept confidential in that, when the results of this study are presented publicly or published, the researcher would not give your name, or any other information that would allow anyone to associate that information with you—if you wish. 	 signature block for capable adult your signature documents your permission to take part in this research. do not sign this form after this date à signature of subject date printed name of subject signature of person obtaining consent date printed name of person obtaining consent 	 	 appendix c: interview protocol research protocol i. abstract of the study the purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the holistic health tradition, address its distinction from conventional medicine and highlight the availability of the multifarious holistic health practitioners and organizations available to african american families and the alternative medical services they offer to promote health and wellness. heeding the call for social responsibility and community engagement, an initiative embraced by the discipline of african american studies, i feel an obligation to help improve the quality of life for african americans by providing alternative means of wellness that would otherwise be overlooked in mainstream medicine. i seek to meet these goals by interviewing adults who have been and are currently involved in holistic health as (a) certified holistic practitioners; (b) authors of holistic health and alternative cuisine; (c) natural food and/or naturopathic store owners, and (d) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. ii. protocol title “ankh, udjat, seneb: ‘let food be thy medicine:’ an epistemic examination on the genealogy of the africana holistic health tradition with preliminary considerations in the city of philadelphia, to the present” iii. investigators a. principal investigator nathaniel norment, ph.d. department chair, african american studies, temple university nnorme @temple.edu, - - b. student investigator heru setepenra heq-m-ta doctoral student, african american studies, temple university heru.heq-m-ta@temple.edu, - - 	 iv. objectives a. describe the objectives and/or goals of your research. one of the critical issues that african americans face today is the subject of health— there is a gap in understanding the distinction between conventional medicine and alternative medicine. a majority of african americans seek conventional medicine to attend to their specific illnesses and/or disease(s) and do not take into consideration the plethora of options available that also address health concerns. the purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the holistic health tradition, address its distinction from conventional medicine and highlight the availability of the multifarious holistic health practitioners and organizations available to african american families and the alternative medical services they offer to promote health and wellness. heeding the call for social responsibility and community engagement, an initiative embraced by the discipline of african american studies, i feel an obligation to help improve the quality of life for african americans by providing alternative means of wellness that would otherwise be overlooked in mainstream medicine. i seek to meet these goals by interviewing adults who have been and are currently involved in holistic health as (a) certified holistic practitioners; (b) authors of holistic health and alternative cuisine; (c) natural food and/or naturopathic store owners, and (d) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. v. rationale and significance a. describe the relevant prior experience and gaps in current knowledge. currently there is minimal literature on the theoretical ideas and effectiveness of holistic health and alternative medicine in juxtaposition to conventional medicine’s efficacy in treating illnesses and/or diseases of african americans. this research will fill in the gap of scholarly discourse surrounding health, by highlighting alternative medicinal practices utilized by holistic health practitioners and proprietors to better serve african american communities. b. describe any relevant preliminary data. according to the center for disease control’s (cdc) national vital statistics report the top three ( ) leading causes of death for african americans suffer are: ( ) heart disease; ( ) cancer; and ) cerebrovascular disease (i.e., stroke). in the same vein, the center on budget and policy priorities reported that the number of americans uninsured are at an all-time high, with the african- 	 american population comprising percent of the uninsured. given the influx of obesity and life-threatening diseases that plague the u.s., and disproportionately african americans, as well as the lack of insurance coverage available, holistic health practices could serve as another option to address the growing concern of disease in american society. c. provide the scientific or scholarly background, rationale, and significance of the human research based on the existing literature and how will it add to existing knowledge. most of the structural educational research on the health of african americans has focused primarily on conventional medicine as the viable option to identify symptoms, diagnose illnesses and treat diseases. with the alarming rates of poor health among african american women, men and children in areas such as philadelphia, more research should be invested in exploring the efficacy of holistic health and alternative medicinal practices in comparison to standard medical procedures. with the information on holistic health being so limited, human research, through in-depth interviews with holistic health practitioners, natural food and naturopathic store owners, authors on holistic health and alternative medicine, and restaurant proprietors of raw, vegan and vegetarian cuisine will add to the existing knowledge of ways to make available information on holistic health practices, with the intent to improve the health of african americans. vi. resources and setting a. describe the number and qualifications of your staff, their experience in conducting research, their knowledge of the local study sites, culture, and society. staff - heru setepenra heq-m-ta, student investigator qualifications doctoral student, department of african american studies experience in conducting research two-time ronald e. mcnair postbaccalaureate research fellow, and research methods, spring research theory and methods, fall ethnography, spring 	 knowledge of the local study sites, culture, and society professional and leadership memberships: holistic health practitioner with sixteen ( ) years experience member of the african holistic health chapter ny member of the association of study classical african civilizations mid-atlantic region b. describe the sites at which your research team will conduct the research. if applicable, describe: the site at which the research will be conducted is temple university’s main. all interview data will be stored and analyzed on a password-protected computer in my office, located in gladfelter hall, room . as well, the data will be stored on an external hard-drive, which will be locked in a file cabinet. original transcripts will also be locked in the same file cabinet. only the student investigator will have access. vii. prior approvals a. describe any approvals that will be obtained prior to commencing the research. (e.g., school, external site. funding agency, laboratory, radiation safety, or biosafety approval.) not applicable viii. study design a. recruitment methods i. about how many subjects will you need i will need a total of twenty six ( ) participants distributed as listed below. certified holistic health practitioners: n = authors of holistic health and/or alternative cuisine: n = natural food and/or naturopathic store owners: n = raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors: n = total: 	 currently i have access to ten ( ) potential subjects. 	 ii. describe when, where, and how potential subjects will be recruited. during the summer, when school is not in session, and at the beginning of the fall semester potential subjects will be recruited. to provide a diverse sample, subjects will be recruited from philadelphia, pennsylvania, the surrounding metropolitan area, and other geographical locations in need be. iii. describe the source of subjects. in the philadelphia region; i have contacts with three ( ) certified holistic health practitioners; one ( ) naturopathic store owners; and two ( ) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. in the washington d.c. region; i have contacts with one ( ) certified holistic health practitioners; one ( ) author of alternative cuisine; one ( ) natural food and naturopathic store owners; and two ( ) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. in the new york city metropolitan area; i have contacts with six ( ) certified holistic health practitioners; five ( ) authors of holistic health and alternative cuisine; and three ( ) natural food and naturopathic store owners. iv. describe the methods that will be used to identify potential subjects. participants will be obtained through: . personal references and literature review: interviewer will contact subjects based on personal references and literature review findings, as well as those who fit the various respondents’ categories. . snowballing: the researcher will ask interviewees to give my contact information to their associates who fit my selection criteria. if any of those associates who fit the criteria contact me, i will invite them to participate in the study. v. describe materials that will be used to recruit subjects. include copies of these documents with the application. all subjects will be recruited verbally (by phone or face-to-face) or in writing by email. a sample email is below. 	 greetings __________: one of the critical issues that african americans face today is the subject of health—there is a gap in understanding the distinction between conventional medicine and alternative medicine. a majority of african americans seek conventional medicine to attend to their specific illnesses and/or disease(s) and do not take into consideration the plethora of options available that also address health concerns. the purpose of this study is to provide an understanding of the holistic health tradition, address its distinction from conventional medicine and highlight the availability of the multifarious holistic health practitioners and organizations available to african american families and the alternative medical services they offer to promote health and wellness. heeding the call for social responsibility and community engagement, an initiative embraced by the department of african american studies, i feel an obligation to help improve the quality of life for african americans by providing alternative means of wellness that would otherwise be overlooked in mainstream medicine. i seek to meet these goals by interviewing adults who have been and are currently involved in holistic health as (a) certified holistic practitioners; (b) authors of holistic health and alternative cuisine; (c) natural food and/or naturopathic store owners, and (d) raw/vegan/vegetarian restaurant proprietors. based upon (my research/ by recommendation by ____________) i would like to schedule a time to sit down and interview you for this study because of your expertise and knowledge on this subject. if you are interested, please reply by email or phone ( ) - . thank you, heru setepenra heq-m-ta student investigator department of african american studies temple university vi. describe any payments to subjects, including the amount, timing (at the end of the study or pro-rated for partial study participation), method (e.g., cash, check, gift card), and whether subjects will experience a delay in receiving the payment. no compensation will be provided to participants. i expect that most interviews will last about an hour; however, the length of the interview will depend upon how much you want to share. 	 b. inclusion and exclusion criteria i. describe the criteria that define who will be included or excluded in your final study sample. respondents who fit the above-listed criteria and want to participate will be eligible to participate in the study. however, we will not interview individuals who are minors and adults with special health problems. c. study timelines the duration of a subject’s participation in the study is three ( ) months. the duration anticipated to enroll all study subjects is five ( ) months. the estimated date for the investigators to complete this study including primary analyses is one year. d. study procedures and data analysis i. describe and explain the study design. i will conduct face-to-face interviews with participants at a location and time mutually agreeable to both parties. ii. describe the time that you will devote to conducting and completing the trial within the agreed trial period. i will devote three ( ) months to conduct and complete the interviews, upon approval of the study by irb. iii. describe your process to ensure that all persons assisting with the trial are adequately informed about the protocol, the investigational product(s), and their trial-related duties and functions. upon meeting with the subject: the researcher will read the statement of informed consent aloud with the respondent. the general consent form as well as the audio 	 consent form—located on ______________ will be read aloud by the researcher and then signed by the subject. the research will ask the participant if they have any questions. after the participant has had the opportunity to ask questions, they will then sign the statement of informed consent. the interview will then begin the interview with based upon the list of interview questions. (see attached document on page____) please note that depending upon participants’ responses; interviewers may have to create follow-up questions to gain clarity. iv. provide a description of all procedures being performed and when they are performed, including procedures being performed to monitor subjects for safety or minimize risks. . the following script will be read to potential subjects prior to their agreeing to be interviewed. hello, i am heru setepenra heq-m-ta, a graduate student conducting research for my dissertation at temple university. as an educator and african american studies graduate student, it is my intention to examine the tradition of african holistic health as practiced and promoted by african americans as an alternative to conventional medicine. with that being said, i am contacting you because you have been mentioned as a key holistic health practitioner/author of holistic health or alternative cuisine/natural food or naturopathic store owner/restaurant proprietor, and/or participant involved in the holistic health tradition. i would like to schedule a time to sit down and interview you for this study because of your expertise and knowledge on this subject. would you be willing to be interviewed and audio and/or video-recorded? . if the subject does not want to be interviewed: thank you for your time and have a nice day. . if the subject agrees to be interviewed: thank you for agreeing to be a part of this study. what date and time will you be available to meet? wait for response. may we meet at a central location to conduct your interview? wait for a response. 	 thank you (subject’s name). i look forward to our meeting on (date) at (time). . upon meeting with the subject: the researcher will read the statement of informed consent aloud with the respondent. the general consent form as well as the audio consent form—located on ______________ will be read aloud by the researcher and then signed by the subject. the research will ask the participant if they have any questions. after the participant has had the opportunity to ask questions, they will then sign the statement of informed consent. the interview will then begin the interview based upon the list of interview questions. (see attached document on page____) please note that depending upon participants’ responses, interviewers may have to create follow-up questions to gain clarity. v. describe procedures taken to lessen the probability or magnitude of risks. i do not anticipate any risks, however i will avoid topic, which may trigger an emotional response such as personal issues. vi. describe the source records that will be used to collect data about subjects. attach all surveys, scripts, and data collection forms. the respondents will be asked the following questions: what is the official title and description of the line of work that you are currently you in? how do you feel the work that you do contributes to the health and wellness of the african american community? if you were to explain it to an individual who is not familiar with alternative forms of medicine, what would be your basic definition of holistic health? what are your definitions of holistic health and alternative medicine? 	 how did you come to know what you know about holistic health or alternative medicine? when exactly (the year) did you came about this new insight towards alternative medicine and a holistic way of life and healing? what compelled you to get into and/or embrace holistic health or alternative modes of healing? in which decade would you say the holistic health movement began in: ( ) america; and ( ) in the african american community? which decade would you say the holistic health movement reached its height in: ( ) america; and ( ) the african american community? was there a specific name attached to the holistic health movement during this ear? if so, what was the name of that movement? who were the instrumental figures and significant organizations of the holistic health movement during its inception and its heyday? currently, who would you say are the prominent individuals and noteworthy organizations practicing holistic health in your area or abroad in the united states? do you think eating healthy is necessary for african americans to feel better? if so, can you elaborate? what suggestions would you make to meat-eaters in order to get them to consider to eat to live or embrace a healthy lifestyle? if any, what other suggestions to promote optimal health and healing could you offer individuals that ingest flesh as part of their diet and have poor eating habits? have you written any articles or books on holistic health or alternative medicine? if so, what is the title(s), publisher’s name(s) and year of publication(s)? are there any audio or audiovisual media on holistic health that you have produced (or has been produced on your behalf by someone else)? if so, what is the title(s) and specific year of their publication(s)? 	 is there anything i have not asked or that we have not talked about that you feel is imperative for me to know as it relates to holistic health and/or alternative medicine? vii. describe the data that will be collected, including long-term follow-up. face-to-face interview data will be collected. if required i may conduct a single follow-up interview with participants in a three ( ) month window from the time of their original interview. e. withdrawal of subjects i. describe anticipated circumstances under which subjects will be withdrawn from the research without their consent. within three ( ) months from the original interview, participants will have the opportunity to withdraw their interview from the research study. these stipulations will be indicated in the consent form. ii. describe any procedures for orderly termination. participants may terminate from the research study by email or phone correspondence to the student investigator. these stipulations will be indicated in the consent form. iii. describe procedures that will be followed when subjects withdraw from the research, including partial withdrawal from procedures with continued data collection. upon withdraw from the research study the participant’s interview data will be destroyed within a week. f. privacy & confidentiality i. describe whether the study will use or disclose subjects’ protected health information (phi). not applicable 	 ii. describe the steps that will be taken to secure the data (e.g., training, authorization of access, password protection, encryption, physical controls, certificates of confidentiality, and separation of identifiers and data) during storage, use, and transmission. all interview data will be stored and analyzed on a password-protected computer in my office, located in gladfelter hall, room . as well, the data will be stored on an external hard-drive, which will be locked in a file cabinet. original transcripts will also be locked in the same file cabinet. only the student investigator will have access to, be responsible for and transmit the data. all file names will be identified by a location, position and number. for example, “philadelphia – holistic health practitioner – .” the original interview data will be destroyed within six months of the interview or upon the completion of the dissertation. upon completion of all interviews during travel, recorded data will be transported by heru setepenra heq-m-ta, student investigator, on a password-protected laptop and then transferred to the password-protected computer upon arrival to temple university. describe the steps that will be taken to protect subjects’ privacy interests. “privacy interest” refers to a person’s desire to place limits on whom they interact or whom they provide personal information. should the subjects wish to remain anonymous, they will be allowed to do so. in the attached consent forms are different options they may choose from regarding the type of interview that can be conducted. they may wish to have their faces and names disassociated with the information given during their interviews. in cases such as these, the researcher will oblige the subject and will not disclose their identities. anonymity individuals who wish to remain anonymous will receive from the researcher a list of pseudonyms from which they will select a name that i will use for them throughout the interview and in the research report. i will ask them to avoid using their real names or other identifying information throughout their contact 	 with me. should i come to know a participant’s name or if a participant accidentally provides this information while being interviewed, i will not attach this information to interviews and will erase this information should it be recorded. if participants choose to not use their voice, we will offer a voice over option to distort their voice. if they choose to not use their face we will just use an audio recorder. iii. describe what steps you will take to make the subjects feel at ease with the research situation in terms of the questions being asked and the procedures being performed. “at ease” does not refer to physical discomfort, but the sense of intrusiveness a subject might experience in response to questions, examinations, and procedures. participants will have the ability to select the time and place of the meeting to conduct the interview. within the consent form, participants in this study will also have the right to: . not answer any question that they do not wish to answer; . quit the study; . change their mind about allowing the interviewer to keep their original interview. ix. risks to subjects a. list the reasonably foreseeable risks, discomforts, hazards, or inconveniences to the subjects related the subjects’ participation in the research. include the probability, magnitude, duration, and reversibility of the risks. consider physical, psychological, social, legal, and economic risks. i do not anticipate any serious risks; however, some topics may elicit some minimal discomfort. b. if applicable, indicate which procedures may have risks to the subjects that are currently unforeseeable. if participants happen to feel any discomfort, i will allow them some time to regroup. 	 c. if applicable, indicate which procedures may have risks to an embryo or fetus if the subject is or becomes pregnant. not applicable. d. if applicable, describe risks to others who are not subjects. not applicable. x. potential benefits to subjects a. describe the potential benefits that individual subjects may experience from taking part in the research. include the probability, magnitude, and duration of the potential benefits. individuals interested in holistic health will benefit from the study because the research will provide essential information on alternative ways to diagnose illnesses, treat diseases and make available to african americans a plethora of holistic health practitioners, numerous written works on alternative medicine and cuisine that promote a healthy lifestyle. i will disseminate the results of this study to selected individuals and families, and selected holistic health practitioners and organizations. i will also make specific recommendations as to how various entities can use my results to improve the quality of health for african american women, men and children. b. indicate if there is no direct benefit. do not include benefits to society or others. no subject will monetarily benefit from participating in this study. xi. costs to subjects a. describe any costs that subjects may be financially responsible for due to study participation. no compensation will be provided to participants. xii. informed consent the consent process will take place at the time of the interview. 	 the maximum waiting period available between informing the prospective subject and obtaining the consent will be one ( ) week. upon a follow-up interview, the consent form will be read again to ensure clarity and ongoing consent. attached you will find a copy of the consent form to be used. xiii. vulnerable populations the research study will not involve individuals who are vulnerable to coercion or undue influence. 	 appendix d: transcribed interviews interview with dick gregory dg: now if you could imagine ninety years ago the assumption of being gay in the black community…and you know king james was such a strange homosexual. he had it so bad that he killed his momma. his lover was lord buckingham who buckingham palace is named after. that shows you how ignorant black folks are when they get away from the spirit and get into the other bullshit. he would rather for you to believe that he was gay than tell you what really happened to him. these white folks that adopted him. they castrated him so he couldn’t fuck with one of their daughters. this shit didn’t just start its been here. we want to believe shit is bad. no it’s already happened. i tell people go ask the indian. if i could write down people who ever lived in the history of the planet buddha, muhammad, jesus number one would be john brown. john brown was an abolitionist. ain’t no warriors been like the abolitionists in the history. they were willing to kill whites and be killed to free me. here is the scary part: fredrick douglass horror in life was he couldn’t be part of the abolitionist. these are decent white folks who kill white folks for us say “you black folks is too child-like.” john brown led the march on harper’s ferry. i grew up not even knowing what harper’s ferry was. that was the 	 united states government ammunition center. they made rifle’s, guns and ammunition. they had four divisions over regions to guard. john brown, october th decided that he was going to raid it, million guns. i’ll show you how the universal vibe works and how fear works. he asked fredrick douglass to go. when harriet tubman died on her deathbed she said, “my only regret is i wasn’t apart of harper’s ferry to die with john brown. that’s why i say now; these niggas in america don’t know the real stories. it’s like dr. king’s mom and dad were conservative republicans. his grandmother and granddad were conservative, right wing republicans that would make clarence thomas look like the naacp. hsh: on his mother side? dg: yes. so then you see there is a force, because king didn’t learn none of that shit at home. you must remember back then, them negroes weren’t talking about liberation. they were talking about picture nice ph.d.’s. “you need education to prove to these white folks that we aren’t ignorant.” there is no word in none of the bible called smart or intelligence. the word is wisdom. the white boy changed it to smart and intelligence, something that he could grade you on and give you a test on. if he could grade wisdom he’d build a pyramid. all this stuff about going to school and…that is a violation of god. if you had seventy people here today of all ages, all kinds of sicknesses, all kinds of health, we could all leave here now and run or walk to california. but, you got to do it at your own pace. if your running in the women’s marathon, brother. then my momma, 	 sisters and daughter’s would be stupid trying to keep up with you. the problem is when i get to california i’m going to kick your ass. as long as i am doing it at my own pace, you know i’ll be in california. you need to get ready for a good ass kicking or kick some ass. violation is a violation of the universal god. we were never meant to run. running is ungodly and unspiritual and heathenism just like reading and writing is ungodly and unspiritual and heathenism. we are so locked into this bullshit. “if you don’t know your history…” shit i’m born. my history is already recorded. i went to a conference, budapest and they paid me $ , . i get there the woman say, “how did you know reading is a violation of god?” i said, “how did you now i know?” she said, “why you ask me that?” “because you have to know that i know and i know that’s right.” i said, “mine was simple. when i get off the plane in tokyo i can’t read the japanese paper.” the universal god that i pray to has never made anything that changes when you cross a border. there is no american way to laugh. there is no japanese way to have a child. that is how you know. you just…measure the deductions. it’s this guy here, tessler. if you sit and look under the six you will see in very small print…you see tessler? there was no scientist on the planet that we know of in modern times when he was nine years old in budapest he said, “if i could just get to new york and see the niagara falls, i could change the world.” he was nine years old. before he got there thomas edison had come up with direct current. if you don’t understand this you wont understand this white boy. direct current was a marvel, “lights!,” but you didn’t know when your house would blow up. everybody burned to death. these white people then said it is worth it to have this. when tessler got here he invented alternate current. that doesn’t happen so when 	 they put the first electric streetcar with direct current in it. sometime you could hear it and everyone jumps off, because direct current blows up. they knew they were going to blow up and they started running and that electric looked for a warm body to ground itself. that is why they named the brooklyn baseball team the brooklyn dodgers. they dodging and they hit your body. that current has to ground itself. he had to fight the folks that had backed edison to get his thoughts through. harps? he invented that accidentally. they sold it right after he died and took all of his stuff. he was sitting and the building started…an earthquake was created. ever hear people talking about the dust bowl? before we were born it was made. the dust bowl isn’t real. one day we will stop dealing with egypt. the white boy pumped that into them, because they are the lightest african on the continent of africa. that is what that shit is about. , before the nubians that is where the real shit is. we are locked in, because we are looking for something to hold onto. the egyptians? please. the egyptians took it and made stuff out of it like eyptians who fitted the police. they are called conscience on patrol (c.o.p.). the color of your conscience is blue. they call men in england. you go all over the world and all city cops uniforms have to be blue. you look here or any city. state trooper and sheriffs can be any color. men in blue. now when the british came in changed it to constable on patrol. on this highway, you see the police officer over there? that is your conscience, they weren’t suppose to shoot anybody that is what conscience do. that is why it was called conscience on patrol, they took this (brain) and gave us this (restraint). that is why you didn’t rob anybody. that’s why it was called conscience on patrol. the british changed it to constable on patrol, but why don’t the 	 british carry guns? if you had children in this house then the ceilings and walls were painted with lesd paint would they get lead poisoning. if a child can get lead poising from paint on the walls what if that happened to a cop if they wear lead bullets around their belly? that’s why the cowboys were called gun slingers, because the gun swung away from their body and they could only “dead eye” because they could only have seven shots. america’s cops carry guns. now you take it back in the universe and when you tie it back in with the universe more american cops die from suicide than they do in the line of duty. % of cops are killed with their own gun. the number one divorce occupation is cops and their second wives are whores. if you don’t understand that then you don’t understand why they put additives in food. if i got lead pipes for my water then they have already watered me down. george washington carver came through and he goes up there to tuskege and him and henry ford was like this. the ford boys did not invent a car. the duryea brothers invented the car in massachussets. the boys told him, but all over the world ford is not accredited with inventing a car. he is credited in mass production. ford goes up to see george washington carver in tuskegee. i don’t know how ford could love him, because he had his hate for jews. ford boys sided with hitler. hsh: he has a book called the international jew. dg: and he felt that way about jews who looked like you how do you feel…so i never understood that relationship. but he told ford, he said, “mr. ford if you go back to detroit and take this research i got on plants (they were building one car at a time) you 	 will produce more than one car at a time.” that is why all over the world mass production is called the plant. that nigga did that. we go all around the world talking that bullshit and all the stuff that happened right here we don’t even know it. all over the world mass production is called the plant. the reason i’m brining you this is because they castrated him. the universe doesn’t give a damn. you violate the laws and the laws will violate you. we hear about the depression that was caused by george washington carver, but he don’t it. if i got people in here making this here and another people making those t-shirts you gave and then you come in and show us a system that we can mass produce him then % of these people get laid off. whatever you have mass production you get people laid off and your system will fall if you can’t find a way to find mass consumption. roosevelt figured it out that is why he came in with the wpa. i bring a white to work that digs a whole that doesn’t need to be dug and then his cousin comes that evening to fill it up and they get a check every two weeks that says i work for my money. people said if that depression hadn’t ended we’d have a whole all the way to china. hear me now. that is the whole system would have collapsed. you listen to his fire-side chats he never told anybody about how poor and rough at times. he guaranteed you’d have two chickens and a pot of corn, rice... he didn’t say that he would put them there, but that is how you deal with people that are scared. consequently, what happened is…now the second time we had this happen it was the internet. how many people you don’t need now. you could have written down everything in your life since you was a child and you could put it on a disk smaller than this. i had a chinese man say we have something that we would love for you to be apart 	 of. it was i-cloud, the information is stored in the clouds. its why that shit works now. its not here. it is in the clouds out there handing in the ether. what happens is all these people are laid off. fuck a middle class. they were the most ignorant white folk. niggas ain’t middle class. people talking about we live in a community. we don’t live in no damn community! if we lived in a community, you control your cops, you control the schools, finance etc. people, “black folks need to get together.” i remember jesse jackson’s wife was trying to buy a buildings all around howard theatre. they knew years ago what they were going to do with this they just told here that the people didn’t want to sell it and we blame ourself, “well black folk need to get in business.” or “black athletes need to do this.” all them niggas know how to do is play football. they don’t know how to do nothing else. you never heard of a jew talking about athletes should be doing this. they have business people. how long did it take to get where yall are? you looked in the book and knew it was a trick. consequently, when you look at obama come in and …you know an ol’ white boy told me something a long time ago. i trusted him so i didn’t have to figure it out. he said, “man, the most evil, nasty people on the planet is the left not the right. let me explain to you. if the right decide they will kills you they hire an assassin to blow your brains out. if the left decide they will kills you and we go to a football game every saturday let the bomb stay with your mom. all of these white folks that ran it aint hard for you to like me when im not around you. it ain’t hard for you to like me when you don’t have to come in contact with me. they live in the suburbs and a couple of ya’ll live out there with them. obama will take care of it. that nigga is brilliant. then here herman cain comes down, a brother smarter than obama, 	 but they bought him a buckwheat script so they embraced him. “we have room for two niggas. this brilliant nigga and buckwheat.” they loved him. the tea party just embraced him. the tea party ain’t racist. they were racist before they were tea party. they are scared. we don’t understand how scared white folks are. this country will not last another five years. they are scared. you don’t understand fear. they are freighted to death. we don’t see that. if you look at the number one seller of dog food, is alpo. on your way back go and get a can of alpo. they’re taking the dogs picture off of alpo. none of its products have dog food in it. white folks are eating dog food. you don’t know that, because they don’t run around yelling and screaming. i;m doing it on a show and guy says, “well. do you black folks eat it?” “yeah. they eat dog food.” i got research papers from chicago. in the early s, lorrance landers, a brilliant man from the university of chicago, i said, “man, i need you to do me a favor. i need you to go in cook county where the dogs are.” he comes back. in cook county which chicago is in cook county % of all dogs were in the white suburbs. take a rest and come back two weeks and what to do time and motion study and show me where the dog food is being sold. % of all dog food was being sold in chicago so niggas been eating dog food for a long time. unbeknownst to most folks is more rigid law for producing dog food than hamburger meat. i say ok here is what we need to do now, i need to find somebody who eats dog food and will let me come and eat some with them. he finds me a good guy. i want to eat some with him so i go buy…on the weekend there is a sale on dog food. you can get cans for like cents a can. i go to the pantry and they have all the labels off of it. my dignity is destroyed i don’t even want to look up there and see the dogs picture 	 and everything. they make it like corned beef hash. i say that to say this is what white folks…a friend of mine has a meat packing company. his wife is a vegetarian. they make % of the spam. months ago i called and it looked like %. i’ve been calling him for three years. they put more factories together. days a week around the clock white folks are eating spam. we don’t know this. we are so busy concentrating on this ignorant white boy. we don’t need to worry about him. the weakest gun can take him out. these families that is embarrassed and ashamed. hateful. it ain’t to hard to nigga like it ain’t too hard for me to hate a white person when i’m scared. as long as there is middle class have good jobs that they can send their children to good schools. they don’t even know all the ivy league, all ivy league schools was created slave owners, because they had dumb white boys. that is why europeans the filthy rich ones are selling dog to those schools. we with all our bullshit… i was the first negro to give a commencement address at harvard. they didn’t want me so i saw that little letter and i said, “don’t answer back.” you are going to write me a letter that the answer be in the letter, because you are not going to hear from me. some white students came by, “mr. gregory. um, in two weeks we have graduation and they keep saying you will be our speaker.” “should i be? why?” well, this is the first time they ever let the students pick the commencement speaker. and the reason is that this is . years ago the class of that class produced more billionaires than any other harvard class. they want to soak them out of their money and they want to impress them and graduation students they leave before graduation. they don’t care anything about that. they already got their degree. they are trying to find somebody that will keep the students there so that’s why they got the 	 students to pick the speaker. “and we pick you.” i said, “well, you go back and tell your dean under one condition i do not want that $ , .” honorarium and lord knows i don’t want nothing in my house with their name on it. they agreed. i was telling them, “i didn’t come here to speak to you older folks just to the younger folks. if you can change i don’t think you can, but harvard and mit have more suicides in one year than all the big ten schools have in twenty. so that they got you believing that this is the citadel of intellectuality, but from the god i pray to this is called a ‘bowl of filth.’” that is not counting the one with problems of drug, alcohol and loose their mind. when you look at how them white folks said to george washington carver, “we’d like for you to create something for us that out of we could get ink, paint, glue, plastic, and nylon wear.” the soybean. you are not supposed to eat that. that is why we sit here now the fastest growing cancer group in america. in the old days when they came out with the soy burger it was the hottest thing. then they started making these little report. then they started doing veggie burgers with soy. i’ll tell you how the universe works. he created the system when you can mass-produce and look how many of ya’ll died. now, % of vegetarians in america is white folks and are getting cancer from eating soy. that is how the universe works. i don’t work this way. consequently, when you look at where the universe comes from and the way it works. africa is a continent. europe is a continent, but when it come my turn white folks and black folks can be ignorant. we think africa we don’t see it as a continent. we see it as a country. africa! africa! when you break down africa, the continent is larger than india, china and europe put together. here is what happened. you are igbo. i hate you. you are asian. i will jump on your ass. 	 fucking your boys in the ass. that is one country on the continent so everybody that is producing something good… if i take two hundred candy bars i will bring my scientist in and we will pick the best thing out of each one of these candy bars. it ain’t that much, but you have to find one thing in it that is good. over here we have two hundred items that came out of two hundred candy bars that is the best. now we make a candy bar out of that. that is who we are. i ain’t nothing like you in africa. nigga you from this country and i was way up here. he brought us over here and wouldn’t our hate for each other so i’m fucking the igbo and now he has created a super nigga on it’s ass, an african american. he went over there and took this whole continent. its like me going to europe and force them on each other and there is no such thing as paris and france and germany he has made one super fucking race man. out of them measley years, we were just hating one another, because “you ain’t apart of my tribe. i don’t give a damn about you. put some shit on your face, bitch!” that is who is laying in the cut. they don’t need you niggas. “fuck ya’ll!” where you get your money? every time i go and get on a plane and go to a peace rally they take my tax money after i buy a loaf a bread to drop bombs on women and children. so when they fall on my ass and kill mine, “hey! i wonder what took your ass so long.” this what this shit is about, because once you accept injustice; and we have, we become injustice. once you live in filth, you become filthy. we are just filthy. unbeknownst, if i read a lot of black books and a lot about africa…if you live in filth you are filthy. the best way to prove that is go by a paper mill. you ever been by a paper mill? nothing stinks, but the people don’t smell it. niggas in america! this filthy, stinky bitch stinks so bad, but we’ve been here so long we don’t smell it. don’t 	 care how many ph.d.’s you got, how many billions when you get so fucked up with god’s intelligence can’t smell how you stink than you don’t belong to that party no more. when you sit and look at this spook, they don’t even know who they are. part of that thing i gave you on the indigo children. they waited long enough for our help. they don’t need us. revolution is nothing but an extension of evolution. evolution is a gradual natural change that when it gets to revolution there is quick change. we take this woman here. she can’t read, can’t write, never had nothing and she’s pregnant and you can’t bring all the scientist and all the military in here and then when that water breaks you can’t keep that baby in her. all the bombs…universe says when you are months pregnant when my evolution leads into revolution i will drop that baby. that is what we are. when i said i would list out of the people that have ever lived in the history, jesus, buddha, muhammad number one would be john brown. john brown did something he didn’t have to do. it’s like i tell people about king. vegetarians don’t know anything about this. “you know hitler was a vegetarian?” them white folks don’t know this so they just go off. they think when they stop eating meat i paid my debt. i ain’t paid no debt. martin luther king was my good friend. i said, “we vegetarians think all it is to be a vegetarian. i know martin he is one of the kindest, nicest, sweetest humans on the planet. he threw booty out the car. so one day i might consider that diet might not be the answer by itself.” i met vegetarians yelling and screaming at their children. i met vegetarians don’t give a damn. consequently, king…i’m with him. i know him. he is just as kind and peaceful. and so when you stop and thing about here is john brown said “i’m going to lead a march on harper’s ferry.” he has people, 	 black and on october th. my birthday is october th. for the last years on october , i go to harper’s ferry just to hug the spirit. fuck niggas! kiss my ass. i’m taking in order, because had it not been for him we wouldn’t have been here. the world wouldn’t have been the same. ya’ll would walk around talking about some, “fucking pyramids” and shit and don’t know what this man did. that is the universe saying, “fuck ya’ll! i don’t take no shit from ya’ll.” every niggas out here into the african shit most of them don’t smile. i can go around the world and recognize a hoe by her demeanor– the way she walks and the way she talks. my grandmother don’t tell me she’s a christian and i don’t know she one something is wrong with that. i can recognize a hoe by her demeanor, but i can’t recognize a christian by they christian principles. these african niggas walking around here and their head is all fucked up, twisted neck and all that bullshit. i never saw king like that. regardless of how tired or how scared he was. so that is this new piece that is coming. i look at this man here, “wow! man he had two children.” i would never take my children to battle. he did—took two sons to harper’s ferry. they died. he was wounded. what is worse than a father lived long enough to see his two sons killed? he didn’t die. every birthday that is where you find me. october where he laid to rest that is where you find me. they hanged him on december nd in now what is known as charleston, west virginia. every december i am there hugging the tree. the tree is still there. he changed the whole fucking world. now lets look and see where fear gets us. [there were] , guns and bullets at harper’s ferry years ago this year. they didn’t have automobiles and trucks. how you gone take people to still , rifles. what are you going to put them in? see 	 how fear works. just like king, he didn’t learn that shit at home. something came out when we were marching in alabama and one of the state troopers was a brother, but they up under white. he was married to a black woman. but they would tell me everything just they were one of the boys. he came back and tell me, because we drink together. i’m not married to the movement. he came to me and says “hey man. i just left a horrible meeting.” he says, “tomorrow while ya’ll are marching when ya’ll get to cookoo street the state troopers, the sheriff, and the police will corner off the northern press. they are not going to let them walk through and cross the street. when ya’ll move the next block there will be folk with axes and guns. i just want you to go tell your folks. i say, “come on! let’s have a little taste.” he said, “when are you going to tell them.” i said, “i’m not.” i had children. “i was in the united states army and we will take that here tomorrow and chances are, but we got to hold em’ up for five days when the real shit get here. let’s go! i feel the same way about this. i feel this way about the liberation of myself as i do about the liberation of america.” the next day we are marching and don’t nobody know this but me. hsh: what year was this? dg: i don’t know man. i don’t know about all that shit. we marching and i am in the line and see the brother and he has this horrible look on his face that i’m letting these niggas march into this shit. and then we get closer to the corner and i see them crackers across the street in the next block. sisters were just a singing. i see them courting off the 	 white northern press. i know if we step across that street we are walking in “death arms.” we will cross into the next block and i see them crackers coming with that smirk on their face. and the sisters and the brothers see it and they just keep singing. i’m ready. i see them at the curb with this horrible look on their face. whew! i see them dropping their shit and they are tripping over one another to get back over across the street. i couldn’t figure it out until that night. when you are not worried and you are full of love and not afraid them mother-fuckers saw the spirit of god. (laughter) i witnessed that. they didn’t know what it was. they saw the spirit of god coming out of me, out of them and they ran apologetic, because what they say they thought was going to kill me. they saw their shit above us coming out of us, because if you can swing up pass the universe and look down it look just like you. we are the universe. we don’t need no goddam book. i need to read a book to tell me to get back into it not to know who them mother fucker’s was. what about me? if you are the greatest brain surgeon in the world and i happened to have a big brain how you can you tell me about all of these great mother fucker’s. fuck them man! you are the one. you don’t care nothing about no history of niggas. i’m fighting for my fucking life and they told me you was the man. that is why i am here. i told the man please take me somewhere i know i can live. when john brown walked out the courtroom, “i’m going to die.” “what you got to say boy?” i just say what i was doing was in defense of powerful rich white men i would be ya’ll hero.” i go on the second right to the courthouse. i go down get in the street and make that left turn. walk two blocks where they made him walk. make a right and there is the tree. when he gets up there he says, “you know i talked to god last night and god told me to tell you 	 all that you missed the last chance to free the negroes.” there was no blood. if you god told me that the negro would be free it would have been the biggest blood bath in the history of this planet. months till the day the civil war starts. here is all you need to know when the union was marching they were sanging, “john brown’s body is molding in the grave!” they weren’t talking about their ammunition. they sanging, “john brown’s body is molding in the grave!” that was their mantra. one man. now here is what coles did? we all good white folks. we would never have a slave. they was thinking about , green acres, because white folks... i don’t know what a good white person looks like, but they scared the shit out of them. and they found the marines, people, divisions for three days so something else was in that room with him. and had it not been for him the whole planet would have been different. he would be number one. nobody putting nothing on the line. he didn’t have to do it. see! jesus had to do it, but at the end, what did he say, “father! father! why has though forsaken me?” don’t that sound like a nigga trying to get away? this man— why was it such a blood bath? it’s the first time in the history of the planet there was a war when your top echelon on both sides went to the same school. i went to westpoint. they knew each other strategy. blood bath over me. i think what abraham lincoln said once he got his head straight, because you know abraham lincoln was gay and his nigga lover. that is why the ol’ lady went crazy and when the brother died they say it was his handy man. see white supremacy was damn near as we know it was invented in southern illinois where he came from. that’s why abraham lincoln and his perverted…see i love christianity man, but white folks, because they are so fucked up. two people: abraham lincoln was a 	 christian, and robert e. lee was a christian: abraham lincoln believed everything they said about black folks, but his christian believed that no man should be a slave. his christian bullshit believed that no man should work for free. thank you jesus! so he said to the southerners, “i’ll buy them back.” remember that? and send them niggas to south america. well did you check with south america? now, that is that white arrogance, but before he died i guess that nigga got to it man. he said, america is no longer a southern problem because we up north those industrial plants have more money off of slavery than the slave owners. the new york garment industries were shipping that raw product to europe. then he said something else. he said, “every nickel is a penny that we made off the black free labor it would be taken from us ten thousand fold.” it was september when the shit crashed. then he said something else, “every nick that we hit them to work will come back to us a , times.” lincoln said that. robert e. lee had a mind equal to hannibals except the christian stuff. he went into battle that he knew he could win, but he thought god was with him to protect the white man and got his dick dirty ever time he went in. he would take his soldiers when they would figure it out on piece of paper. “hey greg, can you spell this word.” “fuck you man!” “well i’m not going to…” boom! killed him right on the battle field. his good soldiers, because they saw you can’t hit this one, lets go back and…” pow! because he was in to jesus and they wasn’t. then lincoln got weary and tired and “i cant do this no more.” he sent his man to richmond to tell robert e. lee that if he signed this document here is what the document says that if slavery will be kept and it is going just the way it is you won’t extend to the west then you can win this war. by the time he got there, he had already 	 surrendered. that is how close we were. when you get to where we are here, fear. we are scared of a white racist system and those that is not is crazy. fear. the universe never loses. tomboys are tough girls. tomcats are tough cats. so why when it comes my turn its get weak? we are looking at pyramids, but can’t figure out if he says its weak it must not be weak. if he says so. when i go to iran and fasted, because i know the whole house stinking it was a cia trick. they would be killed and khamenei sent for me and said this, “monday we are going to be hit by a surprise attack by iraq soldiers. we ask you to leave this weekend.” he sent me a letter and said that you are a beautiful uncle tom. i always felt like something was wrong with that word, but now i know. i asked his main secretary, i say, “uncle tom? they are shape shifters. you can turn into a frog, or pig or anything. when napoleon was defeated in haiti they sent their scientist in and saw that shit and coined the word, “voodoo” and make you think it is something negative. voodoo means “spiritual atom.” you can’t see spirit and you can’t see atom. that is who we are. consequently, when you stop and think about the phases. now king comes along and changes things and before then woman didn’t stand a chance. woman could not be on the police department. most folks don’t know that. king came through and with these dirty white folks. when civil rights legislation come through it didn’t say for negroes only. he freed everybody so the white woman could get free. my daughters got free. they want to get back to the good ol’ days, “america the beautiful!” that is because we had the woman tied up. if you had a sister back then you could go, but she couldn’t be doing this and now the negative part that is going to affect us. it’s only worse, ain’t no woman that is home. she is working. every time you check a hotel and 	 see white folks standing there or a black woman standing there, pull out their credit card that is how its white part black part job they got. ain’t nobody home to tell you and me that we can’t do that. “you mother fucker you!” “mom ain’t there man we can have us a ball.” where did you hear that? i heard it on the t.v. boy you can’t say that. nobody there to tell us that you can’t do it. that was steve jobs. nobody told him that he can’t do that shit! nobody told him that he can’t do that shit! but they didn’t tell me about how to eat! he had three-hundred billion dollars in his personal checking account and he couldn’t make . that trifling uncle in st. louis who drank cheap wine and cuss out everybody, laugh to hisself all-day long, he is years old. steve jobs. so when we sit down and see where we are…i was going to say, i used to go and look at the commandments, man. charlton heston and the romans was feeding him to the lions and tiger and i would sit in the movie man. i wish i could have been born there with jesus and let the tigers eat me. that is who dick gregory was. i walk through the back alley’s because i didn’t want people seeing me crying. i’m making comedy and now i decide for mayor out of chicago. mayor daley back in julius caesar could have taken lesson from him. even white folks that didn’t like him, they know i’m not a bad person. they’ll kill you. obviously the dear god i pray to can’t protect me against filth. first one, i’ll help him and pull the trigger. till one day someone say this black woman came by and bought salads for all of us. anybody bringing food write their name down, because i go and thank them. the humanity. the humility of going back thanking her. you don’t know nothing about no good health or bad health. i meant good health was when every you was eating dinner run out and till you got enough. i go over there, 	 talking to her and said, “i feel her spirit. ya know.” she had respect for me enough not to run the whole game down. drink your grass and drink x amount of water. little by little. i find myself drifting there. if you yesterday i told you that i saw the pimps and the hustlers hardcore pimps; kill jesus come to her place everyday for lunch. fix them a big salad and give them a little cup of salad dressing. they would drink the salad dressing, wouldn’t touch the salad, because it make they dick hard. they lined up there. if anybody touched her they would kill them. they didn’t give a damn that she was giving them something that they couldn’t control. it was me listening to her, she taught me how to fast. hsh: what is her name? dg: dr. alvenia fulton. people from all over would come. i felt sorry for her when she’d go to the hair conventions with the white folks. nobody gave her proper respect. the people who knew her that someone sent her here special. when i met her i was smoking for packs of cigarettes a day. i was drinking a fifth of scotch a day. i weighed pounds. this woman was more than a nutritionist. she was a minister. she knew how to talk to you and understand you and didn’t violate you because you was eating a pork chop in front of her. i wondered what’s wrong with christians that they so void that if someone said, “i’m atheist.” they would jump on you. how is me being an atheist 	 going to upset you. you ain’t no missionary to turn me around. this is where we are. this is where we’ve evolved. and now the next step is what you are doing. how many peoples out there. new york times didn’t tell me what you was doing. new york times never told me about dr. fulton. the ones that working for…you see i learned a long time ago that when the universe picks you it leaves no footprints. you don’t have to be validated by new york times and washington post, but it lead back to something insignificant. we ate right at one time, but if you go a vegetarian and tell them “cooked food is bad. you shouldn’t eat nothing cooked.” “fruit is the only thing that you are suppose to eat.” quit trying to tell them that. you and wife get together and try to have a baby the babies can have babies, but anytime you plant a cucumber or a carrot or lettuce and you got to go back and make you’ve plant it again that is god telling you that you aint suppose to eat it. anytime what i gave you to eat one time it will keep going just like you. try and explain that. the best thing that ever happened for me. i read an article on a plane of this white dude was going to the american association convention in miami. and he told me for his research all the nations that had haircuts in the culture the women outlived the men. what is it that when i violate the universe o’clock shadows. god push it back and tell me to stop that. then i find out “your hair is to body what a leaf is to a tree.” that whole process of photosynthesis. when you stop and think about where we are now and where we are going, you sit and look and to your next step somewhere you’ll be ready to wipe out all the bullshit that has been slipping into the consciousness as real. there will be people waiting for you. i’m ready for your questions. 	 hsh: based on what i wanted to talk about i am actually doing the dissertation to make it available in a timely manner. i want to do a case study and the case study that i am actually going to do is looking at the tradition of alternative or wholistic health, how it is practiced by individuals in the black community, be it institutions or individuals. so you can actually enlighten me. what era in the th century would you say i should focus on in terms of looking reaching this apex where could really see brothers and sisters grasping wholistic health? dg: well since you don’t have enough money and enough time i would say look at the national of islam, elijah muhammad. the reason is, they stand on the corner selling newspapers with suits and bowties on in the heat of the summer and they don’t sweat. degrees they are on the corner. you can trace that back. see the great thing about them is that they didn’t leave the neighborhood. they stayed here with us so i can’t say that they left and went to arizona where there is a different type of heat. they stayed right here. what is it that made them not want drugs or cigarettes? because if you know if they was doing it the white folks would tell us. how is it they don’t erect bumps on they face. what is that? that is a good piece of it, but anytime you go and treat woman a certain way then you didn’t get it off. you got. i can walk up here and light my cigar from your candle with that same light can light the whole forest. that’s the way we using it i can just start there. and let me tell you why. the universal law is as bad as eating anything that was alive is wrong for you the closer it comes to your body weight the 	 lesser destruction it will do. if you eat a pigeon and i eat a sparrow i will have less damage done. if you eat a steak that comes from a cow and i eat a steak that comes from a gorilla, you’ll have lesser damage. the muslims didn’t eat pork. pork is less than destructive than beef, but it fixed black folks because that was our main staple. we only had beef on sunday and all kinda pork through the week- sandwiches, sausages, bologna. so he said “how to eat to live.” if you hadn’t read the book, run and get because there is something in that. i don’t know anybody a group of religious people that will never stop being anything but their religion because he got millions of black folks to stop eating pork. he wasn’t our leader. he was they leader and we read the book and felt so comfortable with that we stopped eating pork. because the pork he was talking about was the wild boar. that is not what they have now. at least grandma and them. nobody has been able to do that. the closest they came was the vatican when the catholic wouldn’t eat fish on friday, but if you told them to give it up everyday they would have. i would say if i had your same assignment, i would start there. and then you would go back and find folks, but they were small. we too big for the little small stuff. michael vick didn’t get a million dollar contract because he could play football real good. he got a million dollar contract because the world knew he could do it and that would bring more people in to the stands. its not something that hidden under a basket. so that’s what i would do i would go and find out his book that has an affect. when you read the book don’t read as having an affect on muslims, but having an affect on the black community. what is it about them? they don’t have to have drugs, alcohol. what is it? can we trace this back to the dieing? i notice i don’t see no bumps 	 on the face. and the main thing i notice that they don’t sweat in the summertime. they don’t have to have a birthday party get with the boys as we have to have us drink—a taste. they don’t have to have that. where does that come from? can one man be that strong to transfer that to other folks that would transfer it to other folks and then we live long enough to see that it works. that is where i would start. hsh: with the establishment of the noi era are we saying pre-malcolm like the ’s? dg: he was out there way before malcolm. he brought malcom in. hsh: you shared a little bit about dr. fulton, but what is really important for me to piece this thing together with the noi. how did you come about to know what you know about alternative health? dg: just traveling. i was wealthy. hsh: can you elaborate? dg: you see i never had to do this. i never had to sit here. you asking me to give you something in a minute. i never had to. i’m looking at this and then you go. i didn’t know at the time that i had ten children and all of them was a violation. i never had a child. creating another life you are creating another god. the real universal god. any 	 god ask you what color? how much money do you make? can you read and write? god ten times gave me the right to create another god and at no time did i have to fair with my wife to create. i was just getting me some pussy. so when i stop and think that i never owned a car. i didn’t know year, the make, the model, the down payment, the monthly notes, the insurance to trade it. i had to look at the mirror at me and realize that put more research in owning a car than creating god’s new life. i’m the fucking problem just like this white boy. i’m worse than him. he know what he done. i didn’t. there are people on this planet that would never have sex. create life that mean you procreate life today. this what the real world is. little by little i find this out. little by little by little just… traveling. i mean, if i was to sit still i probably could of found it out. we sit the worlds record i was the third fastest half-mile in the nation. when i go to a track meet i win the mile, half-mile and two-mile relay. when i go to a white college they ask me about transcripts. i didn’t have no transcripts. i came here to run white boy. what transcripts? “greg you messing up in history.” messing up in history? no put a track in history. i came here to run. i didn’t come here to do all this bullshit ya’ll doing. i come here to run. and every meet yall go to yall got some brilliant folks on the track team, but just my points alone. i got along with white folks in highschool until they denied me my record. if i had knew then god just so dick gregory couldn’t make it. i drink me a case of pepsi cola a day, candy, everything and if i knew then what i know now so they denied me my record because i was a negro. went to naacp and we organized a march with the board of education and them white folks went crazy. they knew something that i didn’t know that coming to talk about integrating the schools. i was really embarrassed because my 	 mother was such a… when she hear em talking about a guy named dick gregory she says to me “i really felt bad the other day i stole another woman’s son.” my mother was so into her blackness and whiteness. a sports announcer, bart barnes. she called him mr. barnes. she says, “i heard mr. barnes talking about a dick gregory down there at the school that you going i wondered did you know him.” for a split second i made like it was awful thing to do to steal another woman’s son. i just let the bitch die without knowing that i was trying to keep peace that’s tired man, thinking she had stolen another fucking woman’s…for a split minute i thought how honest she was and how soft she was. it was a violation, but i did it anyway. i said all you motherfucker gone get even for this. some folks run as fast as they can, i ran as fast as i wanted to. where you want to run, a mile back to negro. he couldn’t run nothing. like we were born genetically for the short races. white folks born for the long races. i wasn’t running against any white boys. i went to all black meets. the way i got my training, practicing i had brother’s get out and i trip and fall and let them niggas get two laps ahead of me and go catch em, but i was lucky becaseu if im chasing you and i’m trying to catch you, you just pull away, because your mom and dad is up there, but if i catch a tree a tree cant move, man. i eat your ass up until the next tree. i would run until a motherfucker could not outrun me and i catch that one and next thing you know i’m all up on your ass. i’m hollering, “where you going motherfucker. goddam boy.” they tell you to be polite and nice and i’m thinking, “we cant go to school with them. they just integrated the track to get me off they ass. i ran that ghetto game down. “alright we come off this hill motherfucker let’s i’m a lay off and let them white folks. catch my breath.” when i came back i went… 	 hsh: this is in high school? dg: then we go to jefferson city that’s where the negro meet was. where’d you grow up? hsh: rd and inglewood. hsh: did you have segregated schools? dg: in st louis we had three black high schools and hundred schools was white. we couldn’t have sports. st. louis only had two other black schools. ran against you and played football against you who else? they paid. everyone of them cities paid for us to come and play against them. we were coming to washington, d.c., going to west virginia. so now were going to jeffersons. we are going to university of colombia in missouri. so we’re there a miles away from st. louis. we drive up on friday, but what nobody tells us is we cant stay on campus. negroes are not permitted. we can’t stay in a hotel, because negroes are not permitted. high school punks we had to go up…first let me tell you the highschool i went to about % of the teachers had ph.d’s. hsh: what was the name? 	 dg: sumner high school. at that time, harvard didn’t have that percentage. why? because you had a ph.d. and you had a ph.d. where were ya’ll gone work? you ain’t working at no white school and the black schools had already had their system put together. so where else were you going to work. dr. warren st. james, my track coach for cross-country he had two ph.d’s, one in physically education from the real physical education school in springfield where they invented basketball and economics. he became chairman of a major white school in the economic department until integration. so we were getting all that stuff locked in there with us and so we umm…no we’re up in jefferson city qualified. i qualified for the mile, half mile two mile relay. so now we just drive back to st. louis, because we can’t stay in a hotel. we drive a miles up, miles back, come back that morning miles, i won the mile, two mile…with just my points alone i won the state meet not counting all the other niggas. they saw something that they always feared, but they never saw it. never saw it, because we wasn’t with them. they never saw that and said, “my god!” before the spring they integrated cross- country. i never ran against a white boy. you think i run against this white boy. i know he ain’t planning on winning. he ain’t never ran this fast. i notice something when i hit them trees, he rush into them. they hurt me. i said wait a minute, bold niggas been doing this for years and caught back up with him and said, “you ol’ tricky motherfucker! imma show you how to do. you see up hill up there, follow me up it.” just talk shit to em and so that what i came out of. nothing wasn’t nutritional, with diet, i wasn’t listening to nothing. them niggas standing on the corner they ain’t been schooled. “my brother. hey man! you dogged them.” and so it was that piece not eating. when i got 	 through this is what i ate in the baptist church on sunday they served their dinners would “kill you.” it was that whole piece, but what your looking for you can’t get this quick and with no money. the reason a.j. roger shit was so good he walked all the way over africa. he wasn’t taking what somebody had said, but that was already tricked. when you get through doing this, your going to be doing this for a long time hockey was created by africans. slaves that had ran away and went to canada that’s where hockey was invented, ice hockey. there is no way that you can find that except a white boy wrote a book that is the only way i knew about it. a white boy wrote a book that talked about hockey. i don’t know the white boy’s name, but pull it up. white boys didn’t know nothing about it, saying “dem niggas out there.” and so mine was that i didn’t get it at home and if you think about you sitting at home well i couldn’t have done this when i was a little boy. when i became a vegetarian it had nothing to do with health. i became a vegetarian because i just didn’t believe that a person should be killed. then i looked at a mississippi sheriff kick my old lady in the belly when she was nine months pregnant. to be stupid enough to do anything i’d got everybody else killed. i wasn’t going to do anything anyway. “how come you didn’t hit him back?” it is called fear. i understood niggas when they sit on these shows and talked about all the brilliance came form africa, but four white folks was born and they asked us how did we loose it. it’s a simple as its called gun powder, motherfucker! that is how we lost it. don’t go through no bullshit. it’s called gunpowder, motherfucker and the example i use is cortez. when that motherfucker got over there in mexico and saw them buildings them white folks start 	 praying. they thought it was god. and they start praying and six weeks later they were hauling all their riches to take back to spain. its called fucking gun powder that’s all that simple. gun powder is a bitch. they didn’t have to wait and do that…gun powder. consequently, when i saw this white sheriff kick my old lady in the belly she looked at me. i said, “don’t look at me bitch. don’t get me killed.” you fucking serious! you jumped on his ass. you’re the one that got the baby. maybe i run and get you some help. i drunk a / of scotch a day. i get back to california and i’m drunk and i;m telling my two writer, one white, one black i say, “man, i got to trick myself and make myself believe that the only reason i didn’t jump on that sheriff is because i don’t believe that everything should be killed, including animals.” that’s what i did. that night i decided i wouldn’t eat anything that had to be killed. i didn’t know anything about no…i didn’t even know how to spell vegetarian. hsh: how long ago was that? dg: . then i had to start on how i am going to survive. i’m scared to death. how will i survive? where you get your proteins from? gelatin. jello. then i found out that fucking horses hoofs. i had to give that up. back then i never weighed over a pounds. once i become a vegetarian i went up to pounds, because i thought i had to eat. then black folks, out of love, they just be mad, because they love you. niggas, “i heard white folks say that you don’t eat no meat. how you gone live? what you gone do for protein?” i knew how to deal with an ignorant and black, because i been ignorant and 	 black my whole life. i said, “my brother, you know that there is a lot of protein in a steak?” “yeah, nigga how come you don’t eat em?” “well cows don’t eat steak and their fucking bell rings.” and you see they whole head lighter and then he comes, “wow! man, say that again.” as a matter a fact the meat you eat don’t eat meat.” you don’t have to eat hair to grown hair. you don’t have to eat ears to grow ears.” right there everything… and that is how it happened. i didn’t stop drinking or smoking. i smoked four packs a cigarettes a day. one day, i decided i would fast with dr. fulton. nobody on this planet knew fasting like she did. hsh: this is the same time she taught you how to fast in ? dg: no! hsh: when did she? dg: . i ran for mayor in . hsh: then you ran for president. i remember when you ran for president. dg: then you start meeting folks. great thing is that other people come to you. she introduced me to a woman named mother gibson. had her a taste every now and then. you know them old sister’s ate. if you want to go see skinny women go around the world 	 and check out some hoes. you don’t see no fat hoe. you wont see fat women come to america and go to a baptist church and sit next to a different choir. maybe they need to follow them hoes around, because the jesus shit ain’t working for them. i have never seen a fat hoe in my life. you go to a black church and you see a skinny woman and she look like she out of place. man, you feel sorry for her. maybe that bitch is sick or something. you know jesus can’t here you baby. it’s that whole thing and then i got to thinking about why was i vegetarian, for health reasons? so i used to have to prove to white folk, real vegetarians. i wrote the book that changed everything. hsh: which book? dg: dick gregory’s natural diet for folks that eat. natural diet is nothing that can be cooked. if you took one hand and put in the deep freezer and another hand in boiling hot water, none of those hands are any good anymore. that is what obesity is about, not getting nothing out of the food. then we start eating for taste and not for nutrition. they start talking about the pyramids. the only pyramid that i know when i heard niggas talking about egypt. i didn’t know nothing about the food chain. when i went on a four day fast, she taught me. hsh: dr. fulton? dg: taught me everyday. i don’t know what would have happened on the th day 	 when i started feeling this power i though i was going to die, but she taught me at every step. probably the thing that i felt embarrassed me as much as my mother not knowing that dick gregory was richard gregory on my th day of the fast… that first fast i went to cities and did speeches just on water. i’m standing in la guardia airport and standing at the counter and i see these white little rings, looking back at me and whispering. they looking and whispering and so i’m just so tired and the line is so long. i said, “oh god help me. help me.” everything is drained out of me and i saw them as they heading back to me that’s when i said, “fuck it! i ain’t taking no shit off nobody!” i found out so when you tell that tree to move it’ll move. i got ready to deal with them and i could feel it running through my body. somebody opened up my head and poured hot water and i could feel it and go into this stance. “come on motherfucker!” i would have killed them all and then they walked up to me and said, “we just want to thank you brother for working on behalf of saving our life.” and i said, “god please let me be this stupid again. never let me judge.” and i learned two things: there is a power in your body and when you call on it “whew!”, you can fly you can knock down every one of these buildings down. she introduced me to mother gibson. beat the booty out of a cow or a pig. the first day i went over to meet her was a ten block fire on the southside of chicago and traffic was all (hand gesture). i get there and mother gibson told me to come out and talk with you and this ol red-neck fire commander. old chicago irish that was part of their click, the irish, cops and firemen irish. he ran in there, “mother gibson” and fell on his knees and kissed her feet. i said, i bet a fire-figher chicago for years and we felt bad because all those black children and everybody was going to die cuz we 	 know fire and we couldn’t do nothing with that. they call it “knock it down.” until i saw that fire get knocked down and everybody over there said, mother gibson did that. he said, “the only reason i listened because i knew something happened we couldn’t explain. i come over here to tell you thanks and like to ask you who are you?” that fucked up all my shit with religion, because right now she was alive and you wasn’t. to the hilton hotel and killed everybody in there and called mother gibson before the police got there and say you never do a day in jail. all that bullshit went out the window. i know this. that was after i had fasted and things opened up. the only way you explain that. the other day, the lottery was a half a billion dollars. had you won that in hours people would be calling you all over the world that didn’t know you existed. it is the same thing as fasting through the body, the universe sends people to you. then i had to sit and deal with the fact all this bullshit that i don’t think animals should be killed. “come on son! that is bullshit.” when i got that thought, i’m sitting with her $ paid of boots on and i asked the motherfucker with me, “have you heard of a $ pair of steaks?” they don’t make money off the meat. they make money off the hide. you stop being stupid, if you didn’t buy the meat they’d give you that shit. the money is made in the hide. i mean years old. my wife is . we got a prescription between the two of us and i trace that back to two things: not getting hair-cuts and dropping all my evenings that i thought meant something. evil is to niggas is just like the rolls royce that they can’t have. so i’m going to get that and caste up the liver and the kidneys. ties up the eyes. it was that evolution and like i said what you have no one’s had. you get the money or hit the lottery and tie em off and go and find it. there is people our there that 	 know when they know you coming. they do things and say this is my website and this is my number. you see website don’t mean nothing because you missed the real nigga. you got a telephone. put it there and give it to em slow they can’t hear that fast. all kinds of information. anything i have to buy, i have to be clear about the graciousness of white folks. all the black stuff you got you can catch it down at the mall. there is a child in there and say they bought drugs. ya’ll got to turn on the real information come from when somebody comes to you. what your on is really is bigger than what you think it is. they are out here. there’s africans…a white boy told me something one day, i didn’t know what he was talking about. he said, “man listen.” oh no my granddaddy. he said, “there is some places in africa i white boy ain’t never been and he ain’t never going.” them niggas make money. when i found out a little white boy used to be the editor of esquire magazine when esquire was the number one magazine in the world. we went to the himilayans and we’re sitting there. they have plateaus. we’re sitting there the guy was talking about who is your best person you love in the christian bibles? art said, “john the baptist.” they guy said, “yeah john the baptist.” he was a nice just hardheaded. goddam was he hardheaded. if he weren’t hardheaded he would be us just now. that was the first time in my life i was talking to folks from back then. when we get ready to leave to go to another plateau and art reached to get his wallet to pay the, i said, “i got this.” put the bill in the hand and it manifest whatever it is. that’s who we are, paid the bill. hsh: what made you become the powerhouse in the holistic lifestyle? 	 dg: if you could feel your hair grow you’d go crazy. it’s same thing about evolution its just there. hsh: can you speak to that? dg: you are over-looking what i just said, if you could feel your hair grow you would go crazy. it’s the same thing about my evolution. i didn’t feel it coming. hsh: can you speak to the next step on how it became the way that it is? dg: there are no steps. what the next step in running and so i get the word from dr. hoover they asked to kill me in chicago. i white boy brings it to me. that is a step. i’m not in control of that step. i look at it and take it to mother gibson. and she said one simple thing, “there is a lot of water out there in that ocean, but it can’t sink no ship until it gets inside.” keep it out of your head. once you put it in there, they got you. she just said simple, “there is a lot of water out there in that ocean, but it can’t sink yo ship until it gets inside.” it’s that simple. i told my wife don’t let nobody in this house. “you understand?” “yes.” then i come home one day and i’m at a march and the first negro that i got had newyork life insurance so he is life a celebrity. the first nigga that i met got me a policy told him i’d be back in so and so, but i didn’t get back then. he said, “i thank your wife for signing these papers for me.” i go home…i kept me a pistol 	 magnum and got off on the elevator on the eighth floor and i dare they’d be waiting there in the hall. a body guard ain’t nothing, but bullshit. if he was my bodyguard you got to be willing to kill for me. anybody that is willing to kill for me there is an odor that come to hide the real so if you willing to kill for me that gas come off. i get to the point i’m smelling that gas around you that when the real assassins come up i don’t even smell them. it smells like the same shit that i smell. if you really want me all you got to do is, i got nine bodyguards all you have to do is show up with people. i go home, i cannot wait to get there. old shit came out of me man and she opened the door and i slapped her upside her head, “bitch i’ll kill you. i told you don’t let no motherfucker in here” and i saw a look on her face man that scared me, saying “please don’t! please don’t!” “bitch, i’ll blow your motherfucking brains out. you crazy?” she say, “please don’t! please don’t!” i hit her and knocked her down on her and it wasn’t nothing that she could do to stop it because i wasn’t saying don’t do it no more. why did you? i know who these dogs are. she was down on her back and i say, “bitch, i’ll kill your fucking ass and she put both her hands like this and got up off the fucking floor.” that is impossible. think about that. i’m down on the floor and you’re on top of me and i put both hands here and i can’t do this. that bitch lifted up and i could feel life come out of me. i knew it was somebody that wasn’t from this fucking planet. i felt it like steal she say, “kill me nigga.” i slept in the car all night for three days to come up until this day. she ain’t mention, i ain’t mention it. i tell the children be careful with your mother, because she got a dark side. they say, “we know.” little by little by little by little steps 	 hsh: what compelled you to write the book on natural health? dg: they was paying me. everything out there has already been written i just put it through my head and brought it out of nigga. there was a time i went to jack boy show. i’m doing this. i’m doing that. white folks started reading the shit and it changed the whole movement around it. (william) dufty, sugar blues you know? do you know he was billie holiday’s manager. if anybody knows about heroin he knows. he compared it to sugar. scientifically heroin didn’t stand a chance. i have been out here. i go to health conferences with celebrities. hsh: are there any other books? dg: every book i wrote i talked about health. i talked about fasting. hsh: how many have you written that have had health primarily in it? dg: all of them. after nigga, the last fourteen. the last book i got out here now. in the back i got a whole thing in there about fasting. i learned about fasting which i didn’t know. we see jesus and buddha, ghandi was getting so much press he fasted nineteen days. fast means to abstain from when i went days on water i was on a water fast. me and my wife was going days, i was going days. i wound up going days. its like a club. everyday you fast, let say you have nine billion people here and everyday 	 you fast you take one-step out and those are the one-steppers. you keep on and keep on until you get to the steps and that’s a whole nother piece. you start seeing things. you saw em, but you didn’t see em. i married to this woman over here and say, “bay, how much do i love you.” i say, “i just finished fucking a bitch and i’m trying to salvage shit love ain’t in a degree.” how can you rape me in a degree? how can you steal from me in a degree?” in the words that you say and even mother gibson she talks she is another medium, because i brought john lennon…me and john lennon was like this. as matter of fact, they are bringing me and paul mooney for $ , a day a peace for one day for that new book that came out on john. they say, “where did you get the idea to do imagine?” “dick gregory talked to me all the time. shared prayers with me that’s how i did it.” it’s the biggest thing in london now. and then you see it and feel it. its there. shit if my mother was here and heard me call jesus a motherfucker she’d go in the back and prayed and wanted to kill herself and do some nigga like me. it ain’t what you grew up with its what you come out of and its her saving grace she was just a kind, nice lady, but two thing happened to me that changed my life. she said, “boy your just like your daddy.” i was only years old and some ignorant shit my mom and black folks, they was some conspiracy folks. my mother said, “imma take you out of school next tuesday.” my mother pew want to see you. come home and i’ll clean you up and we’ll go see mother pew.” i go home and put my little suit on. i there and she look at me and say, “you don’t like me do you?” “no ma’am.” “why?” “because my mama believe in all this stuff and i think it’s stupid.” she say, “son, imma tell you something. you won’t understand it right now, but i see a star in the center of your head.” one day, you’ll be 	 one of the most important people on the planet. and you’ll have so much money its almost like you were government.” years old what the fuck does that mean? i’m trying to get enough money to buy me some penny corn rolls. and she said, “they’re all going to come after you, but they won’t be able to get you.” years old. she says, “right before this happens i see you with this brand new leather suitcase.” this woman ain’t never seen a suitcase before. she’d seen a briefcase. where a nigga gone see a suitcase way back then? so i did something, because no nigga was to stand flat footed and talk to white folks at a comedy club until heffner brought me in. she said right before it happens i see you with this brown briefcase. so i did this thing when civil rights was just getting hot and abc did this thing called, “walk in my shoes.” it felt safe now, but then too many white folks was hip to us. the average white person looks at us they way they do their dog. they die for and go back in the house in fire, but if you ever came home one day and found that dog unlock that refrigerator and take your fucking stakes out and do everything to him and bring that fucking bitch dog from across the street over here and then you’d walk in here, you’d kill that motherfucker. that’s the way they feel about us. that is what we are going through now. so now i do this thing and that’s when i realize the power of t.v. three seconds and thousands of letter came in. a little while later they called me down in abc and said, “thank you. we never had this kind of response. the people just love you.” it was a gift. i went home with a brown briefcase and i said to my wife, “it won’t be long.” she said, “what you mean?” i say, “you’ll understand.” i bring john lennon to mother gibson. the government won’t let him in the country. he bring marijauana that was his peace. and here is what she said, “oh yeah. mother can take 	 care of that. you’re a friend of dick’s you’re a friend of mine. mother can take care of that, but you better make sure you want to be here, because when you come you never want to leave.” we just thought he would love it that much. we didn’t know she was saying, “you ass would die.” they killed him the next day at noon. they set a press conference announce that he had given % of his wealth to the peace movement. hsh: he got killed the next day? dg: that night. that’s why i can’t answer your question because… (hand gesture-“little by little.”) it comes from the whole ether. hsh: are there any other individuals that were writing on health around the same time frame? dg: there were no black people. who would they get to publish it? i was the celebrity for no other reason. the reason they can’t get me. i’m years, never fucked a white woman. i’m scared of them bitches. and never smoked reefer in my life. anything that white folks say was illegal i didn’t touch that’s where this head goes. now, they can’t trap me. if they tried to trap me with a sister, they’re too emotional. if a bitch want to give me some pussy and ain’t got no smile i know she mad. come in acting like she mad at me and don’t even know me. get on the plane and them black stewardess know more about the political shit than i know. 	 he worked for annheuser-bush and jack arden king teaching white folks. he said, “all you got to do is just keep your mouth shut. these folk go to work at the office around o’ clock and after that they got books that even white folks can’t read. come there and shut-up, i’ll let you sit in there and read them. i thought, “what she talking about?” i go to work with her one day on the law-mower and they leave and these two books that changed my life forever. one is the book dr. sumi wise. see back in the old days of medicine, medicine was to this planet what politics are now. it controlled everything. hsh: what was the title? dg: i don’t know. it was about this doctor, dr. sumi wise. back then the way you became a great doctor is you do a lot of cadavers. it’s kind of interesting because organs now, hospitals couldn’t survive without cadavers. if you’re not dieing fast enough i just turn myself and little van to bring the cadavers in and that was the body snatcher. they would snatch bodies. if you was skinny then they had no problem with it. him and his partner was working in the lab in budapest and the rich white women would come in the hospital and have children. % of all the children that was in the hospital was death to the mother and the child. now back then nobody knew anything about germs. so they would be ove in this room and then dissecting and then we hear the baby hollering and then we would go an just wipe our hands. it was germs that was killing the mother and baby. him and his partner would do wild shit. they came in and would paint the 	 maternity ward with lime and so they threw them out of school. “when ya’ll come back again don’t be doing this crazy stuff.” so one day he is going to the opera and he has a gold chain and he took a short cut and so this woman is squatting down having a baby. he went home and cried. he could go to the opera he felt so bad. this also answers another question for you. he went in the next day and his partner was man “where were you, man? how come you didn’t come to the opera?” he says, “let me tell you what i witnessed. i know if these rich women come in here - % of them child birth is fatal to the mother them folks in the ghetto don’t stand a chance.” months later he had to take a short cut home. had it not been for that the rest of the story would not be. he saw this same woman rocking the baby. he got to ask her the question to find out that most of them babies survived and they knew they were doing something wrong at the hospital. he went and tried to explain that with his partners, what they had to do and them ol’ hardcore put him in the mental hospital. he is in the mental hospital. his partner used to come and see him everyday. hsh: can you say his name again? summingwise. you hear the end of the story you realize how tricky the system is. then he went to the mental hospital. he was happy there. his partner come by and then he found out his partner was going to marry the head doctor’s daughter. they got married and he says, “summingwise, i made a deal. if you write a letter of apology and admit that all of this stuff you were doing was in you mind they will let you out the hospital and 	 you can come to work.” he goes back and he says “under one condition i have to speak to all the doctors ‘in the round’.” they taught in the round. that was the only condition. he goes and they all come in. and he says, “i’m sorry i tricked you all here today, but i have a piece of paper that i am signing to commit myself to the mental hospital for the rest of my life.” and they clapped, but one condition that ya’ll have to give me a team of three people that will change shifts every eight hours and sit here round the clock for two weeks.” he signed it. he took off his scalpel and cut his pants and stuck it in a dead corpse. the finger kept getting redder and redder until he was dead. that is why we are fucking here. not summingwise. this motherfucker put his life to convince something we can’t see. you never think about if america went to war and they had to draft people, how would they do it? hsh: via mail? dg: go back to napoleon’s age there was no mail. the guy that is famous just as napoleon was his recruiter would go through the wilderness, in between wars. there was no age. if you were years old and fit you were picked. in napoleon’s army, if you were years old and punky you were going. this great recruiter, captain was going through the wilderness and saw these lumberjacks. he foamed at the mouth. he had never in his days of picking specimens he’d never seen anything like this. he walked over and introduced hisself. they say, “oh yeah. i know you. you are the great one.” he says, “i just want to say its an honor to go through here and see someone like you. 	 how old are you?” “ .” he says, “well i want you know you now have the pleasure of serving in napoleon’s army.” he said, “i have a problem. i don’t do any killing. i chop my timber and i pay my taxes. i’m a citizen of france and i do not care.” the first guy thought he was just playing. he is the most popular thing on the planet second to napoleon. when he found out he wasn’t playing it turned to anger. he is embarrassed in front of his men. he says, “well, if you deny your service with napoleon then the penalty is death by fire.” now he just getting angry and so embarrassed. he says, “ready to fire.” they tie his hands. “ready! aim!” he looked into this old man’s eyes and saw a human being more beautiful than a killer. it fucked him up so bad. he said, “cancel the order. heat the branding irons.” this is his bullshit now. he told the old man, “whether you like it or not, fuck you god! you belong to napoleon.” he took his right, took that branding iron and ran it in the palm of his hand. he said, “whether you like it or not you belong to napoleon.” he got ready to walk away and grabbed him and said, “come here boy. i told you i chop my timber and pay my taxes. i belong to no man, but god.” he put his hand on the tree stump and took his axe and chopped his hand off. he said, “i belong to no man.” the captain went crazy and left napoleon because of one fucking man. when that story got out the word say, “never let the executionist see the executer.” that is when the blindfold came, because of one man. i read that and my life changed. one man. i said, “i can do that. i don’t need no money. guided my life from that day on. hsh: when did you see writing about health happening on a more prevalent stage? 	 dg: i didn’t. you just look up one day and the whole black thing changed. there was a point there was a book that i could buy at your store that i couldn’t buy at barnes and noble. except them ones that they didn’t want white folks to see. hsh: what time period would you say? dg: not just the health on everything. hsh: what about the health? dg: see that went along with it. we started seeing elijah muhammad’s book, how to eat to live. then you started seeing others and other people that knew. before that there was no market for it. black folks sure didn’t want it. when i became a vegetarian man, you go any major restaurant in america and vegetables was the side order. you didn’t even pay for that. the main order was the meat and after that the rest was the side. they give that shit away. i went in restaurants and i ask, “what kind of vegetables do you have? i’d like some mashed potatoes. i’d like some green beans and some broccoli.” “what do you want for your meat?” “that is all i want.” “you can’t buy that here.” “ok give me fried chicken with those same vegetables and on the way out throw the chicken in the garbage can.” that is how i had to do it. 	 dg: did you ever get interview for black books bulletin? hsh: if i did, i don’t remember. you see, i never wrote a book in my life. every book i got out there i put it on tape and then i bring the researchers. like you said, “what day did that happen?,” i can tell you kennedy was killed on friday, but if i didn’t know that i just take the date and the researchers would have to tell me the day and time. i had to find a white boy, because black folks didn’t need to hear what i had to say and white folks would understand the ghetto tone. i brought in white sports writer from the new york times. he put it out there where it sound likes me to them. you ever listen to your voice on tape? dg: eating bananas like that is a violation. you hear people say, bananas upset my stomach. it is the starch. it doesn’t become potassium until it browns. i used to get bananas like that couldn’t believe it. they make all this money on rotten bananas. dg: elijah muhammad was talking about the navy beans, but you didn’t know the secret of navy beans. then i started looking at it and i had a friend, the richest white dude in congress congressman fred richmond a longtime billionaire. we became real close. i go to have lunch with him at congress and on the menu it says by the act of congress we must have navy bean soup everyday. and i said, “fred, why is this a law?” he said, “its not a law.” “fred, what does that say?” “yeah, but…” “let’s go over to the senate dial.” same thing. i said, “this is a fucking law.” he said, “well let me check it.” two 	 days later that came off of there. you can’t go there now. i said, “wooo.” then fred is really upset. i said lets get some research here and find out. navy beans is called navy beans is the great white lord of beans and that is because it’s the only food you can put on the ship that a rat can’t eat or a mouse can’t eat. that’s why is called navy beans. he says, “what does that mean?” i say, “well. a rat and a mouse teeth grow everyday like your hair so they get to keep gnawing down while they will choke to death. there jaws is stronger than an elephant, hippopotamus, or rhinosaurus.” they can eat through anything, but a navy bean. the navy beans have twenty of the twenty-one amino acids and one you get twenty, the body will manufacture the twenty-first one. now all this shit that’s fixing to happen. could be next week or the week after. if you ain’t got navy bean you can prepare yourself for death. and you bet not cook em, because people ain’t eating em. they smell your food, forty blocks away take a hammer and…but that’s all you need. if you never drank water like you should your body starting that day will void pints a day. that’s what i got out of this whole trip. otherwise, i would be sitting here not knowing. the deep freezer will go out. all of the electric will go out and everything would be over. hospitals will shut down. your medicine…you see this planet as much as it’s polluted if all us dies tonight in hours the planet would be as clean as it was on day one. it’s the universal law. that’s the motion. i used to tell people. do you know who ya’ll are? every washing machine its not that it gets it cleans it is the agitator. that’s what niggas have to be, the agitator. if you took the agitator out of the washing machine all you would have would be some wet, dirty clothes. 	 hsh: who did you publish you article with? dg: i don’t remember all that shit. i have no idea. i had viktoras kulvinskas, survival of the st century. lover your body he is the raw food man. he would come by the house and they would say, “the devil! the devil! frankenstein!,” because good health had nothing to do with good looks. good looks is glamour. victor came by my farm one day and we were talking and victor was one of the old original guys with the manhattan program. we were talking about something and i thought he knew it. i say, “it took me a long time before i realized administration is a violation of god.” now what’s cool about people like him they go crazy inside hearing you say that, but they have enough integrity and an enough wisdom to go check it out and then come back. then it’s not a confrontation. i was telling him when i was in high school, grade school, i worked at this drug store and i was the delivery boy, cents a night. i noticed % of the stuff was sanitary napkins, kotex. the women would come to the door and they wouldn’t open up the door all the way and when you see em, they would say, “how much?” and when you tell them that would give you the biggest tips. i realized something with menstruation. they were ashamed of it. i said to my partner, “lets do this here. let’s go to dr. greene.” he made good money. he would bond us, negroes. if you was the white person and the maid came she was bonded you didn’t have to trust if anything was missing, the bonding company would pay it. i went over there and said, “would you bond me and bo.” he bond us. and i said, “lets go out to the junkyard and pick us enough junk to put bikes together.” we went to fred losher was the guys names. “we’re 	 going to pick twelve drugstores and be delivery boys for free. just make money from our tips and use our bonding card.” we go and pick other dudes and “will give you cents a night, what the white folks would give you.” there were no black drugstores. and we’ll give you % of the tips. we cleaned up and i didn’t realize until…i know administration is a violation. just like you buy a tea kettle and add water for tea, but in case you get in a conversation and forget they have that [whistle]. it wasn’t made for that, but in case you mess up. well administration is the same thing. in case you mess up. he sends me a letter and says…neal says, “i need to talk to you, because this white boy ain’t got no business playing with you like this.” i say, “you’re right.” “he write a page letter, saying he gone be your share-cropper.” i called victor, i say, “victor, i don’t like the idea of…i thought it would be one white boy…fucking with niggas.” neal read that fucking letter to me and told me that…” he apologized. he was explaining to me that, “administration is a violation of god. i felt so sorry for you, but i have enough respect. the next day i went to harvard medical school library everything he said they have it documented, but they don’t teach it.” administration start when you get old enough to create life and then when you get to where you can’t have no more babies administration leave. the hot flashes is that god been flushing all that stuff out you and now if you want to get rid of germs you heat the water. that’s why the woman body has hot flashes. he heats it up, burns that shit up to stop it. now with women with freedom and women running marathons and playing basketball they don’t have no periods and them fucking doctors is operating on them. they don’t need no period, because you sweating all that shit out. the whole universe is changing. the hot flashes is heating the 	 body up. and when that happens you suppose to get blankets to put on to help heat it up. the people who are right the history about the… they haven’t been born yet. they’ll write it with no hidden agenda. the whole white racist agenda, white supremacy it ain’t these rednecks. they don’t care nothing about it, but most white folks don’t understand white supremacy. that’s what got bill cosby in trouble. when he said that he wanted to buy nbc when it was for sale. then those white supremacists got together. i remember before he said that he was white america’s daddy. he had jello. he had white children on his back in the commercials. he had tapioca up to his ears. nobody asked the simple question how did bill cosby son get killed and he can’t do no more jello commercials. what happened is the woman out there we had a flat…nobody waits to rob you on the highway. we had a flat so we called this white woman and she showed up in a mini skirt and mink coat. how was she suppose to change a flat? bill knows that the mercedes he had is he had a flat it changed its own tire. then he said, the one robbing him had $ , cash. dg: he headed the north vietnamese army, he wrote this book years before we went in there. he said, “give me an army that is willing to die and i will destroy any army that is willing to kill.” he wrote years before. he wrote this and we didn’t even read it. hsh: who is this? 	 dg: general diop, the north vietnamese army. “give me an army that is willing to die and i will destroy any army that is willing to kill.” and he did just that. american soldiers leave. they kiss their girlfriends and say, “ill be home for christmas on your birthday.” and we’ll over there trying to get back and they’re over there this is a lifetime. they wanted to die and save their country. but we see all that change. i believe… i was sitting with a friend of mind when i was like years old. i say, “man, you know what i was just thinking we are born with a brain, but no mind. we are born with guns, but no teeth. and i say teeth come in individual. that’s teeth and the last one come in is wisdom teeth.” i don’t know nothing about computers. i said, “they’ll have a machine that they’ll be able to program grade school, high school and college in minutes through your teeth.” and here we are. somebody hasn’t invented the teeth thing yet and here we are. i was twelve years old. bits these are connected. its like how many people got out of jail, because of dna. dna didn’t just get invented. dna was here before we got here. we just got here. are you hip to breathatarians? fruitarians? but you can’t wear clothes you have to just breath. dr. hutima, the breath of life. i started looking at all of that. i mean just in one step leading to another. the highest level is breathatarian. the second highest level is fruitarian. 	 interview with queen afua qa: i was born in brooklyn, ny. my father was the founder of a church with two other members in brooklyn and he also was an entrepreneur. he was a dental technician —his own business and he had real estate. my mother, she was a housewife for about years and then she studied and became a dietician. i went to school here with my two older brothers and we lived in the house where i am now. this is our family home. i went to brooklyn college for two years and at the same time that i was in college i was extremely sick. i remember being sick from age to age and it was ever so many years another disease would crop up, but when it really shut me down is when the asthma kicked in with a vengeance. but, it wasn’t just the asthma—i had other things going on. i had chronic headaches that would last for hours. i also had achronic pms. i was chronically constipated. i had arthritis and i was an artist. i was a singer and a dancer and i had a dance company. and, i remember performing at the metropolitan opera house in aida. so that is where i was going in the arts. and, so in that same time it was around that i had a wake up to wellness, but that was also the cultural revolution. and, it was the beginning the black panther party opened up their storefront two blocks from here. and my brother became a black panther at that time. and it was in that time that i was still sick. i was sick. i was an artist. i didn’t know anything about healing, but i remember sitting in front of my mother’s kitchen table and i was eating the classical corn out of a can, frozen peas and fried fish and white bread and i heard the drum in the kitchen and i never heard the drum in the kitchen. and, i never heard the drum before. i 	 don’t even remember where, but i jumped up and i ran out to the park up the block and i saw two drummers and i just stood there transfixed. and, it must’ve been the ancestors calling my spirit. and from that point on i started to study african dance. because that’s when…there were two that really brought dance to america that i was aware of that was baba olatunji who i ended dancing for his company for a little while and also baba kwame ishangi. they both brought so much of culture to america back in the ’s. so both of them became my mentors in dance and culture on that level of art. so from that point on i went on a healing retreat and i met…i am trying to remember his name, he is now an ancestor, but he did so much work in media. he would gather us together, pretty much how you are working on your dissertation. he gathered us together, the different healers back then and we would go on the radio and we became known. john harris. john harris. he was like our hero in holistic health. he opened up a restaurant—a juice bar on th street on th or th avenue and that was the first time i had ever saw any of us do such a thing. so in that whole process, i was invited on a retreat that he was hosting —him and his wife at the time, ruth. and i met one of the greatest healers of my time and that was dr. johnnie moore. i got off the bus and he’s a master herbalist for over years at that time and i also did not bring my medication. but i heard in this room that i am in room now, i heard—i was by the piano and i heard the spirit tell me that i am going to be on a hill. i didn’t know how, i didn’t know where, i didn’t know what, i didn’t know who i was going to meet, but somehow it felt so unnatural to be so sick and the doctor’s told my mother that i should’ve been in a glass house. i was getting sicker and sicker and there was no more medication for me and we were getting a stronger form of 	 medication. so at i was walking around with a respirator and so i come on that retreat, i got off the bus, the medication wasn’t there, the asthma kicked in. the trees and the grass were like an enemy to my body. it shouldn’t be, but i was so toxic which i didn’t realize. i was so toxic i was out of harmony with nature so nature was actually detoxing me and i didn’t know how to relate to that, but the asthma was there, then weezing— couldn’t hardly breathe and then eczema kicked in and i was scratching. it was like a junky and i was scratching as quietly as i was bleeding because i was scratching my arms and my legs and weezing was there and then the fear kicked in. “ok, i don’t have any medication. i don’t know these people. it was like a whole new world. what am i going to do out here?” i heard the inner voice, spirit told me to eat grapefruits, lemons and oranges. that was my first formula and they had all the fruits there. they had vegetables and fruits. and i told my friend that “i can’t go on this retreat with you. do they have chicken?” and no chicken, then why would i go on this retreat, but i went anyway. and then, in the state that i was in, because i was just drinking and cutting oranges, i was still weezing and i was still scratching. i was still going through it mentally. i heard this loud strong voice and it was dr. moore that, “the healing is in the plants.” talking about the healing is in the plants and that we could heal ourselves and we did not have to suffer. he started talking about these testimonies and i was spellbound. he would talk about women who could not conceive and they were able to conceive through plants. he would talk about the diabetes and high blood pressure and he had some of the barks and the roots there and he was educating us. but, that whole day i only heard him and i sat in front of a fire place and propped myself in front of the fire place, because you have an 	 attack of asthma if you lie down your lungs will collapse. so everyone could sleep the heat was going in my lungs and the next morning i woke up and all this mucous started to drain out of my body. i realized years later that that fire place was my first sweat lodge and when i was on grapefruit, lemons, oranges and water that that was my first fast. and i realized later on that morning when the mucous came out of my nose, my mouth and my eyes that that was my first detox. and then when i realized listening to dr. moore that that was my first really state of enlightenment. and that whole day i listened to all these strange people to me, but they seemed like they had so much wisdom and i latched on to everything that they said. they talked about buddhist medicine. they talked about how to prepare foods holistically, naturally—how to heal your body. they talked about using movement as a for of healing. i was dancing then so i could relate. they talked about breathology and herbology and all that. i picked up one book. i picked up many books, but i picked up one book that i could identify with and that was dick gregory’s, cooking with mother nature. he was another one that gave that enlightenment. i went home with what i gathered from that weekend, from that mountain and i changed my diet—i became an immediate vegetarian. and what year would you say that was? i was . you could do the math. i was . its now…i don’t remember the year. and it was around . that was the year ya know and so from that point on, i came home…i did not do a transition like i tell everyone else to do one because its hard to make the shift, but i know why i was so sick. it was necessary for me to be self-inflicted, because it took me two day cycles. i wasn’t counting the numbers, but as i reflected years later i started analyzing, i said “wait a minute, how long did it take me to get rid of that asthma 	 completely and the eczema and the pms, and the arthritis, and the headaches. and i was an introvert at the same time i was an artist, but how are you going to do that? but i was very quiet, extremely quiet and it healed every part of me. so now those day cycles — so i now teach people days cleansing that’s my foundational work and from there i opened up my home. people would visit me- i wasn’t trying to open up my home- people kept visiting me and i would give them a tonic. and, i would give them what was in my kitchen and i would tell them “you can’t bring any junk into the house because i’m not living like that.” i refused. and since i healed myself i was very strict, so all my friends wanted to visit me and we’ d dance, we’d drum at my house [and] we’d play music and they loved being there, but they had to heal in order to be there. so, i’d run them a healing bath- everybody got a healing bath that came to visit me. everybody got herbal tonics [as] that were a part of my conversation. everybody got a powerful green salad. so within all of that, they would stay for ten to twelve days and get healed. i then would see one person after the next, and they would come and visit me to get healed. someone called me; my father had another house, a brownstone he had tenants in and someone called and said “i heard about you and i’m in the hospital and they want to take my kids from me and maybe you could help me.” and i said, “well i don’t know if i can help you,” but before i could say anything else he hung up the phone and within an hour was in front of my door with his gown on. he looked like he had escaped from prison— from the hospital. he said, “you have to help me” and i went into my kitchen and started creating a care package. i had a brown bag and put apple cider vinegar in it and i put some goldenseal in it and i put two lemons in there and then i put maybe some spirulina. 	 i started packing little things for him and i said “you do this. you do that and help me and maybe this can help you.” and he took that care package and years later he said “i never had to remove my kidney. i’m so thankful. thank you.” and what happened is i started to have people get caught up in a spiritual path. that was my spiritual path — wellness, healing. so no matter what spiritual path you are bounded, if you heal yourself you will connect to the source of creation and you will get all your answers. in that quest, my mother told me “you need to study this.” my mother wasn’t interested in this, at all, but she said, “you don’t seem like you are interested in school, but you need to study this because you call my friends up about it, people and strangers. i became an evangelist of wellness. i remember i made a flier up in the neighborhood and i walked around the neighborhood with this flier saying, “come to my home. i am going to show you how to heal yourself.” i laid out a little banquet and one brother came and we talked for eight hours and i was so happy to have that one brother to talk to, because those people on the mountain i never saw them again. years later, i saw them as i started going deeper into holistic health, they started showing up. i said, “oh! that’s dr. moore. that’s bro. kanye from th street who instructed on metaphysical teachings. i met all the others from that place, daiya on th that actually became colon hydrotherapist. i think she was a massage therapist, but she did different forms of healing medicine. so all the people started to show up in my life as kept on the path. i didn’t know anyone then, but i knew i’d heal myself. that i did know and then from that point i became a holistic health practitioner and became certified in that. and then i became certified as a hatha yoga instructor. i was certified by mark becker and so i have know him from way back when 	 my children were really small. i used to take yoga practice at his center. and then i became a clarity practitioner. i realized that i had adopted— i opened up a center on flatbush ave over fish market. i had two children and one on the way . and i had a grand opening when i was eight months pregnant. and i was also a colon therapist so i opened up colonic space as well as fasting space and people would come in the neighborhood. i remember having the baby in the carriage and the other two hanging onto the stroller and i walked around flatbush ave giving out my brochures on my place of practice and saying “i can help you to heal. i had my first three people came to the fast and i saw thousands and thousands people began to fast with me. i did colonic irrigation and hydrotherapy and healing baths and all of that. so that was my quest and then it went from there to opening a norstrand ave store front and then a spiritualist came into my life and that was kwame ishangi who is also , represented united nations they honored him for his art that he brought african culture to america (something) five years. and he believed in this work he had wife to study with me in colon therapy and he would come to my center and do spiritual readings and then at that point he taught me how to do spiritual baths and i was his apprentice. it just went on. the whole story i feel like writing a story in this conversation on my life, but it was everyday forty something years days a week. and the people that i meet. the book came out of the people. everything that i have done has come out of people. it has been there request. there were things that i wanted to do which was dance— i wanted to dance, i wanted to sing, i had a doo wop group, i was in a whole another path. i was in a company called the demi-gods with joseph walker. he is our ancestor now. he had a play on broadway, i 	 forget the name of the play, but it was love (well) received and he took a company together of young artists that auditioned and he said that i had raw talent so he took me in and he taught us everything —all forms of dance, writing plays, creating sets and one of the major performers out of that circle her name is lizz white she’s is all the broadway plays out there. i was in her company. we were in a company together. so that is really what i wanted to do, but where the most high placed me, where people placed me was to be a healer, but what did i get out of that. personally, i was able to heal myself and that has been my theme that i was able to heal myself. and, i was able to stay on the path, because if you stop healing yourself then you get sick it’s in the blood and in the bloodline. my family had asthma, heart condition, diabetes so i was set-up for those issues and so i knew that if i did not continue to live this life-style and if i would stay will this all-american toxic diet then i would be casualty and i probably been out of my body now. i had just one and it was one that i prayed for for years and there was one that i had before that, his name was ronald davidson. we came up together, he became a doctor and i became a holistic practictioner. and he just passed in his s. may his soul rest in peace, but he was the one that whole community loved and he was the one would sign us off if we needed medical documentation. he just took care of us. he was also an acupuncturist and a herbalist. and he was the one i would send people to and he would send a few people to me and so since he has been gone there has been a gap in the community. later on, i met dr. jewel pookrum and i remember giving her the feather of my eye to pray us together. she took on the ancient kemetic legacy at the time and we bonded and we bonded in wellness. and so, i acknowledged her in the book, sacred 	 woman: a guide to healing the body mind and spirit. i put her in the opening of the book. she was a surgeon and she put down her surgical instruments and took up the mantle at that time of wellness. she had a calling at her own crisis and she was at her crossroads and would tell her own story and from that she found her healing in wholistic health and from that point own she went through a lot of challenges being a surgeon and then not doing surgery and in her circle they thought something was wrong with her, but she steaded the path and that had a great influence in my consciousness. i was very moved by that commitment and so called her one of the elders of womb-wellness which is my primary work. women come to me for womb-wellness so i acknowledged also nakulako up in harlem who has at this point delivered , babies. i don’t know she just has been working for so many years and she also a mid-wife and she just blesses the community with the birthing. currently, i have a professional relationship with one physician for five years. we’ve gone the deepest than the previous relationships. we partner quite a bit. she has endorsed overcoming an angry vagina as a holistic alternative book for hysterectomy prevention and her endorsing it and then we did a play— i created a play that went up in london. it was a one-woman play based on if your vagina could speak what would she say—so much pain, because i have so many women who have suffered from rape and incest and abusive relationships and hysterectomies and also pain and struggle, intercourse disaster and young women looking for love in all the wrong places. (in this play), i answer a lot of questions inside that book. so i did the play here in speaking for the voices for the wombs. i was invited to see vagina monologues so i came out and saw the play and i saw the women crying. 	 mainly, the european women were speaking for all the women in the world, but i didn’t hear the solutions or rather the second part of the solution. i heard the pain. and you have to reach the pain that is the first level in healing. speak it out, call it out, cry it out, scream it out and begin to build, restore, renew, forgive, love again and using nature as a healing make for recovery. so she cosigned that book. she also cosigned my son, super nova slom’s book, hip hop medicine man and his back is for the remedy and he put a dvd out discussing wholistic medicine for the hip hop generation which erykah badu was in that dvd and dead prez and a few luminaries. and so that went out in the world and he walks in my footsteps in terms of that. we have a lot of kitchen talks me and my sons about wellness. since they were little to adult and now they have their own children. hsh: did you have any affiliation with nasa? qa: i did a presentation there and i had no idea that it was going to be anything. i came in to talk to a few people and when i came in it was all the scientists all over the world and it was produced to go global and i didn’t know that. i’m thinking a little lecture to a few people who might be interested in wellness and i walked into a whole world. and i was grateful that i liberation to purification. that was a wonderful opportunity. dr. sheridan answered the question that i was trying to start with dr. davidson. i asked dr. davidson “i need to quantify my work. i need to prove it.” he said, “well. you need hundreds of thousands of people, but that would cost about $ , to $ , and i said, “ok, i don’t have that, selling a jar of clay and a book and a workshop.” so i held onto 	 the vision and when dr. sheridan and i connected, she was speaking to one of my clients who was her patient and he mentioned that his wife was with me and he was being examined by her and she said “my wife is with queen afua” and dr. sheridan said “this queen afua keeps coming up. a lot of my patients have seen her and they have done a lot of healing through her wellness work so i would like to meet her.” when he told me that i was so excited because i said “this might be it that i am gonna meet her too.” so, i got off the elevator to her clinic, grace family practice and wellness center and i walked to her and she walked to me and we walked right into a hug. we didn’t even shake hands or ask “how are you doing?” it was informal. we hugged eachother and what i felt at that moment was holistic and allopathic life merge and we then held hands like girlfriends from little children growing up and we went and sat in her office with her stethoscope and lab jacket and she see about , patients a year. she is extremely busy. i sat down and her patients sat there to bring us together and we just talked about story. she talked about that she was looking for someone wholistic who can help the people, educate her patients, begin to bring wholistic work into her practice and i was looking for someone to quantify the work. now all during that time i would come and work in her clinic for one year and every month she asked me a question to answer at a seminar that i was to give every wednesday. i was there for months every month and she would just tell me the topic and i would give the presentation and she would say this month could you talk about elements. and i would talk about the five elements. the next month it was high blood pressure. the next month was fibroid tumors. the next month it was obesity. the next month it was diabetes. after the twelve months were over i didn’t know what, but i 	 just said that i had to do some other things and she said, “well do you want to do the detest. so she gathered nurses and we worked for weeks and we gathered they cam came and got their blood work done. they had their health insurance and they went through the program. and they were so pleased to have a medical doctor and a wholistic practitioner who have been working on this for over three decades. and to have us merge together was like they were in heaven. i know its not that deep, but it felt like….and she then would take them off of their medication, because they were healed. and she said that i am the scientist, i am not giving them the herbs, food preparation, workshops and exercises. you do all of that.” this is your program, but what i am gonna do is scientifically support it and i am bringing in five other nurses who are willing to volunteer as well. another nurse who has her ph.d. joined in on that. so we have to complete that. one little capsule of the possibility, but together we created a proposal and we did submit it so that we could get more funding, but their was no funding. we both put in to get funding to do this research and to prove that it would save the economy. and as soon as we started our research project that’s when our current president, barack obama was coming in and i said that this is so important for us to do it now and to let him know what we are doing. we didn’t complete the process of letting him know, but we did complete the process of putting the document together. we just have to and we sent it to the medical ama it wasn’t received and it was sent back. it should still go to him and i am sure that he’s got himself so saturated. so we have plenty of opportunities and we kinda of missed some of them to continue on the journey so when man heal thyself came out she was also there to talk to the men statistically why it is important that 	 we get into practicing wellness. hsh: what is your official title in the line of work that you do? qa: i am wholistic health practitioner. i am also polarity practicioner, colon therapist and hatha yoga instructor. that’s official. then i am a priestess of the kemetic legacy based on the teachings of ptah of the ancient nile valley legacy and that’s my primary title. i am not active in it (polarity practice), but when i studied wholistic health some decades ago i studied that as energy system working and moving energy with touch and so i do the touch through now my tongue. i talk people into wellness. i pour into their heart and i have been able to take the teachings of sacred woman, because i had to research and one of te things thtat i found is that every practice that i was doing, everything doing with wholistic health is actually an african naturalized style of health from the nile valley and everytime that i would study further when writing the book it was called therapy, astrology, aromatherapy, raki. i met the raki masters his eyes they work with energy in reference to resurrecting ausar, the king and so i see colonic irrigation or all forms of hydrotherapy, healing baths, the colon therapy, vegetarian lifestyle, internal hygiene– all that would bring us back to the ancient nile valley legacy, but we didn’t get credit for it and so that’s becomes an issue. it’s like the honoring your mother and your father and everything is out of balance. then i realized that everything is based on maat. and i 	 understand why a whole civilization was based on maat. in the united states heart attacks are the number killer. that means that everyone is suffering from a broken heart and our civilization was based on a scale of balance and one side of the scale is the heart and the other side of the scale is the feather. so they are telling us that our heart have to be light as a feather. well then how does your heart become as light as a feather. well, when you realize that you are on the seat of power you create the world. your consciousness creates your body, creates your relationships, and creates your world so if you elevate your thinking your consciousness which is taught in ancient practice and your heart become light and you begin to realize i created all of this and that means that i can create something different and the power to heal is within. hsh: how does your work contribute to the health and wellness of the african community? qa: give me a hospital and give me six months of dedicated practitioners of wellness and we would go into that hospital and intergrate. we don’t even have to sto p anything that is going on there, but we need to intergrate wholistic practice in the hospital. i know that if we were able to integrate the work that i am doing with other practitioners doing. one of the primary pieces to me is that food is medicine and i say that just like a surgeon uses their scalpel and a doctor may use medication, i used food as medicine the same way based on the five elements (air, fire, water, air, consciousness). when my clients come they come in a state of emergency—beyond emergency. they come to me only because 	 they have tried everything and they don’t find that there is any other way out and they don’t want another surgery and they have been on medication for five to ten years and they have side effects. and the side effects are more deadly than the start of their disease. so i know that because of that working in emergency i figured that anyone that works in the emergency ward long enough they have a lot of knowledge. i have been working in the emergency ward. we only go to the emergency ward when we know something has burst to the point of almost no return. so if that’s my clients, my clients would call me up after getting diagnosed they are gonna have surgery—a lot of women say that the doctors told me that i have to have a hysterectomy. and it critical because they are on their way to their car. you know when someone calls you on the way to the car not when they get home. i have had many calls they are on their way crying, scared to death, petrified and they remember to heal and they say “i have had your book for years. i didn’t know that i had to change. i think that i am ready now. if i have another choice i would like to try” and so i am able to take whatever the case is and no matter what they case is to take them to higher ground so i have a lil one-room school back in the day of our mothers, and grandmothers and great-grandmothers that in this one room with all the levels that was in the one room and they learned the second grade, third-grade , fifth grade and so on and there was one teacher and she taught everybody at one time. i have that one-room school and i teach woman and man heal-thyself and i teach the emerald green wholistic practitioner training in it. so i am training others, it’s a legacy and i want the legacy and i want people to be able to teach you have to write the books, you have to do the dvds, you have to have the institution to teach so that it doesn’t die with 	 you, because i have buried ten healers in their forties and fifties and a few in their early sixties. i understood too what had happened to them, but in that i mentioned dr. j( : ) in all of my books and i also saw johnny moore and i read his book and i said that it was wonderful, but dr. johnny moore had left a document we would have those years of knowledge and what makes a people powerful is knowledge. we suffer for lack of knowledge and that is the whole point of the ancestors and being on their shoulders it means that we are now a step higher. we have all of what they have and all of our enthusiasm and that we are able to take all that generational work and pass to other generation and the generations become stronger and stronger. it’s like starting all over. and so that is my father’s teachings. my father is a garveyite, he was also an entrepreneur and i followed that was like his kitchen conversation. he would talk about african people and what we needed to do to settle ourselves and so i took it on from a wholistic place to continue the work uplifting my people to accomplish what we want. hsh: what is your definition of the phrase wholistic health? qa: wholistic health is taking account of wholeness. your body creates a level of wellness has to merge with your mental body (mental wellness), has to merge with your spiritual body has to merge with your social body has to merge with your material (physical). that all has to work together- synergy, because some might even want to be physically healed, but they don’t have the finance and that becomes an issue because we do have health insurance–some of us. millions of us do not have health insurance, but if 	 we had health insurance we would have health insurance to have surgery so that we don’t have many choices when we have health insurance and that is an issue. and many of us would have health insurance to have medication and medication— you can have it, but it has a life sentence and if you were to have health insurance for alternative medicine natural healing then you would have more choices and that would create the balance. a lot of my clients would like to see me or people like me but their health insurance won’t cover. the doctor that i was working with tried to integrate me into her practice and they said that she could not do that and she said, “i take responsibility for her”, collected my whole system of work and i worked form her office. everything would shift if that happened and we would be healthier people. when i connected with the philosophy and principle around maat that is when i realized its really maat its wholistic health what is the whole point of getting massage and raki and colon therapy and nutrition it is to get into maat. so you can put in one word it balance, harmony all these aspects and it goes right into our heart, which is our relationships. we are eating ourselves to death because our relationships our out of balance. with our mothers we are holding animosity with our fathers, with our mates. as we go into the heart of it and connect our heart to our body, mind and spirit , our economics and all relations then we can begin to heal using natural elements air, the breath; fire, the sun and foods; water, saturated in the body; earth, the very foundation of the soil. bring all the elements together with meditation and prayer creates a whole being, a radiant vibrant being that now the whole planet changes for. 	 hsh: in which era did the wholistic movement begin in america and in the african community? qa: that is when i work up and the whole nation shifted. power to the people started permeating and i remember saying “i’m black and i’m proud.” one of the brothers who opened up a sports space there everybody came to his shop and he had all the cultural images of great,a murial of us and during that time there was a particular place that i believe was one of the first places the opened up a new era i think they opened up a year before i started to take my journey and that’s. they opened up indian and european integrate yoga. i don’t know the gurus, but one of the gurus was there and had a european name, the person that does the yoga fest was one of his teachers and so for the wholistic realm the indian teaching came in. and the indian teachings were an off shoot of african teachings so you can date back yoga practice, meditation bases back to african culture and with that vegetarian lifestyle came in and brought yoga practice came in and meditation came in. while that was going on african culture the ground swell and african studies started to come through and african dance and drumming and studying languagues and schools. i remember one of the cultural centers in new york was on claver place called the east. and i remember going there and hearing. i missed him, but i would come in during that era. and new york was a heart spring of culture and wholistic healing and then the panters were coming in. everything was an explosion and the hippies came in fighting the war. all of this happened at the same time and people 	 were fighting for righteousness. they were fighting to not be swallowed up by what we call the beast, willie lynch we wanted to end that and break those chains. and so we all found our way during that time. the afros came i looked the imagery of women and what women should be like and we based it on african culture so women started to wear afro’s, natural hair. we took out the dye, the lye of the hair and we started to wear the dress, the long dresses. and during that time i was then and i remember i went over to it was like the same omonth that malcolm x came into the community at the time and he presented and i was moved by that and i was also moved by how to eat to live cuz i was also seeking a way and i went to the mosque to find out more about what was happening there, because they were like the man was so upright at the time and so respectful to the women and then they started opening up restaurants. at this point, i didn’t believe what they were eating necessarily, but they had their own businesses and they were building farms and factories and that was power to the people. the whole realm was power to the people. in the middle of that i became vegetarian and i was teaching african dance, i’m going to the nation i am doing some of everything to try to figure it out. then when i met baba shangi and opened up the wellness center. it was in that everything opening up in america to me. hsh: was there a name for the wholistic health movement in the african community? qa: really, we didn’t relate to that. i was talking ot myself for a long time and its really just— it’s gone viral now, everyone is doing it. but when i was coming up, my family 	 thought i was strange and anyone that tried to make a shift to this would go to their families with total trauma. their families did not embrace it. food was the centerpiece of the household. you change your food, you might lose your family and that is what people were doing. they were getting upset. they were sick and now that they were getting better and were trying to bring it to their families, but the families were not having it. and sometimes the family would spike the food and i would hear a lot of that. “well it was and so they put it in the greens.” and they would ostracize those that would come into wholistic health lifestyle. so people would embrace african culture faster , the dance, language and the art, but when it came to changing what you would put in your mouth and would confuse my young son at the time who was maybe or . he thought that everyone that had african clothes on was vegetarian. he was like wow i thought they were in the culture and culture was synonymous with wellness. it blew him away. he became militant about wholistic wellness that we have to raise our frequency and heal our bodies and that is apart of taking this responsibility on and healing your community. it was not welcome in the early days, but what i did with that is the book, city of wellness, i figured people are always asking a question faracan ( : ) kicked in head when i was he said, “the creator has a master plan.” and he would always speak at what they would call the black shops and there was a black shop in this neighborhood. a black shop was a place where a man usually would be there—an african brother and he would have his cowries shells and he would have his posters on angela davis, malcolm and he would have the dashikis and the lappas and te he incense and this was all connected to african culture and us getting into our culture and becoming 	 righteous and outside of his shop he would always play “the create has a master plan.” and i would say ok and i am overcoming this asthma at the same time and hearing this plan and i would always talk about this plan. i learned that the plan came through m throught the books because i was always asking the question of about the plan: how are we gonna heal ourselves? how are we gonna overcome? are people are dieing like flies. we have the highest incident of disease out of all forms of disease, but there are also answers for all those forms of disease and how do i get to the people so that can understand. so one of the things that happened is that i wrote the book through a brother out from atlanta (i forget his name), but he became a supporter of me and he said “you have to write a book.” i wrote this book and i wrote the seven kitchens of consiousness in the city of wellness and that i started to see a shift when that happened. that was the international soul food kitchen came through, because it was about the food of your culture so i gathered like a museum the southern soul food recipes that fols are familiar with the classical one that can bury you if you do not have alternatives and the southern fried chicken and the turkey and the stuffing – all of what happens in that. and started to look at vegetarian alternatives and we had a few restaurants open up i know in dc there were two soul food vegetarian restaurants and that was powerful, but what happens is that we went about this caribbean soul food. so i got recipes from the caribbean community or my clients and their families, classical ones and then i would create alternative so that they would not get sick from the foods. and when i looked at hispanic foods and got some recipes and so i started to doctor some of those up wholistically. and then i got some foods from south african and some from ghana and so i went into the foods and i 	 said that this is the common ground we are all gonna eat, but what are we eating how are we eating, how are we preparing it and can we incorporate cleansing, rejuvenating so i found a way to create this international soul food kitchen one that we could share together and it would not divide familie, because what happens when you divide families people who are vegetarians are afraid to bring the children to the grandparents and so they need the grandparents to help raise them, but the grandparents are fighting to say that this is the way that you should eat, but then they learn, because they don’t know and if you do not create a bridge everyone brings their food to holidays and the festivals of the family and the family reunions and the family stay undivided. and i watched some of that healing begin to take place. i have a drama that opened me up to work at omega institute. omega institute is suppose to be the top institute in the world of alternative medicince in the new york european circle so i was invited by a small group that was being supported and they asked me could i come and do a presentation so i said ok. they got me there and i did this presentation and got the attention of those that rain that institute. the people that ran that oprah her wellness sundays she brings different minds advanced in wholistic practice so she studied from there and they look at her as their god mother. european women, % us and they all look at her as their god mother. she helps and supports them and she studied there from my observation iyanla vanzant spends time there and she say’s “girl you gotta get over there and let them know what you are doing so overtime so when i went there i did one thing interested me i did a family drama. and whenever i do it everybody connects because this is what happens i take one person out of the audience and i said you are gonna be the one who finally found your way to 	 wellness and was able to heal yourself and is so excited about your new found level of healing and you have gotten rid of your obesity and your diabetes and you have gotten rid of your depression all of that and you know the challenge is that family that you come out of they have the same issues and now your gonna go to the family reunion and your gonna go speak to your mother about it and your new found black religion, new found path and you speak to your father about it and speak to your best friend , speak to your aunt your cousin, you uncle bubba your gonna to speak to all these family members and tell them all about this excitement and what is gonna happen they are gonna slap you down and they are gonna tell you that this is how we eat. i don’t know what you are doing and they are not going to relate to you through food and so it happens the drama and as you are going to each one they are not co-signing it they are not supporting it and it breaks your spirit. and sometimes they go hard and say that this is how we should do and this is how our family do it and this is how we survived and so and so is years old and how come and bring this. this is going to distract the family. this is how we love. this is how we commune and so that’s how they feel as a threat so that person that comes for wellness ends up falling to the waste side. they come back five years later saying i fell off and i ask what happened and they talk about the family and they talk about the husband or the children or the wife the wont come along. so its always the family which is the heart of society. its about maat and so i had to keep figuring this out. in writing about the food and how we could link into transforming the family through the food where the pain of the family can now be resolved, where the families being divided can now be resolved from the food. food is important, food is the fuel without it you will die 	 away. you will be incapacitated. you will fight. you will be sick. and the soul food. go into what soul food can be then because the foundation of soul food is plantation eating, the scraps on the table, but we made it a delicacy. but the delicacy is still not good enough, because we are still sick so we have to overcome so in the soul food is a heart of heart soul to soul. we go into the garden and we take from the garden and we heal ourselves. once the family realized that a child or that adult, but usually it’s a young child coming in with this new found way and this is an old pattern of the family on one way and once that child’s spirt of that young adult or that older person whoever comes to their family with this information is then challenged, their broken and then they start to go back. now, what happens sometimes the family and this drama, i create the family starting to recognize the wisdom because times goes on they actually recognozie the wisdom they start studying themselves. they start hearing about this wellness and it is so out there now people are starting to talk about it more and they realize the wisdom of that young person or that person coming with new information and they go back to that person. now at that time that person is sick again, the person now has the same sickness’ that the family has. it was why the person even changed so then they start to say baby what… a father will come and ask “what should i do for my knees?” and she’ll say, “well dad i have the clay.” and the mother will say, “you know i have been having hot flashes.” and she’ll say “you can take the green juice and that will cool down the body.” so they are coming to her with different things and she starts to help them and they start to lift her 	 up and they lifting her up, she or he is lifted up and now the family sits down and have dinner together and then that same person their enthusiasm starts to show them the way and now you have a whole family. and i physically have seen that with my clients. i encourage circles of wellness and when you come to sit with me on one on one, you are connected to a family. so you have to get yourself into a alignment after days. be alifving example. then go to your family members, the ones who will first hear you and get a few of you healing and then it will begin to spread. like a disease that spread in our community. i saw it happen in ’s when drugs were pouring out and i remember having the center and the people that were drug addicts was in front of my center on kingston ave. wellness also can spread and that’s what this is about. this is to me powerful to the people. i am still on the same walk, “power to the people” . i’m still walking it that i am saying when one person at time, with one family at a time we are gonna come back to ourselves and become whole. so that drama, i call it the family drama back to resurrection that there is death, but there is also hope. there is resurrection in this process and i feel that the system that i have can change the fiber of the world. i don’t even say to a block or to one family. i know that this work, working from a capsule we can do the same thing over and over again. marketing is being put into being sick. a lot of dollars are being put into fast food industry. we are addicted and we are using foods as a crutch and i can put my pharmacy together to break that addiction. i recognize that we are addicted and we cannot break the cycle by ourselves. it comes back to the plants the power in the plants. and if we take the plants we can have a formula called the master herbal formula, herbs that detox all the systems and detox the 	 memory of the poisons out of the blood stream where disease dwells. we can take the memory purify all of your organs and then the cravings are no longer there and that is how you break addiction. then they say “how do you get them off of meat?” so i have another formula and that’s the green-life formula and that’s just vegetable protein. give them vegetable protein. keep giving them vegetable protein three times a day right before each meal and what will happen over time is that they will come off of meat which will lower the blood pressure which mean will get rid of constipation which mean will help decrease cancerous cells in your body. the government had a cheese line at the same time and we lined up. and i remember lining up in front of the black panther party institute building and it was not from the panthers, because they were having their breakfast program for the children. we were so happy to get in that line as a people. i said something is wrong with that line. at that time i didn’t know that cheese was so deadly and that is what contributed to my asthma and my allergies and all that. but that cheese—and it was the worse possible cheese and so many of us are left because it is now in our dna’s. once you get it in your system you want to keep it going and you keep it happening and you conceive babies in the sperm and ovaries. it is in the conception that we come onto this world of disease. hsh: can you reiterate just based on your recollection those instrumental figures during those moments in terms advocates of health or even those practitioners during the time at which it emerged? 	 qa: dr. johnny moore, brother kanya you might have to google him. brother kanya was pivotal because he brought the work in, in terms of the metaphysical work. when he brought the physical and spiritual of the conditions that we’re in and so in that he had the books of our ancestors. he had books on herbs, ancient practices and so it was on th st that many of us piled up in that little store front. it wasn’t a little store front, but it was a store front where the hogshead office building is pretty much on the same block and everyone came to study there. and it was john harris was another one. he was the one through media that got many of us exposed through the media and one of the first health food stores that i could remember and then it was also babi shangi, because he was a culturalist who was a vegetarian, because we thought that it was automatic, but he was one of the culturalist, artist who was also a vegetarian. so he became an advocate of my work and studied with me, because that was apart of it. dr. alvenia fulton. everytime i went to chicago i would visit her. i would go to her three times when i was there. i had family there and i would have a sojourn to her place, because i would have the north side of chicago. dr. alvenia fulton was dick gregory’s mentor/teacher and it came to her..he was an obese comedian that needed knowledge so she invited me by the third visit she let me come into her basement and when i think about it i am there and she had these giant refrigerators and in there she had cork size bottles for every disease. she had the diabetic formula, blood pressure formula, obesity formula, i don’t know if she called it, but she had women’s formula. she had all these formulas and she had her team her staff, her practitioners in their white jackets and they were down there with the formulas and they would bring them up, but she brought me down there into her inner work place. she 	 would tell me that if they ever come for you, she would never say who “they” were, but she said if they ever come for you tell them that you are making food for the people and that’s it, because she had medicine in her basement. she was a naturopath and she was and she traveled to different parts of the world. i remember one time when i came the second visit she was in china. she traveled and bring back knowledge so she had a little shop and probably that effected me and inspired me, because i have a little shop like hers on nostrand ave when i moved to my second location. and even here in this house, this house different people came. stevie wonder came and played on this piano and it was interesting that he came to get healing and i was colon therapist at that time and i was giving colonics and one of my clients came and she didn’t know- nobody knew that he was here, because it would be too much, but she started playing “isn’t she lovely” and our intuitive nature as a people is too deep and she starts playing his music and he ask’s “does somebody know that i am here?” i say, “no she must have just picked up.” and he really wanted me to stay. i was on my way to africa. joe mensah was a client of mine. joe mensah came and worked with him for one year and he was a world renowned african artist. if you mentioned him in ghana everyone knew joe mensah. he was the most prominent artist in ghana. and he was just a lovely small frame man and i gave him colonic. i gave him healing baths. i gave him tonics. i gave him consultations. and he wanted to open up a healing village in ghana and so he brought me there and it took me a few years to leaves. i finally packed things and sent things and i prepared my children. i didn’t happen. other things happened. i had to come back here and understood why. i wanted to go there to live and work and i didn’t plan on coming back, 	 but i had to write heal thyself and i had to write it here. i had to write sacred woman and i had to write all the books that i wrote i had to write them here. i am on my way back to ghana years later this august ( ). i coming to teach what i know, coming to share what i know and that will be the next chapter in my life. that was my vision quest cuz i always wanted to do what marcus garvey said “go back to africa.” go back home. no matter where you can be in a bubble and think that everything is perfect anywhere, but when i did get a change to go it grounded me. it really gave me a deep sense of myself and my own power. the atmosphere did it. the ocean—the atlantic ocean, and the air and the soil. i was in a family that…i went to the slave castles by myself. he wasn’t interested. he was a christian. i went to his church one time and they couldn’t understand…i wanted culture. at the time i went expecting that i would experience my culture. i did not. so i did a lot of reflection, but when i came back my love for my people it grew so vast. i never realized that in my village and all that we have been through we can look at eachother and understand. we can just glance and say no what we are feeling and what we are thinking. there is language that we have so i had to come back and help my village and i thought i’ve done that. and if i don’t have my body i still feel like my work has been done. so if i do get a chance to go back and do whatever i am going to do in the next chapter of my life then i would have fulfilled my mandate my obligation to my village here. hsh: how long were you in ghana? 	 qa: it was about or weeks. i got a chance to go to the slave castle by myself. he actually drove me to the g() islands and dropped me off into a hotel there. i could hear the ocean and thought it was going to take over the hotel. and then i went into the slave castles. and we always hear the stories about how people responded. i didn’t have anyone go with me so it was my soul. a sole personal spirit. i didn’t break down and cry like i though would happen, but what happened is that i felt empowered and i said how in the world, “how are we even surviving? how are we functioning now at all?” to have us three months, four months there. they dropped us there. we had babies there. we defecated there. we were thrown slop. how did we even survive on food? it was in the dark. we couldn’t see eachother. we were speaking different languages. they threw us in this pinhole at one time and then we would come out of it some months later once the ship came. then they dropped us down in the bottom of the ship and how did we survive that. and then come and years of chattel slavery, generation of generation of generation. if we can even think talk walk it’s a miracle. that’s where my compassion for the people came into being. so it just…we are amazing. we are amazing people. hsh: today, who would you say the prominent individuals are in terms of those who are practicing health? or organization(s)in the united states? qa: i would name ausar aset. why would i name ausar aset? because, when i was looking for a cultural school…i was always looking for cultural schools, because i felt if 	 you put your children in institutions it is going to destroy their self image, their state of being, the very core of who they are and not give them lives from the fourth /former dimension of who they are. you would help destroy the child even if they had a healthy vegetarian lifestyle, but i was looking for a cultural school that was also a vegetarian school so that is a unique school. you don’t find them everywhere. it was that institute that had a school. and they still have school, educational schools for young children. i put all three of my children in that school when i was there for some years i had them in the school. i was not apart of the society, but my children and i was forever grateful that i had a place for children where i thought they could grow strong. so that was for the institute that i formerly…my association with dr. afrika and his wives, he’s almost a one-man show. (laughter) i am on his bandwagon. when i had a center, i shared a center with my previous husband (baba heru) and i would invite dr. afrika so he came to the center quite a few times and i would host him and he would come to the feet of the master and study. i love his work and his way. he has such an undying love for his people. i traveled through the years with lady prima. she brought crystal healing, stone healing and music as a form of healing. when i first heard her work i was joing forces with dr. love and his wife at the time, elsa benal. we worked together for quite sometime. i still recommend her work. she was with all of my centers. she says “i don’t care where you set-up.” she was always with me. i went to her center and we have the largest group there. so dr. love had a foundation space around rd street where i did work until valentine came who was a husband and he did work. so we had people did a fast. it was the largest fast that was ever done. so he had a hub— a place where we 	 could come to. and i want to say dr. ronald davidson. dr. ronald davidson, he was way back. he was like years back when i was looking for a place to see clients. he just let us come in. if he felt that we had something strong to say he would open up his doors as a medical doctor. he was very grassroots and he was about food as medicine and taking responsibility for your wellness. he would open up his doors. he had a loft and he would have events. i didn’t know about his events. i found out two years later that he would have events, but i was really going there to share my practice and he let me come in. he had great influence in my life. culturally speaking, empress akwekwe— she is now an ancestor. i was teaching dance at age to her daughters and we bonded around that time. i went to her house around or and i actually saw the merging of culture, african beauty and vegetarianism and tonic and herbs. i saw all that come together in one woman and i said “oh my gosh. who is this woman?” that was the empress. and i came into the house and i saw her books on health and i saw her herbs upside down drying in the kitchen. she came out of the kitchen with her locks and her gold head-wrap and her lappa on and i am looking at an image. i am looking at an image of african culture in america. she’s in our community and she has this coconut in her hand with some sesame milk. i am just becoming vegetarian and i am like “oh my goodness.” she took me on as her god-child. i didn’t ask to be it. she said “you are mine” and that’s it. (laughter) she actually prepared me for ghana. she was like my personal rites of passage. and she defended me— she defended my work. she said, “you are to bring holistic art to our community.” so she says, “i want you to do a piece on holistic art.” my community has been telling what i am doing and what i am to do 	 and i am like, “really?” (laughter) bob law told me. bob law had a great impact in my work. he’s the one who had me write heal thyself. i came on his show through his wife we bonded and support her and his transformation through her and so i said “i want to get on his show one-time.” and, he came to see me for a colonic irrigation and then by the way as hes walking out of the door he says, “ok. you’re gonna come on my show. ok. you just made it so simple.” i came on his show and i started talking about liberation through purification, healing naturally, holistically. he sent his mother for me to give her a colonic and she came with another pastor to check me out first and they both checked me out thoroughly and i passed the bill. and i got the chance to come into his family on that level, but what he did was he helped me to get into people’s homes, because people really respected and honored him. he said, “she’s gonna help us. she’s the one so pay attention.” he say, “queen write a book.” i would just agree, but i didn’t know how. the second time that i came onto his show, he say “queen you need to write a book.” i agreed again. and the third time he said “queen afua is writing a book.” so he announced to everybody on the air that i was writing a book. i didn’t know how to begin. i didn’t know the first thing. i got books and i said “this is chapter, this is a subtitle, this is a title. you gotta have the facts. you gotta have the footnotes. so it’s like self-help. therefore, because of him that is what started and people have started to say “oh well. you can write another one. bob law was a huge influence. he called me up one morning when we had the million man march. we were in the room with honorable minister louis farakan having a meeting for the million man march and diana fargh who is a spiritualist. we have been friends for something years. she 	 mentioned to bob law, “queen afua should put a fast together for the million man march. he spoke with minister louis farakan and he said that it would be fine. bob called me up and he said “you are now the” he gave me a title. i created a fast for them. one sister thought a medical doctor should do this. no medical doctor should do this during a fast and i have been thinking about this for something years and i already knew exactly what…i came and downloaded it ( . ) did my fast and i knew that i could do three levels so it didn’t matter the level that you were on, you could fast from negativity, cursing and violence, and fast from alcohol and drugs and fast from flesh food. i laid out this fast so that everyone could join in— they could fast for days up to that point. for those who were really ready there would be a fast for that day and it would go out globally. and i knew that that would raise a frequency of our people. that that would be the chain reaction that would actually have global attention. we would not be talking about health on this level. we would be talking about helping us and how we have just been plungering. it didn’t happen, but it is still happening through heal thyself institute on another level, —a smaller level, but that was like what got the attention. so these windows come— these windows of opportunity come and we just keep moving forward, making efforts to get the word out. hsh: how would aris fit into your narrative? can you elaborate on your relationships? qa: aris! i said aris “when are you going to write your book?” i’m on him about “when are you going to write your book?” i [finally] said don’t worry about it, i’ll put 	 you in my book so at least they know where stuff comes from. i know that if you don’t put stuff down, everyone will start saying, “well i did that and i did that and i created that.” and he [aris says] well, i’m the first one that came into the community and started giving live pies. so i put him into…in the “seven kingdoms of consciousness” he’s in the live food kitchen as the godfather. i coined him that— of live foods. it was dr. afrika in the picture with myself, with semaj and other healers and students when we went to jamaica. and, he had this program and we had a healing retreat and it was maybe or day retreat. he did his food preparation classes there. how i met him? it must be now over years ago and when he first came with his wife and they had small apartment on flatbush and we all piled up in his apartment. he taught us about live foods. he taught us exquisite dishes and live recipes and live desserts and live sandwiches and main dishes. and we did a barter. i said “ you teach me live food recipes and i’ll do some massage work.” and he did. it was just wonderful. then he opened a place on flatbush ave., which was to be the place of places, but then the construction came in for a year or longer and that affected his business. i remember going pass his place one night, hoping that he still might be there as i was coming from a dance class, it was spring. and i saw him in the window — it was dark and he was just pondering. i said “let’s stop the car. let’s pray.” because i knew he was going threw some struggles with keeping that place alive. it was expensive real estate. this is wheat grass and green juices, and people still couldn’t get through because of the way the city was working on the ground. then shortly after, sometime later, i found out he was in jamaica. when he was there, i would have sacred woman trainings and i would take 	 groups of women. hsh: was this per anhkh? do you remember the name of it? qa: i don’t think it was per ankh. i don’t remember the name of it. i would come there and line everybody up and have an entrepreneurial day and i would go into our community and i would show the women all of the entrepreneurs to spark birthing your sacred work, because that’s how we are gonna build up our community. i felt was to have our own businesses and then you can hire people. you can hire your community. you can hire your family. you can hire some of the brothers who are coming out of prison and some of the sisters that have not way of getting work so we have to be able to take care of our home. so i would take them on a day of entrepenurialship and i would say have extra money so you can have your week grass and green drink and purchase order from him. you know black dollars (cooperative economics). hsh: what are your suggestions to meat eaters to embrace this lifestyle? qa: i would show them my pyramids. i have seven pyramids. now the symbol of the pyramid is resurrection and that shows them the symbol is telling you that you can grow. you can raise up. you can resurrect. you can overcome. and within that pyramid. one of the pyramids is the meat eating or the protein choices. so when on sees that there is a bridge. you have to take a bridge if you want someone to climb on to the next level. so 	 when i show them that everything is energy, everything is frequency. the higher the energy the greater the healing. the lower the energy the more disease in the body. so i place the most dense of the proteins on the bottom of the pyramid. the most dense, the most constipating, the most chemicals with the most just toxicity of the protein. so i lay on the bottom, they see it: the beef, the pork and they say ok that’s on the bottom. then i show them one step up. it is still low frequency, but it is a step up. so i say, “can you make a step? can you climb just a step up? cut back and now increase one step— chicken and fish.” they see that ok. then i say, “now when you regulate your iron level then you go up.” they see it all in one pyramid. so now they see the connection, they see the bridge. if you do it separately like if you tell them “this is not what you should eat,” but you don’t show them clearly how it connects “that this what you can eat as an alternative,” then you lose them right there at the bridge. so they don’t walk over. so now when they see “oh beans or the bean family. oh yeah we have beans. back in the day it was called poor man’s diet.” well actually if you want rich health, you would take the poor man’s diet. it is not a poor man’s diet it is the rich man’s wealth, because you are able to process the food. you are able to digest the food. it is plant based protein that is going to bring the body to wellness and then you go into the lentils and you can sprout the beans which takes it to the highest frequency of the protein. the next level up they start to see poor health which is the base the bottom to good health choices. frequency is going up. your body is able to process more and then you go into optimal and that’s when you go into your sea vegetables which [are] sea proteins and go into your sprouts and you have your walnuts and seeds in moderation unless you have algaes. they see the 	 full spectrum. now from there they now begin—i always make an agreement with them can they begin to cut back and if they say yes, but they have these issues. i say, “these issues have led to what you eat. you are what you eat.” they say, “my high blood pressure, hypertension, constipation?” all the issues, i show them how that relates to the food on the low level. and they say, “oh really?” and i say, “do you want to overcome this?” and they say, “yes.” “now what you do is take ( : ) and i give them alternative of beef, pork. if you don’t know them then your not gonna get your grandmother, uncle bubba. your not gonna get your family in this. you have to show them—bridge them. then i bridge them all the way to the top and they can come in out of that until they stabilize. then, i have a formula that they would take in the powder form and that helps their blood stream, clear that craving out. so they get their protein. when you get your protein you don’t have a craving for low frequency. you eat what you body needs. so bridging that is what helps them climb to higher levels. hsh: what are the books or articles that you have written? qa: heal thyself for health and longevity, sacred woman: a guide to healing body mind and spirit. that was considered the mainstream book. that mainstream book brought heal thyself into the mainstream, because people started to ask for the other book. they say, “what else did she write?” and then back to self-publishing, the city of wellness, seven kitchens of consciousness. now being the publishing how is african world books who also now publishes overcoming an angry vagina, journey to 	 wellness. it all was done in london by another small company and then from there went to…the current book, which is man heal thyself, which is published by african world books so there are the books. well, i got a blackboard award. they just told me i had it when the book went from paper copy to hard back. and when i was in essence for best- selling books for five times. if you want to research you may be able to find me in essence during susan taylor’s run about times in different articles. i was in body and soul. we had different things that happened along the journey so a lot of things got away from me. hsh: the arts and health are all connected. so can you tell me about the sacred woman cd? qa: i had what you call a hey day. i’ve had two hey days. i pray that the next hey day is upsurging, but that was when it was able to come out, because it had to be financed. and the only reason why it is not our now, because it is not financed. that is why. people come and say, “i need that.” “i know that you need it.” that was really over seven years, i gathered six voices and these were from all the classes. i would hear a voice and it would () and i would say whoo.” that’s a nice voice. after graduation we would have the sacred drama from death to resurrection and that would be at the national black theatre and that was basically where we did most of them. during that time i would hear the music and the voices. i then did what was called a jam session. i gathered those six voices from those seven years or so and we came together. i put a 	 candle in the middle of the floor. we had frankincensed and myrrh’d the space. i invited baba shangi to come in and play the percussion. i invited nati nadi from up in harlem. i always said that he was the golden flowertist. he would come. and then i had entified, god of sound he would come with the keyboard. and supernova becomes an inspiration, because supernova was a clear channel. so, these six voices came together and i took out the prayers from the book. each gateway was a prayer and i gave each them the prayers. i said now we’re gonna do a jam session. and the musicians are gonna come on in and do what they do and were going to take the prayers and put melody to them. and so we did a prayer and we went from gateway zero which is nut to gateway nine. we started at four ‘o clock that afternoon and we finished at five o’ clock that next morning. we laid the entire album down. hsh: do you remember what year that was? qa: i’ll let you see the album. i have another one that has to come out. i’m working on a small little book. i just have to finish it. and it’s a cd that i organized it and i asked supernova to do with me. this is his work, but i organized it with grandmaster cam who is also a master martial artist. they gave me an honorary status of a grandmaster of wellness. so you have all of these grandmasters of forty years in their art and also different disciplines and they honored me in my position as well. i am grateful for that. so he was on the album and this other album which is called the indwelling healing. if you loved that then you love this much more. and i had oragee who is my z(? . ) 	 teacher. noragee was also with sacred voices. so what happened is erykah badu gave us some funding to get us in the top quality studio and so we was able to go to a studio in manhattan and lay everything down. then i had to raise funds for the musicians and bartered with the voices and we came in this room and rehearsed it. that is how it came to be. hsh: for sacred woman? qa: what happened is it was so grass roots. there wasn’t really any audit to it. the work was in the book and we had our base here in smai twai wi heal thyself. so women would read the book and it was written so that one could and begin to form circles. so it was saying that you can form a circle. and so that’s what they took they took it on face value that i could form a circle with our without queen afua’s involvement without asking questions. so they would call me up and i never fought it and said that “you have to do it this exact way.” but when they call with questions and i would answer their question and sometimes they would come together and i would ask them to say a few words to sisters and they would follow it that way. so there was the grassroots. the grassroots chapters would just start springing up and women would start forming with their girlfriends and their sister groups and their book clubs. it was all over. but, formally i taught abutu and those were the priestesses of this work of sacred woman and they studied with me for about a year and a half and two of those women (well it became three), dr. bamuk shanti and dr. amut maat. i did a fundraiser, raised 	 $ , and opened up a formal space in dc next to howard. dr. bamuk had also a health food restaurant through his spiritual order. we would always go there and eat. we would support each other. [the name of the restaurant it] everlasting life. after our meetings, we would always go there. they loved our energy. they would feed us. it was just a beautiful space. we kept that going for some years. and i could afford to go up and down and i was also my daughter was going to howard university. i had both of my children were going there so i had to go school there. i had to decide whether i was going back and forth to make sure they were secure. i can take care of everthing at one time. i take care of my children going to school and i can take care of the institute. i was no longer able to do that because his part was finance. i had to stop so that and they started not to be able to be as strong. but the chapters did happen and then i had to go through a shift in my work and my relationship—marriage, business—everything had to change. change is magnificent. change is growth. it can be. it has been. i see what has happened after the change and so in that change one could consider to go underground, but i don’t consider it underground. people might look at that just because you are not doing something that people are used to you doing and you move to a place that was very much the people coming into it to a private space people don’t have the connection as much. i always tell people that “the power to heal is within you.” and i was teaching you to have your own center. if you find your center which is ma’at then in your home, because i was teaching on how to set up your home—that you could have this work in your home. that is why the products, the books, charts, cd, teaching—i have lived this life and not relying on a building, structure necessarily but we do need institutions, but 	 not necessarily. you are your own institution in your family as well and everybody goes to work. hsh: when was the formal institute was established? qa: during the time he (ali) was in school. (between and ). one day i will push to write an autobiography. hsh: it’s already written. this is it right here. your gonna get a copy of it. you are gonna be able to write it. this is the ntchru at work right now. qa: i’m telling you, when they spoke to me, “i said it is too much going on.” it is too much going on. hsh: i have one last question and then we will go ahead and tie this thing together. one thing that i wanted to ask. in the smai tawi, heal thyself know thyself cultural center, baba heru explained to me the ankh sacred kingdom and the whole aspect that he had. i was just wondering did you have level of programs and if so i just wanted you to be able to elaborate what the name of those were and were the whole processes one of your contributing factors? qa: ok. while inside that cultural center i developed the ambassadors of purification. when i say that i developed them, because inside i would write. i would write what it is 	 and what i would do from that ground. i would then go out and i would go to - different cities. i would teach people in that city who were ready to go to wellness. i would be able to come and teach you just like that. i would teach us how to do the day detox, how to have private consultations and how to use food as medicine. that was the teaching so i went out to create ambassadors. inside of the space i taught sacred woman. that was the primary place that i was teaching sacred woman, and before it was called sacred woman it was the goddess woman and then when i met with senora. senora said “it’s not the goddesses. we did not believe in gods and goddesses. it was guardians. they were indwelling guardians- indwelling principles” so from that came the space for sacred woman. while inside for years we went—we had a hitch to go to kemet. i went three times total. it was apart of the writing of the text. the primary in that space was that, but i was writing the book before i got to smai tawi. when i started to talk about the book it was through another building and we had another place. it was a brownstone in parkslope and i had gotten that building based on heal thyself book. we had raised the funding to get that space so it was a community center and living space at the same time. it was a four-story building. when something travels you navigate it so i just took it and picked it up. i went to saint thomas for months to live. during that time i did a lot of healing and i did writing and i was reading the purging room. senora introduced me to the purging room and one of the questions i had, because he would teach and i sent my children to take the training before we were a couple. i asked him, “inside our ancient teaching where is yoga?” because i was a yogean and he said “well” and he showed me in the book. i said, “these are actually the chakras. i saw them as 	 chakras.” what i ended up doing is i just took that apart and i created a chart that is not out, but is something that i am working on. i started to see how the seven sounds, seven tones with the daykeeper and the watcher and the heru how they all take part in bringing you in self-actualization. this was the teachings of our ancestors. i also saw the surgeons in the book and these are the effeminate guardians who cut away destructible matter. i started seeing how that work related to how i had been working and functioning. it just continued to migrate from brooklyn and then to saint thomas. i was there coming back at least once a month and we had the brownstone and then he asked me to come back to new york to stay and he would get a space for me. i was trying to get to africa. i wouldn’t have to do anything else, but come in and draw it how i wanted it to be. i’d like the store to be here and the colonic room to be here. and i am drawing this on the floor and then he put up the funding and made it a reality. and then i was the centerpiece of the institute and i didn’t know. i was the full centerpiece. and he worked. out of that i taught -day fasting programs. that never stopped from the time of the conception of my work. i continued on that work. i was doing colonics and taught practitioners on irrigation. i continued teaching sacred woman maybe twice a year for a season. we would have a season off we would charge and revitalize through the teachers. they were wonderful teachers. one of them would have a moon (?) memorial at botanic gardens. this is one of the places we went this weekend and we would go by the wellness garden and we would meditate and pray, because that was symbolic for where we were going as women to blossom from the struggle. as a plant we grow out of water and then we would blossom open which is our national, global plant that would depict the 	 people. the lotus men and the lotus women. and so we were going to have a quiet meditation over there she is one of their supreme teachers and i have there about very steady teachers and they stay in the temple. they didn’t go outside of the temple. they didn’t go and want to start one on their own. i said, “you get this and go out and sweat it.” and they refused. they stayed right with me, and they brought these women beautifully and they used dance, drumming and drama, and food, crystals and prayer and meditation. and it was the most extraordinary, but all these women were from other tribes. it was in the book that way and i gave it to them clearly. and before the book was almost finished i heard it “make sure that you bring them all together.” and then i had this wheel that said “ase- sacred working women, hotep- kemetic sacred women, (sacumla?)- sacred muslim women, hari krishna hari boa- sacred buddist women, aho- sacred native women. the women would think it was an invitation because that’s how we opened up. i would consider that the united nations of sacred women— calling all the women to come together on their root and the group was the ancient wise from the nile valley and so not to be afraid of yourself to embrace yourself even if your in different houses. so the different houses would come. hsh: i remember when i came there in . was there a lotus training going on then? was that a preface to the sacred woman training? qa: it was the children. we did it for two semesters it was a venture that we wanted to have because mothers had their daughters and they brung their babies. there wasn’t 	 enough children to keep it going, but we did have it and we had another— (?- : : ) i was in all the classes with her and we were cultivating it. then a sister took it who was muslim and she took it and she tried to bring it into islam. she didn’t call it by the guardian’s name, but she called it sacred woman, sacred intuition, sacred food. she used the english translation. it was moving— different things happened. its now going through another dimension even to the movement. yesterday, was a resurgence of how it is to move now. qa: i also did some indwelling healing work there. i did it, because that’s how i put the album out. and it was a very small group of kemetic yogis that would do some of the prayers with me and so i would teach a way to the priestesses and we would do the laws of maat and then we go into the sound, toning of the vibration of arits. these things called chakras that our ancestors called arits. the indwelling healing was done very quietly. then i developed a system that sparked there out of sacred woman and i developed a poses for abunkaat-net. we are bringing seshat and the phallic together, masculine and feminine principles together and regenerating ourselves through these poses. represents the number for transformation. we are transforming ourselves, but we are also transforming planet earth vibrationaly. it becomes a system and a method how i see this document it becomes like chinese medicine. afrikan medicine from our perspective becomes our system. that helps our people that you cannot buck it. you cannot buck chinese medicine and because it’s a 	 whole nationa behind it a whole people behind and there are such a people that gravitate to it and then people can study that and people get there degrees in chinese medicine. but because we are not unified that people run to this one for that and kind of all over, but this document is a beginning together that synergy that will be respected and honored as strong medicine, because we are tyring to build a people up and if you don’t bring wholistic health to this equation there will be a whole people dying. to ntr i give thanks and praise. ase!!! 	 interview with divine mother bm: as of today, i am divine mother. spirit gave me that, i would say about or years ago. divine mother really is an energy that is all it really is, because every womb is a divine mother. its just about bringing in the energy and moving forward in the energy of that as divine mother. hsh: what is your date of birth? hsh: where were you born and raised? hsh: how many siblings do you have? dm: i was born in philadelphia. born and raised in west philadelphia and my brother he is on the other side. my mother was from the west indies. my father was from down south in tennessee. i was born in . hsh: where was your mother from specifically? dm: jamaica hsh: what part of tennessee was your father from? 	 dm: nashville hsh: as it pertains to holistic health or alternative medicine do you hold any credentials? dm: i smile at that, because i remember sometime ago, because i had been doing this for years at least and i remember on time a client came in and we were sitting in my office. we were talking and he asked me about the credentials and what not and my reply to him, i chuckled. i said, “yes. i could probably plaster this wall with all kinds of certificates and thing soft heat nature, but didn’t you just come from someone who had this huge piece of paper, lambskin that was given to him by another man and your now here with me. so, is it the paper that your coming to see or is it me. now, for me i have been truly, divinely blessed because when anyone ask me i just have to look up. all of my information, all that i do know really is coming from the dictates of the universe. when i go to prepare a formula or when i go to prepare..i’m in the back maybe making up a tonic or formula for someone and spirit will say something that we never discussed so i put this in. so i put it in and then i go around and i will say, “you know i did something for let’s say female.” she say, “you know i forgot to tell you.” i have been very fortunate that way. i have been around the world in terms of engaging in different subjects. when we talk about wholistic we’re really talking about the whole part of you. not part of you. that has been the problem with this health issue if you will. the 	 wholistic is the whole body. its not just the physical body. it is the emotional body, the mental body and the spiritual body. now, the irony of it is the spiritual body which should be first is the last that is being dealt with. the emotional and mental body those are the ones that create for the physical. the allopaths only deal with the physical. you can’t be anywhere, you can’t be totally healed. unless you deal with the entire person. the same thing that they do— united we stand right, divided we fall. that goes with everything that is going on in your life. this is one body. this is the church. this is the temple. this is the synagogue. this is it right here. you don’t have to go anywhere. hsh: please describe the line of work you are in. what is your business? dm: initially when i started it was called the natural healing center. about years ago we incorporated all of that, because i was moving from place to place and it brought about to perfect health, a natural healing center. what i do is as i said when anyone comes to me, tell them that we are not just dealing with the physical body, because that is easy. i can give you this that and the other and you can feel great, but that is for that moment. when you go back into that thought or that emotion, it pops up again. so we have to deal with that and they have to really be clear. i use the word overstand as opposed to understand. the basic reason is because we have been spelled. we have been taught to cast spells negatively on ourselves. first of all people have to understand that. i am this. they go to a doctor to find out did you have when you. how did you have this or how did you know? you went to someone and they said, “you.” i said that is a spell. 	 that’s a casting of a spell. we have been through the teaching system. we have been inundated with thoughts that we must always say as it is as we are feeling it as oppose to what we really want. when you are feeling whatever is that it is spirit trying to talk to you. if you have heart it is trying to tell you that your not loving enough. if you have the pressure its telling you that there is no joy in your life. if you have diabetes it talks about saying yes and meaning no. there is no sweetness in your life. the kidney, the kid that needs. so these are different that if you overstand what really is going on the healing begins immediately, because that is the first word mot what comes out of your mouth. the thought, because that is what the universe is interacting with. if you say, “i have…” whatever they told you, guess what…. because that is a spell. you have to overstand when we were in school they were teaching us…we are a people of melanin. we learn differently. they have us in a system that is micro oriented. we are macro. you look at the larger picture. that is where overstanding comes from. if you are always understanding, you are under something. i want the bigger picture then i can come down. that is the wholeness. hsh: where is your business located? can you elaborate on what you offer the african community? dm: i’ve been known in the area, but my product go throughout the world. i have not advertised at all. it is because i have a path that is one, two and three. it doesn’t just clean, it cleans out the entire body. it starts to clean at different levels. it’s interesting 	 even how i got path three. many, many years ago when i first started i didn’t have paths one, two and three. i was in the process of putting herbs together and encapsulating them. my first client that had multiple sclerosis. i said “ok. what are we going to do for you?” this formula came about. it goes deep. it’s a deep, deep cleaner. i mean it goes down, because that particular imbalance talks about somebody that’s very rigid and everything is on lockdown so you have to go real, real deep. for the most, the part they really don’t let go easily. she did extremely well, but what happened i would find that these people would come out with these imbalances and the other people that i dealt with they would come out of it and they would feel great. all of a sudden they would say i don’t want to do it anymore. i would think so that’s when then my journey went to dealing with the emotional. it was so on point that the emotional body does create that physical aspect. unless you deal with that it will never be complete. the healing will never be complete. that’s whey when people have the breast cancer…well first of all i’m not going to accept the fact that it is. i’m not going to accept that this is a word, because spirit had to remind me, i will share that at one point some years ago maybe twenty years ago when someone presented to me that i alleged to have what they call leukemia. my first reaction was, i just laughed and said that i have dirty blood. i never gave it another thought. spirit had to remind me to tell the person…, because i never accepted it. it was like, “oh. ok. i have dirty blood.” i’m still here. i haven’t been to a doctor. everything is wonderful. it is by the tongue the first thought that we get caught up. we must teach to all is that you have to come away from man’s law and deal with your cosmic energy and the universal law. those are the laws that will get you through everything. 	 hsh: in connecting with the african spiritual systems. what would be the differences between the paths? dm: the first one goes to the first level of garbage. this is in your system and goes throughout. everybody loves that. the body is getting introduced to herbs. they say “wow! i can’t believe it.” you get all this energy and what not. the second level goes deeper of the imbalances, garbage that’s in the body. the third one goes to where the parasites live. then i do special formulas and special tonics. the alkaline water which is really i really prayed to have a water to go along with my program. first, i was doing spring, because i didn’t know any better. then i did distilled, but when they brought alkaline it was like divine. together its beyond, but again it’s only the physical. i had a gentleman come in and he came in with pain in his stomach and three days he was back up and he says, “you will not believe this. i have been going to the doctors for years and in three days i don’t have anything. i don’t understand it.” we go on. he comes in friday and he says, “i went into the doctor’s and they say that i have a spot somewhere.” i say, “really. let me ask you a question. how do you feel?” “i feel great. well, i’m hearing in your voice something different, but you feel great and you allow somebody else to come in and tell you about a spot. if you are telling me and i get [frightened] and i tell my family, look at the energy that you have around you. how do you even…it’s best not to say one word and deal with it. what i want to say is, “you don’t think i look in everyone’s eye and don’t i see cancer everywhere.” it’s just a word, but they have made 	 it a law. they have made you…some where it says you should fear nothing, but the most high. so what are we talking about somebody telling you. in that case then return it to the sender. i return it to the sender. its as simple as that. say, “i’m not accepting that.” and that’s not kind. hsh: can you give me the exact address o your business? dm: i’m at south nd street. hsh: and that is in west philly? dm: yes. it is in w. philadelphia. hsh: how do you feel the work that you do contributes to the health and wellness of the african community? dm: i don’t know how to elaborate on that. i would have to have people…when people come in they would have to elaborate. when they come in and tell me…case in point. i had another woman who came and they gave her…this is ridiculous some of the stuff people come in and tell me that the people tell them. she says, “i have a spot on my lung and the doctor says it was four stages.” i don’t even know what that means. i said, “what are you going to do?” she says, “i’m not going to do chemo.” we started on a basic 	 program. she came in there was no coughing none of that and i say, “really to be honest with you i wouldn’t tell anybody. i would leave it alone.” anyway this person called her and when they called, she asked, “what are you going to do?” and she said, “where are you going to go, because i have just the perfect person for you if you are going to go wholistic.” she says a woman in w. philly. it was me she was talking about. she says, “ years ago she healed.” so i hear stories and like i’m saying when someone calls me from kuwait, paris, london, south africa and asks for the product, i ask, “really?” “ok. no problem.” i send it. it’s not that…you know give my all—my love with what i am doing. it is all from the divine in what i do. it just an energy and i share the energy. and once you share the energy it just magnifies and magnifies. to get back to the guy, he comes to me, because i give him that energy that when he leaves the door he casts out and deal with his family. that is what i think spirit really wants me to go and do larger formats to start really pushing the energy, because it is real. i’m talking about regeneration. this is not in my head. this is real. i was on my way here and spirit know..i don’t have t.v. they know that i look at dvd’s that’s how i break things down. i had gone last weekend to target, because they had told me to target and i had gone last weekend and i said, “the ??. i want the ??” they say, “you know it was on sale last weekend.” i said, “ok. i’m not going to pay that.” because again i am on my way here and spirit said go now to target. now your specific. imma go. you know i have people waiting. so i went and i’m looking and looking and it was such a low price and i said, “oh yeah.” i listened. you listen to spirit, your life is so easy. it really does. even when people say, “oh you eat raw?” what do you think got the word, change the energy. we 	 can do that. you have to overstand one of the reasons why they really want to keep the melanites down you can’t imagine the power. we are the people of water. each group has an element. the fire element is the caucasian—all consuming. “i have to consume everything.” then we have the orientals, the asians. they are the air. meditation, incense…then we have the indians, the earth energy. there are siz horses coming, one needs a shoe on. they are the earth, but the most powerful energy is water. you cannot contain water. water is apart of the feminine energy. it’s compassion. that’s why they have doped us up and destroyed our communities. i know that theyre looking kind of goofy and looking kind of strange, but we don’t make the drugs, but yet they are in our community. and so you don’t give them a job. then you going to call them drug…you see. this really works on the health. look at the food that they have in our community. its an abomination. i’m looking at children and their scalarisis has black in it. that tells me that their blood is dirty already. they know that they are doing. mother’s what is wrong with you? hello! can we get real with this? mother’s what do you think. you can steam some stuff and it would be done faster than you standing in that line for poison. but that too could have been done for good, but it has become the evil dark force. it has been programmed. the nagging programs of our children and the parents aren’t are not even parenting their children. how do you ask a or year old what they want to eat in the morning? aren’t responsible for their eating habits. don’t take a break at mcdonalds. i’ll never forget that commercial. “take a break today at mcdonald’s.” everybody went crazy for fast food. life is fast. it’s a decline, but they know that the indigo children came in from on and they are really pumping up. 	 hsh: what children? dm: the indigo. hsh: please elaborate. dm: these are children that come in that are highly spiritually charged and what not from off center are drugs. that’s when the add and all that crap. first of all they don’t have recess anymore and if you do its something that it…then they are dealing with the fluorescent lights. that’s not good for children of melanin. i’m saying, “mom’s lets go back…” first of all yall should have never stopped home schooling. home school. outside that is your teacher. watching nature in and of itself is magnificent. that’s wholeness there. hsh: if you were to explain to an individual who is no way familiar with alternative forms of healing what would be your basic definition of wholistic health to that person? dm: well number the word is whole. whole is the complete. the all. when the wholistic movement deals with the entire body, at least, this is the way i do it. i’ve written a small pamphlet called the pimps. it’s talking about the physical body, the emotional body, the mental body and the spiritual body. it is very important that we deal 	 with the those aspects of ourselves we can go far. a lot of times we get caught up in the past and the future and not dealing in this moment. it is very important, but our society has us dealing with the past and the future. nothing is guaranteed in the future, because they always change. when you keep going their way, you become frustrated when things don’t happen in a certain way, because you are not in spirit. spirit might may not want you to do that right now. or whatever. but is very important that we overstand that when we’re talking about wholistic we are talking about the whole me and that encompasses everything. you cannot say, “i’m going to church. i’m going to the doctor’s here. i going to the psychiatrist here. all of this separation. it’s all one. hsh: how did you come to know what you know about wholistic health or the form of alternative medicine that you practice today? initially, how it started i was really in the clothing business and i had just come back from italy, because i had designed children’s clothing line. hsh: which year? dm: maybe or . when i came back, my husband asked me to go to california, because he was not able to get beautiful clothes for the full size woman comprable to what we were carrying. so that’s what i did and a friend of mine met me there and she said that she had to go see her herbalist, because she had breast cancer and she was using 	 herbs. i was like “ok. well. as long as i get to where i need to go.” i went and time was of an essence and he was not there and we were waiting and spirit said, “be still.” i’m like, “oh ok.” so he came and she got her herbs and i talked to him for a few minutes and i bought some herbs from him. well, i took the herbs that night. i was already high energy anyway well i couldn’t believe how i felt. i woke up, “what!?!” and it was just like from that moment on, i’m telling you in one month i started selling. i was selling nature sunshine and i made manager. out of the clear blue, i made manager in one month and then it became burdensome, because it was very expensive to do that. that is when spirit started giving me formulas and stuff like that. my father in fact he died on his birthday and there was some money in his box in the bank. it was money for to put down on this place, because spirit said i want you to open up an establishment. you’ve got to be separate, because i was at the y[mca] and i was doing my iridology. that’s where spirit had me go and do iridology, but the irony of it is i took a class of iridology and learned absolutely nothing, only because everybody was asking him so many questions, but i had the basic form of the loop and what are you looking for…so then i said “creator, it would be nice if i had a camera. that way i could do this.” and a camera came about and then i could explain to people. i’d take their pictures and when they came back i could say, “this is how you have improved.” so forth and so on. hsh: which year? dm: i don’t remember. 	 hsh: was it in the ’s? dm: no it was in the ’s. this is even more ironic. i moved across the street and i i had a few products. i think i only had path …there were two paths that time and spirit would say, “i want you to go close down and take this course in lancaster.” “uh. what?” it was iridology. close the store down? i was thinking where is the money. i got rent. i got this. so i left the message that i had to close and i had to go so and so. it was unbelievable. i came back in…i stepped in the door so many people started walking behind me. i was like, “what the heck?” people started calling me saying that they heard about me. i’m like, “how could you hear about me i was just…it was just six months. how could you hear about me? who is this?” but i knew it was spirit trying to keep it going. someone called me from connecticut so and then when i went to the school of iridology that’s when the emotional piece came in. so i was like, “wow!” and then i went to the…i thought i was taking up ralfing. i went to new york and i thought it was reiki. i thought this is so beautiful and i became a reiki master. it’s been a delightful journey just getting into… i deal with the elements. i do rituals and i deal with all of the elements, the planets and we communicate. that’s what i am saying just being in tune with these elements and these…they are here for you to communicate. but this world here with religion keeps you away from who you really are. hsh: this school of sclerology? it’s the study of the white part of the eye? 	 dm: yes. hsh: is that a subset of iridology? dm: most people don’t put it together, but it is. it’s very important, because that’s where someone was able to see, ‘oh yeah. this is leukemia.” hsh: can you tell me specifically in california where you went and had the clothing business? dm: see they have a fashion industry like in new york. hsh: is this l.a? dm: yes. this is l.a. hsh: the fashion district in l.a. dm: yes. the interesting thing was they usually close saturday and sunday. i was not able to get there and i said i’ve come this distance and that week they opened that saturday. 	 hsh: what compelled you to do what you do was strictly spirit driven, putting you in the right place at the right time and it came into divine order? dm: that’s it. that’s all that is. hsh: in your own estimation, what decade would you say that the holistic health movement gained momentum in the philadelphian african community? dm: i would say in the ’s. it’s a piece that has just been going. people are tired of being sick and tired and…one of the things that you must really overstand is that they have put stuff like in the water. they’ve put fluoride. fluoride makes you docile. you go along to get along. that is a problem. that’s why people are so complacent. and i know this so you have to change. once you change that you are going to see a difference. hsh: from your recollection can you give me some names or organizations that were apart of that wholistic health movement in philadelphia? dm: when i’m dealing with spirit that was all that i dealt with. i mean i would actually leave, close down and go to jersey and they would have people waiting for me at jersey at different homes, doing the iridology and stuff. i would be up… so i didn’t have time to go to different places to be… a very dear friend of mine, ntome, the musician. 	 hsh: roy ayers son? dm: no. jimmy heath. mjq he’s from that. and i remember him saying, “your in a clothing line.” he said, “nah. i see you working with the community.” that was some time ago. sure enough i laughed. i said, “i’m very comfortable” and really in life you should play so i go to play everyday. when you love what you do it is very easy and simple. and what i gind with the people of melanin what they have been inundated with is not around to be free, be who they really are. even when i am looking at videos or even comedians or what not and they are always giving what one race would do you know the caucasian. their fire so you know…when we hear something spooky we’re going to go, but with them it’s like “what?.” some of that is ok, but it also implies that we don’t have any…to be honest with you when something is crazy i don’t run to foolishness. i don’t because my spirit will tell me. make it so that there is a reason why we go not because we are fearful of it. what has been shown you know is degrading. you know do you think i really want to see madea? that doesn’t help the community. so and what they are putting out it is so demonic and so dark. hsh: if you were able to drop some name for me in terms of other individuals in philadelphia that are doing this similar type of work, alternative wholistic medicine, can you drop some names for me on who you would recommend? 	 dm: i know ron. hsh: what is his last name? dm: ron norwood. hsh: is he is an herbalist? dm: yes. and there’s dr. wyatt. he is no longer with us. hsh: what is his name? dm: dr wyatt. hsh: did you and ron have a relationship? how do you know each other? dm: we went to hawaii when we did the piece where we were studying the emotional body. i told ron that they were doing this piece in hawaii why don’t we come together, because at that time we were actually doing and really disseminating the emotional body. you are really bringing me back to some things that we were really doing. it was called bioelectronics. we turn it trauma release at this point because we have added some things to it. but anywhere in the body where there is discomfort is a word pattern a 	 thought pattern or a dark demon. and you can press down on that point—hold that point and [snaps fingers] and it will come out. ron had an experience that was it was magnificent. when he was a child or when he was a teenager he was playing football he was catching the football. you know how they pile up on you. he leg was broken. he has a wonderful allopath. they set his leg. he was only years old. you don’t set it. so it atrophied. so he had this thing on it. and i’ll never forget that day we were in hawaii and ron was on the table and the guy was working it and everybody is going to lunch so i say nah i’ll wait for you ron and all of a sudden the thing became like a trap. this is a whole another segment. that demon was trapped and a lot people had to come and start holding points because when that demon is moving around you want to stop it and send it to the light. that night, because ron and i would take walks. that night when we walked his pants, because his pants had always adjusted them so that they would be— all of sudden one leg is long than the other, because his leg had grown. hsh: do you remember the year? dm: later ’s. early ’s. hsh: do you think that eating healthy is necessary for african americans? please elaborate. dm: well that is obviously and absolutely yes. that’s a question that is of course what 	 goes inside of you. if you are eating a lot of sugar then…if you are eating a lot of mucousy food then you are going to do all of that— what i do find is that people really don’t overstand even the healing process, because cold and the flu is a healing process. the allergy is a healing process, but because they have been inundated with this is a sickness they don’t even realize so that is what i explain. what is coming out of you? something is coming out of you and it’s slime. don’t you remember that yogurt. don’t you remember that ice cream? you remember that cheese. it’s coming out of you. the children they want to label them. “oh i got this thing from the child.” no. the child is trying to throw off that inoculation and they then tell you to take tylenol to stop it. guess what. they are better off and you’re worse off. the longer i keep this in your body the worse it becomes. i give you more medication. so how do you put toxins on top of toxins and expect it to work? hsh: what suggestions do you have for meat-eaters? dm: well number one you have to overstand that we were never made we don’t even have the teething for it nor do we have the digestive system for meat. the pig was brought here as a toxic animal and it consumes anything that the farm so it doesn’t even have a lipitor system except this little whole and something oozes out. it is a very toxic animal, but again because of slavery you know these things happen. beef, they’re vegetarians. they are no longer vegetarians, because they are putting poison into that. really, it really hard to digest meat. the body and particularly people of melanin we are 	 vegetarians, fruititarians. that is really what it is all about. the body receives and let’s go. when you start holding on to it that’s when you start having all of these imbalances and what not. and then they are injecting them with everything. hsh: what suggesting would you give a novice who would like changes in their health? dm: the very first thing if someone would come to me and say, “i have to change my eating habits.” it would be great if you did, but if you begin to just clean up. once you begin to clean up your taste buds are going to start changing, because they are going to start being strict and when you add the alkaline water people will find that’s all that the body wants. if they drink sodas then they are not drinking sodas anymore. if they drink juice. that water is so magnificent and it just saturates the walls and tears down the homes and the condominiums of the parasites. hsh: what do you mean by clean out? dm: just begin to cleanse out then the body… its just like when i’m looking in a person’s eye that say’s i am a vegetarian i’ve been a vegetarian for years and there . i’m looking in their eye and i am saying that there is a lot of crap up in there. let me sell you this. those years prior to his vegetarianism they never got rid of that. so what you are doing is that you putting all of this good stuff on rot so you are not getting the true benefit of it, because i am looking at your… so you gotta still clean even though 	 you’ve changed you still gotta clean so that you can renew. we have cell power. you got to renew cells. renew everything. to get to a point of being you can be just at youthful now as before just by cleaning and still the wisdom that will impart through time, because you can reflect on those times on the changes on the times that you have made these changes and how you really feel. it’s very important. you don’t have to die of something, but again the programming is and that is what we have to stop. dm: and i am gonna say this, because spirit has imparted this, because we are water people we should drink a lot of water. i don’t mean that faucet water. when i say water i’m talking about alkaline water. it will change our life. the first thing in the morning is not breakfast. see they mess with words break + fast. you were sleeping now you are up. you are breaking a fast. take that jug of whatever and (gulp sounds) and watch it ignite that system – electrify, “boom, boom, boom, boom” and you deliver and let go. it’s a very important not to laden it down with garbarge. people are not even doing three meals a day. what is that? is that insane? nobody is in the field. one [meal] is sufficient. break fast with the water. maybe have some fresh juice. then between and whatever you have let it be good and after that then it is over with. the water is very important. even the food is not important. the water is very important, because when they were going through that that was hoax that they have all of the time. i said, “as long as i have my alkaline. i’ll do my alkaline water and i’ll have some green food and so you can come and knock me, but i would come with some green tea and i would say “come on in.” they would say “what the heck?” “no there is no can food 	 here. there is just water and greens. that’s it, because you can live.” hsh: other than the pamphlet that you wrote, have you written any other articles of books about alternative medicine and if so can you elaborate? dm: i was writing for the black star and there are others i really just…i do so many things. i can’t remember. i remember the things that are more recent. i have done videos and i have done t.v. shows as well. channel . i was on vernon odom doing the iridology piece. there was another cable show that i was on in fact there were two t.v. shows that i was on with this information. hsh: and these are local t.v. stations in philadelphia? dm: yes. in fact there was something in jersey i was somewhere and someone came to me and said, “you are the lady that was on television.” i said, “i was.” i didn’t even see it. hsh: and when you say you wrote for the black star, was this with henry debanardo’s paper? dm: yes. 	 hsh: you’ve been writing for him since then? when did you start writing for the black star? dm: i would say about years. hsh: have you made any tapes of audio? dm: yes. that was some time ago. again, when i was suppose to close down and wait that’s what i was suppose to be doing. so i am writing. i am doing a lot of writing now. i wake and i’ll say “write that down.” so i write it down. during meditation, “don’t write it down now, but i won’t remember.” write it down and i’ll say “what was that?” but i say this whenever anything come it always the right time. so the message is clear and you should be able to receive it, because the stuff i’m talking is really for people. people say, “can you tone it down.” “tone it down? what do you mean?” what am i toning down. hsh: have you been a part of any lectures or conferences here in philadelphia? dm: well that’s the interesting part about when the tea party, heal thyself garden party. i can’t remember the guys name, but he moved to california. 	 hsh: dr. bohdise? qm: bohdise! i remember it was in the year and there was gathering somewhere and spirit said, “well go out.” he called on me. i normally just go and i sit and observe and i listen. and i say, “oh well.” he says, “what do you have to say.” i said, “well. it’s a spiritual warfare and at the time these people really think i’m gaffe now.” but that’s what it is. not fire with fire. this is not a time of trying to come in and do a make- over you have to dig deep into spirit, because you can make a simple thing. people that have programmed you, everybody what five years ago about this five dollar gas. and so when it got to $ . that’s all i’m hearing. i said, “wait. don’t say that. say that it is going down. it’s now at $ . . so i tell people you have the power, you can stop it. so then another thing that i hear is that people of melanin we just ain’t nothing and we’ll never be. i say, “hey man. don’t do that.” my mantra is that we are united and we are one with the divine force and we work magnificently together. i’ll let the universe work that out. i’m just making the claim and let’s move forward in that light, because you see the dark side knows that if you keep repeating it here we are “i pledge allegiance to a freaking flag.” do you know what we were doing? they had casted a spell and we were pledging our allegiance to it. pledge allegiance to yourself, to the almighty, the oneness. but they have you so far off. “oh. that’s blasphemy.” and these christians, they’ll have a fit. they’ll come and ask me, “well what faith?” it’s beyond that baby. it’s way beyond faith. “i want to pray for you. you’re doing that iridology.” i say, “really.” what i am doing is because of so you go don’t waste it on me baby. don’t waste that 	 prayer on me, because i know what i am doing. hsh: so, we are looking at about thirty three years that you have been called to do this work? dm: right. to be honest with you i don’t even know when i was in sixth grade you were asked what you wanted to do. i remember this legal pad i wrote that i wanted to be a pscycho-analysis. one, because my father he was a musician and played the piano and stuff, but he was in bibery so i guess my heart strings was like, but me in school was like (sigh). what is even more…like i told you have a lot of library books, but i don’t read. i can have a book next to me that is read and i can absorb the energy from it. so in my bedroom i am all around books so information is constantly. so i get to do and be a psycho analysis without the school, because when i am dealing with people that is what it is about. they can talk to me and their spirit comes to me and tells me…and i just get right back to them. it’s beautiful. it’s just beautiful. the dance is magnificent. so i get a chance to be what i want and i get the degree from the most high. i have to have a degree from them. melanites and caucasians ask me “where is your business in your home?” i wouldn’t want to have it in my home. my home is my home. all that energy popping. i don’t think i could do all of that. “you have a real business? yes. umm hmm. “you have any competition.” well. no. because that is not the purpose of it. i’m not in fear. the most high is doing…their the one…and the reason why spirit has moved me to where i am now, because they are getting ready to come down on us. the 	 spirit always has me ahead of the game. always ahead of the game. i don’t want anybody. (laughs) don’t say anything….you know the dark side, “we don’t want this information out to anybody.” i’m an underground person and that’s what it’s about bringing this energy, because spirit gave me a place down in north carolina. acres. how it came about, because i did a ritual down in north caroline, january , . it was pouring down raining. i’m a fire sign that was a sign “oh gosh. it’s raining.” i’m dragging myself and i’m setting it up. it’s a lengthy, because i have to open up. i have to seal. i have to call on the elements. i have to call. i say, “(sigh).” it’s pouring down raining.” all of a sudden, this feeling and somebody said the word bliss and maybe that’s what it was. i was just “(sigh).” i can’t…it was just so magnificent. it didn’t matter. i just took my time and they had me bring out the heart crystal ball and the water is coming down and i look up and it looks the rain is separating. so its over and i go in…grab my stuff and i go in. i was bone-dry. my clothing was dry and i said, “ok. i love it.” you telling me the universe don’t answer you. hsh: i appreciate you going back and forward and speaking about when you were six years old this divine thought of being a psychoanalyst was in there and the universe brought that to you. dm: that’s the truth. we have to overstand that the dark is about …that’s why you cannot listen to man and his foolishness, because the dark has already come down when i 	 look at the t.v. i go to somebody’s house and i look at their t.v. all of these medications. when they first came out they didn’t have the side effects, but wait a minute i couldn’t believe it. i was sitting there in north carolina. i was going to do a lecture down in north carolina. i’m sitting there and they give me this beautiful robe and i notice. humana oh lovely name. humana. what? side effect leukemia and what and other serious cancers. excuse me? this is a side effect. i say, “creator can you show me that one again, because i want to write that down in my journal.” it came on again. i couldn’t believe it. i said, “this is insane.” and people will tell you, “lipitor.” are you crazy? your taking this stuff? and then i have a book that gives you even more side effects and it will tell you the organ that it’s damaging. but you have to overstand this the ones that call themselves. they are very dark on who they pray to and all that is very dark. and they are like children. “i gotta have my way.” and you are going to inflict this on people then you are going to say how many people should live and how many people shouldn’t. the way you are going to do it is through this. i got a real problem with that. hsh: you mentioned a powerful essence, you spoke about a book that you have. is this book that you use in your practice or is it one that you sell about you can say that it identifies what these drugs do and how they attack each organ? dm: wait a minute. i was in borders waiting for something or somebody to come. spirit say look…why don’t you go over there. “wow! john hopkins. what? it’s a big 	 thick book. it’s john hopkins and they talk about the medications. spirit say “well i want you to get this.” when people come in you can look it up and tell them. and you’ll know what systems you have. see i work on systems. when i’m doing my tonics and things, i work on systems. if i’m dealing with science, it’s not just the science it’s everything that goes around it. the lymph nods and everything that goes around it. so that is why it is a good drain, because i deal with systems. hsh: you have this book in your business? dm: yes. the systems work together. if one is out of line then everything is out of line. so when they tell you that you have this what about degrees what is that. that is the culprit. its showing over here, but the culprit is here. so they’re going to give you… ignorant. they are ignorant. that’s what i call it. dm: the most important thing is to love yourself. forgive yourself. love yourself. then you can love someone else. what this society looking for love outside themselves when you love yourself it will exude. even we’re brining in children that if the mother does not love herself she must know…claim it and let the universe work it out. claim only what you want. claim only abundance and you will have it. simple as that. it’s a done deal. whatever you want you can have. the universe will do it. hopefully it’s a divine side of you. wait a minute. you bring in all of the other stuff. “every time i save up something comes along and takes the money.” well the universe says well how much 	 did she save up lets get this catastrophe, because you are hung by the tongue. let’s never say that. let’s never say that “i’m going to budget. what is that? i don’t know what it means. claim it. that’s the universe’s way. oh my baby. you have much more to offer. they’re taking your stuff and putting their name on it. i don’t know tessler. i know tessler was working with somebody else. and the rest of them. they have year old body that in this day in age year old. can ya’ll just keep a light around him, because they are going to swoop him up. he invented a gynecological instrument. years old. you didn’t hear too much about it know did you? 	 interview with shareef and rasheed samad hsh: what was you upbringing like? srs: we were born in pennsville, nj in and and raised in a small town— , people in south jersey, which was a plantation of two parts. hsh: how were your eating habits growing up? srs: mainly, you know our people were from alabama so we ate the standard food and everybody else maintained. as we became more conscious our habits changed and the more we know we can do more and we have been in philadelphia since . we went o new york in and i think our cousin became there because that’s when we first started seeing you know like um the idea—you know meeting people that were actually african nationalist. we embraced african nationalism because it was getting to our nature and then we came to philadelphia. we went to delaware first in and we was in delaware during the times of the riots and came to philadelphia in . matter of fact, we came to philadelphia from what was happening— there was so much pressure in delaware. matter of fact, they had a house for civilians with the national guard when we left from there to come up here. we came up here, because it was more african 	 americans than down there you really stand out. and up here we could blend in and philadelphia embraced us. philadelphia when they say philadelphia is brotherly love and sisterly love—when we came to philly, philly embraced us, because we came with out african nationalist concept and philly really just took care of us and gave us a whole lot of knowledge, because they allowed us to prosper in the city. hsh: what part of alabama is your family from? srs: on the other side of birmingham. hsh how long were you in new york? srs: roughly, four years. - . hsh: then from delaware to here in philadelphia? srs: from delaware here to philadelphia. hsh: how do you feel the work that you do or have done contributes to the health and wellness of the african american community? 	 srs: well i think one of things that has happened to us is when become in the conscious is the political consciousness of course the health consciousness came as well and we actually started doing some farming. what year? we farmed—came in so that would have been around - . we started the farming and we had about an acre and a half of land. hsh: what about farming? srs: well what happened is we were a commune, a small group that came to philadelphia together and then the conversation in the ’s people kept talking about lets go to the land which is the same conversation that we are having now. so the land you know like we couldn’t see that it was such a challenge to go to the land because the land was in new jersey. so we decided to go over there and find some land. of course it was more difficult than what we thought, because you know you see open land and we were going up to farmer’s houses asking could we get a piece of land and these white farmers thought we were crazy. i guess, but finally we find a sister that rented us about an acre and a half of land so we started raising food, because we were already making our own clothes. you know what i mean. so we started raising food and canning food and freezing food and what not, maintaining our own community. we did that for a couple of 	 years. then the group voted that out as being too much so we gave up farming, but often i really thought that that was one of our best plus and we should’ve maintained that. by now we would have been well organized or knew more about it. because the land gave us so much food we was giving away food in philadelphia. hsh: the land was in delaware? srs: it was in new jersey. hsh: where about? srs: willingsburough? not willingsborough. williamstown. hsh: what was the name of the group/collective here in philadelphia? srs: they called us the acap tribe. that’s what people in philly gave us that kind of name and atyaola and sister zaharah and sister nia. all of these different groups. all these different people that now are culturally declined. most of them came—all of them—not most the, came from the acaf tribe and we still call ourselves the acaf 	 tribe, because we have grandchildren and children all of this. so the tribe is so big we really don’t know each other. somebody say, “well look. i’m somebody’s daughter and i’m part of the tribe.” matter fact, the brother called me from florida the other day and he said, “i’m part of the tribe. you know me?” and a brother in norfolk, va he called this morning. you know what i mean? so this whole concept came form that understanding. you know what i mean? because one thing about culture. culture is a thing that grows itself, because you they gave us the tribe name. we were acaf, but they gave us acaf tribe so that’s what continues. hsh: what does acaf mean? srs: african culture art form. the brother by the name of danny bishop gave us that from chester, pa. he was the one that came up with the name african cultural art form. and we’ve had that since, seem like. hsh: tell me the nature of your business? srs: we started in trying to really gap at the time all people had on their walls at the time were picture of europeans so at the time there was a great thrust in the and 	 s to change over to a more afrocentric environment. so we started producing the artwork. we started producing artwork that people could substitute on their walls and that started us in the business. we also used to vend. the first vendors in center city other than the pretzel vendors and we were selling african cultural goods, trying to expose people’s minds in thinking about african, african american culture. these are some of the products that we started producing in back in that time. hsh: what time was this? srh: this was when we first came. we were some of the first…we were the first vendors other than the pretzel vendors down there. after that of course things opened up and so we just used to go any place we could; penn relays, schools, homecomings, family get togethers— anything to expose the work. we got involved with the business that we are in now. s eventually we started selling incense as a matter of fact when we came to philadelphia there were only two people making incense in philadelphia. it just wasn’t like that. so any way, we started making incense. we started manufacturing incense because it was a consumption item and had been manufacturing these other products and we ran off the concept that malcolm had talked about that we need to producers of the consumers. so adapted that as a reality and we can produce…the concept that we tried to maintain is like if we can produce products and be able to live off in our own community. so that is the idea that we still try to serve the community with is like we can produce 	 products, make all living, make an honest living and be able…we used to teach a course on how do you go into a store and get money without a gun. you got to have something to trade. so we started trading in haiti and in different places that’s how got all of the art work. we went to haiti…he went to jamaica and i went to haiti. hsh what year? srs: i went to haiti in . in in washington, d.c. and we were manufacturing red, black and green flags during that time so we had a hundred dozen red, black and green flags down in washington, d.c. and we sold out hours before the thing was over with. and one of the things that came out of that was the idea that we was gone be one african people. that’s our efforts. so since then we strive to be that. i had a guy in haiti told me this, “he said one thing african americans have spent more money than other people convincing everyone that we african.” you know what i mean? i thought that that was a great statement, because we have spent more money than anybody convincing everybody that we african. because we have to be one african people in the world that’s what came out of the convention in in washington, d.c. hsh: what would your basic definition of wholistic health be? 	 srs: first, the main thing you know that you have to give up different meats. you know? and you have to…well, you know in our society you have so much processed meat so basically trying…the farther you can go back to natural foods than that would be the answer. and i think all of us have this history of having relatives, ancestors that maybe lived long and they were strong and people grew up on farms and stuff so we can relate to that idea of people on farms and they was getting more nutritious food. even the farmers they used to change the food—woulda, shoulda, not yet. this wheat brought all the way from africa we really had that science you know of eating well coming all the way over here. so that came up from the south and usually people who…the older people are look like the closer they were to that idea and now the younger they are the more they are into “where does food even come from?” but back then everybody lived closer to the land. so i think living that closer to the land is the idea that everybody in general relates to. i think there has a lot of work been done the more ref the women are the door, almost like the door of you coming into the world. women are the door of you coming into the world. in other words so when you start talking about coming into the world then you are talking about a spiritual thing. your talking about everything that the creator deals with is natural. his creation. those two are synonymous really. you understand what i am saying. i don’t see how you can get around that. because as you go back…as you get closer to the creator, the closer to natural as you are going to get, but i think the main thing is trying to understand bringing 	 the creator into your life, making it a living in your life. as a living part of your life, then you can find different things, because you can look as different things. the society teaches you… they don’t even use the terminology of spirit so i mean you know without the terminology in it its like…how old did you say you are? it just like you, you’ve had a great an experience to come to the way you are. you know what i mean and you are an example of that reality so you know the answer to that spirit part as well as that other natural part, because that spirit part came to you first. you know what i mean? because the spirit…matter a sister was explaining spirit to me the other day and she was saying the physical is going to go, but the spirit is what is left. you we were talking about daoud, because that’s how the character is amongst your brotherhood will always last that’s the character. that’s who we know you as, because the physical…we might even forget a lot of things that you look like, but that spirit doing this work that your doing. your setting the stage for a whole another life. hsh: what was the year you came into this insight? and what compelled you? srs: well this is a deep story, because you know we were like…i’ll tell you this when were and year old we talked about this business because you know we’ve been together all our life so we talked about this idea of ding business in africa and dealin in 	 africa. matter fact, my mother used to beat us to make us go to sleep, because we stayed up talking about his so after that the creator just brought it. i mean you know like when you think about we left home with…when i left home i had $ and a little suitcase about this big and he came…we came to new york then all this sense stuff just came. the creator kept brining us culture and this here african stuff. i mean that’s what put us into this understanding. that is the only way that we can describe it, because there is no way that you can say that you had a plan to become who you are. all you know is that the creator give you this now you are responsible for it and you got to deal with it. that’s the only thing that you can deal with. what is amazing…it’s always like ask you a question seems to be synonymous, the spiritual and the dealing with the food and stuff. look like its very synonymous, because it’s all the same thing, because it’s all dealing with the pleasure of the all might creator. you understand what i am saying? and what his order is. whatever the creator’s order is, that’s what you know is good. the air, the water everything that he created you know is a good thing and that is the same thing with as far as your diet and everything else. the more you can conceive that, the wiser you are, because that is wisdom. knowing how god has it is the wisdom. you get closer to that and we start way down here, explaining about your history you know you was way out there somewhere. and so to come all the way back here is such a blessing, because all of us can look back and say wow i was that wild. (laughter) see you can really count your blessings to say that i brought you back into now and dealing with what you are dealing with which is so much different. 	 hsh: what compelled you to start eating better? srs: one thing…i think as you become a responsible person you know you do more responsible things and your responsible for more and more people. so in order for you to be a responsible person you have to develop responsible habits. habits come to you , because knowledge comes to you. what you should do and what you shouldn’t do and you work on that, because you know like i don’t know…we may not be the perfect people to ask this question about whether you have an absolute diet, but your striving for that understanding. they had a brother that used to be with us...you know i mentioned the chief, the chief that passed. he used to say, “wy do you strive to be perfect. you strive to be perfect, because your creator is perfect.” so that meant when we were working, doing stuff put that in our minds to say “you do the best you can” which is to strive to be perfect in it. you know like, that’s a respect for everybody that your working with. plus, i think when you ask that question, i was thinking about the spirit of the times in the ’s and i think that what happened stopped at . (on . ) the gentleman that taught us how to make incense back in / , he had an organization called habibi. he had a large family and his name was abdul karim akmed and he was very instrumental in business in this city. he was in the forfront in making cosmetic products, incense and stuff like that. then sister yahimba, i name her…one thing 	 another brother that comes to my mind brother hasakur was very instrumental in my venture to go to haiti. he encouraged me and he was tupac shakur’s grandfather. you know what i mean? so he was a great brother. he had been into africa. as a matter of fact, when he was in africa during that time he was coming back and forth and he had some kind of business over there which he had hooked up with a brother named oshobo, but umm… hasakur was a very good you know like he encouraged me to stay into haiti and do business in haiti. anytime we are up against our opposition he would say “you just keep going. keeping working at it.” hsh: what part of haiti? srs: i was all over haiti. i was in port au prince. i lived in cathalferry. i lived in cafu, but haiti was very instrumental. it was very educational. haiti is a strong nationalist country. the sister that you mentioned that was into the health, can you repeat her name and whatever you can share with me about the type of work that she did. she had a restaurant and it was very famous, yahimba. her whole family used to run the restaurant. she was very strong. some of the merchants that were very influential was merchants of oyo, a brother from 	 new york city and he used to travel up and down the coast and he had a very organized group. he had a family of about three wives…four wives and hisself and they all put their money together and invested their money in his business and they used to manufacture jewelry and all types of things. they had the first shops in the village in new york city. they were very influential and as far as the food and everything else go. one thing was that they were independent they were very progressive with a lot of ideas. if you think about polygamy then, i mean now it was even an issue, but then it was really an issue. they were way out there being able to see that it was a positive thing and they ate together. we manufacture together. plus, the brother across the street, hurricane’s bookstore, that’s one of the oldest bookstores on the coast. you can go on an on when you start talking about these names. hsh: is there any other work that you do outside of the importing and exporting of goods that connect us with the african continent? srs: we don’t do any publications or things like that what happens is we are trying to work with some youth to try to bring in this more modern understanding, because we’re not on the internet. we’re not doing too much we just don’t know a lot about that world. you know what i mean? this is a whole new world. like i tell people, when we first came into the culture movement, people was almost doing memograms. i mean you know like, we ran into the brother in new york, bashan bookstore and like he had pictures and posters of marcus garvey and everything on the roof of his store. i mean it 	 was so many book and things and that store had been old when we got there. we got there when were / something like that. that store was so full of knowledge i mean, but we used to get the fliers and stuff coming out of the new york for the events. compared to what it is know, it’s two different worlds. i mean the fliers was almost handwritten for black events talking about cultural events, but even though i don’t whether because we were apart of the culture it looked like everything was cultural. it was so much culture going around. i mean it was so much entertainment, but like now i’m not sure whether it’s much or less, but we are not involved the same way. whether it’s less or no, because it’s a whole nother young atmosphere now, because you have to realize we were like something year’s old and now we are in our ’s, because that’s a whole lotta change went down from then to now. it’s very inspirational to see brother’s like yourself with the technology, because like everybody always said, “garvey did all that he could do with that technology.” today we got some much to work with. i guess its being used. i can’t say that it’s not, because the youth is the power. they’ve always been the power. hsh: it’s just you two brother’s or do you have other siblings? srs: are oldest brother just had a birthday yesterday. he’s . he used to drive a cab up until about two years ago in new york city. just turned on the th. that’s our oldest brother. then we have two older brother’s and one sister. 	 hsh: how many years apart? srs: he’s and i’m , but we’ve always been in this. even matter fact, our family always say…they got a saying in haiti, “that in every family how they maintain the voodoo in the country in every family because of the african spirit, the african spirit what gets put in one person in the family that’s how we maintain culture. and in every family that’s where it is. i know your family everybody is not like you are so that’s how we maintain the culture, because the spirits came to one person in each family so that the spirit can be carried on. hsh: what names would you suggest for me to go after? srs: atiya ola she more connected to the food thing than anybody that we know so whatever name she gives you. she’s more connected. on the food thing we would not have anybody to give. hsh: what about the culture? srs: this new group i think would be good for you to meet, because they are the new say for philadelphia, they are the new cultural arm this group called black and nobel. 	 you know what i mean they same to be attracting all of the youth and that’s who you want to tie into, because they have another thought of what’s going on and you want to know what’s going on in philly. that’s where you are now. i think we reclaim printers are on th and baltimore ave. russell shultz he has a great history. you hear his history; he has a great history. 	 interview with atiya ola sankofa hsh: good afternoon! can you tell me your date of birth and some information about your upbringing? aos: july , is my date of birth. i am the second oldest of eight children. my mother and father were semi-country and city folks. my senior sister is fifteen years older than i am, which is important. she helped raise us. as far as food, which is what the topic is about, we had what i considered after getting totally grown, a well-rounded diet. my mother and my sister cooked mostly fresh foods from scratch. we definitely went through the government-era of surplus food so we had surplus spam, beef and powdered milk, which they created meals out of that too. my mother and my sister actually cooked like you open a magazine and you see that food. that is basically how they cooked. our holidays were loaded with homemade cookies, cakes, pies, oatmeal cookies, lemon cookies, and date-nut bars. i can’t even name all of the cookies my mother and sister made for us, including homemade fruitcake, and miss-meat pie. we ate a nice selection of meat. we had rabbit, mush rats, turkey, chicken and fish. we had a variety of fish. my mother worked for some asians at one time so we had chinese food brought into our diet; fried rice, egg rolls etc. we grew up having those things and knowing how to make those things. after i had my children, i made some of those same things for them. 	 food never seemed scarce. we always had, periodically, company in the house. beans, rice, biscuits, homemade rolls, ham, potato salad, greens, collard greens, kale, mustard greens, and beets— all of those things were in our diet. as a grown-up that’s when i could realize how good we had it. hsh: geographically, where were you raised? aos: i was raised in wilmington, delaware, but my father and mother were from lauwer, delaware too. their people are from middle town, smirner. hsh: in terms of holistic health, do you have any credentials? aos: i guess i am an autodidact. i didn’t go get any certificates. i actually just have a truth pill. my girlfriend, zuhairah and i were always threatening to be vegetarians and then a moment came where we could be vegetarians. we started moving in that direction and then a group called dicc, and reverend james bevle who was the head brought that organization to philadelphia. at that time i was making clothes and my sister, zola armenata and yatama came to us for us to move our operation to nd and allegheny. there we met reverend james bevle, marselus brooks, and dwayne qwima. marsalus brooks, dr. rev. james bevle had already raised food in a large amount and sold food. they were connected to farming. also, sis erica henry was leaning toward raw food so 	 as we moved into that atmosphere, raw food rung my truth bell. i started leaning in that direction and started creating raw dishes. it just grew out of that. that is how i got to where i am. hsh: what time frame did you-all make that connection? aos: i should give you that, but i have to look in my journal. hsh: please tell me your official title and the line of work that you are currently in today? aos; i don’t actually have an official title. i am just a person that does what i am doing. i don’t call myself a chef although when people are handling food they usually take the title chef and periodically when i step in certain arenas they call me chef. i just show up. hsh: what is it that you actually do for the community? aos; i oversee atiya ola’s spirit-first foods, which is a café whose target market is vegan and raw food. i oversee the recipes, the food processing (how we are going to process it, how we are going to present and how we are going to serve it). i have chefs that fix food, but i am the one that is assisting them with what we are going to do with the food and to the food. 	 hsh: in this business that you have is it safe to say that this is a restaurant and/or do you provide your food services to the african community? aos: my food has always been provided for the community in that i have always fixed food for us. originally, coming to philadelphia we lived in a commune house and it was two females so we took turns fixing food. i have always fixed food. i have eight children so i have always fixed food. it’s eight of us and six children are under me. fixing food goes with being. in just easing into fixing raw foods, and fixing food period, i was always fixing food and it started growing. two of my friends got married and one of the dishes at their wedding was couscous and sometimes called kush which was named by a black chef. his pleasure in that started me to say, “i’m gonna learn how to make that.” i started making it and my sister who became vegetarian was constantly critiquing whatever i was cooking. she kept telling me what it wasn’t until i finally got it to what it is. that is how i’ve gotten to where i am. as far as credentials, i just didn’t see a school that i wanted to go to. hsh: when did your establishment open? how long have you been in business? aos: we have been in business four years. we are working our fifth year now. hsh: how do you feel the work you do contributes to the health and wellness of the 	 african community? aos: we are eating real food. it’s primarily uncooked that allows you to have the enzymes you need which are the catalyst for regeneration and healing. we have lots of people that come from all over to get the food. we have people have gone to the doctor and the doctor say that you have to change your diet and then one of their friends brings them to the café for them to get the food. we have people who have been eating the food who come back to testify how much better they are feeling. in fact, we have a young girl right now that’s been consistently coming to the café, learning how to eat the foods, studying how to eat the foods and is feeling better. she is making testimonials to me. she said, “i think what you said is right” in terms of eating and what have you. hsh: if you were to explain what the alternative forms of healing what would be your basic definition of the term wholistic health? aos: that is a great question, because most of the time that we get ill it’s always addressed from the physical never from the spiritual or the emotional body, but the truth is you get ill in the emotional body. that is where you get ill first. things upset you emotionally and the energy gets stored in the body. in the news was a man who committed a murder twenty-three years ago. he killed a young boy that was fifteen years old and he came forward to confess. this was not a case that the police solved—he gave himself up which is to say that that weighed heavily on his spirit and his emotions. they 	 showed him saying, “i am confessing to this crime. i don’t need a lawyer or anything. i am confessing to this crime.” which will give him a large relief in his emotional body and his spiritual body. no matter what the outcome of the charges are, be they even the death penalty. he is in relief. we as a people have been in major trauma from the day that we left our shores, so we have been suffering for generations. we have suffered major trauma, depression, inner- generational depression and it continues on and so what you see when you see that our community can be heavily drug-addicted is really people that are depressed, self- medicating. when you look at the level of unemployment, teenage pregnancies, diabetes and you decode that out. it all decodes out to an upset and an emotional body. and since we never had therapy, it still continues and lingers. also, we don’t really see the invisible forces that keep these pressures on, but they do exist. even to talk about the large amount of males and females that are locked up in the prisons. all of that is criminal. since they [europeans] brought a people here and disenfranchised them and continue to disenfranchise, we are constantly borderline if not over the top depressed. hsh: what about the idea of holistic health has other elements other than the physical. aos: one of the things that i was paying attention to one day is what other people are working towards. some people are working toward this, but when you ask great black thinkers they are working for freedom. this is we are still working for freedom. 	 what is your dream? “freedom.” oh please! doctor, father nelson mandela, a whole lifetime wasted in prison. when i look out over the total spectrum of what is happening not to just us, but to all the people of hue, i don’t feel that we are talking about the right thing which is the other people’s insanity. i don’t think that we call it the right word. we call it white supremacy, racism or something like that, but i think that it should be really called insanity. i think that we should call their psychiatrists on the carpet, because they have not dealt with that. that is my argument. hsh: in addition to the association with reverend bevel and others was there something else that compelled you to embrace this lifestyle of holistic health? aos: first off, my mother fed me well. it’s innate. then, paying attention and having eight children and wanting them to eat the best with what i could provide for them. i was definitely in a co-op, ujama co-op, which allowed us to have brown rice as opposed to white rice. there were a whole lot of other good things like real oatmeal as opposed to instant oatmeal. that is really my impetus having eaten well growing up. having eight children and wanting us all to be well. hsh: which decade would you say this holistic health movement gained momentum in the african community? 	 aos: definitely, dr. reverent elijah muhammad was a great impetus in the direction of urging us to release some of the food that we were eating. i had a friend, his name was dawood arasul and i guess i might have been about twenty no more than twenty-one and he said, “come go with me to the mosque.” i went with him to the mosque and that day the lecture was on not eating pork. my family ate pork and at that time my pleasure was in eating pork chops and ham and bacon. i went to the lecture and afterwards i would go to get my pork chops. i cooked them but i could eat them. it became an education of release. as you get educated and you do your own investigation, you start releasing. somewhere during that period my father passed and i had cooked a pork loin and so my question to myself: “was that done?” what triggered the question? nothing was in it, but a bell rang, which became more of an impetus for me to let go of pork. i would say that that was a key factor in releasing, but still recognizing that my mother and father fed us well. we had hand-shelled lima beans, corn off the cob scraped, plucked string beans. i know how to do these things, because i was there when it was being done. hsh: when would you say including the mosque that this conversation of eating right was at its height in the black community? what decade? aos: probably before the mid to late sixties, because the muslims were on it. i can’t pinpoint how long they were on it. i just know that that is when it came into my world. 	 hsh: the ujamaa co-op, what time was that? aos: that had to be like - . definitely, more than , because in we came to philadelphia. going into ’s. hsh: when you arrived here when did the impetus started? aos: well for being in that co-op. not for eating good, we always ate good in my world. my family fed us well. that notable shift, but i also came to philadelphia to help participate in the shift of consciousness. we came to participate in the african culture movement. it was like of us that came to philadelphia and lived in a commune. you are going to go talk to those brothers about that. when we came, we came to manufacture art and clothing. for over ten years i made african clothing, the red, black and green flag, kufi, pouches, bottles. i am an artist at heart so i did different paintings and things and we sold all these things in our african culture store. hsh: did you all call this “eating to live” or did you call it holistic health? i don’t have that on board, put lisa ra’s name down, because she was in the co-op. 	 hsh: can you name who were the instrumental figures and/or institutions in the holistic health movement in the heyday that you know it to be? aos: ujamaa co-op. hsh: what about the individuals who were the movers and the shakers. do you have any names? nisa ra, kosuwa sabri, tom, president of komi sankofa was there. when you speak with mama akousua she can probably give you more names than i am giving you. hsh: do you think eating better is healthier for african americans and if so can you elaborate? spiritually and scientifically, the body is a solar band. the sun is the solar energy. one of the main vitamins that they say go out in the sun and get is vitamin d. i can’t think of the word that they use when the energy is absorbed in the greens where all the vegetables that you eat are absorbed into you body as energy. yes. photosynthesis. if you are working on that theory and that’s the one i am working on then it is important to eat those foods. uncontaminated and cooked as little as possible and they have scientifically validating all of this information. not only are we moving in 	 this direction, but also science is kicking it with us. hsh: with that said, what suggestions would you make to meat eaters to embrace a healthier lifestyle? aos: study. information is what changes thought patterns so if you start studying you recognize what they are doing to the meat industry and what meat does to the body and you can start releasing it. i say wean yourself. sometimes we are not prepared to just give it up abruptly, but we can give it up a little at a time until one day we look up and it’s been years since we’ve had that. also, start paying attention to how your body feels. how are you bowels moving? a lot of us are getting sick with cancer of the colon, because the waste stays there too long. also, always work on your emotional issues. forgiveness. speaking up. practicing having an open heart. working on our creativity. a lot of us do not realize that not being creative you will get ill. there is an illness that comes with not being creative. yes, we have been oppressed where our creativity has suffered in so many ways, but still it must be released from out thought patterns and bodies to the universe. hsh: is there anything that i have not asked or that we have not talked about that you feel is imperative for me to know as it relates to african holistic health? aos: the only thing that we must be aware of is our family—we need to self examine 	 our family. that’s really what helped me a lot. when i looked back on how my family had suffered through racism it is disheartening. if you have seniors in your family that are living ask them questions to interview them. ask your siblings questions. although parents are parenting, each sibling perceives the parent differently. we remember things differently. everyone has different experiences with the parents. get in touch with as much of your family as possible. like right now i’m on a program of spending sometime with my children, because i don’t really see them. even though we are right here in philly. work seems to capture all of us, just making it from day to day. we have to discipline ourselves to put in some family time. that’s where i am at this point. taking time to spend sometime with the different families. all my children are grown. we spend time with my youngest daughter and then to hear her say, “you spent a whole day with me.” she appreciated it. i would recommend that we start looking at each other with love as oppose to the angers of the past. love and forgiveness or forgiveness and love as opposed to angers of the past. these are the people that are bringing, jewel pookrum to philly dr. pearl jackson and marva. they were bringing her to philly. hsh: what year was this? aos: i don’t know if it was before , but i do know that i went to the lecture and the following sunday, i showed up to be in class. 	 dr pearline jackson, marva and dr. jewel pookrum were here and what was the intent? dr. pearline jackson was an emotional therapist so she did therapy work. i was her chef at her healing retreat at drexel. i can’t think of that lady, but you know there was a drexel nun and they have a nunnery so i was the chef there. that was the type of work pearline was doing. marva was just working on promoting and getting in alignment. that’s what we were all doing, trying to get in alignment. jewel came with the universal principles and the spiritual laws so that is what we endeavored to study and be our own therapist in the sense. if we start applying the laws to your life and behavior then it allows you to examine certain things that may have already happened. a key word is re-perception, to re- perceive events. that was the basis of it to actually get a core of women to get well and facilitate to other women. hsh: how often did you ladies meet? aos: we met once a week. i think it might have gone on five years or better. it went a long time. hsh: was there a central location in which dr. jewel pookrum came? 	 at that time pearline jackson owned a property out on thomas ave. i think or we had class there. we also had class on th and diamond at a sister’s house name legiri who is in california now. also, around the corner from that was a sister named ugi, who was traveling right now too. hsh: was there a name to this? aos: philadelphia principal women’s universal support group. it was definitely for fibroids. fibroids were major, because she brought diet information and it was a core of women that had fibroids. they actually had others facilitating for them. hsh: how many would you say in the womb circle consistently? aos: it could be ten. and also there was a revolving door so you had people who stayed the distance like ugi, my sister, a few others and myself. then you had people that got what they needed and moved. ugi and these other people could give you the numbers. aos: did i give you her number? hsh: no ma’am, you did not? aos: it is: ( ) xxx-xxxx 	 interview with aris latham al: it was when i landed in brooklyn and i had dropped out of school back down the way in panama. i think i dropped out of the th grade so i was out in the bush. i couldn’t figure how to work this thing called school so my buddy and me dropped out and went to the bush. that is when i started my first food venture. we used to go get sacks of mango and sit right in front of the school and ‘go into the business.’ by the time i got to brooklyn they had to stick me in the ninth grade because of my age. i graduated from there and went on to college. i went to community college in bayside, new york. a pivot happened in , landing in bayside [queens], new york out of the hood, because in the hood there was malcolm x, the nation of islam and all kind of other stuff going. we were shifting from not eating pork and eating only once a day. also, we had independent institutions, black schools, food co-ops and those kinds of things. on the college campus in a suburban area i ran into hippies with all the facts of the land. of course, the vietnam war and the black power movement were also going on. in the black power movement they said the food they were serving us was a weapon. we have to deal with this thing on another level. al: i graduated with a bachelor of arts from the university of new york in spanish and education, because around that time i was planning on going to vietnam so i had to stay 	 in school and study something to go under my belt. i got a b.a. in spanish just for bragging. i did all of that: stayed in school, got my b.a., and of course from then a whole different window opened. i ended up studying for my master’s degree at california state university, fulton in linguistics - bilingual education. ultimately, i was honored with an honorary doctorate degree from the city university of los angeles on sun-fired food science, having developed what i had developed. i was very privileged to be honored alongside one of great, brilliant minds of the twentieth century, a man by the name of nathaniel bronner who started the bronner brother’s empire. the elder who started that and i were both honored together. he got his ph.d. for having developed the whole bronner brother system and i got one for having developed the sun- fired food system. hsh: official title and the line of work you are currently in? al: based on all the work that i have done my official title is food scientist. all the work that you hear me expounding on today is all work that i have directed myself. i didn’t sit in a classroom or study with anybody. this is work that i studied on my own. i have a master library of , books. i couldn’t find what i was looking for in the school systems so i had to teach myself and i went with this and this is what has become of it. i am a doctor of food science. i specialize in sun-fired cuisine. i’ve also been acclaimed in the oxford encyclopedia of food and drink in america in the edition. 	 the second edition came out last year. they claimed me as the “father of ethical gourmet raw cuisine” for having developed this cuisine in a gourmet style. when i came on the scene raw food was for sick people so pretty much what we gave it was spice. it was quite an honor to be in that type of media and see that the article was an exposé on the history of vegetarianism based on their time. they started with pythagoras who studied on the banks of the nile with our ancestors and elders. the article went from pythagoras to the ben franklin period up to modern day raw food where they just mentioned dr. ann ray moore for having brought wheatgrass and the whole sprouting culture. definite, distinctive contributions from the raw food movement weren’t cuisine for having developed this on a gourmet level. however, in looking at all the people in the encyclopedia, everyone else is dead, but me. i am walking as a legend, but what is more important to me is walking upright, healthy, bright and strong with my mind clear and sharp not sick and vegetating, waiting in some hospice on death row for the last stroke to hit me. our responsibility as individuals is to take ownership whatever that means. you have to figure how to do it and how not to kill yourself. hsh: how does the work you do contribute to the african community? al: it’s right here right now as we gather like this, looking at the crisis that we are in. in the ’s, they used food as a weapon. it’s a weapon. you can look at the food in the local supermarkets around here and go in the same supermarket uptown in their neighborhood and the selection ain’t dried, old and looking freaky. what i have done is 	 to bring or open up the awareness in our community on how to deal with our options. what i have done to contribute to the health and wellness of our community besides exposing that you don’t have to eat to kill yourself, i live what i share. we may find that there are certain individuals that may come into our community and take certain knowledge, but they are not vibrating what they are sharing to be an example. if you want to look like me then this it, but if you want to look tired, worn out, dried skin and all this other stuff going on then that’s another thing. once we really look at what this food does for us compared to what the other food does for us, we are going to see that you can’t fool mother nature. beyond all of that, i have always kept myself accessible to the community. i also have a huge global community. i was in philly back in the ’s. i was here for a couple of years. it wasn’t permanent. i was in new york so i would go back and forth. i taught a class at temple university in the evenings. i alternated teaching wednesday night with shekem shekem of the ausar aset society. the class was on natural cures for the body. there were a couple of other brothers and sisters that did it as well. i am always accessible whether i am in belize, jamaica, panama, nigeria, ghana, or tanzania; everywhere i’ve gone to share this energy. i’ve done quite a bit of work that you can find on youtube. i’ve put a lot of stuff out there without any charge. i had a lecture at clark atlanta a few years back. the entire lecture is there whether than trying to sell these things. many of our practitioners sell all of their work. you have to buy it to access it. it is their business, but i see the value of being in a position where i can share without having to charge people, because a lot of us 	 don’t get this information. it is life saving information. we need to access it not only for us, but other children that have gone astray. as practitioners, people out there on the forefront, a lot of us maintain our work strictly within the confines of our community. if we truly live what we preach of being the original people and the first people we have to accept that the other ones are our children too. no matter what we want to call them, we have to check ourselves for us to create those kinds of monsters. we are responsible on a certain level. we put this information out there so they all can access it. if we don’t allow our children that have gone astray to be healed, we will build our temples and empire and they will come again and romanize it. we got to really leave a little back door open for them if they want to come back home and be as they might say accepted in the community of nations again as civilized people. this is where my work is and i like to always be able to make sure that our people can access it on any level. if you can’t afford it, i can give it to you free. it’s really not mines. i am just a vessel. i am just a channel to make sure the work of our ancestors goes on. what i am sharing here with you today is just a griot’s job. much of this i got from my grandmother. they didn’t know how to read and write so they just came right through the grapevine. we got to keep it moving this way, because we really we have generations to come and if you don’t set this foundation right we are going to keep creating worse offspring’s than we already have. lets keep it tight, open, available, accessible to all of us and that is what i urge all of our leaders and healers to do and not merchandize our knowledge so much. 	 hsh: how did you come to know what you know about raw food and holistic health? al: i came about getting it by living it. in , i came out of high school enjoying the standard american diet. my consciousness was exposed to basically bringing me back home that i learned from my grandmother and my mother. by , i became a complete clean vegetarian. when i use the word vegetarian that does not include any animal by- products. i don’t use the word vegan at all. what is that word? it is a word that was coined by some englishman based on the animal rights movement and it has left a door open for people who eat dairy and stuff like to also call themselves lacto-ovo vegetarian. what the heck is a lacto-ovo vegetarian? for that matter the other folks can call themselves a penguin-vegetarian or beef-vegetarian. lacto-ovo? why can’t you have a chicken vegetarian? they have those heh? well those things don’t vegetate so we’re going let them be the vegans, the villians. they can be the vegans and we are the vegetarians. we’re going to lose that word. they have co-opted the word health, natural, food or meat! the original meaning of the word meat is food! we do eat meat. we do eat nutmeats. of course! we are meat-eaters. we are not going to let the flesh eaters rip us off of all of this stuff. it’s all about brining it back to where we are. i stopped eating all animal products in . i read it— being on the college campus your reading now. you are looking for information. your brain is ripe and spongy so getting all of this information is resonating, because this is where i came from growing up 	 at my grandmother’s place. it all started to make sense. after years on that journey and not going on to the fake, imitation-texturized-vegetable protein and all of these types of things. i basically used my home-style cooking, but try to make it easier: rather than fry the plantain, i just baked it and get out of the kitchen. that opened up the door for me to consider raw food. i started to read about it. the big spark back in those days was dick gregory and his mentor dr. alveania fulton out of chicago at the fultonian institute. she put my brother on a huge fast and knocked him down from pounds to pounds. i was reading about it, but i saw this in flesh and blood that i could touch. there were many living food masters that came about in ’s and ’s and like hilton hotep. if you want to get a deep science of this you’ll need to read hilton hotep. the man wrote over a hundred books. he breaks down the fatal process of cooking. the raw food books you read today that these newbie’s are putting out is just regurgitation. they plagiarize. look at david wolfe’s book. what is the name of the first book he did? nature’s first law! david wolfe’s people are iranian. they came form iran. in the library, his father had a book by an iranian. i think it was eat to live or eat live or something like that. he plagiarized the book pretty much word for word. he can’t reproduce that book, but it gave him a good start. that’s what all of them do: go into all of these old books and get information so you really need to go to the old school to find raw food information. al: the health research institute has republished all the out of print and rare books not only on raw food, but a lot of other subjects that you are going to find interesting, but 	 hilton hotep put the greatest body of work out there. this man was raw over forty years, living out in seabridge, florida. guess who was mining his orange grove? charlie smith. charlie smith lived longer than hilton hotep. hilton hotep died at about or . charlie smith lived to . he smoked tobacco and drank liquor and everything, but hilton had him out in the orange field so he ate a whole bunch of oranges. he was out there detoxing and sweating. hilton was in the house so he wasn’t sweating like charlie smith. he has pictures of charlie smith in his book. he started writing things about kemet, but his work on living foods is the most solid out there. there are quite a few others so go to the health research institute and get some of those rare out of print books on raw food. you are going to see an arising. al: in living flesh, dick gregory, dr. alvenia fulton, and also dr. ann wigmoore were a big inspiration, but reading and finding out about this, applying it and seeing the difference in my life, stamina, energy and everything i locked into it. now it has been years of not eating any cook food whatsoever and i know the difference. my siblings: one brother years younger than me died of a massive heart attack a couple of years ago. the other, one year older than me died of two forms of cancer. my oldest brother is and he has everything. my sister, is and she has everything. between the both of them they have the whole pharmacopeia sitting in the house. they have big drugstores in their house. i go to my brother’s house and he’s like, “why you bringing all that stuff in my fridge: all those fruits and vegetables filling up the fridge. i have fruit juice up in the cabinet.” i tried to show them the light and they bring me all of that other stuff so i said, 	 “you go ahead if you want to be living-dead. i have folks looking for me. i’m going to go to philly hang out with sisterand be around the ones that want me near.” this is how it works for me to be able to be into this on this level and it was all strictly self-profess. that is why i got into it, because i saw the food. i was killing my people not only in my house, but on the block and i had to step up and not be another victim and this is what i bring to share with all of us here is that all in your hands. don’t blame it on the man or the boy or whatever. your hands picked it up and stuffed it in your mouth. they did not spoon-feed you. you went and spent your money on it. one big ol sister asked dick gregory, “dick, can i get some of that miami diet? i’m so big and fat. i need to lose some weight, but i can’t afford it.” dick said, “what?! all that fat you got on you that is expensive. you spent a lot of money to get sick and you want me to give you this thing.” anyway that is how where that is at. hsh: what was the name of your restaurant in flatbush, brooklyn? al: that was sun-fired juice club and this is how we come into the neighborhood. we didn’t come into the neighborhood raw food, health food, vegetarian this or nothing like that. we come in mainstream, because we are looking to deal with these other people out there. and so sun-fired juice club and the way we have it set up we have a big produce market sitting outside on the sidewalk. all day exciting fruits. all sitting out there. we were selling that out there. i had a little triangle, i was sitting on a whole block by 	 myself. the triangle and you couldn’t miss us. we were on flatbush ave in park slope. al: besides that we had some cooked food as well. we had a nice baked carrot cake, we had soup, rice dish. we had a bridge in there, but then once you come in there now. we had about or cooked dishes. it was a juice club so we had flavors of juices fresh made. we had fruits, vegetable juice, nut milk, milk shake and a smoothie bar. we had ice cream we made frozen fruit ice cream. we had about flavors. we had butter pecan and all kinds of stuff. it was set up with all of that. you could make your own smoothie from a selection of fruits always available. we had the ice cream, earth milks and you just come and put what ever in your cup whatever juice you want and we would blend it. we had another case with about raw food dishes eden’s paradise. people would come in maybe just to buy a cooked dish and they would come in a see all of this raw food. that is how we get the community to raw food. that was the second place i had. the first place we started off with was in harlem. what i did with that place we had an herb shop, herbs. savannah herbs, herbs, one herb for every day. we had a produce stand outside and inside we had all the other stuff. but the herbs in harlem, no raw food in sight and folks looking for the herbs to heal themselves. they come in for the herb and what do they see back there all of these paradise pies and all of this stuff. and this is how we got harlem eating live back then. we’d do like a sun burger and folks would come in eat that and it just looked like what they want and next thing you know they would come back later and ask, “brother, what kind meat was that?” we don’t come in knowing them on the head beating them, saying health food is good for 	 you and all of that. they are coming, because they are looking for health. so they are coming in for the herbs and we hook once they get in there, but the best place i had was the one i had in bethesda, maryland. if you know anything about bethesda, maryland today you have to have about $ , income to live anywhere in bethesda, maryland. one of the fourth or fifth wealthiest city in america, but we had a natural food supermarket not a health food store, but a supermarket, , sq ft., green city market and cafe and we had everything in there. we had a restaurant in there, and huge produce. we were before wholefoods. wholefoods came in and put two shops within short distance of us, and because we were doing the retail they crushed us, because this is how they do. they come in the top one-hundred in the industry they sell it and you can buy it from the distributor. so they came in and crushed the co-ops the community stores and everything. we have to shrink back and i went back to just preparing food, but anyway a lot of that you can find. it’s all in the media that you can see a lot of that. i have done a lot of consulting work, setting up restaurants for people all over the world, cleaning up restaurants. not only in our community, but i have done work with hilton hotels, major resorts in south america, here in the us, down in the caribbean and the word just continues, but right now for me it is very important that we keep this information flowing. we keep this information flowing as much as possible. we had queen afua, we had a lot of our healers this is where they would come to eat. this is the place that they would trust is sun-fired foods. hsh: what year was brooklyn and bethesda? 	 al: well bethesda came in before brooklyn. bethesda was to . the president of the discovery channel was my partner, aruth ark. we sat it right next door to the discovery channel and we was rocking. we raised quite a bit of eyebrows. we got a lot of attention and people trying to buy us out and stuff and then the one in brooklyn was from to and that was my last operation in the us when i moved from the us to jamaica. hsh: which decade did the wholistic movement gain momentum in the african community? al: i would say the ’s. that was the decade that it really moved. as we saw here in philadelphia not only brother kofi kwatamani with the first intercourse, first raw food restaurant in this area, but also we had ? baba ( : ) of akebulan academy going on right here in philadelphia. it was all over the country, but a lot of these seeds were planted in the ’s and mostly through the independent schools. one of the major ones was in chicago with haki malabuti he wrote that book, from plan to planet. in that book that stimulated a lot of us. hsh: are there any other individuals that you would consider instrumental? al: well there has always been of course dr. goss. he has been on the frontline. of 	 course, dr. llaila afrika. he has always been there and still is moving strong today. queen afua, she came into it in the ’s. i remember when queen afua took her first massage class. she used to come in and experiment on us and give us free massages. dr. john moore out of the tree of life in harlem. ucla, and herbalist one of the big movers back then. of course you have always had shekem shekem ra un nefer amen from the ausar aset society. there has been quite a few. i know many of them i am not going to be able to name right now. jewel pookrum and she is still around here with us. i think the big thing was dick gregory he really took all of us open a lot of gates for a lot of us. hsh: what can you tell me about win postell? al: me and win postell go back quite a ways. when i broke out of new york when i sold my bag herbs out of harlem and hit the road in we went crisscrossing the whole country going to all the major health food conventions. by the time we left harlem our first stop in l.a. brother that was very close to me that was at my side, brother usudinki out of los angeles. you know he said, “there is a brother form philly that is coming in. he says that he just wants to volunteer. connect with us, because he loves to travel and like what we’re doing he wants to rock with it.” so that was win postel. win came and for years he ran with us, usudiki, myself and brother apshemol out of chicago. brother apshemol was a great chef he kept the vegetarian movement alive in chicago and he has passed on as well as win postel. win and i had a very 	 profound spiritual connection. we would move on a certain level where everything was already synchronized for us, but it was amazing what we would do. we would land say in l.a. thursday night and by noon on friday we got food on the table to serve , people. that is the way we used to move. we would get to l.a. with our network, we already recruited workers and in hours we have loads of food coming. and we would come into a situation at a big expo and we are making food in the booth all day long. we go to places and there might be vegetarian food stalls and we would look like we were catering the joint. win came back to philly and kept it burning here for a number of years and also he has kept on the traveling. he kept up in traveling and moving around. win is a very instrumental person in our communities not just here, but many other places, because he went on a touched a lot of communities throughout the world, honduras, belize and many other places that i have not been to as well. hsh: which year? al: to hsh: are there any other works that you have produced? al: i have not written or published anything other than what you see here. my books are living books like what you are getting here with you today. so a lot of my work you can find online at no charge, workshops, lecture, seminars that i have been doing, but other than that you are not going to find me wrapped up, packaged up out there in the 	 mass world. to me this is more important, having this living book, having this direct interaction with you in person, because really words cant replace this. i just want your tastebuds. when i can smack that, i got your mind and colon too. its more important to have this in a living form and it’s always going to be with you for the rest, because really what i am sharing with you is just foundation. open up your creativity and see the way we do it so you can do it with no problem. we’ll be coming back. we’ll be here in september and see sis beverly. you see what she did and we just put this together probably about a month ago and she got so many people in here. i am greatly surprised to see this on such a short notice. i know what will happen when september come. it is going to be the certification workshop that i will be doing in the entire u.s. so we are going to have other people come in from other places. secure your spot as soon as possible if you plan on being here. hsh: more to share? al: the main thing is that there is nothing new under the sun. this is our ancestral work. we just bringing it back to life, reigniting the flame, because we know in studying our history that even to get into the mystery school to study with imhotep and all our great masters you had to do days and nights of fasting before you could even get to the door and then once you got in you could not eat any cooked food. this is where we are. this is nothing new. this is all old time tradition. fresh food and we know better. that has been our tradition coming from the south. we are not into this processed, packaged 	 culture. this is not our vibration, but convenience and all of these other things we got caught and now we want to break the shackles, because this has become really enslavement when we start eating this kind of food. that’s why they are taking it to this other level to enslave us even further that you got to see them in order to eat. otherwise you can’t eat if you don’t see them. 	 interview with ethel wilson hsh: can you share with men any information about your upbringing? ew: i was born in west virginia. it’s called faraday, west virginia. its not there anymore. my father was a coal miner so if you know about the coal mining industry you know that it went away. it came back. i was born april , so what happened then my grandmother was attending my birth and on birth certificate it has the nd and rd. so now when i get retirement age i have to put the rd down. nd, rd whatever. you know. all the housewives stayed home, husbands went to the mine and we always had a little garden. children had gardens. i guess it was something like africa, because that’s what—you know the children always had something to do. they had those little jobs. we went to pick berries as a child. my mother had nine children. i am the eldest. my grandmother stayed with her a lot and then my mother came up here nad that is how i came to philadelphia. my upbringing, i thought it was really cool. you know you got in trouble for what you did and you had to drink castor oil on the weekends. i guess it was once a month, but you know i ran around because i had to drink that castor oil. then my grandmother would make a hole in the orange and heat it and pour it in the orange. it still didn’t taste good. then i took it and had to take the orange later. i think i had a good upbringing. school was right there, right across from us and we just walked to school barefooted. went to church barefooted. it was just awesome. 	 hsh: was this a rural community? ew: yes. it’s rural. there was no stores or anything like that, but we went up the rode, winding around. there’s houses here and there and when we left it was all houses. it must have been about maybe thirty houses and that’s all. backyard was the mountains. and there were people living up on the mountains, but that’s the type of upbringing i had. hsh: as it pertains to holistic health or alternative medicine have you obtained any credential, such as academic degrees, licenses, certifications, consultations, alliances or what have you. can you share with me those credentials you have and when you obtained them? at first i was in nature sunshine and we did a lot of training through nature sunshine and it was a wonderful company and they do train people and had plenty of help. you’d always had to help. you’d always have to help and be able to help other people. i guess that’s my middle name is help, because my husband says, “well you always giving stuff.” i went to trinity and i encouraged a lot of my friends to go and they would pass with the class and i said aww i’m not interested and i’ll get it. then finally, i had to just go ahead on and finish, but first i was a natural certified professional. i did that. i went all over the united states to get that. then i studied to be a doctor of naturopathic. then after that, i did a lot of different training. 	 hsh: do you know when you received your doctorate of naturopathy? ew: i think it was in . hsh: what is trinity? ew: trinity is a natural health college and then you can do ministry there and what you do you study out of the book and then at the end then you have a lot of other studies you can do and i did them all. we had about books i think. we learned about iridology, learned about death and dieting and that one was very important you know to learn about death and dieting. during all of that time i used to be afraid of dieting. you know people say “cancer” that big thing and then i would hold my ears. i couldn’t think about it, but after all of this training. after all the training i did with dr. afrika, sitting under him for maybe years. its not an issue anymore because you can either be healed or you cant be healed and the religious aspect whenever your time your going to go. it’s a better place over there. i found that out through this training. hsh: when you were done at trinity did you get certifications? ew: yes. we have a diploma for all of that. and then the doctor of naturopathy everything encompasses that, but it was interesting and then i had help with my friends. 	 we’d all get together and talk about this and stuff and even people now that is taking that class they still come to me and talk to me about it. and a lot of people go, because they see my diplomas. hsh: when would you say you went to trinity prior to you receiving your doctorate? ew: it was roughly about four years until . hsh: so about ? ew: yes. hsh: subsequently right after that you went for the doctorate of naturopathy? ew: yes. hsh: whom did you get your nd with? ew: that was with trinity as well. hsh: can you share with me the name of your business, when it opened, and the description of all the services? 	 ew: the name of my business is to your health. we do consultations naturally. i’ll start with the front. we do the foot detox and of the course the consultations are done out here, but we do the foot detox and that pull that pulls the toxins out of your body. there are two thousand pores in your foot or your hands, because if somebody come and they have one foot i’ll put both hands in the water, because you have all of the stuff that will come out. i’ve had people come in with canes and then what they will do they will end up leaving the cane, forgetting the canes all of that kind of stuff. some people say “oh man i can breathe now. i don’t know what this is.” so it pulls from a lot of organs in your body and that is a very good detox. its actually a medical device that i use. and then we can give you a massage and i have something called the chi machine and that makes your body go swimming like a fish and when you finish you can feel the oxygen coming up to your head and you just lay there and enjoy the oxygen. some people see their gods. some people see a lot of different things with that oxygen while you are laying there. that is a very nice machine to have and people have bought them, going to thrift stores after they’ve seen mines and then they have them. i have to teach people about everything that they are doing here. and then we have the sauna, the infrared sauna that is another medical device, because people can go there and burn up cancer. i mean you just get rid of that and a lot people go in there when they’re feeling bad they sweat. it goes like an inch and a half maybe three inches down in your body so your arm just gets completely engulfed with the heat and it pulls the toxins out through the sweat and your sweating profusely. sometimes you see people come out, the ones that can get 	 rosy cheeks they looked like they just came off the plane. they all rosy coming out and looking good and they say that they feel very, very good. and we also have the colonic machine and that device is an open system and i like it very much and everybody can use the open system. i’m not talking that we have the best system, but it’s not good for everybody. but the closed system is good too for people who don’t have that muscle to hold the tube in their rectum so it is a really good device to use. the water is constantly running and you can constantly let out all the fecal matter that you need to let out. hsh: what year did you open up? ew: i opened up years ago. i guess that was . hsh: can you give a visual of the chi machine and what does it do for the patient? ew: it’s not a patient. it’s a client. i’m sorry. it’s a little box like this. i mean it is no bigger than that and you put your ankles in and you are lying on the table. on the floor is better and then it goes like a fish. your body just goes like this and its helps the lymphatic system. the lymphatic system don’t move if you don’t move. so that helps the lymphatic system. if you do five minutes that is great and a lot of people have gotten on that with cancer. there are other things that you can do with that. there is a lot that you can put over that. i don’t have it, but a friend of mine has it. and that helps your tremendously. minutes is a long time for people that are sick. you can do five minutes. 	 you can do minutes. you can do it several times a day. i loaned it to a friend of mine who i wish was still here, but he is no longer here. he used to live upstairs and i just let him take, because he was sick and he said that he felt so much better. it helps the lymphatic system and you know that that’s where the disease is running in and out at. he really felt a lot better. i wish that he was still here. hsh: so, would you say that to your health is truly a holistic center? ew: yes. we detox everything it seems like in here. hsh: how do you feel the work that you do contributes to the health and wellness of the african community? ew: i think it contributes, because i have a lot of people come back and tell that i should let people start writing testimonies because they say that you have helped me so much. i’ve had people call and i don’t even know who they are they say “you started me on my way and i feel so good. the disease i had, after going here stopped. if i know that you are doing something to help that person out i send her to them. i don’t just keep people in here. this is what we have to do. we have to heal people. anybody can heal them, so i will send em to them. if it’s another colonic place i’ll send them there and i think that we should do that. i talked to people and train them here. people come here and sometimes you may have or people sitting here talking because they just happened to stop by 	 and i think that helps the community. that lets me know that people in the community will come. hsh: if you were to explain to an individual who is not familiar with alternative forms of healing what would be your basic definition of holistic health in your own words? alternative forms of healing? hsh: if an individual does not know anything about any of this and they asked you, “what is holistic health to you?” what would be your definition dr. wilson? ew: i think that i would tell it’s a form of mind body and spirit. you’ve got to eat right. you’ve got to think right. and you’ve got to have the right mind and then i can tell them about the food. i can do the food and i know about the herbs. different things i would tell them. your body has to be in homeostasis and they’ll say what is that and i’ll say, “that means your body’s got to be so that you’ll be able to go to the bathroom right.” you’ll be able to sleep good. you’ll be able reflect with your family. all of that. i mean, its just so vast i think i can even… you know they’ll ask you more questions, because i see people everyday, “why should i do this?” “why should i do that?” when i tell them that you need more than one colonic, they want to know why. i say that this is not a show and tell. this is a place where your gonna come and heal your body. your body will be healed. you’ll get up in the morning and be able to go. and a lot of times 	 its what your have in your body. some people say good morning. some people ask what’s so god about it. your negative. you be a positive person and that to me is some of the holistic things that i would say what would be holistic to a person. right off the top of my head i should have looked at the questions… hsh: i heard that you were an elder in the community. how did you come to know what you know about holistic health or more importantly, what year did you come into this new insight? can you elaborate? ew: the insight was already there many years ago when my grandmother used to take wheat germ. she used to have that and olive oil and it was and it was another brand. i can’t think of the brand, but it was kind of terrible. it was medicinal. it wasn’t for drinking, but she was drinking it too. if something happened to you then they would go out and get a weed. it was burdock, because my mother had an ear that would always got inflamed. and she used go get this root and put on it and it was burdock. i think it was burdock leaf. i think maybe this all came about then. then my aunt was sick. she had alzheimer’s and she couldn’t go to the bathroom and i saw the nurse hit her in the back and then she was able to go. and i said, “wow that’s interesting. i was older then, but i think all of my life its been there. hsh: how did you come into the holistic health at a mature age? 	 ew: i always saw something. then i got in with the herbs and then i was selling herbs at work and then when i retired that’s when i finally opened my business. my brother said, “i have a house. you can have it rent free.” it didn’t happen that way, but anyway. i got came here and started this, but after seeing people on my job and you read up on things and then i go and get my nature’s sunshine manager to help me and then those are some of the things that i did in order to this a long time a go. i always had a bag full of all kinds of stuff. i sold to managers on my job. i sold to people that i worked with. hsh: what year did you retire, because that will tell me when you started the training? ew: i was training before i retired. hsh: so what year would you say? ew: i was selling herbs i think back in the ’s because back in one time i had a spur and i could not walk. every step i took it hurt so bad and i would just pray every step and started going. i don’t know what year that was. it was maybe in the ’s and then i working and i would talk to people and i got light headed. i didn’t have any oxygen. and then that’s one of the times that i started learning. i was going to merriam then. i started fasting. that might have been in the ’s. it was. hsh: bill cosby era? early eighties? mid eighties? 	 ew: i think it was mid eighties. hsh: what compelled you to study it? would you say it was around the time your aunt was ill? ew: my aunt did die, but i took her with me. my cousin didn’t like it, but i wanted to look out for her and she finally expired. but that kind of made me want to do it. hsh: which decade would you say the holistic health movement gained momentum in the african community in the united states? ew: i worked on my job— this particular job i retired on years and i had swing shift. so you know i wasn’t in the community. i didn’t know what was going on i was like by myself. i really i don’t know, because i went to penn herbs when i was younger. i guess maybe in . at that time i was reading back to eden. that was the only book i knew about and i was getting something for varicose veins. so that was maybe , something like. i dropped it. i didn’t have anybody to tell me because if i got a day off after that i had to go work so i never did see people. i never socialized a lot and i kind of didn’t like that. but you gotta make the money. that is why i don’t know a lot about it, but when i got out here and saw so many beautiful people into their foods and their health. its awesome…although you were visible to the community, you were working, 	 and yet it was flourishing. hsh: from the time that you started the work, who were those instrumental figures or prominent individuals that you heard about? ew: i knew tim morel personally. he was my honorary grandfather at nature sunshine. he sold nature sunshine many, many years ago. hsh: who is tim morel? ew: he’s in california. he’s one of the nicest men i know. he cured himself of cancer. he has his own testimony. after that, there are other people through nature sunshine i just can’t think of their name. hsh: what about when you opened your business, to you health? can you name some names that you found after you opened your business? ew: for food, iris did such a beautiful job. i saw his dvd and then i did meet beverly who i thought made the best food in town. i think it is one of the better foods in town. what’s the sister of baltimore ave? i met her because they were always in the community. what’s her name in west philly? 	 hsh: atiya ola? ew: yes. her food is good. they were the only two that i actually knew, because like i said i was really stifled with behind my work and when i came here i just had this room and then my brother kept giving me a room, a room and a room and then i finally had the whole apartment, but when i came here i just had a few herbs and i just started up like that and a lot of people came. my foot detox was $ and i would have people waiting for me in the mornings when i came. on saturday whole families would come because they had never seen anything like that. and it was really awesome. i wish that i was charging $ like one of my friends was and i would have been able to put some money aside, but i was just able to pay for the water and the salt i guess. those were the ones that i could remember. hsh: and you named the people in philadelphia. you talked about bringing someone here in august. who are those prominent individuals outside philadelphia? ew: dr. afrika has always been…when i got his book it was awesome and then susan taylor brought him in and then we was at the meeting and he says, “ethel is going to bring me in in october” and i said what. we looking at each other and i said “now i got to be a promoter to bring dr. afrika and i don’t know what to do. so then they helped. they taught me what to do and i started, but after that bringing dr. afrika in and it has 	 been a really big learning curve for me, because he was telling me about what the african’s do. the sexology and all of this stuff like and we couldn’t believe it. a lot people was blushing in the class and everything from what he was talking about. then we learned about the ph. that was something that we went over, but it seemed just like him you wanted to learn what he was saying. just awesome. we had heard about the ph and nature sunshine, but when he brought it was really really great. he was the only one and i said i knew tim. i though tim was the godfather of everybody, because he just knew so much. it was the two of them and then we…i heard about dr. burton. i had gone to him and he is a teacher. he teaches you about some holistic stuff although he is a medical doctor. hsh: do you think eating healthy is necessary for african americans to feel better and if so can you elaborate in your own way? ew: i know it is. we need to eat better. i know we need to. i know for sure that it’s about eating the fruits and vegetables. the meat is dead. it has the parasites in it. it’s got stuff in it that we don’t really need. and its acidic. even the vegetables, once you cook them to death that is acid. and we do have to eat right. and i think if you are going to eat some meat let it be cut real tiny and put in with something else if you have to feel like you got to eat it. after studying with a lot of people and going all over with the food i know that we have to eat the fruits and vegetables. 	 hsh: do you think fruits and vegetables are very important? ew: it is and i am doing juicing now. i am gonna juice forever and eat fruits and vegetables and hope that i will be thirty pounds smaller when you see me. hsh: do you have any other suggestions for meat eaters? ew: a lot of people mention tofu and tofu is not really good now. i know at one time it was, but what i do and i hate to tell people this because they want to take what you say and leave out a few words. i said if you want to get off there is a lot of tofu things that are made from tofu and stuff like that. so eat that until you want to have some meat until you can get off because once you learn about it you don’t want to eat it. so i don’t know if i am right or wrong to tell people that if that is what is going to help you get off the meat to that with your vegetables. if you want to make a sandwich because that is the only way that i did it. that’s how i did it. until i cut down, cut down and i said i didn’t like it. it’s nothing but old rubber anyway. and that’s how i would stop. and then i’d say, i’d tell people to go to fish if they want to. now you said ocean fish, wild caught fish you don’t know whether its good or not. i was thinking so hard i was going on across the ocean and i’m saying now all of these people on this plane and their gone everyday, every hour, what is down in that water. the wild caught fish, i don’t know whether its any good or not. and then the farm raised fish, i don’t know whether that’s good. unless you actually know the farm its coming from. so i cant say eat some fish, 	 but if they want to do it and they “can i have fish?” i say, “pick the best ones that you know about. that’s all i can do, because i don’t know whether any of it is good, but if you trying to get off you got to cut back. just start cutting back on all of the things that you know is not good. it’s about transition. and dr. afrika talks about the diet where you mix it together. and the finally get the one that you like. like the regular ice cream and then you got soy ice cream and then you got made from other things and mix it together and you will finally go to the one that you need. they can do that. so there is a lot things you can talk to people about and some are more willing than others. so you got to struggle with some and some are the ones who will say well what can i do and its hardly anything. we say it to each other. you know my good friend….you know i don’t know. hsh: have you written articles or books on holistic health? ew: i’ve never written anything and i am about to because somebody just told me…i don’t know too much about the computer. i got about four of them. and i didn’t know that i could talk on it like i’m doing now and it would print out. i am about to write come things and i would probably write about colonics that would be my first one. and then i want to write about food. i did have a dvd i made with a friend about food so i would like to talk about food and the juicing and the sprouting that’s the kind of thing that we made. i might write something about that. 	 hsh: when did you do the dvd? ew: it was on my birthday years ago. hsh: do you have it for sale? ew: yes. i have it for sale. hsh: is there anything that i have not asked that you feel is imperative to afrikan holistic health? ew: i think as africans what we need to do is love one another and help each other. i’ve had people come in here and tell me, “herbs are high and this and that” and i tell them that i have to sell them according to the manufacturer, which i don’t do. however, for them, i go down on them. i figured i did get free shipping. if i got free shipping it’ll be cheaper. i’m trying to help them and they’re coming in here not trying to go along with me. you know if you need an herb just let me know you can have it. i’m not trying to…you know. i love people and i like to help people and everybody that knows will tell you that. i think they need to clean their bodies. i think they need to stop abusing their children with what they have at the corner stores. all of that stuff in the boxes and bags and frozen all of that, don’t do it. they are not trying to learn. when you try to tell them they say that you don’t know what you are talking about. all of this fiber people are 	 putting in their bodies is not good. they think that they should dilute because its all fiber and i’m getting up on fiber. you can get too much fiber and you come in here and lay on my table and i have to work like hell to get the fiber out, because you got lumps of it in there. you got to clean your body however your going to clean it. if you want to go get some center. you want to do a colonic. you want to do enemas. i got enema bags, enema buckets so you can do it at home. you don’t have to come and i get rich off of you, because that’s how we think. something that they want, they wont ask for it they’d rather talk about you. i think we need to love each other and we need to try to embrace the young kids. we need to teach the young kids what’s going on. hopefully, we’ll get it together. we did start having a luncheon here once a month and we had quite of few young women and somehow it dropped off some things got missing. i said ok i need a place where we can go in and meet and do this and i think all establishments should have something for the community. i think we need to have a move night. i’m going to start that. baby girl asked me, “are we going to have movie night.” yes we are going to have movie night again. and then talk to the people about the children. we got to teach these children, because look at them. and they are all sick. and i think we need to try to stay away from the medicines because there are things that you can do without it. and some people is only thinking about their doctor. he is not your doctor. he don’t care about you. you think the doctor care, they don’t. and they aren’t saying “my patient.” their just saying, “the patient.” i think we need to love one another. 	 interview with ron norwood hsh: any information concerning your upbringing? rn: i have four other siblings none of whom are involved in the work that i do. i was born and raising in durham, nc. my primary and initial interests came from my grandmother. i was greatly influenced by working-women healers of the south. she was a farm girl not a very literate woman, but you put her out in the woods and she would be able to find her way around. hsh: what year were you born? rn: july , . hsh: have you obtained any credentials, academic degrees, licenses and if so can you expound on those? rn: the ones that i have at this point have expired, but i was a member for may years with the nira which at that time was the national iridology research association. i was also a member of the that was a foundation that was founded by dr. price who was a dentist, a brother. they traveled the world studying different forms of healing— how indigenous cultures took care of themselves what they ate—that type of thing. 	 hsh: you are known around philadelphia as an herbalist, have you happened to obtain any certifications in herbalism or is it self-tuition? rn: no. partly self, but i went to dr. christopher school of herbalism and dr. clayton school— this is back in the ’s and i went to bastyr university in seattle, washington, which is a naturopathic school. i took a couple of courses there. bastyr is the first naturopathy college certified in the united states. hsh: and you went there in the ’s? rn: i went there in the ’s for two summers, and i went there in and and the primary focus was to study different nutritional factors as it relates to iridology. hsh: what is your official title and the name of your business? you business has been established since when? rn: my business has been established since . it’s two parts to ron norwood. there is a store, the herbal, holistic water center. then there is ron norwood the holistic practitioner. ron norwood the holistic practitioner started way before the school started. hsh: how far back would you say you were studying? 	 rn: . hsh: can you give me a detailed description of the line work that you are currently in as to what it is that you offer to the community? rn: classes, consultations, seminars, i offer the framework within the store. of course, the store is a retail outlet, but within the parameters of teaching is where i channel. of all the information that i have accrued over the years, i then pass it on to the community within the scope of seminars or across the counter information sessions. hsh: can you give me a detailed description of what the herb nook wellness center actually offers? rn: as a retail establishment we offer herbs and spices, vitamins, supplements, organic and natural skin care. we use the space as also a teaching space. hsh: can you elaborate on your tenure in the pascep program? rn: the first nine years at pascep i was involved in teaching herbalism and iridology— hundreds of students. however. in when hit i was surprised at the students that i taught were walking around with glazed eyes and very disoriented as to what was going on. at that point, i realized, i thought in teaching them herbalism they would understand the whole natural sequence of what this was about and i stopped 	 teaching that and went in to teaching metaphysics. hsh: and you starting teaching metaphysics after ? rn: right. hsh: and you taught that for how long? rn: i taught that for years. hsh: defining metaphysics this term to you would mean? rn: beyond the physical. we are enamored and en-captured in the physical, but it is what is behind the physical that brings everything to the forward. hsh: how do you feel that what you contribute in terms of the herbs contributes to the health and wellness of the african community? rn: the nutritional aspect of it. i really make it a point to explain to people that these are plants, these are from the same source that we are from. they are from the earth. you have your minerals, you have your vitamins. all you have to do is give them to your body you get the benefit of it. 	 hsh: what would your basic definition of holistic health be? rn: the definition would involve explaining the two different aspects of healing. there are two sides to the profession. there is the allopathic. this is the pharmaceutical, this is the doctor side of it. and then there is the naturopathic. the naturopathic demands that you take responsibility. it involves using natural products and i almost hate to use the word natural, because it is such a bastardized word, to be more specific organic products that the cellular structure of the body could identify and assimilate. it is a wholistic approach from mind body and spirit probably the best way. hsh: how did you come to know what you know about holistic health? rn: my eyes were opened by my grandmother. it’s a funny thing that she grew plants. she was a country girl. she was very intelligent but not an educated woman, but if you put her out in the woods you wouldn’t have to worry about her being able to survive. i can remember an instance with my older brother and i. whenever we would have breakfast or a meal my grandmother would always go out and come back with these plants and put them in a cup and pour hot water over them. many years later, i found out it was an herb called catnip. afterwards, i found out that catnip was used as a digestive 	 aid. so we had these little stomachs at seven and eight year olds, but we had all this food on the table and grandma knew we were going to stuff themselves, so she thought ‘let’s just have them drink this catnip. and that was years later when i recalled that, and i said “you know what she was intelligent enough to look at it from a nutritional standpoint so afterwards i looked at it from that position and moved on from there. hsh: you had an unfortunate accident as an athlete. can you elaborate on that? rn: i loved to play football in highs school and i played one day and i was tackled the wrong way if it be such a thing. and then you could hear this crack for a few hundred feet around. i spent nine months in tractions on my back and i had a lot of time to think as i laid there. later on when i healed when they could show me the realization of me being a sprinter or playing football or baseball it was a hard rock. and i started studying how to be sure that i didn’t suffer with that. there was a moment in time that when the weather changed i would feel my leg tingle at the heel. in subsequent studies i found that if you have that kind of injury you become as what i like to refer to as the weatherman. you can tell when it’s gonna rain. so i said no. i’m gonna find other ways of dealing with this instead of pharmaceuticals. hsh: you met a professor and he enlightened you? rn: that was my english professor. i had a problem with my finals for a couple of 	 years and he had asked me if i was a meat eater. i said, “definitely.” a typical child from the ghetto i ate everything that could walk. he said, “why don’t you try to leave that alone for a couple of weeks.” it was difficult, but fortunately enough i was open to it and it made a difference. my energy level increased drastically. it didn’t take long for me to realize that there was something to what he said. he was a european. i went to a school where there were over , students and there was only a dozen of us. hsh: what university or college? rn: i was at west chester university and the program i was in, there was music majors. i was a voice major and there were only four blacks in there. and we were all blocked out. we all went to the same classes together. the other three were seniors, so i was basically left there on my own. there were professors there that were very sympathetic, dr. cole was one of them. hsh: you started selling products? what was the name of that company? rn: that was the v company. the vitchtocks products very cleansing products. doctor iron wasn’t a doctor, but mr. iron was a very intelligent person. he was one of those people back in the ’s that was a hell-raiser. he was just not a person that would take the normal “this is the way it’s done” approach to living in this country and he revitalized food. he developed a lot of products that were very high in nutrition. i dealt with that for 	 the last - years. hsh: which decade would say that the holistic health movement gained momentum in the african community and within the united states? rn: momentum is a funny word, but i would have to say if it is going to be anything it looks like it would be the ’s. in my estimate, it would be because of malcolm raising the consciousness across the board and his mentor elijah muhammad; dick gregory and his progression from who he was to who he is now and writing about and making it available. hsh: do you feel african people are where they are suppose to be in terms of this wholistic health? rn: no. we are very much in a reactive mode and we are reacting to people who are proactive mode and who are in what i like to call a desperado mode, because they see us going around in the world they understand what’s going on with the devitalization of the soil and their of the mind now to produce their own food and we’re like most situations we are far…when we should be leading we are following we are all going in the same direction. we are agrarian people that may be happening down south its not happening up north we are following those who are understanding the whole concept of nutrition. 	 hsh: can you elaborate your relationship with dr. bernard jensen? rn: that was a mentor of mine who was nice enough to share a lot of good information and he was a kinda person that allowed me to call him whenever i had a question whether it was with iridology or nutrition. now that i am reflecting back on it he said something to me that had an indelible mark on my psyche. he said, “people whose ancestry is from warmer climates are healed by things that come from the earth.” and that opened up my eyes to a lot of overstanding. this is a man who had a sanitarium who traveled the world who was very revered in his profession, but for him to share that, “people’s ancestry from warm climates heal by these that come from the earth.” hsh: did he have nickname for you? rn: he used to call me sunny boy. hsh: what area of wholistic health did dr. bernard jensen encourage you to study? rn: it would be iridology. iridology being the study of the iris of the eye and him having been the forbearer and the person that held the torch in iridology. iridology was a science that came from germany and during the second world war the communication was shut down. he made sure that the lines of communication when it came to iridology were still open. in talking to him he allowed me to ask him questions that i was very 	 befuddled about. “how come the brown iris or what we refer to as the hematagenic iris was not studied?” he would say to me, “back then we thought all iris’ should be blue and that if you had a brown eye you were sick. there was some kind of toxic overlay that if you move that brown aside you’d get blue.” and in studies and i shared with him that that wasn’t the case. he admitted that “we just thought that we didn’t have the opportunity to study brown eyes—you know that whole slavery approach—brown iris’ weren’t studied back then. then he also along with the nra opened my eyes to a lot of books that were written in the ’s that dealt with iridology and why the idea of everybody should have blues eyes came to be. hsh: can you speak to me about your interaction with alvenia fulton? rn: the ultimate girly girl. i opened up a place with some partners back in october , and sometime in a brother his name is herman bingham brought her into the store. the store was called university herbs. even though i was / in a partnership she viewed it as mine because of what we carried in the store, because the walls were lined with herbs and some of the things she shared with me how to take certain herbs and make certain items that had medicinal value i really appreciated it. she was very calm. very serene. she was a very spiritual woman and i think one of the reasons we hit it off in those moments that we shared was i had southern, very obvious, southern roots. she had very obvious southern roots and even though we were communicating using the language there was an essence that she felt and i saw in her and sharing at that level. people that 	 were coming into the store knew this is a woman who wore gallia, very majestic woman, but when she spoke they took it to their head first. she remind me very much of my grandmother which is why the channel of communication was so good. she would say something about an herbs and how it would be used and i would immediately feel the efficacy, the reality of what she was saying and i wouldn’t just let it sit at the bring of it. hsh: when did she visit you establishment? rn: it would be . hsh: who would you say are the most practitioners in philadelphia? rn: the torch bearer would be someone who i spend time with - akosua. tony moore, merriam house, kimizia, there is a brother on th and lehigh who was very generous in sharing information with me back in , ron gaines who has an establishment called mother earth herbs on allegheny. hsh: who are some prominent individuals outside of philadelphia who are doing the work? rn: dr. sebi, dick gregory, llaila afrika, dr. paul goss. i have never met dr. paul goss—i have done seminars with llaila and its funny because the three seminars that we 	 did together i was always impressed with his intensity in bringing forth information but looking at the audience and realizing there was a disconnect. and i would mention it to him, but he does what he does and i remember probably at the second seminar there was a sister selling foods, zakiyyah ali and i was saying to her, “you know they are not getting what he’s talking about. does he understand that he is talking at people as opposed to talking to people.” i did it and i felt bad that i did, but that is the disconnect. hsh: who dealt with mental health patients that are currently incarcerated? rn: that would be dr. york. dr. york opened up m eyes tremendously as it pertains to how we think. our spiritual nature. malachi, i spent a lot of time with him. as a matter of fact i was introduced to him when he was up in brooklyn the community he had up there, because i was involved in the music industry at that time and i was work with an act called blue magic. that was an act that he had taken under his umbrella, because he was tremendously appreciative of some of the things that he had done and when dr. york talked he spoke form a place that very few people could understand. i couldn’t understand % of it, but it resonated with some of my experiences of being born and bred. hsh: do you think that eating healthy is necessary for african people? and if so can you elaborate on that? 	 rn: yeah. without a doubt. you there are organizations in this country who have done clinical studies and know that one reason why crime is prominent, dominant in our community is because we are malnourished. there is a seminar a couple weeks ago at university of pennsylvania and the lady that put the seminar together, a customer of mine. she shared with me the new keyword for the ghetto and the word is food desserts. i did a seminar a couple of days ago botsford hospital and people were surprised. what goes on in our community is direct result of the fact that we don’t get nutrition according to what our ancestry demands. we get a sterilized form of nutrition. its like dr. bernard jensing would say, “we are healed by things that come form the earth.” what is perpetrated as nutrition is actually more devitalized food, but it falls within the parameters of what they determine as nutrition. hsh: what strategies would you recommend to someone who wants to eat better? first, i would try to fill out where they were. was this just a question out of curiosity or were they really serious about making that adjustment. i get a lot of people that say i am vegan or i’m vegetarian or i’m octo this or i’m octo that. everybody that walks through my door i do a quick mri. if they have on leather then i make them aware of the fact that if you are going to eat a certain way you can’t do a % thing you have to do % thing, because anything that you wear whether its your buttons are of pork or the leather on you back or on you shoes. anything that you wear comes in contact with you skin at some point that is going to bleed into your blood system so your being intellectual 	 vegetarian or an intellectual vegan. i have a lot of people who seriously want to make that change then i try to rather than lecture to them i try to give them little snippet, little sound bites things that i know that when i instill it into their spirit, the spirit will deposit it into the brain and they’ll remember. i have a little sound bite that i use called mrs. i surprise them taking them to another place and tell them that a woman who is unmarried she is referred to as miss and when she marries that changes to mrs. and i had there attention at that moment. i explain to them the mrs. in my estimate can be used as eat food that will either old, rot or spoil. and they can walk away remembering that. mrs. doesn’t dictate or demand that the food have a shelf life. it must mold, rot or spoil. hsh: any publications from newspaper publications pertaining to wholistic health? my experience with that was with the tribune for years. back in the ’s i wrote thanks to mr. boogle for giving me a call and asking me would i do that. i did that weekly for about - years. i realized like in most situations it was a dim light ill say it back then. this man had tremendous foresight and he had goals and he opens some doors for people. i realized it wasn’t the best use of time after the or years. hsh: what about your books? rn: i have three. it’s funny because i wrote one many years ago. it wasn’t published. it was entitled i’m tired of brown rice. it was only about pages, but the whole idea 	 about writing the book—this about the same time as the tribune—was when we made the move to eating more nutritionally what we would do was eat more brown rice. at some point, we got tired of brown rice. i wrote this book. it was a book that had a lot of recipes in it on how you have brown rice and vegetables, how to steam you vegetables and eat food that your cellular structure could recognize and i was doing that the same time that i was doing the tribune. hsh: we have three books forthcoming? rn: they are on disk. one is a book on a computer; it’s a book entitled, as it was. it’s a book that goes back and reflects on all the books i’ve read from the ’s. the other two are metaphysical books. one is entitled—the book that i am spending a lot of time with now which means it should be out— is called spiritual insights as awesome soundbites. that will be out in the next couple of months. hsh: do you have any documentation of any lectures? rn: i have a brother who is very nice about tapping a lot of my classes at pascep. i have about things on disk. when i really understand technology i’ll get them up on youtube. hsh: is there anything that i have not asked or that we’ve discussed that you feel is 	 imperative for me to know as it relates to african wholistic health? rn: we could not allow the court to be in front of the course. we have to really get into the heads and the minds of our community. when i taught at pascep i used to tell the class—i can’t think of the organization, but their motto is “a mind is a terrible thing to waste.” i used to tell the students, “that’s a good motto, but you know you don’t waste mind, because if your not using it someone is else is using it and they are usually using it against you.” we have to be taught how to rethink who we are in the total scheme of things. we are a mighty people. as earth wind fire would say “we are people of the mighty. mighty people of the sun.” in our heart lie all the answers to the truths we can’t run from. and we have been running for a long time. it’s time to stop and realize. it’s unfortunate in saying that i have to say this. i have to say we are becoming the shell of the people we once were. so we have to reslaim the reality—everybody on the face of the planet want to be us. so we have to be taught how to rethink go back to our center and realize that we are a powerful people. hsh: do you think thinking on a higher level is imperative for us as well? rn: yes. it is absolutely necessary and think about our religious affiliations, our spiritual affiliations, but i’ll tell people in a heat-beat we have to go to the upper room and dogonit we hav to stay there. we have to commune with the higher authority. we have to realize that there and only there is our power. we have to become like that in all 	 of our thoughts, worries and deeds. we have to learn how to relearn how to love ourselves. we have to make a frame of reference with the loving of ourselves, because then and only then will we have a frame of reference for our community. its right there, but we resist it, because we are a people—unfortunately who don’t want to take responsibility. when we reach a realization that we are responsible for ourselves things will begin to change. hsh: do you see having this notion of love being able to combat our social or economic situations of not having enough money if we eat right? rn: without a doubt. and the challenge is not allowing ourselves to become desensitized. they gave it a word. it’s called love. it’s a timeless reality, but it wasn’t always called love. it didn’t really have a name. it was just something that we did, because we are children of the sun, but we’ve been pulled. we’ve allowed ourselves to be pulled away from it. we’ve allowed it to be diluted like a cup of coffee. the best cup of coffee is a black cup of coffee, but you dilute it by putting in milk and sugar in it. we are a felling person that makes us powerful. you can place us in a room and we can feel things. the unfortunate part of it is we feel it we have the inability to articulate which in my frame of reference it’s not all that important. as long as you feel it, you are feeling that love, but we’re allowing people to tell us what it is, but they don’t really know. like george clinton said in atomic dog, “a dog that chases its tail gets dizzy.” and that’s where we are we are getting dizzy. we need to stop revolving and evolve out of where 	 we are and become the leaders especially in the spiritual reality that we righteously are. rn: i could put forth another sound bite. once we are brought back to the position then we need to understand the value. right now one of the biggest challenges is that we don’t understand the value and i tell a lot of people that “nothing has a value until you give it one that’s in all thoughts,” words and deeds. “nothing has a value until you give it one.” our biggest challenge is that we are being force fed in what we should have a value in while the people who are force feeding us know that what they are force feeding us with is more than malnutrition at a spiritual level. ase! 	 interview with beverly medley hsh: can you share with me any information in regards to your upbringing? bm: i was born here—philadelphia and i was raised in north philadelphia down on the dauphin and susquehanna; the york area as they call the hood. i am one next to the oldest of five. i was raised by parents that came from virginia—the south, and so that’s basically where i started my journey. hsh: what part of virginia were your parents from? bm: roanoke and danville. hsh: what year were you born in? bm: hsh: as it pertains to holistic health have you attained any certifications? rm: that hasn’t been my journey that the most high gave me to go and get any credentials. i’ve had teachers actually life is my credential. i’ve lived this world for years so life is my credential and i have no need to get another one. 	 hsh: if you could share with me the name of your business, your official title and how long has this business been operating? bm: the name of the business if all the way live and it has been in existence since and within the business i am co-owner with my daughter. hsh: and your daughter’s name is? bm: niesha hsh: can you give me detailed description as to the line of work that you are currently in terms of the business? bm: well i do everything. well basically i am the buyer because it’s very important buying and i have to see everything look at it taste it. i have to be at the helm of that because that is important for what the end product is going to be for me and then you go from the purchasing and then one of the preparers for the food that we serve here and i may have to do all of the jobs it depends on what’s going on. i’ll serve. i’ll clean the business. my main hat that i wear is to manage it and to purchase the produce and the preparation of the food. 	 hsh: what is “all the way live?” what do you offer the community? bm: basically, “all the way live” is wanting the community to know that you can go more at the going more toward the top of the line which means less cooking or no cooking, trying to get as much as you can out of the foods. the food today is very compromising anyway because they are grown different things that have happened since your parents or my parents. so what we do at all the way live is basically what they call raw, live, vegan food which is the no cooking or if i do cook… we do cook certain things really discriminate on what we put heat to. we discriminate. so we don’t use everything, because basically the whole idea of “all the way live” is to keep the body mucusless. so when you have less mucus, which is the cause of disease you’re gonna feel better, mentally, physically, spiritually. so we don’t want to over tax the system, but at the same time we want you to enjoy your dining here so then that is where the art comes in. the question then becomes: how can you give this to our community where they can thrive, but they still enjoy? hsh: how do you feel that the work that you do within here in terms of the food that you offer contributes to the health and wellness of the african community? bm: one of my main concerns has been the fact that as a community we suffer more that 	 other races of people, because of who we are—descendants of the original people and our health suffers because of what we eat. with me going through different things myself and changing what i ate when i first started i see what you can do with just changing with what you put in your mouth. i was in awe of the whole thing so that is what started me to branch out in what i finally saw was my purpose. my sole purpose is to share this with others, because you don’t have to suffer. you don’t have to suffer and we’re suffering in our communities. they’re building more dialysis centers; they have more mental drugs for you to because people are depressed, people’s hearts are bad, their feet are bad. their ankles are swollen. their knees are arthritic, okay. all of this is because one of the main things is we don’t know what to put in our mouth. we don’t know what to put in our mouth. who’s designing what to put in our mouth is not in our best interest. i’ve tried to prepare the food with me and my daughter coming up with certain things; rying to prepare the food in a certain way that people will want to eat it, because to compete with these drugs masquerading as foods is very difficult. hsh: what would your basic definition of holistic health be? bm: my basic definition would be your want to deal with foods and information to uplift your body mind and your spirit; that is holistic health. food is the tool for that food is not the epitome, food is a food. because with food; food is going to go and clean up the blood. so once the blood starts to becoming cleaner and thinner and more like water like it is suppose to be instead of putrid and thick, it’s going to feed all the organs and start to 	 heal the organs better and then of course the brain being one of those organs so when you start eating foods that have more water, because your water base and foods that are more not of this world, but of nature. it’s called getting clean, because if you continue to do this, your health is going to automatically improve. automatically. but we have a lot going on to distant us from that— on purpose. and this now is nothing not just for our community. it’s for humanity stretched out all over the place. so to reign yourself in we have to… it’s a task. hsh: how did you come to know what you know in terms of holistic health? bm: i actually began the journey with a young muslim sister that lived across the street from me who would tell me about not eating pork and i remember thinking she was crazy. it was like you got to be kidding me. and all the while i was thinking about eating at my mother-in-law’s house and all she used was pork and lard and fried the best chicken in the world. so she would give me material concerning not eating pork so was basically…see i could hear her, because i couldn’t pick up the vibration. she was talking to me and trying to help me, but i couldn’t hear her. i’d look at her like saying to myself in my head “something’s wrong with her ain’t nothing wrong with me.” but that is the extent of disease in your mind. you can’t even see that you are injuring yourself. so she would talk to me constantly and then one day i was at her house and then she said…well she had books. she had a lot of books. and it was one little paperback book that was on her shelf and it was called cooking with mother nature by dick gregory. that book 	 changed my life. along with…then i was able to pick up the information that she was giving me so i read this book in one day and i came out and i said to my husband; i didn’t have any children at the time it was just me and him. and i said, “i’m going to change the way i eat.” and i’m going to tell you why his book led me to do that. in a nutshell, in his book, its holistic because he didn’t just talk about the physical. he talked about the spiritual and the mental and i felt that i needed help in that area. i felt that i needed help in that area. so as i was reading it wasn’t so much that my physical was jacked up. i had some issues. well, i had one big issue. but i didn’t know about my issue at the time. it was masked. it was incubating and it finally came to a head later, but he said that this will help our attitude. this will help everything once you clean yourself up. and that’s what i did. i fasted like he said in his book, which is to fast for days. i went from vegetables to fruits to juices and then i ended up on water. so i did that you know and after that i felt so good that i never really looked back. i had some set-backs, maybe a year into it, but after that year i never looked back ever again. hsh: what year was that you met the muslim sister? bm: that was about …the seed was planted in . bm: also, he is the one who inspired me to do live raw food. hsh: it was dick gregory? 	 bm: yes. bm: alvenia fulton is who got him started. bm: but before that there was just little pieces here and there. hsh: what about how to eat to live? bm: i read that too, and i found that people have different interpretations of that because my interpretation of “how to eat to live” was that the honorable elijah muhammad was saying that you shouldn’t eat meat and if you do, eat this. hsh: do you consider the year as the height of holistic health tradition in the black community? bm: no! can i tell you why it wasn’t the height? if the height was bringing it up to where we are now; if that is the case, diabetes wouldn’t be where it is today. kidney disease would not be where it is today. autism would not be where it is today. depression would not be where it is today. kidney dialysis would not be where it is today. 	 bm: we have been walking in that path and i think maybe in that year were more involved in racial liberation than our health. we were more involved with the black power movement than our health. the health of our people was suffering, but at that time they felt it more important to deal with that issue. so the health movement didn’t get the light back then in the s. well not for our community. it was more like the black power movement. hsh: who were those instrumental figures and/or significant health organizations of the movement? bm: there was…oh let me think of his name. there was a…its leaving me, but one doesn’t leave me and i am going to say that name. and actually he worked with aris latham back in the ’s when they were going around with the live food because aris latham was in the ’s and he may have you know because of his profile. he was doing the food back then. i didn’t have much a linkage with him, but he was one of the frontrunners in health. and the person that worked with him who i had become acquainted with because he was philly-based is when i…his name is winfred postell. win postell gave me a lot of support back in the ’s when i really was going strong in what i was doing in the late ’s early ’s. i met him, and through him i learned a lot about aris latham, because he gave me…i mean you saw what aris did right. well, then you would get an idea of what win did—artistry with the food and then what win 	 gave me was to let me know…which i didn’t understand at that time that it’s not really about the food. the food is a tool for you to grow, but at the time i thought that food was everything. i didn’t know what he meant. and he said that food is a tool and use your tool and he encouraged me with my children to keep them on this diet and you will have given them something that they will be able to use for the rest of there lives and so he was the one who would call me periodically just to say how is everything going cuz when i was did that back then especially with the live raw food, it was very difficult for me, because my children and my husband he was supportive of it, but i was the one who had to kind of like be in charge of it and see to it that their health stayed up because any little thing they would blame it on the food. any little thing that went wrong its because they are not eating me and hamburgers and soda. if they ate soda and hamburgers they wouldn’t be sick. you feeding them all their fruits and vegetables that is why they are sick. then there was the honorable dr. sebi. i came in contact with him later on; in the early s, and he brought another dimension to everything. hsh: his name was winfred? bm: yes. hsh: and he was from philly? bm: yes and he brought us on the electric food. he taught us a lot here in philly, but it 	 wasn’t his thing to be out—out in the front. if you got to know him behind the scenes you can get the skinny of it all and more of a spiritual thing with food. that’s where he was going and would tell me. i hope somebody picks this up and starts doing something here. so some of us did pick it up and start. hsh: how would i go about getting information on brother postell? bm: he was a sage. bm: steven haas was the name. h-a-a-s. bm: he was someone who had cured himself of cancer and he brought selling raw food to philadelphia. that was in the early ’s. early to mid eighties. mid eighties. hsh: he brought live food to philly? bm: yes! and aris had been through philly before that. hsh: who else would you mention? i’ll start of with dr. llaila afrika. who would you mention in his company. qm: i would mention queen afua has done a lot of work and of course my good friend 	 dr. honorable dr. sebi, and aris. hsh: what about in the philadelphia community? bm: you have people that are preparing the food. you have atiya ola, mama kadijah… hsh: is that mama k? bm: yes. hsh: what could you tell me about sis yahimba? bm: yahimba was one of the first ones. she was doing it all before, preparing the food. before me, atiya ola, everybody—there was yahimba. that is a beautiful sister. she was doing the vegetarian cooking. yes she was in philadelphia. hsh: do you think eating healthy is necessary for africans to feel better and if so can elaborate in your own fashion? bm: it’s actually the missing key right now. if that’s the piece see because that is what 	 spring boards everything else. if you don’t feel good you can’t do your best work. it starts by cleaning yourself up from all of the goo; the sugar and the bread and the rice in our community. we eat too much rice and beans and things like that and not enough water based. see we need more water based to clean the blood up so the blood can move more freely. and we have done a lot of…we’ve done work where we have like a lot of time put the meat aside but we haven’t raised the bar enough with the water based foods. things like the squashes like the zucchini, yellow squashes, cucumbers which is the queen, the melons, the berries, the mangoes the papayas. the salad greens. things that will help clean the blood and we lay more heavily that food that fills us up. we are going too heavy on the rice, beans, on those things, which actually which if you move into those heavy those foods, it can actually cause diabetes because the starch is burning into sugar. so that’s the piece that we need to balance out to go more back to nature just with the live food to eat foods more in their natural state which we’re spoiled. when you’re spoiled that ain’t that appetizing anymore. when your palate has been destructed, it destroyed things like that aren’t so comely anymore, but those are the things to revitalize you. also, you can see ron norwood, because he has been in the community. also, tony moore. and also the health food store that has been on broad st like forever hsh: ausar aset? bm: no, the health food store on broad street. 	 hsh: teach!! bm: i am gonna teach. i am going to bring makeba out here in a minute and i am going to go back here because i’m little…i’m not the best with names. bm: you have to have the water-based food. first you have to have water, drinking ample amounts of water. then you also we’ve been turn against salt, but the problem is not salt it’s the wrong kind of salt. we haven’t known how to use salt like to medicine that it is. like the ocean is salt water. hsh: organic sodium. bm: yes. water and water-based food is going to clean up the blood. the blood is going to revitalize the organ and revitalize the brain so we can think more alkaline and be better to each other. hsh: what suggestions would you make to someone to choose a better lifestyle? bm: frying changes the molecular structure of the oil, and it’s going to go in and destroy the blood and make it like heavy and sludge. that grease changes the blood into sludge. that is the first thing that i would tell them. you know if you don’t want to come off meat right away just refrain from frying the meat, and eat more things like black rice. dr. 	 sebi has taught us more about quinoa…more of things that are easy on the system, but it gives you that little bit of weight in your belly that your used to, but it doesn’t give you the poison, the starch. that is the difference. that’s what i would say to them— don’t fry and then try to change over some of them starches and eat some more fruits and some more salad just to start. don’t be too hard. bm: can i say one more thing? i would say to them to think about the fact of eating death that they want to promote life. really sit back and meditate on that: you are eating death, but you want life. you are eating dead animals, but you want life. frying legs and arms and all of that. when baking different parts of animals, really it wouldn’t be known if they were eating humans. you wouldn’t know the difference once they put salt, pepper and ketchup on it. you could be eating somebody else. it doesn’t have to be an animal it could be a human being. you could be eating human beings and you would even know it. hsh: it is reminiscent of the “i ate the bones” kfc commercial. bm: that’s in line with where you can eat the fruit, but you don’t have to bother with the seeds. there’s no seeds anymore. it’s the same thing. no bones with the meat, no seeds with the fruit and soon people growing up today they won’t even think that meat has bones as they wont think fruit has seeds. they do already think its normal. the children think its normal to eat seedless and i think adults like it seedless fruits. it’s less tasking. i was just talking to a sister and she was asking me about health. i was telling her about 	 eating a lot of watermelon and she said “i couldn’t eat it at work, because i had no place to spit the seeds.” i said swallow them. they’re ruffage. you don’t have to spit them out. she said, “i never thought of that.” i though i had to eat it at a certain place where i had to spit seeds. “ i said wow, she didn’t know that its ok— that the seeds are not going to hurt her. so that commercial and these things are so subtle that they get you ready for the next stage. see you…we’re sleeping and they get you ready for the next stage. there’s no bones if you eat the chicken with no bones. at one time the only meat, because i remember when i left home and i ate meat that i didn’t have to see veins because i was destined to be vegan, because i would hate when i was coming up seeing the little black veins and a little blood so i said now i am on my own i can buy breasts, but even then before they went to the breasts had a bone, one bone. then they went into the boneless breasts, but that was it. all other meat had bones. i didn’t know that they didn’t have the bones at all. hsh: that has been going on for the last three months. hsh: do you have any books or audiovisual or things that you’ve done specifically for yourself? bm: you could say that because there may be a few things, audiovisual floating around, but i actually am going to start putting out my audiovisuals because i do have them. this is what i did when the audiovisual was done on a lecture or something. i would do this, 	 but i have to look at it and i didn’t look at them yet. whatever it is i am going to put it out. so, i have a few of those that people are going to get from the restaurant; however or maybe on my website or wherever. hsh: so they are forthcoming? bm: yes. hsh: is there anything that i have not asked you or that we have not talked about thus far that you think is imperative to for me to know as it relates to african holistic health, eating right or what have you. bm: this food piece i cannot say enough how big it is, heru for us to embrace it, because when i think of the food piece and eating more natural i think first of all that we’re not of this world we’re in this world. we’re made from the most high, the creator. nobody knows how we got here. all they know is a sperm and an egg. they don’t know that something magnificent happened where these two things come together and then here you come, here i come. nobody can you give you another eyelash, another eyebrow, another finger, because your not of this world and those are the things that we need to get back to. those foods tha are free. like in this city we have mulberry trees, blueberry trees in different parts of pennsylvania and different parts of the city. raspberries that just grow on their own. we have lambs quarters. we have plantago. 	 we have different greens that grow that once we educate ourselves that we can use that are free. they’re just like us so they match our dna. say for instance you have a dandelion green. dandelion green has a dna that’s going to match ours because its not of this world. it comes on its on and it leaves on its own. and it appears again on its own, it doesn’t need you to water it. it doesn’t need you to do anything. don’t need you to plant it. it doesn’t need you to tend to it. its there with a certain type of energy which is for the liver, gallbladder and if you notice it comes in the spring. the first thing you see those yellow flowers all over the place and its telling you something—to clean up something. spring cleaning time. my point is that i want to make is that its so important of what you put in your temple because that is all you have. you don’t have nothing else that’s all you came here with. you’re not leaving with your car, clothes—your not leaving with anything. you came here with what was bestowed - the gift to you. your body whatever that was and your mind and even a person that came here with one leg. if he came here with that and that is what he knows he can make it with that one leg. so whatever you came here with is all you have and taking care of that which is what we have not been taught what to do. we have been taught to make money, buy cars and clothes and houses and mess around with bull crap. we haven’t been taught how important we are, what to look at, how to look at everything about ourselves to see if our health is good. my thing for our community is to have a love affair with yourself. have a need to have a love affair with yourself. once you have that love affair with self, you’re going to know how to treat others. once your not so material-minded—your like, “i don’t know these things, but i am going to ask for these things to be brought to me 	 because i want to learn and cure myself. and hope that…because sometimes it’s like your so far gone we don’t want help anymore. we are so spoiled. we want everything quick and fast that’s why we are suffering. we don’t have patience. we don’t have patience. we don’t have patience to go get the food, patience to make the food, patience to juice the food and then its like “that take too much time.” where i am at i see that i know with certain things with myself, things that have been corrected not by me, but by the universal grace of the most high, that is all. i’m just saying that i am going to embrace these things. that’s all. i’m going to embrace these things that are more like me. at one time, i had the poorest diet ever, the poorest diet—sugar, fast food and pork. and i can look at myself back then and love myself for all that it brought because it brought some problems with it. it brought problems with it. and that is why i give thanks. and you should give thanks for wanting to share with others. see, you are a messenger, like you are compiling information. i am trying to get more into the computer. i am not there. i am not that type of person, but i see how that could be helpful to others if i would get somewhat into that or like you said, “putting things out there.” but you are a messenger and your soul’s mission is that you’re going in your find this information to do what you need to teach. this is very powerful. your health is all you have. if you don’t have your health you don’t have anything. i am going to end on that: if you don’t have your health you don’t have anything. if your hobbling along, guess what that means that’s acid, something on that leg that you can wash out. you go to nature and that will wash it out. she’s gone wash it out. stick with me, stick with god, stick with the mother, she will wash it out. that is what she is going to do for you and 	 then she is going to sit back and she will smile— that’s your reward. “you see how you’re walking now because you were obedient. now look at how you were walking. you were acting crazy now look at how you have calmed down. you got that sugar and starch off of your brain. now you can sit quietly and listen. obedience to god, to nature to the mother of this earth will bring you peace. that is what you want. that’s where the tool is leading you, the food, peace. that’s why my good friend win postel said ,“it ain’t about the food.” i finally got it. that’s the tool. he said, “use it well.” so the tool brings you to peace and to the love. thank you heru. 	 interview with zakiyyah ali hsh: what is your name? za: zakiyyah ali hsh: can you share with me anything about your upbringing? za: i was born and raised in philadelphia, pa. i was born september , . i am the youngest of two children. i have an older brother who is now deceased. he died two years ago. and so i remember vibrant philadelphia as a child with plenty of fruit trees and orchards and things that were just accessible. and my grandmother was living with us at that time and i was her ward. so i remember going to the chicken store and getting live chickens and always fresh vegetables. hsh: the name of your business and how long? za: the name of my business is ali’s f.a.c.e.s, which stands for foods agribusiness, consulting environmental services. i guess i came up with that acronym because i was looking at what i was doing and i was doing foods. i’m a gardener a prize winning professional gardener/farmer. i do consulting work on various area and so the 	 environmental peace, because i deal with children’s gardens teaching them environmental sciences. so it all fit very nicely together. hsh: when did farming start for you? za: well, let me start at the genesis. as a child of two southern parents both my parents came form the same town in south carolina. so it was a tradition from the time i was about really before i could remember how old i was. we always went down south to see my family. and when i got older, i guess four or five, my mother used to take me to street station and i would get tagged and travelers aid like a piece of luggage and i would put it on the train. and i traveled by myself with the aid of the people and the train or whatever because i was all tagged up. but i went down south every summer. hsh: what part of south carolina are your people from? za: they are around myrtle, beach, mullin nichols you know, real backwoods area. and so i would be transferred from the city to the flintstone age because my grandmother had no toilet. there was no running water. you know we had a well. we had to slaughter the pigs…and so even though i hated it as a kid as i grew up… and i did that, let me see, about four or five times until i was about before i got married i went down south. not all summer anymore, but for a large portion of it. and with that agrarian lifestyle it was too factions: my mother’s mother were sharecroppers that side, but then on 	 my father’s side, my grandfather owned over a hundred acres of land and so he was the man. so white folks rented from him and you know it was a whole different side on grand pops’ side, but again the exposure to all types of gardening and farming. well down there they were farmers. you know you farmed professionally. being able to go into a field as big as this block and there is nothing but watermelons in there. one field got honeydews and another field got muskmelons. i never knew blueberries grew on trees. there were all these things that i did that when i got old enough i didn’t go anymore and i’m here in the city and i was looking at the change, the difference as from where i grew up. there were no abandoned blocks. there were no abandoned blocks and if there were people immediately claimed them and there was somebody on there gardening or doing something. so i kind of started getting a little small positions of consulting jobs doing community beautification, working with the streets people, horticulture you know and my venue was always ok, “i will take some of the youth in the summer and we would take a lot and go through it.” and that started me on my journey in terms of education about the differences in other words. now we are being confronted with needles and trojans where years before these weren’t things that were left on community lots and so it changes the dynamics and how to handle it and what you have to do. the dangers. now a kid is walking across the lot and he may step on a needle. that didn’t happen when i was a kid. not to say that there was no drug use, but it wasn’t at this level. so with all of that then i began a food curer through food. i looked at growing food to defray some of my cost in my business as well as the beautiful product, healthier alternative. it just did so many things and so i continued and continued to have 	 written several programs on nutrition gardening and a cd. channel did something on me when i was with the food bank in relationship to the program i have with the children. it’s become an intricate piece of who i am and what i do. hsh: when did you start your work in terms of gardening in philadelphia? what year? hsh: we have to say it started probably like mid-eighties because i am a graduate of the restaurant school and one of the jobs i got soon after the restaurant school was food service supervisor for an independent black school. in that capacity i population when from children to over before i finished. but what i found in that experience was that the children were very loving to eat fresh food. like tomatoes and cucumbers you know just salad in general. with that because the school was located on larger parts of land and i was already gardening in other places of the city. i asked the then principal whether or not i could garden and she said sure. so i started actually composting gardening and with that created my first children’s environmental program. so that the children then got a different understanding of food, because now they were able to see a seed and seeds come in all shapes, colors and sizes, textures feel. so that was part of the lesson. and then we went out and planted the seeds. seedlings are the same thing that you need. what do you need? you need sun, water and light. oh! the seeds need the same thing, sun, water and light. so you know to make those similiarities to make those references and then as the children watched things grow how many leaves does it have. what shape does it have? how tall? how short? i always able to devise up a lesson out 	 of whatever the plant was doing. and then the final crescendo comes when you actually produce a fruit. the plant actually bears fruit. so whether that’s looking being under the leaves of the cucumber as it binds and leaves to find out where the cucumber is. or to see that all tomatoes don’t come out…they don’t come out red, but the start green and then all them don’t turn red. you can have a yellow, or orange tomato. so this then became excitement for the children. i was able to take them places so then i was able to produce a fruit and then we did taste testing. you see? you know it wasn’t like we had to eat a whole plate of this thing. you know cut it up and then put toothpicks in it and then we went around and now we’re talking about comparisons. now what does it taste like. what does it sound like? what does it feel like? in your mouth, what does it smell like? so i was able to get them to own those kinds of sensory things with the youth and then they did eat it. so mission was accomplished. so when i served something they didn’t just turn up their nose now they had some other point of reference and that they had tasted a small quantity of it. and so then that was the beginning of school for me and i went to…i was an apprentice for a garden school out of the pennsylviania council of the art philadelphia folklore something… hsh: when? za: the early eighties that i did this program and my teacher for that was blanche epps who was a sage in terms of gardening. blanche is still around and her garden was called the garden of grisimonate and she grew everything in the bible toward the koran. it was 	 an amazing, amazing space and the information, skilled that i learned there i have continued to add on to it, but it was just stellar. hsh: what year did you graduate from the restaurant school? za: the restaurant school would have been - maybe. it was a two year program. hsh: did you go right in to the program with blanche epps? za: somewhere close. your taking me back, but somewhere right along the same thing. i never had to put it in chronological order like this, but i think that i had gone to the restaurant school because i see i started at community college they had a hotel management course and that was in . and then between children and marriage i ended up in the restaurant school and yes it was blanche after the restaurant school. hsh: what was the name of the school you started the children’s program with? za: it was called the mitchell education center. it’s no longer there anymore, but its on site where germantown school is and so in the back of there it was an area longer than this. i had a huge garden out there and different gardens that i was associated with i would bring pieces. they had raspberries, blueberries, strawberries a host of all kinds of things and we were constantly growing. 	 hsh: what was the name of the program? za: i probably did have some names for it over the time and i probably go over some old stuff that actually, because i continued to evolve and name the program throughout my time of doing this. i have done many programs since then. the program with the children we started going to what was then…the horticulture center had a junior flower show. we were probably one of the only exclusively african american black school that was involved and for three years straight we won most blue ribbons. we just won almost everything that was possibly given, because i flooded the show. i went in with a couple hundred exhibits and i refused to be told no that i could not show all my exhibits and we had them at every venue. ever arts and crafts, garden flowers…i had a whole spectrum. the other things that i think is important about that is that our children need to know that there are things that they can excel in and get recognition in that aren’t basketball, football, baseball. you know what i’m saying? that there are other things that they can do and also our kids need to feel non-competitive. so in this situation it wasn’t about whether you won or didn’t win, because i made sure everybody won. everybody may not have gotten a red ribbon or blue ribbon, but everybody was able to say i got a ribbon and it was for what i did. and i think that is something that is really beautiful. hsh: how did you begin making raw food? 	 za: before i get to that i need to add another piece. food and food service in the african american community is something that need to be talked about, because my understanding of food came of course from my family. but then true understanding that cultures or peoples have food that came from the nation of islam, honorable elijah muhammad peace unto to him. his book, how to eat to live talked about a diet for a people and a diet that wasn’t for a people. prior to understanding islam and the messenger was teaching, i had only heard of jews and their passover and hannukah and how specific dietary requirements or dietary laws for whatever reason that was interesting to me. my mother worked for a lot of jews and we would from time to time be invited to these things. i remember my first experience with an artichoke that you don’t eat the whole thing and you peel it down to leaves and you dip it in something that made the unleavened bread, the matza. i remember some things and some other things that i didn’t like so when i got exposed to the nation of islam and the messenger was teaching it resonated with me, “here is somebody that is telling us what we should and what we shouldn’t. my teenage years i used to eczema real bad and i spent a lot of time reading labels and reading stuff about what to use and what to do. i always had this thought as a teenager that everybody was gorgeous, diviner when they were young, but then i watched them age and something happened people didn’t look the same anymore. i always had something in my mind somewhere that i didn’t want to do that. i wanted to stay young beautiful and strong. i wanted to be vibrant. i didn’t want to get fat and when i got exposed to the message of the messenger in reading the book again it resonated with me 	 that there is a difference. what we are being told out here the media is something different. that started me on the food quest. at that time, we had restaurants, we had farms, the steak and takes, bakeries so i decided then that food was going to be the vocation or profession that i was going to pursue. now i could see my place in it, because of the nation. in the mgt we the sisters were suppose to do food, make dinners and i always would sell my dinners. sometimes i just created smell in the kitchen and everybody was at the door, “sis. zakiyyah what you making?” i thought that there was something to this. you can make… oh! although it was all turned into the nation. it was still, i could see. then i just grew and so i was taking a class at pascep. pascep of africana studies community education program created by mrs. annie hyman and facilitated through temple university. i started taking class down there as well i was a vendor and i met aris latham who is the sun-fired foods. you know. i met aris and listened to what he was saying. at that time too, i was just finishing high school, but dick gregory was talking about the vietnam war and we as humans shouldn’t kill anything. there was a lot of things moving and it all came to this. i was already in my transition in not eating pork, stopped eating beef even when i was in the mosque and people were saying, “the messenger doesn’t say you should do that.” i said, “he does say that.” i took that leap of faith and became a vegetarian so by the time i met aris i was already in that vegetarian mold and he was the extension in terms of talking about a live food diet. hsh: mgt? 	 hsh: muslim girls training. that’s how the divisions were. this is what the females did in the mosque and this is what the brother’s did. there were a lot of things in terms of training and marching, but culinary food, how to take care of your husband, children were taught in the mosque. that is how my food service started there when i met aris i left philadelphia went to new york. we had a restaurant up there, house of life. and i started my raw food journey with my culinary background already it was really kind of easy to gravitate, pick up, share, exchange idea, concept and make food. so that is how the live food became my diet and my occupation. za: when did you meet aris and when did you move to new york? za: this had to be right after some school program i had just finished. maybe in the late ’s or early ’s. hsh: and you moved to new york when? za: at the same time. hsh: how were your children’s acceptance to the work that you do? za: it’s exciting. i’ve met a lot of people so my children at one point didn’t have a 	 choice. this is what i did. this is what i have to go do. this is what pays the bills. yes, the gravitated in terms of their social, but again diet is one of those things that is very social thing for people and when kids. you do keep them under control to a certain extent by what you do and how you do it, but at they get older and other family members think that you are abstract, odd, strange, weird whatever everybody doesn’t always embrace that and hold to that. i never made them. i tried to give them some option and choices. they enjoyed the food, but nobody is where i am in the diet. over the years..my oldest is and my youngest is . i have grandchildren. you know it’s one of those things, its hard work. its work you have to go shopping. you have to prep. they have helped themselves to some of my money at certain times and different events. its profit of course. they’re mixed about it. i’m hoping the next generation will be more advanced and embrace it a little more. my children now understand that because of various health issues, but does that make them do it or not do it. hsh: what are some of the venues that you provide live food to the african community? za: now i’m not as consistent as i used to be. every time they said event and festival i thought that i was suppose to be there. your talking about the boys and girls high school, philadelphia used to have a mainstay there, but with aris and i we’ve done all kinds of shows in new york, the boys and girls club high school, jacob center, food shows, holistic shows etc. and then i’ve been to atlanta, chicago, d.c. wilington, washington, baltimore, atlantic city, jersey. i went to african, china, the islands. i have traveled 	 the world. hsh: in philadelphia? za: the locs conference, odunde, penn’s landing when they used to do the african american festival, marcus garvey festival, independent freedom day, pearl of africa, temple university, john coltrane stop. i just used to be everywhere. hsh: you were somewhere for three days can you elaborate on that? za: as of december of last year, i’ve been doing food at black and nobel which has been a very wonderful experience. people say that its good for me amd say, “what do you mean?” people always are always worried about the money. well i don’t do this for money. not to say that i don’t expect to get compensated. i was doing this for money i would be in a different neighborhood who would pay me $ -$ a plate per plate instead of serving in our community for $ . so i’ve always thought of my self as a provider of service in the area of food service, because again there has been a big movement where people have gravitated toward the food. i guess we got kind of stuck in that environment of people, but everything changes. and the need is even greater now for what the food offers and provide for the people. so here at the bookstore i’ve met all kinds of authors and i’ve met rappers. i’ve met spoken word people. you know. and some were still not familiar with the food and so its let me know that my work still needs to be done. there 	 is still a space for it, but here wednesdays, fridays and saturdays has just been wonderful. you know it’s afforded me a lot of opportunities like this one today. proximity. it’s been a great therapy for me and exposure to the food. i’ve had some interviews. i’ve had some facebook stuff. it’s just wonderful. hsh: other credentials from a university? well not in that area for food because that’s not something that they do, but in terms of sun fired food credentials… hsh: master’s degree? hsh: oh. yes sir. i was coached, corralled, intimidated, threatened, pushed, prodded etc. to go back to school. so it took me two years to move things out of my life and rearrange my life to make that happen. i am a graduate of (m) for human services program. may . i also was on the national honor’s society. it allowed me to think about what i do in food services a little differently. also, my dissertation was dealing with poor nutrition in african american pregnant and parenting teens, because that was the population that i worked with in school. many people want to provide services for our teens, but they are scared of and so i loved working with the teens, because i’d get right up in there. i’m not scared. now i might not know all of the jargon and i may not be able to pronounce everybody’s name, but i can get with them. with that population i 	 just felt that it was such a need for them to understand…with the young sister, “you making a baby. what does the baby need? and how you cook. and you if you have a boyfriend/man/going to be husband whatever you know he’s not going to eat chicken wings all day and rice. you cant keep ordering out pizzas. you have to cook. you have to know how to cook. so i have done various programs for various organizations around the city that had allowed me access. so while in school this became my main thing. again, as the messenger taught or gave me the understanding food and food services in our community is a vial. you are what you eat. and from me being able to go get an apple, an orange, bananas, grapes etc. from the corner store. now you can’t get any of that. if its not a grape hug, now or later, lemon…you know there is not real thing. so i have issues with that. that also talks about the dismantling. the changes that have happened in our community that we watched wide open, but didn’t do anything about it. how the corner store went from being african american owned to series of people where now we have a new dominican and costa rican, hispanic. i have watched the change and i have watched the food industry change right along with it. and of course our health. i have watched our health decline. how do you feel the work that you do contributes to the health and wellness of the african community? i had to really think about that one when i read it. to that i have to go to my notes. there has been physical, mental, emotional, business, environmental, educational, 	 historical. i think when i really had to look at this and think about this question i had to go in my mind and listen to what people have said about me and said to me. so my answer comes from part of that perspective and then in terms of the list that i just read off or the things that i understand now how food, food service and environmental issues deal. physically, my food is pretty. my food looks nice. its excited. two, as a gardener, the garden looks nice and robust. and understanding how that…by us being melanated people the melanin needs energy to spark our thought. colors help that process. mentally, if you are have been stimulated by color and/or aroma your mental state goes some place else. your endorphins change, because you are at a common state. environmentally, one people knowing that your available in their environment makes it different, because sometimes people curiosity when then come. sometimes, now we have various health issues that make you have to find me so again and when i’m in my gardening vibe like yesterday we were in the garden and we painted the outside planters as well as we planted flowers in the planters. now on the outside of the garden aesthetically is beautiful in its color scope then when you look inside the garden you see. so that is a very common piece for it. we may not understand what it does, but the fact that its there it’s doing what it’s suppose to do and that is how i see me. i’m there. for years i had no business. i had not clients. people would ask, “what is that?” and i would talk until i was hoarse. i would give out samples. now at certain events i have a line an hour deep all-day everyday. food is a social venue. food is very social. there are not many events that we do where food is not there. birthdays, death, weddings, barbecues, baby shower etc there is food. we have to know how to reorientate ourselves to know 	 what’s good to eat and what is not good to eat. of course business. i am a food purveryor so that is my business. i get a chance to look at and talk to people on other echelons dealing with food. food bring it back down. historically, well i know growing up in philadelphia we used to have fruits everywhere and the fruit guy up and down the street and the watermelon man. well none of that happens anymore and so there is a void. educationally, being able to teach people, because one of the classes that i’ve taught down there at pascep is called, food diet and health in the african american community. i put this course together based upon what i saw people not know or the gaps that i saw about our understanding. we don’t have a real clear relationship, because we are not taught what food is and what food is for the body, what your suppose to eat, where it comes from and how it’s cooked. there is a whole word of stuff that is just kind of left and so im able to do some educating in terms of pros and cons and what’s in stuff. you know. its not that i can make people eat different things. i can’t say, “eat a vegan raw vegetarian diet is for everybody,” but i can say, “that a more plant-based diet is for everybody and that you can modify what you eat to adjust it. you don’t have to do the processed. you don’t have to eat all this highly chemical stuff.” this is the stuff that we don’t get that. you dot have to high blood pressure or diabetes. you don’t have to have heart, gaut and all these cholestorol issues. look at what you eat. i think i have contributed these things in different venues and different areas to different people at different times. everybody doesn’t get the same thing every time, but this is a part of the scope that i think i have provided to the community and as long as i am alive, i can do it. it may sound some kind a way, but you ask me how i want to go, i would look like to go 	 one day over my food. pushing me out the way and ya’ll go ahead and eat the food. its just been a very wonderful experience for me. hsh: what other courses have you taught at pascep? hsh: “the twelve systems of the body” in that course we tried talk about the twelve systems of the body and what food or herbs would supplement them. i’ve done a couple of more, but i can’t think of them. hsh: what is your basic definition of wholistic health be? well you know brother at first would have to know what age group of the person i am talking to that would hone my answer a little more, but basically i try to take people to a garden experience and how you plant something and its really amazing most people have never planted anything and grown anything. so to get a person to even thing in the mindset, because we all have notion we don’t know the difference between soil and dirt. what is your foundation? what is your platform? most people is your parents taught you how to eat and introduced you to food. and so most of us come from that. i like to tell people that its like a gardener you start with a seed. what is the quality of your seed? is it heirloom? is it a hybrid? what kind of seed are you starting with? what foundation are then putting that seed in? in all things there is a period of darkness that you submerge into the dark that you can’t see. now you have to feed it. you have to give it the things 	 that it needs. you have to give it water. you have to give it sunlight. you have to make sure the tempature maintains. we don’t see that in terms of ourselves in terms of how we live and how we eat, because they have given us concept that we are animal. most people think, “i’m a lion. i’m a tiger. i’m something ferocious,” but you were neither. you don’t need all of that. you want to think in terms of what is going to sustain you. the best the longest. wholistic health; what do you do for yourself? physically, emotionally, mentally, spiritually what do you do? what is your environment? how you live? where you live? inside your house, outside your house are people that you interact with…and its kind of hard so again i keep going back to that garden and you have some plants that are invasive. you have some plants that just by nature where they grow strangle our other plants with vines. i try to get people to think about who and what you would be on the plant side and what you need, water. where is your water-source from? how much sunlight do you get? or are you always under artificial light? how are you breathing? i try to get them with those kinds things to think about health then wholistic health is all those things involved. it can go a few different ways, but people kind of come and get the understanding. then i want them to go gardening or either they’ll pay more attention to the plants that used to around them in their house or their grandmother’s house. it’ll spark something that they know…it brings something back. sometimes for youth it doesn’t because they don’t have that family upbringing. they didn’t get that, but for them it puts them on a kind of “go fetch it”, “go get it,” “go understand it” process. and some of them may be going to 	 go talk to their friends, somebody that is doing something else to that like gardening. little pieces from together. people are able to grasp it on some level and move on. hsh: when did you join the nation? za: i came out of high school in - . i think probably by…you know philadelphia was a muslim town. malcolm was coming in and out. even though i wasn’t involved the energy was around. muslim brothers was on the street, beans pies... and so i imagine somewhere in early ’s i probably got turned on to the book. maybe not totally, but again the energy and as i came out of high school i had some friends, amish american we were all looking at what we were going to be. by the time i got to community college in i had read how to eat to live. somewhere in there i was entertaining the nation of islam. when i say entertaining in terms of curious. i cant say that i had went to any meetings, but just curious. dialoguing back and forth with people finding out what was going on. and i would say between the late ’s and early ’s i was in chicago and was in it by then and one of the greatest lessons i had ever heard was at a mosque in staten island. the minister that night had talked about classifications of animals. that is when we talked about that the pig was a grafted animal. i remember that very vividly. at that point in time i had made a decision about diet. hsh: school? 	 za: i went philadelphia community college for restaurant and hotel management. they had a stellar course that started me off. hsh: was this after or before the restaurant school? za: this was before the restaurant school. hsh: what state? philadelphia, pa. the restaurant school is right down on st and spruce now called the restaurant school of walnut hill. at that time it wasn’t all that cute stuff. hsh: what decade did the holistic health movement become a conversation in the african community? ra: my answer on my paper that i wrote it has not yet it is still to come. i say that because there still is so many people who don’t understand, who don’t know, have not graced this information. i think with aris, sis. beverly, atiya ola, mama k and myself now you have a little bit more of an arsenal and so you go places and you see somebody doing something. i think we are on our way to that big thing, but in terms of what has happened in the past i think the middle to late ’s to early ’s everywhere…i mean 	 we’re talking about muslims in philadelphia and new york, hebrew israelites in atlanta everyone was seeking and searching, because there were a few people who were people that information out. dick gregory was a big part of that when he came out from where he was: ribs, pork chop and he started change and losing all his weight. people listened to him. the people that he referred people to got attention. the st century victor somebody died, but he was a big influence everybody was reading him. the anti- apartheid thing so we were in a certain kind of consciousness. i think that was the genesis to whether or not it was a peak…you can’t say that the beginning was the peak it was at the beginning and it moved people and changed something’s, but i think our peak is still to come. hsh: who were the heavy weights? za: at that time you had aris and you had brother kofi. kofi had a restaurant here called the first intercourse and not only was he doing raw food which was exciting, but kofi was polygamist. he had harem of women that brother’s loved and when you went to the spot it was pillows on the floor and material hanging and you had all these beautiful black women walking around serving you on trays and stuff. that turned some heads on a couple different levels, but he and aris were the beginning. aris was in new york and kofi was here. aris would classes and workshops. then you had the nation of akebulan. nation of akebulan had a great wonderful dear, sister, friend mariamu bantu became my mentor, but she also had mentored under aris. through the nation of 	 akebulan, which was a polygamist organization as well as raw food organization. some of the members are still around today and still embrace a live food diet. they had a restaurant on shelton ave after kofi’s restaurant. hsh: kofi restaurant? za: it was called the first innercourse. hsh: you know sis. fria? za: i don’t. the first innerrcouse was popping when in philadelphia? za: mid to late ’s early ’s. it was in germantown on vernon rd. and he opened up and basically they served kush. kofi did not do the extensive raw food feast that aris does. he never was that expansive. he kept to a basic kind of certain things and that’s what they did. his restaurant was the first raw food restaurant that i know of and the second one would have been the one the nation of akebulan had on shelton ave. i can’t remember the name of the restaurant, but they basically was patronized by the followers of the organization. they did have some people off the street, but it was basically our and people began to move in. baba barashangi…they were all in that same mindset so they became practitioners of the group. everyone did not embrace it. 	 hsh: kwatamani claims to have the first restaurant in philadelphia? za: that is kofi kwatamani. hsh: who are the prominent individuals doing the work that you do? za: i don’t want to not include anybody, but there are a host of people that i don’t personally know that i have heard of and people have referred me. i know that there is a whole host of folks on different levels right now. i want to thank them for what they do. i only know my contemporary age group and that is who i can elaborate on. i do hear of other people all the time who are doing raw food, doing workshops. even now on the internet there is a whole new raw…i didn’t know. give credit to all these people and most of them came through aris, sunfired food workshop and stuff. the hebrew israelites did a lot. some of them went on into live food. the philadelphians that i help in some way sis atiya ola, myself and i know there are a number of other people who are doing sis sharon perry who has a business called dandelion brunch. she has her own business, distributing wholistic products. she’s up and down the east coast seaboard. she does food, but her venue of promote health food products. so those are the one that i can speak to directly that i know. hsh: do you think healthy is necessary for africans to feel better? 	 za: you use the term african and continental african might not agree that you need vegetables and fruits like i would agree on this side. having been to africa and did a women’s conference over there in and fed african people on a vegetarian diet… hsh: was it in ghana? in ghana. i can’t say that it was raw, but there was some cooked stuff, but it was vegetarian and i did people during the conference. again brother the more research that i have done and living this lifestyle i can speak to the benefits that i have received and say that they have been universal to all if embraced more of a plant-based diet. our melanin is color. the plants through photosynthesis have color. we need that connection for our physical enhancement, mental regeneration, and our spiritual rebirth. we need to be higher egypt, lower egypt when need to eat high and we need to eat fresh. it has benefits to all. higher on the tree? za: higher on the tree. i will be this year in a few months my birthday. i have no health issues. no high blood pressure, diabetes, or cholesterol issues. when i do go to the doctor’s for anything. they question me like where have you been, what do you do? my weight is pretty much…i can fit a size - . my energy level, my stamina, my 	 mental…are enhanced and at a great space, because of my diet. i’ve been doing this now for over years. no i’m not totally raw, but i am totally vegan. in the summertime now i get back closer to raw, because i am in the garden and i’m light and easy. a totally raw diet in this environment makes you more light headed. they call libra’s aircaps anyway so with a raw diet i am a lot more airy, because its harder to stay…but the benefits are just enormous. hsh: can you spell her first name? za; cherron perry. hsh: elaborate your experience in ghana where you fed people? za: but before i can get there i have to take you to china. in , i went to china to the women’s world beijing conference and i went as a presenter. i packaged myself up so i did food environment services. i can’t remember the name of it what the workshop was. i paid my way and went to china. it was a very faboulous trip in china. while in china i met an african sister, nana karantima who is an akan prestiest here in philadelphia. she and i were roommates in china. we met this african sister and because of nana’s could speak akan language the reality of the country we befriended this african sister. when we left china, the sister eneded back here in philadelphia at nana’s house. they were planning this women’s conference for the next year and as we 	 dialogued about possiblities i actually enede up writing the plan that we used that got us over there. we created an organization here called, s.o.u.l.s (sister’s offer unified labor sources). souls had some meeting, and recruited some people. i sponsored two sister’s personally to go to africa with us to do the food to this women’s international conference. there were women the whole of africa that came to ghana to look at similar…and again this was taken from china. china all these women came looking at how to bring the women power back, to bring the matriarchal power back. the african woman run the market place. the african women came and said we are going to produce this on our side and we are going to bring women. we were one of the few african american groups that were participating in this conference. hsh: in china? za: no. the african group when the sister came here to philadelphia then we were became an intricate part and continued with that process. we actually got to african the next year. with that built me a kitchen, building from the ground up to facilitate my activity. hsh: in accra? za: they built me a building on site where the conference was going to be. they actually built me a space and gave me everything i needed. this whole thing about the 	 shop around places, meeting new people and where to get the food. i was able to do that and it was just a wonderful experience. the africans asked to stay, but at that time it was impossible to… hsh: how long was that trip? za: three weeks. hsh: title? za: i don’t remember the name of it, but it was the women’s international conference that’s all that i can see right now. and we were in accra for three weeks. hsh: this conference was about? za: women business, how to collaborate with outside people here and within the diaspora. when we went to cape coast to the gory island, slave castles a lot of the women from the west coast of africa did not want to go. the women from south africa, from middle and east parts of africa were all very interested in going. africa has been stripped and voided of their history as well as us. many of them have only heard stories about us being taken, but they don’t know, because that lineage was a gap. you took the griots, the leaders most central people and so there was a void in their history and 	 memory. some of them didn’t even understand. a lot of us cried together and they could feel the american women that came and now were with the african women and its like now that we can all see that we are sisters. hsh: the conference in china was about? za: not just women in the business, but the political, social, economic places of women in the world. you had white women, women from england, women from sweden. in fact, my roommate was from sweden and this woman worked three part-time jobs, single-headed household. except for being blonde and blue-eyed she had the same story. her thing like with all of us was how do we go back and move, teach, train, motivate, make a woman’s, girls journey safer and easier, better, bigger etc. hsh: what suggestions would you make for a meat-eater that is intrigued about eating to live? hsh: i have a fast library. i recently picked up a book called the zen philosophy of foods and reading it it talked about a lot of animals that we used to eat that are now extinct. i kind of like to talk to people from that perspective. i remember reading the fabulous story about the dodo bird. the dodo bird used to be a real bird. i can’t remember which part of the world, but they were very significant. he wasn’t the kind of bird that flew. he had wings, but he wasn’t a good flier and so he was easy to catch. 	 whatever european people came to this place thought that he was a marvelous thing to eat. eventually, they ate them all and then the people started noticing that there was a tree that was always there, but now there weren’t so many of these trees anymore. it was a very significant tree to this community. then the people started trying to plant the seeds of this tree for it to grow and they had no success. za: now most of our food, particularly meats are raised under very inhumane situations. there are pinned up, caged up, there is not movement, no light, none of the natural things that the animals is suppose to do. they are fed artificial food. they are fed chemicals. youtube any of the stories that deal with food safety in terms of animal go look at how this stuff was raised. look at what they are doing. we have turned the industry into something else. we have made the mad scientist become madder in terms of insane about what we can do. i remember hearing something about they had a chicken without no feathers. the funniest little chicken i had ever seen in my life, but they didn’t have any feather. to the meat eater i try to give them. i try to pick my story, but i try to give them some of this, because you need to understand that your choices of meat three or four times a day what it does to the environment. its changing the landscape. it is changing not only yourself, but and what they are doing to it. a few summers ago there were all of these floods in the midwest. i remember reading an article on the pink lagoon. the pink lagoon is not pristine blue water. it is where they put all the pig waist. there would be huge areas. now when they have a flood that would flood too and all that waist would get into other waters and soils. some of that in some of the vegetables 	 that we eat got was a result of the flooding of these, but as a kid on the farm, the pig waste got recycled back. we weren’t raising a hundred thousand of them. and they had free room. you don’t know what your getting. you have no idea how it was raised. you have now idea at how it is being processed. you have no idea what happens before it gets to me. so many things that you don’t know and have no control over. i would say to the meat eater to think about it and maybe start with one day that you don’t eat no meat. there were days that you didn’t have meat and you made it ok. you made it through the day and you can do it. you can do it. za: have you written anything? ra: yes. i thought about it as i was coming. in school, when i was getting my masters i wrote a curriculum called new earth and it was basically for my pregnant and parenting teen population that i put this together. i was going to use it and will use it for the purposes of…it is not being revised and edited so that i can put it out as a published work. hsh: have you done any lectures? za: i have to go back to pascep because that has been a long standing twenty year relationship and the people that i have met the experience that i have had there. but then i can also think of once i was asked to speak at the university of pennsylvania and that night eight hours there i was doing the food. they just thought that i was doing the food. 	 when i got introduced as the keynote speaker the look on my friends faces they were like, “i just thought that you did food.” there are many people that i have associate with an known over the years who have never really heard me talk, lecture. i am now in the process of putting together a talking board, a sign bite to do some classes, because i feel that i do have a particular twist on my subject matter and that i do hold a lot of information that could be helpful to people. i want to do that along with the various books that i’ve read. i think that would allow me a platform. i mentioned earlier that i worked at the philadelphia food bank for a while and that when they did the video. i talked about the gardening program and the children’s piece that i do. i established a new garden yesterday and part of my desire with this space is to actually be able to and talk about the garden and things that are growing. people can take some stuff and actually make some food right there. i think that would be exciting. hsh: when did you speak at upenn? za: late ’s to early ’s, but then i took classes at university of pennsylvania, landscape and architect in urban planning. at different times i had to speak with graduate students. hsh: channel ? za: this one had to be about something like that. 	 when did pascep begin? za: sometime in the s because i was there as a vendor for some years and then i got asked to come and teach. hsh: when did you stop vending and/or teaching at pascep? za: i haven’t stopped. it had been almost years now. yes teaching for , but catering yes. how not to eat pork. i met the author, shaharazad ali in atlanta and i was did radio back then. i was what with mad humphrey so i got shaharazad to come to temple and did my class as well i did the first radio interview with her when her book first came out. hsh: she came to philly? za: she was apart of a polygamist family that lived in philly. i am still in touch with her and her family and so, but that is how shaharazad and i helped put her around. hsh: were you familiar with jewel pookrum’s womb circle in the early ’s? 	 za: i was familiar. hsh: is there anything imperative to share? za: one of the things is i did some research recently. melanin, the electro-magnetic energy and relationships. as i am moving through this study there is always more to learn and more to do. the understanding of who we are and what we are. we are an electro-magnetic energy. we are spirits having a human existence. what you eat and how you eat will effect that experience effects the electro-magnetic energy, because it is like a spark. it needs stuff to keep it pulsing. so food becomes that reality and i believe that part of the final genocide for our people is through the food. the more we are forced, prodded, induced, seduced to eat all of these artificial colors, flavors, process everything is creating a health issue in our community. i love the summer time now, but i hate looking at the bodies that are coming out of the houses who sat all winter, who have eaten and done all of these things. now you have a couple tires around your stomach. you have cellulite, men, women, and children. i am brothered by it. the fact that all these dieaticians and nutricians don’t give you the truth. doctors have very little time. who do you look for to give you information. i think it is ultimately going to have to come down to people like you and what you are doing and me on some level. someone who has practiced something for so long and is not wild out. i think for our children it is so important. the biggest part of this is still to come, because we as a community, we as a people in large scale must understand this, must embrace this. otherwise, we will as 	 dr. omar johnson is saying we will be relegated to an exhibit in a museum, a people that used to be as opposed to people that are and so we have to take more time with our environment and us, because we are an environment. that is a system and we are a system. there are so many similarities. we just need to pay a little more attention. the brother here we had a conversation the other day, because he is a psychologist and asked him when he was going to get his degree and he said well, “i’m thinking about brother coming out of jail” and i mentioned that i did a paper on this whole phenomenon on chichi’s. chichi’s is what the brothers and sisters make as a mock of macaroni and cheese. you can make it in a plastic bag. this is how i was taught on how it was made. take a pack of oodles of noodles which they can get out of the conversary machine and crush it all up in a plastic bag. then you would get some cheese twist and you crush the cheese twist up and you put the cheese twist in there. then put the hot water in there and shake it up. that is your basic foundation of chichi’s. from there you can either put tuna in it or beef jerky. my teenagers in high school asked me, “ms. k you know how to make chichi’s?” the boyfriend from prison and when he comes home they are eating chichi’s. now the children in that household are talking about chichi’s. i understand, because institutions follow you. it is hard to break so we then institutionalize in terms of our diet. who said you had to eat breakfast, lunch and dinner? who put that together? where did they come from? there is so much misnomer information about what to do and what not to do that i think we need to just do more information. i think why i am going to do some videos, put the publication out and do some other things. i have done food and i will probably continue to do food, but food without foundation doesn’t mean a 	 whole lot. i want to open that understanding of it so that they can make some choices of their own. i will be doing some classes very soon so that its not a mystic thing. it ain’t really that deep, but i think why people get hindered is that in their mind they made it more than it is. it just live food. the simplicity. my experience as a kid with food was a field to mouth. i was a raw food person before i knew it. grams would always say, “try that!” field to mouth. most of us never get a chance to experience that anymore and i think that’s part of why we got to be. and we don’t read, because no one is teaching us. we need to understand the relationship to us and our spirit. that is what the food industry may be trying to make sure the squash. you can’t find anything fresh. now you get koreans that make a whole lot of money off of… hsh: book at lincoln? za: new earth, a teaching curriculum for the pregnant and/or parenting teen population. it was called new earth. hsh: published? za: it is written and i am in conference now to get it printed. hsh: you have your masters so you had to have a bachelor’s. where did you get your bachelors? 	 za: no i didn’t. i went to community so i basically had an associate’s degree. i went to temple and i didn’t finish the entire course process for a bachelor’s, but the lincoln took all my credentials of date, years of teaching, community service and then i was able to then go through the master’s course. i was going to finish my ph.d. now, but i had a debt. my brother died two years ago. i wasn’t able to pursue that totally, but i have continued to research and i feel as i especially with this session i did. 	 interview with yahimba uhuru hsh: can you please tell me you name and talk to me about your upbringing? yu: my name is yahimba uhuru, and i am the seventh child. i was born in philadelphia. my date of birth is july , . hsh: have you obtained any credentials? yu: i am currently in school to receive my bachelor’s degree in health and wellness. i graduate in january and then i am going for my masters. hsh: at which school? yu: kaplan university hsh: currently, what do you do for a living? yu: i am a cashier at wholefood market in philadelphia. i am also a health columnist for the westside weekly. hsh: what is the westside weekly? 	 yu: it’s a weekly column that covers all of west philadelphia. i have been writing for them for approximately years. hsh: are there certain topics that you concentrate on in the column? yu: i concentrate on natural healing, alternative medicine, herbology, and going back to basics as far as healing is concerned. hsh: how do you feel that the work you have done and continue to do contributes to the african community? yu: i feel it helps them, because it empowers them. it is extremely important in order to make change in your life. i used to teach a nutrition class at an alternative african centered school called academy of the way. and some of those students are now in their thirties and they still remember things that i said. so as long as i reach one person at least one person i feel as though i have succeeded. hsh: where is the academy of the way located? yu: that was located in west philadelphia. they closed down a few years ago. it was ran by mama alomisha alewa who moved to ghana and passed away within the last three years. 	 hsh: what would be your basic definition of holistic health? yu: holistic health to me is going back to basics. healing the body through god’s pharmacy—through the earth. what we were suppose to do in the first place. not introducing toxins into the body but work with the body. not only the body, but the mind and spirit as well since the mind body and spirit is one and not three. if you don’t treat the spirit, the mind and the body will never heal. hsh: how did you come to know what you know? yu: well, i remember being tired of being sick, and i just felt as though there had to be another way. and at the time i think i was about and i picked up jethro kloss’s back to eden book, and i was really intrigued by it. it taught about how to heal the body and then i decided to purchase some these herbs and see how i felt and know that that was it. i will tell you that jethro kloss started me in the direction. hsh: what year was that? yu: that had to be . 	 hsh: are there any ailments that you would be comfortable to speak about? yu: having colds all the time. being tired all the time. as far as the…just feeling and imbalance in the body i.e. anxiety and things like that. hsh: which decade would you say this movement began to gain momentum? yu: that is hard for me to say, because i can only speak from where i started. before i started i didn’t know anything about it. so when i started then i started meeting people who were about that. so that was in ’s. so i wasn’t really aware of other people doing it. hsh: who would you say were some instrumental figures of that movement? yu: dick gregory. a brother that actually introduced me to natural eating was amaded. he was actually my first husband. he introduced me to holistic healing and then i belonged to ecology food co-op so i had connected with them. just the brothers and sisters that belonged to the ecology of food coop. that was at th and lancaster ave in philadelphia. i joined the co-op it was a natural food coop. hsh: when did the ecology of food co-op begin? 	 yu: i started going there in . i don’t know how long they were in existence before then. it was a hub where you could get information and meet people that were on the same lifestyle as yourself. hsh: when did it end? yu: quite a while ago. i think it might have closed up in the ’s. hsh: do you think eating healthy is necessary for african people and if so can you share with us why? yu: well, because food is our medicine. it’s important to eat healthy. its like you can’t put the wrong fuel in a car and expect it to operate at optimal performance. it’s the same thing with the body. the wrong food in the body is going to create disharmony and disorder in the body and creates diseases. it’s very important to eat the way we were meant to eat. hsh: what suggestion would you make to meat-eaters? yu: what i would suggest to a person consuming meat is that if they are going to consume it they need to make sure that it is grass fed and organically raised or whatever. also, if you are eating five days a week you can cut down to three, cut down to two, cut down to one so that you are not eating it at all. stick with it and see how your body reacts 	 to it. hsh: do you recommend any other articles on the subject? yu: recently in school we had to develop a website. my website wecanheal.webs.com. i have information there. also, you can go online and check out the articles that i wrote for westside weekly. hsh: can you share information about your business? yu: i love feeding people. it makes me feel really really good. i used to make food and have people come over and they would say, “you should open up a restaurant.” so, i opened up a place in . it was a small place on th and chestnut st. i taught my daughters how to cook when they were six so they became my chefs. my son immanuel, he was my dishwasher. my husband at the time, uhuru, he did the business aspect of it and my son had his own group, african griots. so we used to have entertaiment in the restaurant also. so i created a sandwich called the mock steak sandwich. it was a family structured business. the children were the dishwashers. they were the cooks. they were the people that kept the restaurant clean. people really flocked there. they used to hang out and play some nice music. we used to have a street fair there where local artists would come. we opened it up in and we closed in . i decided i wanted to go 	 to school. the african griots would perform. plus, we would bring in musicians, shakare ensemble, nani ka, baba crowder, so we would bring in a lot of local artists as far as entertainment is concerned. hsh: can you talk to me about the street fair? yu: we did it every year, the week after odunde. we did it on th street between chestnut and samson. we would have the restaurant open. we would be the only food vendors and we would have vendors and local entertainment. hsh: being that you currently work at one, can you talk to me about any other co-ops you are or were affiliated with? yu: i was attached to weaver’s way. i was in germantown so the only co-op that i was attached to was ecology co-op. i also did work at a wholefoods store on landsdowne ave called the grocery. it was a private owned business and the person her name was eleanor she taught me a lot…how to run a business…just a lot of information that she shared with me. hsh: when did you work at the grocery? yu: i worked at the grocery i know it was in the ’s. eleanor allowed me to bring the 	 children to work, which was a blessing because that’s how the girls became entrepreneurs. they did some of the inventory and things like that. so when we opened up our restaurant they had to acknowledge. my oldest daughter who was working at the restaurant at the time she was a cook so she decided to open up her own bakery inside and she taught her sister’s how to bake. so they always had more money than i did. as a matter of a fact they saved up enough to go to the bahamas for about five days. they asked can they go to the bahamas and i said sure if you save money and they got the money. i thought they were going to bring me a bucket full of change. they brought me bills. so i booked them a lil vacation in the bahamas and i had to scrape up my money to go. hsh: what other items did you offer in the restaurant you owned? yu: i used to make a dish with mixed vegetables, brown rice and wheat meal. and to this day people will ask me “do you have a mock steak sandwich” or “do you have mixed vegetables with brown rice.” i used to make okra, corn and tomato, different type of bean dishes, eggplant zucchini stew, almond roti with cashew gravy. i never used any dairy products or animal product whatsoever. like i said the girls did the baking. they baked cornbread, brownies, carrot cake…they made all that type of stuff. hsh: anything that you wish to share? 	 yu: one thing that people ask me, “what is my goal?” my goal is to heal the community. people say that you are not going to make any money doing that. i said that is not what i am doing, my goal is to heal the community. the creator will take care of the rest. so that is what i want to do. i want to educate the community on wholistic health, natural healing, alternative medicine, how to get well, how to heal mind, body and spirit, and also teach the community we are what we think. if you have an ailment you have to go to the spirit. you just can’t pop a pill. you can’t run to the doctor. you treat the body and all you have to do is sit down and talk to the spirit. why am i excepting this in my life right now. what is going on with me. not so much what is wrong, but what is going on with me? yesterday on the job…my sister was in the hospital. my sister has lupus. she had heart disease and she has diabetes. she was put in the hospital the other day, because she was breathing irregular…she has severe allergies. all that is is anger. so the doctor said running around doing colonoscopies. she is not going to do well until she deals with her anger. you have to deal with all of it not the body alone. yu: we can self-medicate. not self-stupicate, but self-medicate. it’s easier to take the easy way out and not take responsibility. i feel as though my goal in life is to get out here and empower my people. if that means living from penny to penny so be it, because i know in my heart the creator will take care of me. 	 interview with tehuti khamu hsh: can you talk to me about your upbringing? tk: my name is ur aua tehuti khamu that is my kemet grand and title and i was born in new york city and raised in the bronx and the youngest of three brothers. in terms in the perspective of health, i guess that’s what we’re focusing on i was fortunate to be raised in a family we pretty much had a normal american diet but we did have some influences in terms of vitamins and importance of health and athletics and things like that and that really served as a good foundation for when i changed my diet and went into a complete health based life style. my earliest memories are of my grandmother who is from jamaica. it was interesting because it was the first person that i ever experienced that would drink bottled water and back in those days it wasn’t like today with spring water or you know bottled water is very popular. she actually had it delivered. it was in a bottle, glass green bottle and i definitely noticed when i had water in her house it was a different taste and then she had fresh fruit and not that my parents didn’t have fresh fruit, but it just wasn’t the quality. i just remember the fruit at her house being so delicious. coming up in the islands i guess she just had that upbringing. she had a large like breakfront in her living-dining area you know for your dishes and she had her top drawer full of vitamins. every time we went over there she would give us the acerola, vitamin cs to suck on instead of candy. i think the name of the company was bart’s. it was one 	 of the first health food stores and she was into it. they weren’t vegans or anything like that at that time, but there was that consciousness of natural, vitamins, clean water and things like that. my parents also didn’t buy a lot of soda, snacks in the house it was more like we had juices and whole wheat bread. i remember when that was something different. my sandwiches were with whole wheat bread. it was a good foundation. my father was also a trackman. he ran track. and both of his brothers ran track so we were always into fitness and exercise. he would run or he would ride his bike. he encouraged us into sports so being one of three brothers we all participated in sports and my path turned. my brothers were very good at football. one of my brothers was all-city for our high school. and the other one was very good as well. i played football and basketball and stuff like that, but at some point i got hit with the bruce lee thing. that’s what was going on back in those days. i really got into the martial arts. i got into my first school in harlem and i was sixteen when i got my brown. i was supposed to be getting my black belt training with the strong brother from george wells so i got into that and that was also my first exposure to formal breathing exercises and stances which really prepared me for all of the things that i went on to do. that was powerful. hsh: how old were you when you started martial arts with george wells? tk: i was like fifteen or sixteen. i quickly got up in ranks. there were three levels of brown before you took your test for black. i think i passed my first level of brown and 	 then my teacher stopped teaching. he had some issues or whatever so i wasn’t able to get the black, but i went later on to go to other schools and study with master numara in manhattan. then much later on i got exposed to capoeira and i just loved it being african-centered. when i found out the history of our people using our own indigenous martial arts to liberate themselves in brazil i was like man “i got to get this.” hsh: did you practice the angola side? tk: yes. i actually got introduced first to it from some people that were exposed to our society and then later on i got a chance to find the oldest living capoeira master and he was teaching in ny. i went up there and trained. he is still alive. hsh: in the city? tk: yes, in the city. th street. hsh: how old were you then? tk: much later. i must have been…we’ve been here twenty years so i must have been or so. 	 hsh: do you hold any certifications? tk: no hsh: what is your official title, the name of the establishment that you belong to and how long has this business been in operation? tk: my title is ur aua, which means paramount kings. so in the ausar auset we have a traditional african kingship. so, we have a shekem ur shekem, which is the kings of kings, and then we have three paramount kings who run different regions, one in london, one in washington and myself in philadelphia. then we have several queen mothers who run our other areas as well as the national rulers in new york headquarters. my title is the title of chieftaincy within our spiritual organization. so here we have a temple where we have a building in the front. we have our classes and we have a water store and we have a vegan restaurant. in the back we have a building that we’re developing to be our temple, our community center so on and so forth. 	 hsh: what year did the ausar auset society begin in philadelphia? tk: hsh: is there any way that you can elaborate more on how it was established? tk: well some students here got it started. they invited shekem ur shekem, ra un nefer amen to come down. he used to come here every two weeks and teach classes at a community center at people’s homes or what have you. that’s when the society was in its formative years. we hadn’t established the kingship, chieftaincy and all that. so i didn’t get involved until . hsh: please elaborate on what you do? tk: i am the chief priest and also as the king my job is to run the society’s business and activities and make sure we have a temple and make sure everything is working together. i have two interdependent functions: one is the spiritual leader so i provide most of the classes, trainings, conduct the ceremonies, and do the initiations. i have priesthood that i am responsible for training under shekem ur shekem’s guidance. we have a body of 	 members and then we have the general public. there are different levels of training priesthood. we have classes that we’ve been operating under my leadership since - or so which have been open to the public. community service, free-will donation it’s not an income earning thing for us it’s something that we do to play our part in uplifting our community. i have been continuous since - in new york and then up here. hsh: how do you feel the work that you do contribute to the health and the wellness of the african people? tk: our primary goal is spirituality. without developing our spirituality, we can’t solve any of our problems because in our understanding spirituality is not just your beliefs in a higher power. spirituality is the understanding of your being or your make-up. if you believe that you are a human being and not a divine being, then our subject to following your emotions and your animal self which is not who you are then you’ll never transcend anger. you’ll never be able to deal with your fears. you’ll never be able to handle the challenges of life without stressing out and because of that you will not reach your potential, your intelligence, your genius, and your performance. and this is the root of what is wrong with us: child rearing, family, business and everything. until black people go back to our indigenous spiritual culture not just culture like let’s get african names and wear african clothes and know african historical facts. those are part of the 	 journey, but until we go back to say ok if we were the builders where civilization was the center of, what was the spiritual technology that we used to make a better man, better woman? that led to civilization and we can recover that and re-civilize ourselves. we can rebuild like we did in the past if we can get that knowledge that spiritual piece so we have been blessed to have a stage to guide us and to lead us. with all his (shekem ur shekem) research and books and his meditation we have a system, a full religious system of initiation to take people from where they are to where they need to go. hsh: what is the name of the system? it’s the ausarian and the ra initiation systems. there are two sides to it. ausarian deals with the knowledge of self and your identity as a divine being. the ra deals with the knowledge of your spirit and how you deal with powers within your spirit. part of the ra initiation is understanding energy and life force which the chinese call chi and the indians call prana. we cultivate good health as the foundation and cultivate our chi, qigong, meditation, breathing techniques, and yoga. one of the things that was very attractive about the ausar auset is that it was integrating all of those elements. you could not be spiritual if you had a ratchet diet. your three states of energy: your jing, chi and shin are created from one another. your jing is damaged if your hormonal system is messed up from drinking, smoking, overly indulging in sex, and perverting your life force with emotionalism. when your chi is not developed you’re not developing the shin, 	 which is the subtle energy developing your mind and your spirit. they (chinese) have a very beautiful and detailed understanding and body of technique and that’s why we use their system because that’s one of the things that we have not recovered from our generation. we take the chinese and we integrate it with giving them credit for it. we integrate it with our system of health education and health development and rely heavily on that. hsh: what would be your basic definition of wholistic health? tk: it’s a way of life that addresses all aspects of your being which starts with your diet. it starts with you exercising and using your body properly. it starts with your understanding of the breath, the cultivation of your breath and your life force. then goes on to embrace your thought and spiritual understanding, because you know you can have the best diet in the world and practice techniques of yoga. if you’re an emotional wreck you don’t have an understanding of your spiritually of who you are. you have to negate or override your physical health techniques. hsh: how did you come to know what you know? tk: well, it started when i went away to school and i just had an intuitive desire to know 	 more about my history and culture. i had been exposed to material by dr. benjamin clark growing up in new york. also, the exposure to the asian martial arts and understanding that there were african influences in that curiosity was there. when i first saw a copy of the book of the dead i knew something was familiar about that and i never had an attraction to any other. i had attraction to traditional african religion for a reason, but never ever struck me like what i saw and i began to figure out. it’s funny because i went to the university of penn and i remember going to the registrar and i had some electives and i wanted to get a class on ancient egypt. i was looking through the catalog and this is a real story and i’m looking through the african studies and i say, “where are the classes on ancient egypt.” and a woman says to me “oh no that’s in the oriental studies department.” i said, “oh! i thought egypt was in africa for some reason.” that’s what it was. then i got involved in the divestment movement. the divestment movement was very heavy at that time. i was head of the black student league and i was exposed to information on what was going on in south africa and i became one of the leaders of the divestment committee with a caucasian brother and some really good work was being done. i was looking. i was in that state of consciousness. i was in a business school and my major was finance so my path was to go to work for the banks. i saw what the banks were financing and major corporations were doing in south africa and everything i was just lost and i thought, “i can’t go immerse myself in this world.” i just couldn’t imagine seeing my life spent that way. the summer before my last year i had come to the conclusion that i needed to find some spirituality. so i had said to my mother in law at the time that i was looking to find something about meditation. i needed 	 to meditate. i was exposed to meditation through the martial arts and also my older brother one day came home from college fired up about meditation and he sat down and meditated. i said i want to find that. i want to meditate, because i know god is within somewhere. i couldn’t get into the external thing and the next week my mother came back from the store, because the store that we had was on th street in alden and i was staying on rd, she said “hey here are some classes.” they were free classes in meditation and it was in harlem. i said “black people teaching meditation? wow! check this out!” that is when it all began. hsh: is a significant year. it marks the year of the publication of elijah muhammad’ book, how to eat to live. what year did you go to college? tk: i graduated in . that was the year i got exposed to the ausar auset society. in i wasn’t looking for nothing. hsh: in which decade would say this holistic health movement took gained momentum? 	 tk: that’s hard to answer because i came up in the ausar auset. my exposure was that we were way ahead of the trend; practicing a vegan lifestyle when i first got involved that was in . we were taking echinacea. now everybody knows about echinacea. shekem ur shekem was the first to really introduce that, i think in the country. the herb was there but the use of it and how to prescribe it was scarce. we would take various herbs and that was one of them. and even fast-forwarding a number of years we were introduced to the low-glycemic diet. it was probably five years ago. now you go in the store and they have low-glycemic on the packages and people are talking about it. we’ve always been ahead of what people were doing. we were doing qigong and breathing before in the ’s and certainly when i got involved in the ’s. i just know that it was much more difficult to find the things that you needed to eat the way that we eat than it is now. you couldn’t get any of this stuff in the supermarket. you had a to go to a co-op or something like that. it wasn’t at whole foods so when it became popular for black people i don’t know. hsh: was the principle of eating to live taught within the organization? tk: well it’s within the family. we eat that way and feed our children that way. we have a formal school in new york. we have had schools in d.c. we’ve had a school here for a few years and that’s still in development in terms of providing all educational levels. certainly diet and the lifestyle is taught in the home. 	 hsh: can you embellish on the formal school in new york? tk: the school is over thirty something years old and its been going from kindergarten grade school to high school it’s a regular school, primary education. the only difference is that we have teachers, priestesses, and priests. that’s the kind of the example that the children have. it’s mostly members’ children that are getting it at home and getting at school in addition to the regular academics. they’ll do things and shekem ur shekem may teach them different forms of meditation. it’s all around the regular curriculum to get them to college and so on. hsh: where could i find out more information about the formal school? tk: i could connect you with the principal. hsh: besides yourself within the ausar auset society, who are other the prominent individuals? tk: you have the shekem ur shekem then you have the queen mothers, they are called 	 the nesewtu. u is plural so it is nesewtu and there are three of them and then there is the ur au. hsh: so that i am clear, there three of those? tk: at this time. then you have the watu, the females, queen mothers who rule various areas. we have them in chicago, milwaukee, california, north carolina, and we have three watu in washington d.c. there are six of them. you also have the hemu shekem and then there is the shekem wa and the the seratu. seratu are the elders, but they are enstooled elders. it’s not automatic. once you get a certain age you have to be in a certain standing and then you are promoted to that right. hsh: do you think eating healthy is necessary for african people to feel better and to do better? if so can you elaborate in your own words? tk: that is the foundation of your spirituality, because it is a chose between following your appetite’s taste and eating for nutrition. when you really look at it that is a spiritual act, because you have to override your animal nature. our animal nature will make us just want to eat what tastes good. we got to admit that there are a lot of things that are very unhealthy, but they taste really good. usually when people come to us…we have been very successful at helping people to make their transition into a better way of life 	 and that is the purpose of the restaurant. restaurant food is not our typical diet. restaurant is transitional food. we have mock this and mock that. it is to help people to say, “you know i can still enjoy my life.” eating is one of the most essential things that we do on a day to day basis. you don’t need a mate to do it. you don’t need a lot of money to do it. it is the escape, the pleasure, and it is a real battle going on in our community. shekem ur shekem said once that i thought it was very poetically put. he said, “we are digging our graves with our knives and forks.” that is what we are doing. this stuff that we have been convinced is soul food and this and that…black people always had a genius to make things taste good so we took the scraps, leftovers and whatever we could get to survive and we made it very palatable. we made it delicious, but then you have to wake up, according to maat, reasoning and say, “that’s what was necessary in order to survive.” if we didn’t have anything else to eat we would grab a dog, a cow we’d kill it and do whatever we need to do, because we have to eat to survive. once you are in a position where you don’t have to do that then you need to change and let your appetites follow truth instead of you following your appetites. that is spirituality. many people can’t do it. they cannot give it up. they don’t want to do it. they can’t make that change. they can’t get rid of the addiction, food addiction. we recognize alcohol and tobacco and say that is an addictive behavior, but food is an addictive behavior. when i first got into ausar auset it was the first time that i had any awareness of how harmful salt can be. and how you have to moderate your salt. you have to go on certain periods of time where you ate no salt at all on your food. you didn’t season it with salt. we had to wean off of that. it has gotten so bad now a days 	 that now in the ’s…we’ve even had people who take them off of salt and their blood pressure goes down too low, because their body has been so unbalanced where it’s almost used to that. that is a matter of adjustment as same with sugar. you look at an average person out here and see how they order food that is already salted and takes the salt shaker and it blows your mind same thing with sugar. it is very connected with your spirituality for you to say, “ok this is not good for my body and i am going to override my taste buds and my appetite and do something for my health.” when you come to really understand the spirituality, the purpose of a man and a woman is to be a vessel of god. it is not just about, “oh! we have to die from something.” it not about whether you are going to die from something. it is about how you are living and about how you are not realizing your full, divine potential. your body and your nervous system, etcetera cannot function at the level that it is supposed to function, because it is wiped out from the food that you are eating. health and the spirituality are all connected. hsh: what suggestions would you give to a meat-eater that wants to do better? tk: well, the first thing that i would do is remind them that if they can just eat meat-less for three-four days a week that act just alone will reduce their chances of getting a heart- attack. i believe it is % if you just cut down. do that. acclimate yourself. learn. people still have misnomers about vegetarianism that all we eat is salads and nuts, berries, but once they have some of the food that we’ve prepared it’s like…in fact, i even 	 had someone in here one time when we were making mock fried chicken the guy was sitting there eating it and he did not know that it was not flesh. he couldn’t believe it. that is good. it helps to open them up to realize, “ok. giving up what my grandmother made which is tradition, easy and my wife knows how to cook there is a possibility to make a transition.” we like to follow the line of least resistance and then as they get more into it and get educated about it and start to experience then they can go further with it. hsh: are there any written pieces of lectures that you all have done in philadelphia? tk: new york is the center, but a lot of lectures that he’s (shekel ur shekem) done we use. health is something that is constantly moving and changing so i believe he is going to come out with another book. the dinner table volume v is the latest piece that he did on health. it was really coming from the psychological, the understanding that healing is connected with your spirit and a lot of the research that was done to show the physical effects of mental imbalance and it also gets into health of the brain and things like that and some of the nutrients and things that you should take. he wrote several books on health, one of which is updated. i believe it is called, how marijuana affects you. we got flack for that, because a lot of folks are pushing marijuana as natural and this and that. the research shows that it is a drug and it’s damaging to your testosterone and sperm count. it was imported to jamaica by the british as they brought opium into china. it is a 	 drug. he detailed that and some of the herbs that can detox them and heal themselves. his first book on health was health teachings of the ageless wisdom. i believe there were two volumes of that. he also did a nutritional handbook and herbal guide. he did a guide to chinese herbal remedies, qigong. those been the dominant works, but there have also been some very good lectures on black male health. we just had a festival where we did a black male healing workshop and we have a series of classes on that now and women. in new york they have had for the last three years or so a really great conference every year on black men’s health. hsh: can you talk to me about the kemetfest? tk: kemetfest is our annual celebration of the greatest of ancient kemet. it is a series. depending on the location different states do it differently. it might be two days or three days. we did a three-day kemetfest this year and we had a bunch of workshops on different topics: meditation, kemetic history, philosophy, qigong, etc. then we had a night of entertainment. we had spoken word, drumming, and conscious musicians. we party. socialization is a very important thing too. people have to socialize and to find a place where you can be around people that are striving to be healthy, be spiritual and understand the history. that is very nourishing to your health. i saw one program once on pbs and they were talking about people with the greatest longevity. i believe these people were in italy and one of the things they did is that they ate together every day. 	 they showed them getting together extended family and it’s the social interaction that really nourishes us. it keeps us going. it keeps us healthy. that is a big part so the kemetfest we have a festive environment and its very uplifting for people to realize that they can be spiritual, be healthy and have a really good time as opposed to giving up partying, because “i don’t want to be around people that is drinking, smoking and hitting on me and acting that way.” that is a part of it and it just to expose people to what we have and let them see that it’s not out of their reach. hsh: is there anything that i have not asked or that we have not talked about that you feel is imperative to share as it relates to wholistic health or any other work that you do? tk: i think one of the things that personally has affected me very strongly when i reflect on my childhood and coming up is the need for a rites of passage. in part of the rights of passage program needs to be the exposure to health. we had a black men’s healing class and when you understand the importance of your sexual vitality your seed and the conservation of that. when you understand the development of your body and your nervous system you realize how wicked it is. what is going on with our young people, especially our black young men? from a very young age they are over-sexually exposed. they are getting involved in depleting themselves and at the same time they are nutritionally deficient. they are introduced to alcohol, drugs to a nervous system and a brain that is not fully developed. the more i was educated about this, i realized that this 	 was by design. if you want to compete with a people and keep them non-competitive, castrate their competitiveness. “how you doing brother?” “i’m chilling!” there is nothing about you that should be chilling. as a man, you should be fired up. you should be sharp. you should be aggressive. you should be going to get yours, not laying back chilling out, but we are in this daze that is why we have been able to be manipulated. we have to wake up the black man. we have to wake up and save our youth, because this pattern and i know this from being a priest and a counselor for over twenty-five years that by the time people come to you for help some of us are so far beyond the point of regeneration. we are literally blunted. “ok brother you need to read and study this.” he can’t even focus and absorb the information. you can’t retain anything. you see you’ve lost so much of your potential. we have to put very type, aggressive rites of passage. we have to get together as black men and establish these things and grab these young boys. you know the majority who are now coming up without any men in their life anyway. initiate them into what it is that is going to make them strong men, but we can’t do that and just leave. there has got to be organizations of men that are going to be there for them. that is one of the things that we have to work on, because one of the greatest threats to our lives is young black men. you understand that criminal behavior and anger and the lack is where all that is coming from. lack of viable economic life and the very poor deranged health and everything that is popular about us with this drug culture, alcohol culture is just adding to that. that is something that we have to deal with. we have to address it. 	 interview with nwenna kai nk: i was born and raised in philadelphia in and grew up in this house where we are at right now. my parents built it in and since . i have an older sister, two years older than me. her name is zakiya. i went to public school my whole life in philadelphia. grew up in philadelphia. left philadelphia when i was years old. went to howard for undergrad. went to school of the art institute for grad school. hsh: what is your date of birth? nk: november , hsh: do you have any credentials or are you self-taught? nk: i am self-taught and self-learned. i have definitely have read a lot of books. i have my own story with healing. i have worked with thousands of clients. hsh: have you obtained any degrees? nk: i have my b.a. from howard university in french with a minor in film. i have my graduate degrees, mfa in creative writing. 	 hsh: what is the name of your business, the official title, and how long have you been in business? nk: so, my current business, i am the founder and ceo of the live well movement. and we are a total wellness company with a raw, vegan philosophy or plant-based philosophy. we provide health solutions in the form of classes, seminars, speaking engagements on line offline to communicate with organizations and companies that sort of thing. hsh: when did it begin? nk: i officially started…i’ll say . i used to own a restaurant in los angeles. it was an organic-raw-vegan restaurant for four years. i had that from to close to . i still wanted to teach. one of the things that i got from my restaurant is that i loved to teach. i loved to do the classes and things like that. so i wanted to create a business where i could teach. hsh: what is the name? nk: the name of the restaurant was taste of the goddess café and we were a restaurant- catering company. we had a product line of raw-vegan snacks in whole food stores in southern california area. 	 hsh: did it attract any prominent individuals? nk: we had everybody from forest whitaker to dereck luke and his wife sophia luke, monica lewinski, sanaa lathan, her father, stan lathan, meshell ndegeocello, angela basset, randy quaid, he use to come a lot and play chess with one of our customers. it’s now coming back to me know. one of my favorite, this is a story i used to love the television show fame so irene cara who was coco came in one day that was like the best. everybody else was cool, but i loved coco on fame. when she came in, i said, “it’s on.” hsh: how do you feel the work that you do contributes to the health and the wellness of the african community? nk: so. being brown in this skin everywhere i go when i talk and people see me they see a living example of what i do. that always sells people on it immediately. i always get people that say, “god i want to change my life. my diet” and things like that and that always helps. but also having the experience of being able heal my body and reverse a lot of the illnesses and things like that i was dealing with personally it inspires and moves other people who look like me as well. hsh: what would your basic definition of holistic health be? nk: to me, holistic, it means whole, total, complete. mind, body and spirit. its more than just eating healthier and, exercising, it encompasses mind body and spirit, but it also encompasses the 	 environment so the environment being healthy. so it’s total health, total wellness and the environment is everything. its family, school, work its relationships, its your finances, its everything being whole and healthy in body and mind working in life. it’s not always easy to get that, but it’s like once you get the basics mind, body and spirit right, everything will fall into place. it’s a sense of community, being within and out hsh: how did you come to know what you know? nk: i have a story where i was very very sick for a long time and i couldn’t figure out why i was sick and how to fix this and because i as so young i was refused to accept it. some people accept that they have diabetes or high blood pressure or they are sick. i refused the fact that i was going to be sick. i had a thyroid disorder, i had vertigo, migraines, i had a face full of acne, i was chronically constipated, i was chronically fatigued, depressed, i also had sciatica. sciatica was that nervous pinch… (exhale). what was your question? hsh: were you in college? nk: it started when i was in undergrad when i was about , but it kept sort of like progressing. it wasn’t until i got to grad school and i was maybe twenty-three that i really said to myself that something’s not right here. something has got to shift and it was because i was chronically constipated that i intuitively thought to myself well i just need fresh fruit, and salad and have 	 guacamole all day long. i am going to get better. and i did. and i started eating like that and i had no idea what this was called. no idea that this was eating vegan, raw or whatever. i just knew that this what was going to create a shift for me. and it wasn’t until i went on yoga retreat and i went on a yoga retreat that was sponsored by the black yoga teacher association and it was right outside chicago and i was in the salad line and i met a guy who kept questioning why i was eating salad when i told him he was like, “oh you’re a raw foodist.” i’m not one for labels. i can’t stand the labels, but i was just like, “no this is what i’m eating. leave me alone.” the people were already bothering me about how i was eating and we met and he then took me to the raw food restaurant in chicago, karen’s fresh corner and it was there that i discovered how to make raw foods taste really good and to do something other than a salad. i learned how to make pizzas, and salads, and burgers and cakes and pies and other things. i really expanded my whole. you can take cauliflower and make it look like rice and flavor it and do all these interesting things to it. and so i bough books and dvd and i took classes. i just went home and started experimenting. it was like…i used to live in this studio apartment in hyde park of chicago and it had a bedroom, bathroom, and it had a kitchen. my kitchen was like my healing laboratory. it really became this place for healing and i reading more. i started getting in meditation. i was doing a lot of yoga. i even was going to this acupuncture. there is this acupuncture school in chicago where you get free acupuncture. i was doing that i really just spent the time on healing my body and i haven’t been sick since then. i have not…i have never had the flu. i don’t get colds. i don’t get headaches. i’ve had a few headaches since i’ve been pregnant, but i have not been sick since then. hsh: in chicago, where you embraced this knowledge, is that was sparked you to go to 	 california? nk: the california thing is where i wanted to produce for television and film. i wanted to be a tv producer, but what happened in california was that everybody in california was raw. all the people that i was running into and because of that i got a job as a tv producer and i was working these really long and horrendous hours still trying to eat. so then i would work and come all home and make all of this food to tae with me to work the next day and i would share the food with other people at my job and what happened people started asking me if i could cater small little birthday parties and things like that and i was doing that. and then in the stores there were two stores. one was called arowan and the other was called the santa monica co-op. well they had raw food products in there, but it was only like two companies and the products weren’t that good. so i come up with this idea to start making products and putting them in the stores. and at that time you didn’t need a bar code. you didn’t need nutritional information. all you needed was to have a great label, package it give it to them and sell it. and i did that and then eventually the word kept growing and growing. and i needed to find a kitchen, because i was still making the food in my house. i needed to find a kitchen to make the food in and stumble upon a coffee shop in west hollywood and i turned that coffee shop into my restaurant. hsh: and that went on for five straight years? nk: four years. 	 hsh: can you give names whom you give homage to in terms of your own intellectual and holistic growth? nk: queen afua. dr. llaila afrika and juwanza kunjufu. were the first two, because those books were in my dad’s house. we grew up reading those books. definitely queen afua. the names are blanking on me. like i did my first fast using one of queen afua’s books. hsh: what about the book heal thyself? nk: yes. i did my first fast using her books. her books. dr. llaila afrika. dr. iman bomani. dr. aris latham. hsh: and what about karen calabrese. can you just do me a favor? i’ve done some reading on this sister. i just got reintroduced to her, but for you to basically her being the intermediary for your health can you elaborate a little bit more about her? nk: yeah. karen has been doing what she’s been doing for a long time. she has one of the longest standing restaurants in the world so she was doing wheatgrass in the and ’s when it was not cool to do wheatgrass. i like karen’s concepts, because a lot of her customers like raw their like mainstream people who just want to eat healthier which i think sometimes in the raw food community a lot of people tend to like not include other people. we tend to criticize and judge and all that other stuff and karen you know she has a raw food restaurant. she also has a 	 cooked vegan restaurant. her clientele are mainstream people who probably eat steaks as well, but they also want to try raw food as well. so i really just love what she does as well. and she has expanded her company where she has food, but she also does spa component to eat and she does consultations. she’s got product line and detox cleanses and things like that. in terms of being who she is and also being an entrepreneur is what i really admire about her. hsh: do you think eating healthy is necessary for african americans? why? nk: yeah. definitely. so, for african americans, because we are melanated people. melanin is the second most studies element in the world for good reason and we tend to absorb so many different things and different rate than most other people. everything from sounds to food to words to everything. so we really have to be conscious about what we eat. and because out pineal gland is the first gland that develops in our bodies and it’s the gland that houses the third eye so of that third eye is decalcified it hinders our ability to make conscious choses about our foods, our diets and our lifestyles, which effects every area of our lives. it affects our family structures. it affects our ability to accumulate wealth. it affects our ability to think properly. so you know if you are making decisions constantly right so if that space is not open and we can only see things on the surface and we can’t see beyond them how are we going to be in this construct and making decisions about things that are in our communities. there is a reason why black people are behind in everything literacy, education, family structure, health. there is a reason behind that. hsh: what happens to the pineal gland when one eats toxic food? 	 nk: it decalcifies it, which cuts off its possibilities, spiritual and intellectual and economical what have you. hsh: what suggestions would you make to meat eater in order to get them to consider how to eat to live or embrace a healthier lifestyle? nk: i always tell people, because i am not dogmatic about things. i don’t like to tell people to stop eating meat. although, you know challenge yourself like maybe stop eating it for thirty days or stop eating it for every single meal that you eat. maybe have…you know eat strictly vegetarian for three times out of the week. it’s like i don’t see how people can continuously, continuously consume meat. its heavy. it is hard to break down and digest. you gain a lot of weight from it. its just like. it totally …it ages you. it totally breaks down the whole digestive system. so stop eating it like every single day and just start to consume just more fresher food…fresher fruits and vegetables. cut out some of the dairy products. just replace them with non-dairy products, because you don’t necessarily want to eliminate them you just want to replace or substitute it. hsh: what other things would you have me do to embrace a healthier lifestyle? nk: so, i would tell the people not to overdo it, because a lot of the times when people move from a meat based diet to a plant-based diet they tend to overdo the meat substitute foods. like the tofu and the tempeh, or the seitan or the morning star burger. and you got to be careful, because you can overdo it. but just embrace more legumes like lentil, quinoa, buckwheat, rice those things and you can make them taste really really good. we already know how to season our 	 food really well. we can season it with fresh herbs and garlic and things like that. take on those things, because they also have meaty texture that get you full and also is full of protein, because you are looking to replace the protein. hsh: what about drinking water? nk: i always tell people to stick to water, because you when you drink a lot of coffees and sugary juices and the sodas they have no nutrients in them. they are full of sugar and they are a lot of calories. so there is a triple whammy and its funny, because i hear so many people say, “i just cut out sugar for thirty days and lost ten pounds. just doing that alone will reap you tremendous results. hsh: what suggestion do you have for people with friends that eat differently? nk: give up your friends. i don’t have a lot of the same friends that i used to have, before i was eating this way and that is the honest to god truth. i also don’t get invited to barbecue’s because people…its so funny because people will now say, “well i’mma make a salad. i don’t know what to make you, but if you want to come.” so with that you have to create the environment around you to live a healthier life. so you have to surround yourself with people who what to eat health. who want to live long time, because i’mma tell you people who live a long high quality of life they surrounded themselves with friends that did it. my grandmother is years old and she still has two or three good friend that are the same age as her. so you have around yourself with 	 people. i don’t have any friend who smoke or drink excessively. i mean in the past we were friends, but we don’t hang around anymore. hsh: have you written any books and if so can you tell me what those books are about? nk: the goddess of raw foods was my first book, and i am working on my second book, but it’s about recipes most of the recipes are from my restaurant and my catering company and they range from really simple recipes to more broad recipes that you may need a dehydrator for, but most of the recipes you may need like a blender or a food processor, a knife and a cutting board. that is my first book. i have tons of articles online that you can just google and find those articles. i have youtube videos. youtube.com/nwennakai. hsh: what is on there? nk: i have a tv show that i shot. i did that one. you can watch it on there and i have a couple of videos with my classes and it maybe eight videos on there. i have a few of them on there. hsh: how can you purchase the book? nk: they can go to my website which is www.nwenna.com or they can go to amazon.com. hsh: is there anything more you would like to discuss? 	 nk: you know, just eat your greens. my sister, she eats a kale salad every single day. i’m convinced that she is never going to be sick. eat lots of greens. hsh: why greens? nk: in our culture we are turned off by the color of green. green is the color of life, growth, vegetation, and harvest. its life, but…so greens has the elements of chlorophyll in it. chlorophyll i always refer to as the melanin of plants. it’s what gives plants their green color. so chlorophyll has the same molecular structure as human blood so when it goes in you system your body immediately recognizes it, understands its, breaks it down and uses it. whereas, if you put fried chicken it cannot compute what the heck this is so it’s like ok i’m going to put this in the arteries in the cells. it’s got to go somewhere, because your body is a computer. so it doesn’t understand what it is so it registers it as a toxin. and it won’t easily eliminate it so it stays in your colon. your greens it immediately recognizes what it is. it has the same molecular structure as human blood. its super alkaline so it will keep your body alkaline and if your body is at least % alkaline its impossible for disease to ridden the body. nk: in eating them, you are oxygenating your blood. the oxygen is pumping the blood. your oxygen is your first form of life. it increases the hemoglobin in your blood. so it gives your body the ability to boost your immune system. so that you wont get sick. there are so many preventative things that you can do to the body just from food alone to prevent you from getting sick. when everybody else has the flu you don’t necessarily have to get that flu. cdp front matter - spring voices from the field: the social construction of alcohol problems in inner-city communities by denise herd this study examines the social construction of alcohol problems by activists involved in alcohol policy campaigns in inner-city neighborhoods in the s. nearly informants were interviewed and asked to describe why they thought local neighborhoods mobilized around alcohol policy issues. in contrast with other social movements that have emphasized individual alcohol problem or addiction experiences, informants in this study focused on the role of alcohol outlets and sales and marketing in contributing to various forms of social disorder, such as crime, violence, illicit drug use, public intoxication, and nuisances that contemporary drug problems /spring author’s note: this research was funded by grants from the national institute of alcohol abuse and alcoholism (ro aa ) and the sub- stance abuse research policy program ( ) at the robert wood john- son foundation. i would like to acknowledge and thank all the community leaders in oakland, los angeles, milwaukee, baltimore, detroit, san anto- nio, and raleigh who participated in the study. in addition, special thanks to makani themba who served as the primary consultant on the project and to the administrative and research staff at the institute of scientific analy- sis who conducted interviews and participated in data collection efforts. thanks also to jude berman for her helpful comments on drafts of this paper and sami newlan for research and manuscript preparation support. for additional information on this article contact: denise herd, school of public health, university hall, # , university of california, berke- ley, ca - . e-mail: tiara@berkeley.edu. © by federal legal publications, inc. were engulfing their neighborhoods. these themes were interpreted in light of the social conditions faced by inner-city residents in the s and s, including the crack cocaine epidemic, the spectacular rise in youth violence, aggressive new alcoholic beverage marketing campaigns, and the increasing rates of poverty in dilapidated urban centers. key words: alcohol policy, social movements, drugs, racial minorities, crime, urban problems. the social construction of problems has been recognized as a critical issue in social movement theory. within the field of alcohol studies, the social constructionist perspective has been used to analyze the history of the temperance and prohi- bition movements (levine, ); the rise of the alcoholism as a disease movement in the post-prohibition era (room, ); and the crusade against drinking and driving in the s in the united states (reinarman, ). these studies analyzed the shifts in social meanings attributed to alcohol beverage use and to problems within the changing landscapes of social, economic, and political power relationships in american society. the present study examined the social construction of alcohol problems within the social movement focused on changing alcohol policies in american inner-city neighborhoods in the s and s. this movement, peopled by ethnic minority residents and human service professionals working in social service agencies, law enforcement, and education, sought to change local and regional policies and legislation regarding alcohol sales and marketing in many cities across the united states. since the s, and most dramatically in the late s and s, these activists voiced open opposition to alcohol outlets, billboards, and alcohol advertising practices in their alcohol and inner-city communities communities. they developed local ordinances to limit and reg- ulate alcohol outlets, mobilized networks to eliminate alcohol billboard advertising, and launched campaigns to protest efforts by alcohol and tobacco companies to market products targeted at african americans in the inner city, especially youth (harney, ; jernigan & wright, ; ronningen, ). collectively, these efforts can be considered a social movement, as defined by snow, soule, and kriesi ( ): “collectivities act- ing with some degree of organization and continuity outside of institutional or organizational channels for the purpose of chal- lenging or defending extant authority” (p. ). although falling within this definition, grassroots alcohol-related policy cam- paigns have been overlooked for the most part by the sizable body of literature focused primarily on such large-scale and well-known initiatives as the labor movement, civil rights move- ment, women’s movement, and environmentalist movement, among others (fantasia & stepan-norris, ; ferree & mueller, ; rootes, ). one of the central questions for any social movement is how social problems are constructed. as noted by klandermans ( ), social movement theory and the social constructionist perspective both acknowledge that objec- tive social conditions do not necessarily give rise to perceived social problems or social movements. the idea that social problems are not objective and identifiable con- ditions but the outcome of processes of collective definition of the situation is not new. for many years now, students of social problems have argued that social problems are situations that are labeled as problems. . . . nevertheless, this line of thought never really caught on in social movement literature, presumably because, once resource mobilization captured the field, the idea that grievances could explain political protest became obsolete. . . . yet we can learn much from scholars in the field of social problems, both in terms of grievance interpretation and in terms of the politicization of grievances. (p. ) the present study analyzed how activists interpreted the ori- gins of mobilization around alcohol policy issues within their neighborhoods and communities. based on the constructionist perspective mentioned above, we assumed the public recogni- tion of alcohol problems that gave rise to these campaigns did not necessarily stem from health crises or problems specifical- ly related to alcohol consumption. this perspective is particu- larly significant in light of the history of african americans’ extensive support of the th century american alcohol reform movements—support that did not appear to be in response to alcohol problems. the limited data from observers and from blacks themselves during the antebellum period suggested the problems of drunkenness in this population were no greater or less than those of whites or american indians; research and census data in the later part of the century showed that african americans did not exhibit major problems with intoxication and that deaths from alcoholism were from to times less for blacks than for white ethnic groups (herd, a). the wholehearted participation of african americans in temper- ance movements throughout the th century was apparently inspired by the close association of these movements with social and political ideology and alliances favoring emancipation and social betterment for enslaved or newly freed blacks (herd, a, b). both the antislavery and temperance movements were aligned with northern political and economic interests, were drawn from reformist protestant churches, and shared the same leadership. the central imagery of the pre-civil war move- ment was of “alcohol the enslaver,” and leaders such as fredrick douglass argued that drinking and intoxication among slaves helped preserve the system of slavery (herd, a). in keeping with this ideology, free african americans created a network of temperance organizations and activities that rivaled the larger movement in scope and intensity, particularly for groups of such humble class origins. during the post-civil war period, african americans strongly supported temperance reform through black women’s clubs and protestant churches. alcohol was seen as a barrier to needed economic and political gains, as well as to upholding proper moral and religious values (herd, b). following changes in the political context of alcohol reform movements, from those associated with northern liberal poli- alcohol and inner-city communities cies toward african americans, to those associated with repressive southern campaigns, such as black political dis- franchisement, african american leaders withdrew wide- spread support for the prohibition movement in the early th century. urbanization and other social changes ushered in a new era in which alcoholic beverage consumption, bootleg- ging, and nightclubs became culturally acceptable in some sectors (herd, b). although religious and informal norms perpetuated some of the abstinence values associated with the th century temperance movements, widespread public dis- course and support for alcohol reform movements vanished until the latter decades of the th century (herd, a). the resurgence of public concern about alcohol reform issues in the s and s raises questions about whether there were changes in the social or political context that motivated citizens to engage in social protests regarding alcohol problems at that time. in keeping with the historical legacy, it is possible that recent activism regarding alcohol policy issues developed as an offshoot of the modern civil rights movement and paralleled the concerns expressed in related movements, such as the environ- mental justice movement (capek, ). other localized policy research during this period (wittman, ) showed that, in one small community, alcohol outlets were a target of community opposition because they were associated with high levels of vio- lent crime, illegal drug sales and use, and a lack of economic development and service industries in the neighborhood. the purpose of this article is to understand how activists in the modern alcohol reform movement in inner-city neighborhoods constructed alcohol problems as an issue for collective mobiliza- tion. the goal was to determine if activists were responding to what they perceived as an increase or change in alcohol-related problems; to concerns related to social equity (e.g., discrimination or segregation); or to changes or concerns related to other social problems (e.g., drug use or violence). this is an important area for research because practically no existing studies have examined how ethnic minority populations construct alcohol problems, despite the fact that these groups are perceived as at high risk for such problems. holmes and antell’s ( ) study of the social con- struction of american indian drinking is a notable exception and illustrates that indians and whites differ in their interpretation of alcohol abuse. this study showed that while both groups acknowl- edged the severity of alcohol abuse among indians, whites were more likely to view indian culture as the cause of these problems and to advocate cultural assimilation as a way to address them, whereas indians favored explanations that focused on outside cul- tural influences, poverty, and lack of opportunity as causes, and looked to cultural revitalization as a way to solve them. data and methods data for this study were based on the responses of activists who were interviewed in neighborhoods in seven american cities, including oakland and los angeles, california; milwaukee, wisconsin; san antonio, texas; raleigh, north carolina; detroit, michigan; and baltimore, maryland. these cities were chosen because they all had least a -year history of activism regarding alcohol policy issues (table ), were located in different parts of the country, and included activists working on a range of alcohol poli- cy issues. the cities were selected on the basis of interviews with several key informants who had worked extensively on community- based alcohol policy issues, as well as through examining newspa- per records of activism regarding alcohol policy in particular sites. informants from each site were selected using snowball sampling techniques described by luker ( ) in her study of prolife and prochoice activists. potential participants for each area were identified primarily by consulting with community organizers and advocates who had worked with community groups on alco- hol policy issues and were familiar with key activists, and by examining newspaper coverage of alcohol policy activities that mentioned community leaders. to be included in the study, each potential informant had to be recommended by at least two peo- ple as an individual who could be considered an important leader alcohol and inner-city communities summary of alcohol-related activism in seven inner-city communities baltimore issues: high prevalence of alcohol-related billboards, and high concentration of alcohol outlets, associated with increased loitering, crime, and violence strategies: the coalition for beautiful neighborhoods formed in the late s and organized rallies to protest the presence of junior billboards placed illegally on the sides of houses in residential neighborhoods. outcomes: in , the governor signed two bills that banned alcohol beverage billboards from the city of baltimore and alcohol beverage and tobacco adver- tisements from the sides of state mass transit authority buses. the industry fought against this ruling, but it was upheld. detroit issues: high unemployment rates due to the collapsing auto industry, and an epidemic of crack cocaine use strategies: the coalition against billboard advertisement of alcohol and tobacco (cabaat) was formed in , and the executive board of the city council task force was formed in to work on issues of substance abuse. in , cabaat launched the “denounce the -oz.” campaign, aimed at the targeted advertising of malt liquor. outcomes: one of the ordinances passed by the task force prohibited the display of alcohol-related or substance-related ads on any city property, including city buses. by , the various alcohol-related campaigns in detroit had largely met with success. los angeles issues: oversaturation of alcohol outlets, urban blight, lack of services, lack of political empowerment, and the crack cocaine epidemic strategies: in , the community coalition for substance abuse prevention and treatment became the pivotal organization of the alcohol policy movement. there was also grassroots community organizing, the involvement of city coun- cil members, and state networking. outcomes: four bills were passed. one restricted new beer and wine licenses, expanded the power of the abc to impose conditions on alcohol outlets to cor- rect a public nuisance, and increased penalties for violations of the abc code. a second increased funding for abc. a third provided that undue overconcen- tration can be an independent basis for license denial. the fourth established statewide minimum nuisance-related operating standards for alcohol outlets and modified license review procedures to promote local input. due to community involvement in public hearings, only of the liquor stores destroyed in the civil unrest following the rodney king verdict applied to rebuild, and were rebuilt with stricter conditions. milwaukee issues: redlining and blockbusting, as well as prostitution and drug use strategies: grassroots activism focused on prostitution and drug paraphernalia. project respect, a community organization, set out to remove alcohol and tobacco billboards citywide. table outcomes:although project respect’s effort resulted in an ordinance being passed, enforcement proved a challenge, and widespread success was not achieved until . other areas of successful activism included stopping the issuing of new liquor licenses in already saturated areas, stronger enforcement of underage alcohol violations, separation of alcohol from other products in stores, and discontinuing sales of malt liquor. oakland issues: high concentration of alcohol outlets and associated problems (e.g., loi- tering and deterioration); drug dealing entrenched in the community strategies: the oakland community organizations (oco), a consortium of community groups, worked together against alcohol outlets in the s. in the early s, community groups coalesced around the so-called deemed approved ordinance, designed to regulate liquor outlets. outcomes: the oco was able to pass a zoning ordinance that limited the num- ber of outlets in the city. the alcohol industry opposed the deemed approved ordinance, but the supreme court of california refused to hear the industry’s appeal in , thus handing victory to the activists. raleigh issues: more concern about violence and drugs than alcohol, with drug activity typically occurring near or within alcohol outlets strategies: residents joined local watch groups, which organized antidrug marches, drug awareness rallies, and neighborhood clean-ups. in the s, octavia rainey, chairperson of the college park/idlewild watch group, shifted the com- munity efforts toward making changes in legislative policy. outcomes: by , bills had been passed that regulated liquor licensing, and that required outlets classified as grocery stores to have at least % of their sales be food. as a result of their efforts, activists saw some problem outlets shut down. san antonio issues: crime, safety issues, and the preponderance of alcohol and tobacco bill- boards and other advertising strategies: people mobilized around particular leaders, including san antonio fighting back. a task force called the drinking while intoxicated (dwi) saturation patrol focused on underage drinking, and activists worked with police to reduce sales to minors. protecting youth and preventing substance abuse was a major strategy. in the s, as part of bi-cultural organization for leadership development (bold), youth were involved in a campaign to take down alcohol- related billboards and replace them with antialcohol and antitobacco messages. outcomes: community improvements were seen in the areas of outlet density, crime, and drug activity. regarding alcohol policy work in his or her community. when neighborhood leaders were contacted or interviewed, they were asked if they knew of other people who played an important role in local campaigns regarding alcohol and whom we could contact. we continued the process of asking alcohol and inner-city communities for referrals and creating lists of people recommended by at least two sources until we reached the point at which no new names were being submitted. we invited these individuals to participate in the study and followed up by informing them about the study and scheduling interviews. through working with local leaders who supported the goals of the study, we obtained permission from and completed interviews with most of those invited to participate in the study. a total of activists were interviewed across the seven sites. the interviews and fieldwork took place from august through the end of . about activists were inter- viewed in both oakland and los angeles, in milwaukee, and to activists each in raleigh, san antonio, detroit, and baltimore. a little more than a third of the interviewees were classified as community or neighborhood activists. neighborhood activists usually volunteered their time, in con- trast with those described as professionals ( %), who worked with alcohol services for pay in the areas affected by alcohol use and policy, such as law enforcement, education, city plan- ning, and law. one tenth of the interviewees were local or state politicians, % were clergy, and % were classified in other categories. the majority of leaders interviewed were african american ( %), although whites ( %) and latinos ( %) also were significantly represented. asian americans ( %) and native americans ( %) constituted very small proportions of the sample. a slight majority ( %) of the sample was male; people as young as and as old as were inter- viewed, and the mean age of interviewees was approximately years. the informants were interviewed face to face, either in their homes or in public places (e.g., office at a local community organization, informant’s workplace, restaurant) using a semi- structured interview guide. the interviews were tape recorded and generally ranged in length from . to . hours. the full interviews were coded using the qsr nud*ist program (qualitative solutions and research, non-numerical unstructured data indexing searching and theorizing). subsequent detailed content analyses were completed within specific theme areas. data for the analyses presented here came from responses to an interview item from a series of questions asked about the history of a recent local alcohol policy-related movement or campaign in the respondents’ community. the informants were asked to describe what they thought motivated people to mobilize around alcohol issues in their neighborhood or city at that time. although informants were asked another question about personal reasons for becoming involved in alcohol policy work, responses to the previous question were analyzed as a way to understand their per- ceptions of the broader issues or events that lead to collective mobilization efforts. among the varied types of responses provid- ed to this question (e.g., grievances, resources, and bridging fac- tors), in this article, we have singled out reasons focusing on problems or grievances in order to analyze how alcohol-related issues are constructed within these movements. in a previous paper (herd & berman, ), we described the broader spec- trum of responses to this question to better understand the inter- play of resources and grievances in initiating social movements. results the top ranking themes that emerged from the informants’ responses about why people mobilized around alcohol policy issues were concerns about alcohol outlets, crime, drugs, public nuisances, and community-level alcohol problems. in addition, informants described problems with alcohol marketing and sales, individual family and youth alcohol-related problems, local issues that spurred mobilization, as well as other community problems (table ). although discrete themes were identified, most of the responses were multilayered and combined a number of overlapping themes. here we discuss some of the key issues that emerged from the informants’ responses. alcohol and inner-city communities alcohol outlets were a major focus of activism in some commu- nities, and it is no surprise that many respondents discussed the problems associated with liquor stores as a reason for communi- ties to mobilize. three aspects of these outlets made them prob- reasons for mobilizing reason for mobilizing percentage (n = ) problems with alcohol outlets % crime and disorder % drug problems % nuisance problems % public drinking/community alcohol-related problems % alcohol marketing/sales % individual/family/youth alcohol-related problems % local issues % lack of community services % general community problems % lematic in the minds of informants. first was the notion that an overconcentration of outlets exists in inner-city, poor, and ethnic-minority communities, especially compared with the con- centration in suburban neighborhoods. respondents comment- ed on the sheer number of these establishments, particularly in environments that lacked other retail amenities. for example, an informant from milwaukee said people were prompted to mobi- lize when they realized the number of alcohol outlets was harm- ful to youth. he pointed out that “a child could go to every sin- gle corner and buy a beer or blunt cigarette, with some blocks having two or three establishments in a one-block radius.” second, the selling practices in liquor outlets were viewed as problematic. some of the outlets were known for providing alcoholic beverages or tobacco to minors, or for selling drug paraphernalia and outdated or spoiled food. table alcohol outlets third, a number of respondents characterized alcohol outlets as magnets for crime and neighborhood disorder. these inter- viewees described the association of the outlets with violence, drug dealing, prostitution, loitering, public drinking, neigh- borhood blight (urban dilapidation and decay), and intimida- tion of neighborhood residents. for example, a respondent from los angeles, a police officer, said people started to get involved because of blight in the neighborhood caused by out- lets and storeowners: “the blight of south central los angeles, if i can really characterize it in , was a wild wild west time. it’s hard to imagine that there was so much disregard for not only the law, but for the safety of children and people.” this respondent said store owners had the atti- tude “i’m just here to make, to have, a business, and i don’t care what i affect or who i do.” he went on to describe a num- ber of offensive selling practices of store owners: displaying pornographic materials in the window, in view of children; having arcade machines and allowing kids to use them; selling materials not included in their license; allowing people to con- sume on the premises; and selling gang attire and drug para- phernalia. he pointed out: one of the places on normandie and florence, where the riots began . . . actually fueled the riots. they were selling alcohol through the bar doors to the rioters. after they drank it, they threw the bottles at vehicles going down the street. they were using ’em to go across the street. . . . fill ’em up with gas so they can make molotovs out of ’em. in milwaukee, an informant stated that people mobilized because: there were two or three situations where there were killings or other violence connected to taverns in central city. there were also at least two or three cases where taverns that were known to be really kind of out of control and serious problems in the commu- nity, very visible, would get renewals of their license. . . . and there was two or three times when distributors used symbolic advertising to promote alcohol among minority teenagers. and one in particular that stood out because we did some initial work on it, and were suc- cessful. they designed the bottle so that the handle of it. . . looked like the shape of a gun. it had the ripples on it, you know, you’d hold the gun tight and it was called the gripper. alcohol and inner-city communities many of the informants stated that people were motivated to get involved with alcohol policy efforts to address problems with crime, particularly violent crime, in their neighborhoods. for example, one respondent from raleigh said, “the key issue in the minds of a lotta people in south east raleigh is not alco- hol, it’s shootings. it’s crime.” although a few informants viewed crime as a standalone issue, most linked crime with alcohol and drug use or drug dealing, or with the presence of alcohol outlets. in milwaukee, one informant said that commu- nity-based organizations got together and began to work on drug and alcohol issues because “gang members had this whole wells street just infested with gangs and drug activity.” this respondent stated that gang members were standing on top of buildings “just literally shooting down at one another” and that “yw villages was the biggest drug houses in the city.” in san antonio, an informant described a particularly violent and dis- turbing incident related to alcohol use that prompted people to mobilize. a young man inherited a house from his parents and had many friends and people coming there all the time: alcohol ruled the day with those young people. . . . the street was noisy. many of the neighbors could not even rest at night . . . could not sleep for the noise, the police calls. . . . i don’t know whether it was a year later or maybe some months later . . . murder was the end result in that house. . . . they murdered a man and wrapped him in a big rug or carpet and left him in the garage. . . . it wasn’t until later that the neighbors discerned that foul smell and, my god, it upset the whole neighborhood. . . . and that was alcoholism. respondents also discussed the relationship between alcohol outlets and crime. a woman from los angeles described instances of shootings and deaths that occurred at a liquor store: there was a woman whose son had just died right two doors from her house in a shootout there i had witnessed. . . . i was driving home, and the liquor store that was on main and th. . . . you have no idea that gunfire is gonna start. . . . i was just coming home, i was getting ready to turn, and all at once i heard this eck-eck-eck- eck-eck-eck. and in that instant they killed four or five people at that liquor store with that uzi thing. . . . gang lord or whatever killed. . . . didn’t kill the owner, killed the young guy working behind the counter . . . killed three people out in front. . . . i mean, crime just that quick. it was like a war out there. . . . and we felt very sure that the liquor stores are the magnet for that type of crime. in baltimore, an informant stated that if an ordinary man goes into a liquor store to purchase a six pack and “he gotta pull money out of his pocket to pay for this stuff, guys see money coming out of his pocket, so he doesn’t know which of these people has intentions to rob him.” as a result, he said i can’t even go and buy a beer without being afraid. . . . it’s a very noble thing for black people to get together along with organiza- tions like the cpha and say we wanna change things. . . that the black community don’t want things to stay the way they are. . . . a ghetto don’t start as being ghettos, they become ghettos. according to informants, drug problems played a central role in mobilizing communities to action regarding alcohol policy. the s crack epidemic increased the prevalence of sub- stance abuse problems as well drug dealing, crime, and blight. some activists, particularly those in california, described how responding to neighborhood problems regarding drugs led to community action and the formation of ongoing organizations. one informant from oakland said, “the people of good will and a majority of the people of oakland. . . were disgusted and fed up and wanted a better life for themselves and their chil- dren.” he indicated that the killing and funeral of the notori- ous drug dealer, felix mitchell, was the key event that moti- vated the community and eventually led to the establishment of the oakland crack task force: a new inspiration came, and i think the seminal event for this response was the incident where the infamous drug dealer was killed after being a notorious drug dealer in east oakland. he was killed and. . . they had his funeral down east th . . . and it was opulent and glorifying, as if he was some kind of a citywide hero . . . and it was just disgusting for me and disgusting for most of the community. so, you know, i complained to pastor smith . . . and he said, ‘we need to have a march, but we need to march for righteousness.’ . . . so we went organizing . . . and we had about , , , , in the street that marched for righteousness. . . . and from the spin out of this march . . . we decided to establish the oakland crack task force. alcohol and inner-city communities drugs in los angeles in , activists organized a -day conference that brought together about people to focus on the impact of crack on the inner city and on strategies for progressive social change. this became the mandate to create the community coalition for substance abuse prevention and treatment that was the pivotal organization in the s alco- hol policy movement. one of the respondents from los angeles stated that people attended the conference because “the problem was there, it has not gone away, it’s only com- pounded itself to include the psychedelics and the drugs of choice, along with alcoholism now, so it’s just one big cesspool of substance that permeates the community.” another activist from los angeles emphasized the role of crack prices in starting the coalition and movement: so the coalition came about as a result of the crack prices, not of the alcohol prices. . . . we always knew that there was liquor stores all over the place . . . but it was the crack cocaine that started [the] movement and allowing the community to start saying, ‘i can have some control here’ because the gangs were rampant, the crack was rampant, and there was a liquor store on every corner and [the] community was feeling very disenfranchised, very separated, you know, very under seige. and here was an opportunity for the com- munity to start talking. and for the first time, it was a chance for them to come together and talk with each other. and once they started talking and finding out that they had some power . . . it’s about letting our hope have the knowledge. you gotta transfer the knowledge from those who have it to those who don’t have it . . . to allow them to take control of where they live, to take control of who’s in their community, and give them the same power that the other communities already have. parallel strategies appeared in other parts of the country, as indicated by an informant from milwaukee who stated, “i think people were looking for something to organize around, and cocaine, freebase cocaine, came on the scene, and people started hearing all these things that mothers were doing to their children . . . and that was a catalyst.” activists’ concerns focused on two major issues. first, some traced the escalation of social problems in neighborhoods and with alcohol outlets to the infusion of epidemic levels of cocaine in the s. for example, a respondent from los angeles believed the influx of cocaine intensified problems with liquor stores in the community: “even though liquor stores were always a problem ‘cause winos hang around, you never had the sense that winos were dangerous. [but] crack addicts are another story. they would rob their own mother. so the crack heads . . . gave us the issues of liquor stores.” another informant from los angeles suggested that liquor stores were a magnet for crime and drug dealing: “the tele- phone is right there where the drug dealer sells it. he stands there day and night”; in addition, “the liquor store owner keeps a steady clientele of drug users by cashing their checks, providing them drug paraphernalia and processed foods.” from a similar perspective, an oakland activist described a local bar where drug dealing and violence took place, and eventually four people died from using black tar heroin. she stated, “look at the whole picture of drug dealing, the people that were visiting the bar, the coming and the going, people under the influence, a bartender being shot . . . not being able to walk past the corner. . . . they sold drugs in there.” other respondents focused on the problems with homeless people and loiterers addicted to both alcohol and drugs, alco- hol as the gateway to and substitute for harder drugs, and the problems with violence and crime that were tied to drug deal- ing and threatened the personal safety of residents. one activist in raleigh said people mobilized: ‘cause they saw the deterioration, the consumption of beer and wine all day long. . . . it makes the community unsafe because of the crime that [is] associated with it [as the drinkers find] ways that they can continue to find money to consume their alcohol addiction and their drug addiction. . . . alcohol and drugs are to be thrown in there together. the only difference is drugs are illegal. another respondent from san antonio stated: we saw so many people blocking the streets. . . in the broad day- time. . . . some of the members of my community might be going alcohol and inner-city communities into church on sunday mornings and they would get so far on bellinger street and cannot go any further because of all of these wayward and itinerant people were standing in the street, and most of them were looking dazed and looking strange, either with alco- hol or dope. so we knew then that we needed to report on [this] and that’s how we got the detectives and of course the area police involved. nuisance problems (e.g., loitering, littering, gambling, public urination, excessive noise) related to public drinking were among the most frequently cited alcohol-specific reasons for mobilizing. respondents described the nuisances as pervasive and as having an ongoing deleterious effect on community life. an informant from raleigh stated that many people were offended because drinkers dropped their bottles wherever they drank, “so it’s just litter, litter, litter. trashy. it was just terri- ble.” a respondent from oakland said people got involved because they wanted a better community: “they don’t want drunk people defecating or urinating or throwing up in front of their doors.” harassment from drinkers and fears for personal safety were particular concerns voiced by respondents as reasons for neighborhoods to mobilize. one baltimore community mem- ber stated that “people were afraid to even go down to the cor- ner to check on their mailboxes in the evening because the alcoholics were standing around there. they got tired of pick- ing up liquor bottles on their front lawns. it had brought the neighborhood down. they don’t call the police because the drunks just move on and return when the police are gone.” a respondent from milwaukee said people mobilized out of a general “appreciation on the part of homeowners that there seemed to be a lot more people walking around the streets with bottles and finding them, and having to clean them up for your property every day. i can’t tell you how many bottles i pick up from this property on a weekly basis.” according to this respondent, the general nuisance, drunken arguments, profanity, and decline in civility also contributed to antialco- hol mobilization efforts. nuisance problems informants discussed the role of public drinking and commu- nity alcohol-related problems in mobilizing communities to action. consuming alcohol in public was often associated with the kinds of nuisances described in previous sections, as well as with addiction, unemployment, and homelessness. one informant from raleigh said people mobilized because of a number of neighborhood quality-of-life issues, including con- stant exposure to public drinking: you know unemployed alcoholic guys who are hanging out in your neighborhood. . . . it’s an all-day thing . . . you know, two o’clock in the afternoon, guys are hanging out drinking, drinking thunder- bird or [at] eleven o’clock in the morning. . . . so the effect on the neighborhood is not just at night, it’s all day and all night. another activist from san antonio said people became active because of a problem with drug dealing and public drinking that affected neighborhood children: there was an elementary school in the very near area [neighbor- hood behind the sonny mitchell village], and the children were passing every day and seeing drug deals going down, and seeing people standing on the street corners drinking alcohol, drinking beer. and it was just a bad situation and a bad image for our young people. a respondent from milwaukee described the problems with youth consuming alcohol and drugs in neighborhood areas as a reason people mobilized around alcohol policy issues: alcohol and drugs bring big groups of young people standing around in your yard. you can’t never get in your house. they’ll sit on your steps just like they own it, just like they live there, and then you’ll find ’em drunk, laying around in your house and all of that. it’s real scary. in addition to describing problems with public drinking, informants in the study commented that people became active in alcohol policy work because of the impact alcohol problems had on neighborhoods. they emphasized the fact that prob- lems with alcohol often have wide-ranging negative effects on communities, causing a number of social ills and problems alcohol and inner-city communities public drinking and community alcohol- related problems that result in community devastation and deterioration. an informant from san antonio said what motivated people was activists helping people make: the connection between alcohol and the devastating impact that it can have. . . . it’s true with human nature [to say] if nothing’s hurt- ing me, why do i care? we had to change the face of addiction for the broader community, so that they understood that this kinda problem was not just a black or brown problem, and that the issues, the strategies, we needed to address that, were critical to every community. . . . half of the sexual assaults that happened last year to girls under was happening when folks were drinking too much. . . . so, getting them to realize, ‘look, this is your neighbor, what do you think is causing it?’. . . . you keep peeling off the onion, and people get down to some very basic things that are going on in their neighborhood. and they have got to change. respondents in the study described problems related to the sale and marketing of alcoholic beverages that led people to participate in alcohol policy activities. these problems included the presence of billboards and other kinds of media advertising alcohol and tobacco in inner-city areas and ethnic-minority neighborhoods; targeted marketing tactics that promote alco- holic beverages to vulnerable population groups, such as ethnic minorities, youth, and poor communities; problems with exces- sive alcohol availability in ethnic communities, particularly for- tified beverages and those in large container sizes, such as the -ounce size; and the unequal exposure of ethnic minority and poor communities to alcohol-sales venues. several communities developed specific antialcohol billboard campaigns, and one informant from detroit discussed how he became involved in this kind of local action. he described an alcohol billboard for wild irish rose whiskey that was mount- ed on the side of a church adjacent to a shelter for runaway girls: “the sign had a woman who appeared to be naked, doing a back bend.” this respondent photographed the adver- tisement and surveyed people about why the community accepted this type of behavior. in milwaukee, an informant stated that people mobilized around billboards because of alcohol sales and marketing problems their overexposure, compared with the exposure of residents in other areas: “every time you went around and looked up, you saw a billboard. and we decided to count ’em up one time. and when we counted, we saw the overconcentration of the billboards compared to some of the outlying areas.” in baltimore, an informant focused on the targeted marketing of pint-sized alcoholic juice drinks to african americans: we just feel it’s just another case of coming to the urban black communities and exploiting folks. and that’s what pissed people off. . . . we were ready to take it to the streets and boycott the stores that sold it. . . . it was just vile, they just violated our community. so it wasn’t hard to get people motivated around that. this informant also said people were motivated to address the billboard problem because they were feeling violated and out- raged that the billboards were targeted at black communities. in detroit, activists focused on problems with selling - ounce size bottles of malt liquor. one informant said they cre- ated the “denounce the ounce” campaign to address the ever-increasing size of malt liquor bottles: the enabling factor is the accessibility. . . . it’s relatively inexpen- sive, which means that the young people, even poor people, they can afford it and they continue to make it affordable. they are increasing the dosage, and that’s where we came up with these all these denounce the ounce. because first it was ounce, now it’s ounce and ounce. . . . and now we understand that frankly they are planning a ounce. . . . and all of that is enabling the youths. . . . in one sitting, you’re supposed to consume [it]. informants in the study contrasted the alcohol-related prob- lems in inner cities with those in the suburbs, and their rela- tive role as reasons to mobilize. a respondent from los angeles said, “people [in our community] had been living with the problems for a long time—middle-aged people with jobs, homes, and they were putting up with needles and used condoms on their front lawns—things that wouldn’t be toler- ated in beverly hills.” for others, the comparison focused on alcohol and inner-city communities overexposure to alcohol outlets or advertising, compared with the exposure in other communities. a respondent from milwaukee said one of the reasons people mobilized was because of “the proliferation and the problems resulting from alcohol, especially in the inner city. . . . we don’t have as many outlets in the suburbs, or as many problems as a result of that. we wanted to try to make things less intense as far as liquor [is concerned].” echoing this perspective, a respondent from raleigh said: if you go to north raleigh, which is. . . kind of our ‘nice’ part of town, you do not see this proliferation of outlets. . . . in the poorer parts of our town, and this is just as true in the black part of town as . . . what’s considered . . . the white part of town. the poor sec- tions have lots of abc permits [state alcohol beverage control licenses to sell distilled liquors] being permitted. in heavy densities, too. i mean, lots of permits in little areas. what does that bring with it? the city of durham recently did a study as well as the city of charlotte did a study of violent crime in relation to abc permits, and they found that the vast majority of crime, of violent crime, was occurring . . . within a certain radius of the abc establishments. informants discussed problem-drinking experiences that influ- enced mobilization regarding alcohol policies. for adults, these mainly consisted of references to alcoholism or problem drinking and driving under the influence. for example, one informant from oakland mentioned that his own addiction made him conscious of alcohol-related issues, although mur- ders linked to alcohol use really motivated people. a respon- dent from milwaukee pointed out that some people drink as a coping mechanism, and was careful not to judge drinkers because “it’s just the conditions which we live under.” respondents also mentioned youth drinking and alcohol- related problems and family alcohol problems, such as domes- tic violence. combining the themes of drinking and driving and youth alcohol-related issues, an informant from san antonio stated that people mobilized when two major accidents affected the community: individual, family, and youth alcohol- related problems well, we had a couple of really egregious accidents. one that was a few years ago was a young man who was a good guy, worked hard, helped his family. and he had been married and divorced, and his first wife had left him with their -month-old baby, which he pretty much raised himself. she was about , and he was about to be remarried. and there was a horrible rainstorm in the middle of the afternoon, and this man and his little girl were driving, and they saw a car with a flat tire and a woman by it in the rain. and even though he passed it, he got off the expressway and came back around and went up to help her change the tire, just because he was that kind of guy. and a drunk driver, in the middle of the afternoon, came along and hit him so hard he decapitated his body right in front of his daughter. and that really mobilized a lot of people in the community. about the same time, a couple of high school stu- dents died. those kinds of things were what really got the public’s attention. just recently, in the past year, we had a drunk driver in the middle of the day run off the side of the road into a construction site, where a road crew was working, and kill a father and son. so that, as horrible as those things have been, that’s what it took to get some public attention. in many areas, particularly in rural areas, there are just no checks on alcohol use. it’s real easy for kids to obtain alcohol, and there aren’t a lot of negative consequences even it they’re caught in possession of it. aside from the topics described thus far, informants men- tioned local issues that spurred activism around alcohol poli- cy issues. most of the issues referred to particularly gruesome crimes or the drinking and the driving accidents described in previous sections, and alcohol outlets that were especially problematic. however, in los angeles, several respondents mentioned the civil unrest that occurred in the wake of the rodney king trial decision in . during this period, a number of alcohol outlets were severely damaged or destroyed, and surrendered their licenses. due to commu- nity activism, many did not reopen. some informants also mentioned that mobilization occurred in their communities in response to the lack of city services and amenities, such as lack of youth centers or police services, and general social problems within their neighborhoods. alcohol and inner-city communities discussion as described in the previous sections, activists interviewed in this study expressed many concerns about the role of alcohol outlets in neighborhoods as magnets for social ills; the debilitat- ing effects of crime, drugs, and alcohol consumption on commu- nity life; the plethora of nuisances associated with alcohol and drug use; and social inequities in the marketing of alcohol in inner city areas and to vulnerable population groups. as such, a much broader range of complaints were expressed in this study, compared with the range of concerns about alcohol problems associated with other alcohol-related movements. for example, mothers against drunk drivers (madd) focused on the com- paratively narrow issue of increasing criminal and legislative sanctions to penalize drunk drivers. renairman’s ( ) analysis described how that movement came to prominence because of the persuasive appeal of the outraged mothers who led the move- ment, its resonance with the conservative republican political context ethos of law and order, and with the alcohol beverage industry’s focus on the deviance of individual drinkers and not on potential harm from consuming the product itself. in contrast with the suburban base and values represented by madd, the perspectives espoused by inner-city activists in the present study articulated the problems experienced by citizens who felt trapped in decaying inner-city environments during a period of rising crime rates, the appearance of the crack cocaine epidemic, and new forms of alcohol advertising and marketing campaigns directed at young african american males. the concern with crime and violence reflected in informants’ responses is paralleled by the upsurge in violent crime statis- tics for this period. violent crime rates in the united states rose substantially from the s through the early s. an analysis of violent crime rates from through found an increase of % in violent crime until (gould, weinberg, & mustard, , p. ). among youth, a surge of violent crime started in the mid s and continued through ; according to cook and laub ( , p. ): the increase was concentrated among black males: between and , the homicide-victimization rate more than tripled for thirteen to seventeen year old adolescents, and the homicide-com- mission rate increased by a factor of . , reaching levels with no precedent in this century. cook and laub pointed out that the leading explanation for the upsurge in youth violence was the introduction of crack cocaine and the conflicts surrounding selling and distributing these drugs. young african american males were the primary purveyors of crack in most cities, and therefore were on the front lines in battles over territory and control. cook and laub also argued that the crack trade introduced new patterns of gun carrying, interpersonal aggression, and gang membership that perpetuated violence even after the height of the crack trade ebbed: for many youths, the response to the increased threat of violence [in the drug trade] was to carry a gun or join a gang for self-protec- tion, while adopting a more aggressive interpersonal style). guns are of central importance in this account. the drug trade has pro- vided dealers with the financial means and the incentive, as well as the connections, that facilitate their access to black-market sources of guns. the same fears that promote gun acquisition have also encouraged street youths to carry their guns when they go out in public. since guns are a more deadly instrument than knives or fists and relatively easy to use, the result has been an increased lethality or intensification of violence among youths. this problem has been further exacerbated by a change in the mix of guns on the street, with an infusion of large-calibre pistols replacing revolvers). after the drug wars quieted, the guns and the fear remained, and so did the killing. (p. ) kelley ( ) described the police brutality and criminaliza- tion of black youth that helped fuel violence in some commu- nities. he reported that scenes of police brutality reminiscent of what occurred following the rodney king trial were well known to los angeles residents, as were countless other expe- riences, such as the killing of eula love (who was shot to death by police in a conflict over a $ gas bill in ); “fif- teen deaths caused by lapd choke holds” (p. ); and alcohol and inner-city communities operation hammer, in which almost , black youth were picked up for merely looking “suspicious” (p. ). as indicated in previous sections, the crack cocaine epidemic was implicated in the wave of violence engulfing communities during this period. in addition to violence, the crack epidemic compounded the health and social problems experienced in inner-city communities. crack, a freebase form of cocaine known for its highly addictive qualities, became cheaply and widely available in america’s inner communities in the s. although cocaine use peaked in , the level of crack abusers remained extremely high throughout the s. national household studies indicated that african americans and latinos had higher rates of cocaine use ( . % and . %, respectively), compared with the rates of whites, who used at a rate of . % (cornish & o’brien, ). however, rates in inner-city neighborhoods probably were much higher, as indi- cated by arrests statistics in the s: the drug forecasting system shows that % of arrestees tested positive for cocaine at arrest in manhattan, about % in los ange- les and washington, d.c, and over % in chicago, dallas, hous- ton, new orleans, and birmingham. (p. ) according to cornish and o’brien, crack use was associated with increased rates of sexually transmitted diseases (stds), including syphilis and human immunodeficiency virus (hiv), due to engaging in high-risk sexual practices, such as unpro- tected sex work in exchange for drugs. johnson, williams, dei, and sanabria ( ) pointed out that drug dealing in inner cities threatened the safety of these neighborhoods and that drug abuse had contributed to the economic decline of most users and sellers, as well as to “an environment of poor health and risk of death at an early age, and a weakening of family relationships” (p. ). during the same period that crack use rapidly expanded in america’s inner cities, alcohol advertising targeted to african american audiences dramatically increased. alaniz and wilkes ( ) pointed out that after the s, advertisers dis- covered the buying power of ethnic minorities and began to actively court these audiences through segmented marketing practices effective at reaching diverse elements of the popula- tion, based on characteristics such as gender, age, race, and geography. the alcohol industry in particular developed highly visible campaigns, starting in the s. a critical feature of the new campaigns was the use of ethnic-specific communica- tion channels, actors, organizations, and cultural symbols. alaniz and wilkes stated, “corporations found that their advertising dollars could go farther, longer and deeper through a more direct infusion strategy into the organizations, streets, and celebrations of ethnic minority communities” (p. ). in addition, as a result of pressure during the civil rights era, more ethnic minorities were hired into corporate sectors in the alcohol industry, and placed more attention on advertising within their constituent communities, based on sales potential. the new focus on ethnic minorities, particularly african american youth, resulted not only in the use of culturally tai- lored advertising, but in the promotion of specific kinds of products, sized, priced, and packaged for widespread and easy distribution in inner-city neighborhoods. the development of very large single servings of malt liquor (e.g., ounce), priced sometimes as cheaply as $ . , promoted through the use of rap music artists, is an example of this kind of approach. herd ( , p. ) stated: one of the most prominent and controversial marketing campaigns over the period of this study used rap singers to promote st. ides, a malt liquor that boasts the highest alcohol content of any mass pro- duced beer ( . % by volume). well-known rap groups and individual performers such as epmd, geto boys, ice cube and yoyo aired a number of radio and television ads, some of which associate alcohol with explicitly sexual and violent themes. for example, a rap commer- cial aired on mtv by ice cube asserted that st. ides “gets your girl in the mood quicker” and “gets your jimmy [penis] thicker.” another commercial asserted that st. ides makes the drinker “bold like smith and wesson (a major firearm manufacturer and maker of the famous . magnum and the . special guns) and “sharp as a blade.” alcohol and inner-city communities in addition to being promoted through direct advertisements, st. ides was extensively used in john singleton’s “boyz in the hood,” a coming-of-age film about black adolescents in south central los angeles. the film’s star, ice cube, a well-known rap artist, is constantly seen drinking and carrying -ounce bottles of st. ides. after the movie debuted: liquor store owners reported such brisk sales of st. ides that shelves of the malt liquor were completely emptied. the los ange- les distributor of st. ides stated that he was forced to ration the stock, since demand for the product rapidly outpaced normal sup- plies. (herd, , p. ) other examples of malt liquors targeted specifically at black con- sumers included powermaster, the cobra, and old english . other research indicates that inner-city communities of this period had higher rates of alcohol and tobacco advertising on billboards and through the proliferation of alcohol outlets in these neighborhoods than did other communities (alaniz & wilkes, ; altman, schooler, & basil, ). for example, altman et al. showed that in san francisco, african american neighborhoods had the highest rate of billboards per , population; that these neighborhoods had proportionately more tobacco and alcohol billboards than did white or asian neighborhoods; and that african american neighborhoods were more likely to have billboards advertising malt liquor. against the backdrop of increasing levels of violence, the crack epidemic, and new aggressive marketing campaigns for alco- holic beverages was a rise in poverty and an overall decline and deterioration of inner-city neighborhoods during the s. wacquant and wilson ( ) argued that urban conditions dur- ing this period were at a crisis level because “joblessness and economic exclusion” had reached “dramatic proportions” and triggered a process of “hyperghettoization” (p. ). they point- ed out that urban blacks during this era differed from those of previous years and from poor whites because they had become increasingly concentrated in dilapidated urban areas suffering from extreme social and economic marginalization. their analysis showed that, in chicago, the level of impoverished blacks residing in extreme poverty areas increased from % to % from to , and that similar patterns were evi- dent throughout the nation: “by this date, a full % of all poor blacks in the largest american cities lived in extreme pover- ty tracts, contrasted with % a decade before, and with only % of poor non-hispanic whites” (p. ). sassen’s ( ) review of nationwide trends drew similar con- clusions. his analyses showed that the concentration of poverty in large cities had increased and that the racial gap in poverty levels expanded considerably: controlling for race we can see increasing differentials between whites and blacks as of , with the urban poverty rate of blacks reaching a level triple that of whites in ; median income of black families in the cities has lost ground relative to that of blacks in the suburbs and to whites generally, and the concentration of blacks in large cities has increased while that of whites has decreased. (p. ) this study also showed that major urban cities experienced net job losses, ranging from , in boston to , in detroit, while suburban areas registered net gains (p. ). the loss of jobs and economic standing among residents in these areas was accompanied not only by the physical decline of neighborhoods, but also by the undermining of social soli- darity and social control and by the influx of drugs and crim- inal activity (wacquant & wilson, ). within this social context, the activists in the present study defined alcohol problems as part of the equation linking crime and drugs with social disorder and the breakdown of commun - ity life. as described previously, these informants were vocal about the negative role of alcohol outlets in neighborhoods as magnets for social ills, the debilitating effect of crime and drugs and public drinking on neighborhood life, the proliferation of public nuisances associated with alcohol and drug use, and social inequity in marketing and selling alcoholic beverages. alcohol and inner-city communities in contrast to other ways of framing alcohol problems that focus on individual experiences of problem drinking or addic- tion (reinarman, ; room, ), respondents in this study were primarily concerned with what they perceived as the damaging effects of alcohol use and sales that occur with- in the public sphere of everyday neighborhood life (e.g., the constant presence of intoxicated or drugged men and women standing on corners or wandering the streets; drinking alco- holic beverages from open containers; and using the streets as toilets and trash receptacles in view of children, the elderly, and churchgoers). undoubtedly, an underlying source of fric- tion for activists in the study, and for neighborhood residents, is the relative lack of separation between the commercial con- text for selling and consuming alcoholic beverages and the environment of residential areas. concerns about the spillover of nuisances (e.g., noise, litter, and loiterers) into local neigh- borhoods and their effect on neighborhood esthetics, quality of life, and property values arose from the lack of spatial or structural buffers for selling and drinking alcohol and related behavior. hence, respondents made references to the problems caused by open-air bars in neighborhoods where residents were trying to keep up property values and provide safe and attractive places for children to play. however, one of the strongest themes to emerge in the study was the construction of the alcohol problem as an integral part of the escalating waves of violence and of the crack cocaine epidemic that engulfed these communities. alcohol outlets, which were generally viewed as benign or moderately prob- lematic before the crack epidemic, became interpreted as mag- nets for violence, crime, and social disorder. liquor stores appeared to be at the epicenter of neighborhood crime waves, with homicides occurring on and surrounding the premises, as well as other illegal activities (e.g., sales of drugs and drug paraphernalia, and prostitution). the violence surrounding drug sales and use created an aura of constant danger and the erosion of ordinary mechanisms of social control in the minds of residents and activists. finally, the escalation of alcoholic beverage marketing, espe- cially in the form of high-octane beverages, embedded in gang culture mythology appeared to add fuel to the fire, both in terms of increasing the level of visible intoxication along with drug use, and in terms of increasing violence levels because of the disinhibiting effects of alcohol. in addition, the dispropor- tionate burden minority communities bore in terms of the dis- tribution of alcohol outlets and billboard advertising was viewed as evidence of social inequity, which was heightened by the lack of alternative businesses and services. the funneling of these concerns led activists to define social ills in terms of problems associated with alcohol sales and marketing. in the minds of activists, working to decrease or limit alcohol sales and promotion venues provided a policy lever to reduce neighborhood centers of crime and drug deal- ing; reduce nuisance behaviors and problems of social order related to public drinking; shield neighborhoods and resi- dences from risky commercial enterprises; and assert claims for equal protection in exposure to environmental blight and hazards (e.g., excessive billboards and liquor stores). the construction of alcohol problems by these activists pro- vides a sharp contrast to how alcohol problems were framed by madd, a social movement that came to prominence to years before alcohol-related activism in inner-city neigh- borhoods peaked. madd was preoccupied with attacks on drunk drivers and on calling attention to drinking and driving as “america’s most frequently committed violent crime” and the “only socially acceptable form of homicide” (reinarman, , p. ). drunk driving was interpreted solely in terms of individual deviance and responsibility, without considering the impact of environmental or corporate concerns that affect alcohol promotion, availability, and consumption. the poli- cies advocated by madd sought to punish drunk drivers, but advocated self-regulation of the alcohol, advertising, and broad- cast industries. reinarman traced this focus to the victim’s- rights orientation of the movement, its compatibility with the alcohol and inner-city communities law and order campaign of the nixon administration, and the policies and ideology of ronald reagan and the new right. the strong divergence in the social construction of alcohol problems by activists in this study, compared with the con- struction favored by madd members, exemplifies the differ- ences in the social context of these groups and in their social position within american society. the suburban, largely middle- class and white constituency of madd gave birth to a move- ment in which alcohol problems were narrowly defined and individually focused; in contrast, inner-city groups beset with the problems of urban blight, poverty, violence, drugs, crime, and corporate marketing aimed at minorities defined alcohol problems in much broader terms, with a specific focus on environmental solutions that target corporate and business interests. the findings from this study affirm the importance of analyz- ing the social construction of problems within social move- ments, and illustrate how the social context helps shape the interpretation and response to social and health problems. they also provide insight into the construction of these prob- lems among inner city and minority groups, who have had little voice in creating the dominant frameworks for address- ing alcohol problems, which like those used in other health- promotion efforts, focus on changing individual lifestyles (tesh, ). alaniz, m. l., & wilkes, c. 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( ). a tale of two cities: policies and practices in the local control of alcohol availability. berkeley, ca: social research group, school of public health, university of california, berkeley. copyright of contemporary drug problems is the property of federal legal publications inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. however, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. microsoft word - final version.doc multiculturalism and sectarianism in post-agreement northern ireland peter geoghegan phd university of edinburgh - ii - abstract this dissertation contributes to existing scholarship on contemporary multiculturalism. it does so by exploring how multicultural agendas are operationalised in northern ireland – a society divided along sectarian lines. as the political violence of the conflict has receded, northern ireland has witnessed unprecedented levels of in-migration. this dissertation seeks to understand how, as northern irish society is increasingly being conceived of as culturally diverse, emerging multicultural agendas interact with embedded sectarianism. the empirical research focuses on the political institutions and policies pertaining to northern ireland as a whole, and the specific activities and social practices of various ethnically-identified minorities, voluntary organisations and anti-racist movements in selected areas of belfast. the research involved interviews with civil servants, policy makers, ethnically-identified minorities, voluntary groups and anti-racist activists. this dissertation argues that a government concern for managing cultural diversity can be understood as part of a process of ‘normalising’ northern ireland after the conflict. however, a persistent sectarianism complicates, and often impedes, the advancement of multicultural, and particularly anti-racist, agendas. this argument is developed through an exploration of policy and institutional structures, anti-racist campaigns and responses to racialised violence, as well as initiatives that seek to recognise and celebrate cultural diversity. this dissertation shows that the relationship between sectarianism and multiculturalism in post-agreement northern ireland is not unidirectional. instead, the two processes are deeply imbricated with each other: multicultural initiatives are shaped by sectarianism, and sectarianism persists in emergent multicultural imaginaries. this said, the dissertation suggests that multiculturalism is also capable of disrupting sectarian constructions of space and identity in northern ireland. based on these findings, this dissertation argues that cultural diversity provides an opportunity to denaturalise the social structures and narratives which reproduce sectarianism. it is argued that this process could play an important role in advancing the construction of a socially cohesive and multicultural northern ireland. - iii - acknowledgements over the last four years so many people helped me in different ways that it would be impossible to do them all justice here, but, of course, some people stand out for special thanks. first, my sincere thanks go to jane jacobs and jan penrose, my two supervisors. they stuck by me throughout; always on hand with help, advice and motivational talks when needed, and i owe this dissertation to them. the research for this dissertation would not have been possible without the generous sponsorship i received from the institute of geography at the university of edinburgh. i would also like to thank the spirit centre at the university of aalborg (and the marie curie foundation) for allowing me to spend four wonderful months in denmark. i would also like to say a special thank you to all the participants in this research; so many of whom went out of their way to help me. the help (and, dare i say it, occasional hindrance) of my friends and family was always vital. in my early days in edinburgh, barry and susie were always there for me; later joined by ruairi, brid, ralph and andy. in belfast, i was met with so much goodwill that i’ve never really left since. special thanks to lewis, stuart, karen, romana and many others for making me feel at home and then constantly distracting me with gigs to go to, pubs to drink in and plays to review. thanks also to the geography department at queens university, belfast, and particularly ian shuttleworth, for allowing me to use their facilities for the duration of my fieldwork in belfast. cheers also to my fellow postgrads in edinburgh who put up with me breezing in about once every six months, making a horrible mess and leaving again. special thanks to omar, nick and sebastian for helping with the formatting on the dissertation, and to charlie for being a good friend and an even better example for me to finish up. it wasn’t always easy, but it was the inspiration provided by mike mcqueen, ealasaid and greg dulli that got me through the difficult last few months. and a special thanks to my brother, robbie. this dissertation is dedicated to my mum mary melvin geoghegan and my grandfather alfred melvin. their love, support and faith has helped me through this, and every other curveball life has thrown. cheers. - iv - declaration of originality i hereby declare that the dissertation has been composed by me, that it is my own work and that it has not been submitted for any other degree or professional qualification. parts of this dissertation have been published as ‘beyond orange and green? the awkwardness of negotiating difference in northern ireland’ in irish studies review ( ): - . this paper is reproduced, with the permission of routledge publishing, as appendix v. peter geoghegan - v - abbreviations aia anglo-irish agreement bbc british broadcasting corporation ccru central community relations unit cda critical discourse analysis ceo chief executive officer cerd committee on the elimination of racial discrimination crc community relations council cre commission for racial equality crj community restorative justice cru community relations unit csu community safety unit cwa chinese welfare association dca department of constitutional affairs dsd department of social development dup democratic unionist party ecni equality commission for northern ireland gaa gro gaelic athletic association good relations officer ira irish republican army mp member of parliament ni northern ireland nia northern ireland assembly nicem northern ireland council for ethnic minorities nihrc northern ireland human rights commission nio northern ireland office nisra northern ireland statistics and research agency ofmdfm office of the first minister and deputy first minister pd people’s democracy psni police service of northern ireland psp prisoner’s support program pup progressive unionist party reu racial equality unit - vi - rra rro race relations act race relations order ruc royal ulster constabulary sachr standing advisory committee on human rights sca springfield charitable association sdlp social democratic and labour party tsn targeting social need uda ulster defence association uff ulster freedom fighters uk united kingdom ukup united kingdom unionist party uup ulster unionist party uvf ulster volunteer force warn west against racism network - vii - contents abstract ........................................................................................................................ ii acknowledgements ......................................................................................................iii declaration of originality........................................................................................... iv abbreviations ............................................................................................................... v list of figures ............................................................................................................. xi list of tables.............................................................................................................. xii chapter one: introducing the dissertation............................................................. . . introducing and outlining the dissertation........................................................... chapter two: understanding multiculturalism and sectarianism: a review of the literature.............................................................................................................. . . introduction .................................................................................................... . . understanding religious difference ............................................................... . . . geographies of religion............................................................................ . . . existing perspectives on sectarianism in northern ireland...................... . . approaches to understanding multiculturalism ............................................. . . . demographic multiculturalism and racism in multicultural societies...... . . . the politics of recognition ....................................................................... . . . approaches to understanding anti-racism ................................................ . . . reviewing uk multicultural policy ......................................................... . . perspectives on ‘multicultural’ northern ireland ........................................... . . . demographic changes and racism in northern ireland............................ . . . the politics of recognition in northern ireland ....................................... . . . analyses of anti-racism in northern ireland ............................................ . . . research on post-agreement public policy ............................................. . . conclusion....................................................................................................... - viii - chapter three: methodology.................................................................................. . . introduction ..................................................................................................... . . discourse analysis.......................................................................................... . . selecting field sites, sources and informants ................................................ . . data collection and analysis.......................................................................... . . . interviewing through semi-structured interviews .................................... . . . interviewer experiences ........................................................................... . . . transcribing and analysing interview data .............................................. . . . observation .............................................................................................. . . . visual methods......................................................................................... . . limitations of methodology ........................................................................... . . conclusion....................................................................................................... chapter four: setting the scene: an historical overview of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland.................................................................... . . introduction ..................................................................................................... . . a brief history of northern ireland................................................................ . . managing sectarianism: community relations in northern ireland.............. . . the agreement................................................................................................ . . after the agreement........................................................................................ . . migration and diversity in northern ireland .................................................. . . conclusion..................................................................................................... chapter five: managing multiculturalism in a divided society: public policy in northern ireland .................................................................................................... . . introduction ................................................................................................... - ix - . . ‘race’ relations policy during ‘the troubles’.............................................. . . from ‘community relations’ to ‘good relations’: multicultural policy since the agreement ...................................................................................................... . . . managing diversity as ‘normalisation’................................................... . . sketching the institutions of good relations................................................ . . . good relations in the devolved administration ...................................... . . . good relations in the non-devolved administration ............................... . . . good relations in non-governmental public bodies ............................... . . interrogating good relations in post-agreement institutional frameworks . . . fragmented institutional structure ......................................................... . . . separation between devolved and non-devolved institutions and powers .......................................................................................................................... . . . privileging sectarian identities in the agreement’s institutions and practices............................................................................................................ . . conclusion..................................................................................................... chapter six: multicultural agendas in practice: responding to racism and recognising difference .......................................................................................... . . introduction ................................................................................................... . . responding to racism in northern ireland................................................... . . . policing in northern ireland................................................................... . . . visual culture of psni hate crime awareness campaign ....................... . . . ‘they’re not interested in our issues’: policing ‘race’ in northern ireland .......................................................................................................................... . . celebrating cultural diversity ...................................................................... . . . celebrating multiculture(s), essentialising difference............................ . . . recognising cultural difference in sectarian spaces............................... . . . negotiating cultural difference, destabilising sectarianism ................... . . conclusion..................................................................................................... - x - chapter seven: ‘showing your true colours’: the visual culture of anti- racism in west belfast ........................................................................................... . . introduction ................................................................................................... . . spatial segregation and visual culture in northern ireland ........................ . . . murals in northern ireland..................................................................... . . locating anti-racism(s) in west belfast....................................................... . . . republican – warn mural: ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ ................. . . . loyalist – shankill alternatives mural: ‘declare war on racism’ ....... . . . a glimmer of hope? another anti-racist mural ...................................... . . posters and pamphlets................................................................................... . . . warn texts ........................................................................................... . . . ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’.................................................. . . conclusion..................................................................................................... chapter eight: conclusion.................................................................................... . introduction ........................................................................................................ . a review of the dissertation ............................................................................. . concluding reflections on sectarianism, multiculturalism and their outworking in northern ireland ................................................................................................... appendix i: sample letter of introduction .............................................................. appendix ii: interview index................................................................................... appendix iii: sample interview schedules ............................................................. appendix iv: consent form .................................................................................... appendix v published material............................................................................... bibliography............................................................................................................. - xi - list of figures figure . map of northern ireland. figure . racist attacks on ulster’s minorities, belfast telegraph clipping. figure . loyalists blamed for racist attacks, guardian clipping. figure . cover of a racial equality strategy. figure . chart of post-agreement institutional structures. figure . chart of equality directorate, ofmdfm. figure . chart of non-governmental public bodies. figure . psni racial incidents flyer. figure . ‘hate crime is wrong’ poster. figure . brochure for belfast mela. figure . samhain/diwali flyer. figure . map of residential segregation in belfast. figure . map of west belfast. figure . uvf memorial, shankill road. figure . bobby sands mural, falls road. figure . race crime in west belfast, andersonstown news clipping. figure . ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural. figure . fredrick douglass mural. figure . reproduction of ‘fight bigotry’ mural in andersonstown news. figure . ‘declare war on racism’ mural. figure . youths painting ‘declare war on racism’ mural. figure . racialised minorities painting ‘declare war on racism’ mural. figure . ‘multicultural dancing’ at mural launch. figure . map showing location of ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural. figure . ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural (filipino). figure . ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural (english). figure . ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural (irish). figure . front cover warn passport. figure . photo page warn passport. figure . front cover ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’ pamphlet. figure . inside panel ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’ pamphlet. figure . posters from ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’ campaign. -xii- list of tables table . summary of good relations institutions and their policies. table . summary of reallocation of responses to northern ireland census. chapter one introducing the dissertation . . introducing and outlining the dissertation it is clear that people are moving around the globe along new migratory pathways, and in larger numbers, than ever before (abbas ). it is in this context that many commentators have identified the existence of cultural diversity as the defining feature of contemporary western societies (body-gendrot ; kobayashi ). this increased plurality and diversity has precipitated the rise of multiculturalism within the borders of many western nation states (hall ; vasta ). in these contexts, multiculturalism – encompassing a wide range of inclusionary practices and principles – has become the major ideological response and societal adaptation to the presence of cultural diversity (kymlicka ; parekh ; taylor ; vertovec ; a). although multiculturalism is already being critiqued (hesse ), multicultural agendas continue to dominate both policy and academic debates on cultural diversity in society (cohen ). through its engagement with the emergence of multicultural agendas in contemporary northern ireland this dissertation contributes to existing scholarship on contemporary multiculturalism. more specifically, my work investigates what happens when new multicultural visions are brought into a society that is grounded historically in sectarianism. multiculturalism is typically conceived of as a response to issues of ‘race’ and ethnicity in contemporary societies and, indeed, has generally been studied as such (mitchell ; vasta ; vertovec ). despite this burgeoning literature, very little has been written about what happens when multicultural agendas emerge in a society divided along sectarian lines. in looking at multicultural agendas in contemporary northern ireland, my research is unique and represents an important contribution to the literature on multiculturalism in diverse societies. the term ‘race’ was once understood to imply the existence of naturally discrete and discernible groups in human populations. this is no longer the case, and it is now widely accepted that ‘race’ is a socially constructed category; it is common now to talk of ‘racialised’ groups and processes of ‘racialisation’. however, the academic debate surrounding this facet of difference in contemporary society continues to be couched in the terms ‘race’ and ‘racial’. mindful of the need to use the term, but also of its social construction, the terms ‘race’ and ‘racial’ are placed in quotes throughout this dissertation to stress that ‘race’ has no ontological status as a categorisation and that the distinctions made by the term have no biological basis. in doing this i follow a long tradition, e.g. bonnett ( ), jackson and penrose ( ) and miles ( ). sectarianism, the ‘adherence to a particular sect or party or denomination, often leading to the rejection of other beliefs’, has characterised relations between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists in northern ireland from colonial times right up to the present day (darby ; lewis : ). as will become apparent later, the social and economic division of northern irish society along sectarian lines dates back over four hundred years (bardon ; coulter ). it was this sectarian division that eventually precipitated the widespread violence and social unrest of ‘the troubles’ ( - ) (buckland ). this armed sectarian conflict lasted almost thirty years; ending in the later s with the peace process and signing of the good friday agreement ( ). this political settlement established the legislative basis for a devolved power-sharing administration in northern ireland, and created the context in which a post-conflict future for northern ireland could be envisaged (graham and nash ). sectarian tensions have not completely disappeared (shirlow and murtagh ), yet the changes in the political situation in northern ireland over the course of the last decade have been so remarkable that the region has become a site of in-migration for the first time (rogers ). it is within this context that the term multiculturalism has appeared in both academic and non-academic accounts of contemporary northern ireland (chan ; mcveigh and rolston ; nash ; ofmdfm a). there has been a great deal of debate and discussion surrounding the precise terms used to signify the two dominant communal groupings in northern ireland (coulter ). unionists support the continuation of the political union between northern ireland and great britain. in contrast, nationalists aspire to replace the union with great britain with an all-ireland republic. although the terms unionist and nationalist refer to political positions, in practice they are seen as closely tied with religious difference. in northern ireland the vast majority of unionists are protestant, similarly almost all nationalists define themselves as catholic (coakley ). in an effort to avoid the assumption that religious and political identities are identical (and the reification of the ‘two traditions’ conceptualisation of northern irish society that goes with this assumption), throughout this dissertation i refer to the two groups using the construction catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist. the religious signifiers catholic and protestant are only used when i am referring directly to the religions themselves and/or their adherents. i also use the more specific terms republican and loyalist where appropriate. republicans can be defined as catholic/nationalists who support the use of physical force to pursue their political goals and loyalists as their protestant/unionist equivalent. though these definitions are less than ideal a more detailed exploration is beyond the scope of this study (see coulter ( ) and todd ( ) for further discussions on these distinctions). the official name of the settlement reached in april is ‘the agreement reached in the multi-party negotiations’. as with so much in northern ireland, the title of this settlement became a source of some debate, and a plethora of different names have been used to refer to it. in this instance i refer to it as the good friday agreement, but henceforth in this dissertation it is referred to simply as the agreement. my research examines what happens when multiculturalism and sectarianism meet in the specific context of a northern irish society that is trying to move beyond sectarian division and towards ‘normality’ (bairner ). the over-riding objective of this dissertation is to examine and elucidate the relationship between emerging multicultural agendas and sectarianism in post-agreement northern ireland. more specifically, my research is concerned with how multicultural agendas have changed or tempered the expression of sectarianism in northern irish society. conversely, my research is also concerned with how the legacy of sectarianism in northern ireland has structured, and potentially undermined, multicultural agendas. this research is significant because it will inform scholarship and understanding of these different processes in complexly diverse societies. addressing these issues has empirical relevance too. understanding how sectarianism and multiculturalism intersect has important policy implications for northern ireland as it tries to move beyond the sectarian division and violence of its past. in this dissertation i argue that emerging multicultural agendas and sectarianism in northern ireland are mutually constituted. although the presence of cultural diversity in society is often constructed as a vehicle for moving northern ireland beyond sectarianism, in practice both multiculturalism and sectarianism have an effect on one another. as my work shows, the ways that these ideologies affect each other varies in accordance with the context in which they come together. in many contexts and situations the sectarianism embedded in northern irish society and its governing institutions is shown to hinder the goals of multicultural agendas. however, in some circumstances, it seems that multiculturalism provides an opportunity to fundamentally destabilise and change ways of being and doing that (re)produce sectarianism. as such, multiculturalism and sectarianism in northern ireland are always inflected. ultimately, the relationship between them across a range of contexts will dictate whether northern irish society can move forward to a genuinely post-sectarian future, or whether it is, and will remain, a sectarian society glossed over with a sprinkling of multicultural rhetoric and initiatives. to set the present work in context, chapter two reviews literature on sectarianism, multiculturalism and previous research on multicultural agendas in contemporary northern ireland. sectarianism in northern ireland is introduced as much more than an expression of religious difference in society: it is shown to be a complex social and political phenomenon that is constituted by specific sets of discourses and practices that (re)produce sectarian narratives and identities in social space. against this backdrop, i move on to consider multiculturalism in diverse societies. following stuart hall ( ), i conceptualise multiculturalism as a range of different strategies, all of which attempt to fix the meaning of cultural diversity in society. specifically, i outline four ways that multiculturalism has been conceived of in the literature; demographic multiculturalism, the politics of recognition, anti-racism and multicultural policy. these different multicultural agendas both frame the empirical research presented in the substantive chapters and provide the structure for the review of literature on cultural diversity and multiculturalism in northern ireland. chapter three details the methodological approach and research design of the dissertation. here i describe and justify my broad methodological commitment to discourse analysis, and elucidate how discourse analysis can be productively utilised to investigate social practice, as well as texts and talk. i advocate the use of a range of qualitative methods, including semi-structured interviewing, observation, institutional and policy analysis, and visual analysis, to ensure the triangulation of research data in exploring the interaction of sectarianism and emergent multicultural agendas in northern ireland. in this research, my institutional and policy analysis concerned northern ireland as a whole, but my ethnographic engagement focused on belfast (figure . ). it was in belfast that i conducted semi-structured interviews and participant observation. the rationale for site selection, interviews conducted, events attended and the fieldwork period that the research was carried out within is detailed in this chapter. i also discuss techniques of data collection and analysis, including the use of visual methods. reflecting on issues that arose during my research, i consider my own identity and its potential impact on the research process. i also briefly reflect on some of the weaknesses and limitations of the methodological approach that has been employed in my work. figure . : map locating northern ireland and belfast in relation to the united kingdom and ireland (source: www.student.britannica.com) the context of the dissertation is developed further in chapter four. this chapter provides the reader with the background necessary for a full understanding of the succeeding substantive chapters. in a condensed account of the history of northern ireland i describe how sectarianism has been the dominant feature of society and space in this region since the first ulster plantations (from ). i also consider how attempts to resolve the northern irish conflict, including community relations and the agreement itself, have sought to manage sectarian relations. in setting out the general situation in contemporary northern ireland chapter four reviews some of the social, economic and political changes that have taken place since the agreement. this includes the emergence of efforts to present northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society that is moving beyond sectarianism. finally, i outline the history of migration and the presence of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. increased migration and the increased incidence of racism in northern irish society provides the context that emerging multicultural agendas are being generated around. chapter five, the first of three analytical chapters, examines how multicultural agendas are being produced and enacted within the public policy and institutional frameworks of post-agreement northern ireland. more specifically, it considers how a multicultural vision of a post-conflict society emerges alongside, and is complicated by, the history and legacy of managing sectarianism. in this chapter i explore the shift in northern irish public policy and legislation from an almost singular concern with sectarian (community) relations to a burgeoning awareness of ‘race’ and multicultural (good) relations. drawing on an analysis of public policy, institutional structures and interviews with policy makers and civil servants, chapter five charts and analyses the institutional structure of good relations in post-agreement northern ireland. i assess how the emergence of a concern for other vectors of difference besides sectarian relations can be considered as part of a process of re-imagining northern ireland as a ‘normal’ and culturally diverse society. in the process of examining institutions and policies aimed at managing multiculturalism, i explore how, in certain contexts, emerging multicultural policy agendas are undermined by the continuation of practices that (re)produce sectarianism in post-agreement governing structures. chapter six explores practices and initiatives that seek to actualise multiculturalism on the ground in belfast city. in this chapter i consider two dimensions of a self-conscious drive to construct a multicultural, post-sectarian society: responses to racialised violence and events which seek to raise awareness of the presence of cultural diversity. here i analysis the visual culture of a police hate crime awareness poster campaign and interviews with ethnically-identified minorities to assess the relationship between sectarianism and responses to racialised violence. employing the concept of the multicultural politics of recognition, i also explore how events which seek to celebrate cultural diversity are structured by the sectarian division of society and space. despite this, chapter six develops further my argument that sectarianism and multiculturalism are mutually imbricated with each other in post-agreement northern ireland. drawing on specific examples, i investigate how, in certain contexts, emerging multicultural agendas and practices are providing opportunities to deconstruct and undermine accepted ideas about sectarianism and sectarian difference. visual culture such as political murals, posters and pamphlets have long played an integral role in the (re)production of sectarian identities and narratives in social space in northern ireland (jarman ; shirlow and murtagh ). chapter seven investigates the use of these same mediums to produce a different multicultural message: that of anti- racism. here i look specifically at representations produced and distributed by anti-racist groups operating on either side of the shankill/falls ‘peaceline’ in west belfast. although deeply segregated along sectarian lines, the social and political context of west belfast has changed significantly in the last decade. the emergence of anti-racist groups in west belfast reflects increased migration and a concern about racism in the area. in this chapter i analyse murals, posters and pamphlets from two anti-racist groups; one based on the republican falls road and the other on the loyalist shankill. as well as expanding traditional scholarship on political murals in northern ireland, this chapter investigates further the relationship between new visions of social relations in northern ireland (anti-racism) and embedded sectarianism. at the same time as exploring the impact of sectarianism on these anti-racist representations, i demonstrate how these representations are sometimes contested, and also how, in certain contexts, this visual culture of sectarian division is being used and potentially transformed by new migrant groups. chapter eight concludes this dissertation by suggesting that this detailed examination of sectarianism and emerging multicultural agendas opens up wider debates about the future of post-agreement northern irish society. the presence of cultural diversity and the emergence of multicultural agendas provide an opportunity to radically alter sclerotic social relations in northern ireland. at the same time, however, it seems clear that the resilience of sectarianism in political institutions and social life has a major impact on efforts to re-imagine northern ireland as a ‘normal’, post-sectarian society in which cultural diversity is recognised and respected. understanding how sectarianism and multiculturalism come together differently in different contexts has important policy implications if moving northern ireland beyond sectarianism to a socially cohesive future is really to be a meaningful aspiration. in this chapter i review the dissertation and draw out the theoretical and empirical implications of my research findings. a ‘peaceline’ is the name given to the separation barriers erected at interfaces between protestant/unionist and catholic/nationalist residential communities in some urban areas of northern ireland. these barriers, which are supposed to reduce sectarian violence, typically take the form of iron or steel walls that can be up to metres’ high. chapter two understanding multiculturalism and sectarianism: a review of the literature . . introduction this dissertation is concerned with the emergence of multicultural agendas in northern ireland; a society traditionally divided along sectarian lines. in this chapter the various ways that social scientists have approached sectarianism and multiculturalism are reviewed, and relevant empirical studies of contemporary northern ireland are discussed. the aim of this chapter is to establish a theoretical framework for analysing the intersection of emerging multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism. first, this chapter considers studies of the role of religion in society and, particularly, sectarianism in northern ireland. emerging geographies of religion have traced the intersection of religion, ‘race’ and identity in contemporary societies. however, i argue that these studies have limited utility for understanding the specific power of ideas of religious difference in northern ireland. studies of sectarianism in northern ireland have more fully accounted for sectarianism as a social and political phenomenon. as such sectarianism is constituted by specific sets of discourses and practices that (re)produce sectarian narratives and identities; even in the absence of political violence. the chapter then reviews some of the extensive literature within human geography, sociology, cultural studies and political science that addresses the issue of multiculturalism in diverse societies. drawing particularly on the work of stuart hall ( ), i argue that the term ‘multiculturalism’ can be understood to refer to a range of different strategies that attempt to fix the meaning of cultural diversity in society. in this section i briefly outline four ways in which multiculturalism may be operationalised. first, i treat multiculturalism as a basic description of a socially diverse society (grillo ; kobayashi ; vertovec ; b). racism, racialisation and responses to these processes are considered as important issues that arise within contemporary socially diverse societies (abbas ; banton ; a). second, i examine debates around the ‘politics of recognition’ that have animated recent discussions on multiculturalism in liberal-democratic societies (kymlicka ; ; parekh ; taylor ). previous studies have often focused on the recognition of different culturally defined groups in society through ‘multicultural’ initiatives such as festivals (duffy ; jackson ; ). third, i approach anti-racism as a sub-field of multiculturalism that emerges in diverse societies (anthias and lloyd ; bonnett ). key empirical and theoretical literature on anti-racism is reviewed and discussed (detant ; lentin ; lloyd ; murji ; wievorka ). fourth, multiculturalism can be understood as both public policy and its institutions (hall ; vertovec ). in reviewing the history of multicultural policy in britain i set out the contemporary policy landscape, and argue that previous studies have failed to attend fully to the role of institutions in the production and enactment of multicultural policy the third section of this chapter reviews the more specific, but rather patchy, literature on multiculturalism in contemporary northern ireland. recent empirical studies have tended to focus on the problem of prejudicial attitudes and behaviours directed towards ethnically-identified minorities (gilligan and lloyd ; jarman and monaghan ). i argue that this work has failed to engage with the issue of responses to racism within the context of a society divided along sectarian lines. the discourses and practices of ethnically-identified minorities have also been absent from research which has used the theoretical framework of the politics of recognition to understand northern ireland. a lack of ethnographic engagement is also present in studies of anti-racism in northern ireland. this work has provided important historical detail but not produced empirical findings on northern irish anti-racism (mcveigh ). finally, i look at research which has considered the emergence of a concern for multiculturalism in post-agreement public policy. here i suggest the importance of examining the institutional structures and practices through which multicultural policy is produced and enacted in northern ireland as part of my work on sectarianism and multiculturalism in the post-agreement context. . . understanding religious difference this dissertation is not a study of religion, or even religiously defined difference, but the fact that multiculturalism in northern ireland emerges out of, and in the context of, a sectarian past draws this study into the orbit of recent thinking on religious difference in society. as such, it is important to try to understand more clearly both the politics of religion in diverse societies and the specific power of religion and sectarianism in northern ireland. in the sections that follow, i argue that sectarianism in northern ireland is not simply a matter of religion. it encompasses more than just categorisations of religious difference in a diverse society, and so cannot be adequately accounted for by recent scholarship on religion in society. . . . geographies of religion modood ( : ) has argued that the multiculturalist politics of recognition, which will be explored in more detail in a later section (section . . .), is guilty of a ‘theoretical neglect of the role of religion’. this is despite that fact that, as kurien ( : ) notes, religion often acts as a carrier of ethnic identity in culturally diverse societies where it is often the case that ethnic ‘mobilization is accomplished by using religious organizations and symbols’. the acceptance of issues of religion and religious difference in western states has created a situation that ‘[m]inorities are naturally tempted to take advantage of’ (parekh : ). consequently, many minority groups in society base their claims to cultural difference and particularity on religious grounds (kurien ). parekh ( : ) emphasises the ‘religionization of culture’; religion has acquired an increasingly ‘considerable influence over the development of the culture’ of ethnically- identified minorities, particularly immigrant groups, in society. emerging geographies of religion have sought to provide more empirically grounded accounts of the role of religion in society. although, as kong ( : ) comments, in much human geography research ‘religion is forgotten or conflated with race’, there are signs that geographers are attending more closely to religion (see hopkins ). for example, work has shown how british muslim women forge their identities in the face of dominant media representations and societal narratives (dwyer ). hopkins ( ) demonstrates how discourses of ‘race’ and religion are often connected and overlapping in the lived experiences of young muslim men in scotland. as his work shows, young muslim men who visibly appear to be muslim, whether through skin colour, wearing a long beard or their dress, are far more likely to experience everyday racism and discrimination than those who are perceived as not ‘looking muslim’. such studies have illustrated how racialisation processes intersect with religious difference in the everyday lives of many ethnically-identified minorities not generally classified in terms of the signifier ‘white’ (alexander and alleyne ). although this literature has been important in terms of developing geographical perspectives on the role of religion in society, it has rarely been explicitly concerned with political processes attached to ideas of religious difference. it is this intersection of politics and religion that is crucial to understanding sectarianism in northern ireland. in this dissertation i argue that sectarianism in northern ireland is as much political as it is religious (brewer ; mitchell ), and, for this reason, sectarianism requires a quite distinct approach from that adopted in studies of the role of religion in diverse societies. . . . existing perspectives on sectarianism in northern ireland the antagonistic relationship between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists in northern ireland is often understood as a product of ‘sectarianism’, but many analysts have failed to engage systematically with this concept, relying instead on imprecise lay definitions (mcnair ). consequently, as a topic of serious academic consideration sectarianism has largely been ignored and under-theorized (leichty and clegg ; mcveigh ; ). sectarianism needs to be clearly defined in order to understand both its historical and contemporary agency in structuring social life in northern ireland. in general, sectarianism can be defined as a means of creating, and maintaining, boundaries between religiously-identified groups. writing on the meaning of the term sectarianism, john brewer ( : ) defines it as [t]he determination of actions, attitudes and practices by beliefs about religious difference, which results in their being invoked as a boundary marker to represent social stratification and conflict. in the specific context of the relationship between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists in northern ireland, sectarianism has been defined as: a complex set of problems — including dividing, demonising and dominating — which typically arise from malignant interactions of religion and politics and which are characteristic of the kind of religiously-shaped ethno-national conflict experienced in northern ireland (leichty and clegg : ). to the extent that sectarianism in northern ireland is rooted in differences of theology and religious practice it seems plausible to understand the conflict in terms of geographies of religion. however, as the definitions above suggest, sectarianism in northern ireland is about much more than narrowly defined religious difference. religion may be an important part of the everyday lives of many people, but the ‘[c]onflict in northern ireland has not been, is not and will never be holy war’ (mitchell : ). the substance of the armed conflict was not religion as religion but the social, historical and political divisions which religion signified. robbie mcveigh ( : ) describes the tendency to try and explain the northern irish conflict in terms of doctrinal difference as ‘the theological fallacy’. while sectarian blocs may be understood in terms of religious labels – catholic and protestant – the way they are formed and maintained ‘approximates much more closely to ethnicity than it does to religious belief’ (mcveigh : ). the political identification of catholic/nationalists with ireland and that of protestant/unionists with great britain reflects deep-seated ethnic identification and conflictual histories and geographies, rather than simply religious persuasion per se. jenkins ( : ) contends that ‘it is not religious systems which are in conflict, but their membership’; group identification rather than theology has played a defining role in the production and maintenance of division in northern ireland. sectarianism, then, involves the complex interaction between religion and politics, and between theology and competing ethnic nationalisms, in which ideas about religious difference are used to infer political identities in northern ireland. the invocation of sectarian difference often leads to discrimination and negative feelings towards the sectarian ‘other’ that can, in some cases, result in acts of violence. it is possible to discern three distinct levels at which sectarianism is manifest: at the level of ideas, as individual and collective action and as social structure (mcnair ). at the level of ideas, it is characterised by stereotyping and negative feelings towards out-groups. as individual or collective action, sectarianism is expressed through harassment, including the causes of the sectarian division in northern irish society are complex and are examined in chapter four. verbal and/or physical abuse. at a structural level, it involves discrimination and bias in areas such as employment and in the creation and conduct of political institutions (brewer ; darby ; mcveigh and rolston ; whyte ). certainly throughout the period of unionist majority rule ( - ) the policies and practices of the northern irish state played a defining role in the (re)production of sectarianism (murtagh and keaveney ). as noted in the general definition of sectarianism provided above, religion in northern ireland represents a ‘boundary marker’ between the ‘two communities’ (brewer ; mitchell ). boundaries are integral to the symbolic construction of communities that, although reflective of abstract social divisions, need to be marked in and through space (barth ; cohen ; sack ). residential segregation along sectarian lines is a dominant feature of social life in northern ireland, and many communities are physically separated from one another, sometimes by high metal fences that are euphemistically known as ‘peacewalls’ (boal ; boal and douglas ; compton and power ; poole ). these material boundaries between communities are often maintained through visual features in the landscape such as wall murals and kerb painting. as well as constructing physical boundaries, this visual culture also reflects sectarian constructions of identity, place and claims to space at a variety of scales (coulter ; jarman ; ; rolston a; b). the relationship between specific forms of visual culture and the (re)production of sectarianism is developed further in chapter seven which examines the production of anti-racist messages in west belfast through media such as murals, posters and pamphlets. the role of political institutions and their practices in the (re)production of sectarian identities in everyday life in northern ireland before, during and after ‘the troubles’ has been observed (darby ; mcveigh and rolston ; o’dowd, rolston and tomlinson ). one of the goals of the agreement was to provide a new institutional structure that could overcome sectarian divisions (shirlow and murtagh ). however, the resilience of sectarianism in the agreement and its governing structures has been noted (graham and nash ; little ). as will be discussed further in section . . , empirical research has seldom attended to the specifics of the new, post- agreement institutional milieu. this absence is partly addressed in my examination of the public policy and institutional frameworks of multiculturalism in chapter five. work on performativity, both in geography and elsewhere, appears to offer a challenge to traditional scholarship on the construction and maintenance of sectarian boundaries in northern ireland. this scholarship has highlighted the way in which identities are made and re-made through embodied social practice (nash ; thrift ). often drawing on the writing of judith butler ( ; ), this research argues that identity is not pre- given, but rather is constituted through sets of practices or performances that become routinised over time. in the northern ireland context, for example, political parades, especially orange marches, have been interpreted as pivotal performative acts through which sectarian identities and behaviours are constructed and naturalised in social space (jarman ). for both bryan ( ) and jarman ( ) parades represent a unique form of embodied geography, the goal of which is both to perform sectarian identities and to reaffirm sectarian boundaries in space. david cairns ( ) illustrates how everyday practices such as songs, dances and sport all provide opportunities for the performance of sectarian identities. pieces of visual and material culture, such as flags and murals, but also less obviously politicised objects such as a photograph of a family member in army uniform, are all shown to be integral to the formation of loyalist identity (cairns ). ogaswara ( : ), in a study of glasgow rangers versus celtic football matches, attends to the role of both ‘performative utterances’, such as chanting, and material objects, such as jerseys or national flags, in the (re)production of sectarianism. while much of the scholarship reviewed thus far has focused on how sectarianism is materially produced through embodied social practice, the notion of performativity also suggests that identity is fluid, and that alternative, less divisive, constructions can be performed. as catherine nash ( : ) optimistically argues, conceiving of identity as performative ‘at least allows the possibility of challenging and parodying … naturalised codes’. challenging sectarianism, then, is not just a matter of changing the the vast majority of parades (over %) are loyalist orange marches, and the ritualistic nature of these public displays plays a particularly powerful role in the (re)production of ulster loyalist political identities (cairns ). for a detailed discussion on orange parades, see bryan ( ). social environment, but also of altering those embodied practices through which divisive sectarian constructions of identity are (re)produced. in my study i pay particular attention to those points at which multicultural agendas and practices might be leading to changes in the performance of sectarianism in northern irish society. northern ireland has changed dramatically over the course of the last decade. yet, although it has witnessed major social, economic and political transitions (which will be discussed in chapter four), studies of post-agreement northern ireland have been forced to come to terms with cairns’ ( : ) contention that: [d]espite the advent of ‘the peace process’ and possibly a permanent end to the paramilitary conflict … the bulk of sectarianism is to be found in everyday life practices, and not in the armed struggle itself. he goes on to suggest that because of this ‘the basic problem will remain untouched irrespective of political settlement’. for cairns, sectarianism should be understood as a set of social practices that (re)produce malignant, sectarian ways of seeing and knowing the world. this approach to conceptualising sectarianism is also evident in peter shirlow’s ( ) work on residential segregation in the ‘two ardoynes’; the predominantly catholic ardoyne and the predominantly protestant upper ardoyne. shirlow approaches sectarianism as a discursive formation; an ‘articulatory process that enshrines spatial segregation’, and makes ‘truth’ claims based on sectarian readings of space, belonging and identity (shirlow : ). the fear of the sectarian ‘other’ produced by this system of knowing the world was found to limit the mobility of people in the ‘two ardoynes’. sectarian division has not gone away. instead, it continues to structure the ‘lifeworlds’ and lived geographies of many in northern ireland, despite the political advance of the peace process and the agreement (morrissey and smyth ; murtagh and keaveney ; shirlow and murtagh ). understanding sectarianism not as a product of theological difference or even of political violence, but as constituted by embedded sets of discourses and social practices is very useful in terms of this dissertation. it provides my research with a theoretical frame for understanding the persistence of sectarian ways of thinking and being in the very processes and institutional structures created to move society beyond sectarianism, and through which multicultural agendas are being operationalised in contemporary northern ireland. . . approaches to understanding multiculturalism having reviewed literature on sectarianism in northern ireland, the following sections identify and engage with key themes and approaches to understanding multiculturalism. bhikhu parkeh ( ) defines multiculturalism as a response to the presence of cultural diversity, itself an outcome of the migration processes common to many contemporary western societies. multiculturalism refers to the broad set of inclusionary principles and practices that are manifested in diverse societies (kymlicka ; parekh ; taylor ; vasta ; vertovec ; a). given the range of meanings attached to the term, multiculturalism has been described as a ‘fuzzy concept’ that is in an on-going and contested process of conceptualisation (grillo : ). stuart hall’s ( : ) distinction between ‘multicultural’, an adjective which refers to the social make up of culturally diverse societies, and ‘multiculturalism’, the different strategies and policies which attempt to fix the meaning of this diversity, provides a useful road map for navigating a way through this ‘fuzziness’. in line with hall’s distinction, grillo ( : ) suggests that ‘multiculturalism is best understood as a political project, involving strategies, institutions, discourses, practices, seeking to address multicultural reality.’ this understanding of multiculturalism as a multiplicity of attempts to fix the meaning of cultural diversity is adopted in my research. the utility of this approach is that it allows my work to explore a number of different multicultural agendas that have emerged in northern ireland as it is trying to move beyond the sectarian division which characterised so much of its past, both distant and recent. multiculturalism seeks to address the multicultural reality of contemporary societies in ‘many possibly related, but nevertheless discrete’ ways (vertovec a: ). steven vertovec ( : ) outlines a number of ways that multiculturalism can be understood and operationalised. first, multiculturalism refers to a basic demographic description of society such that ‘the sheer presence of x number of immigrants from countries , and (is) offered as evidence of cultural diversity’. the existence of processes of racism and racialisation can be understood, in part, as a feature of this ‘demographic multiculturalism’ (kobayashi : ). although racism is an ideology which can be present even in the absence of racialised ‘others’, as migration to western societies has increased so too have incidents of racism and ‘racial’ discrimination (abbas ). secondly, multiculturalism refers to the recognition of cultural diversity (vasta ); often through the multicultural politics of recognition (kymlicka ; ; parekh ; taylor ). this often encompasses both a ‘vague vision of how society, with its minorities, should function’ and celebrations of the ‘exotic otherness’ of these minorities (vertovec : ). thirdly, a subset of multiculturalism that is particularly relevant to my research is anti-racism. anti-racism often envisages alternative social and political visions for multicultural societies (anthias and lloyd ; bonnett ). finally, multiculturalism can be approached as both ‘public policy aimed at minorities, including the promotion of equal opportunity’ and the institutional structures within which policy is produced and delivered (vertovec : ; wood and gilbert ). these four ways that the meaning of multiculturalism is fixed in contemporary societies provide the framework used to approach and understand emergent multicultural agendas in my research, and structure the material that is reviewed in the sections that follow. . . . demographic multiculturalism and racism in multicultural societies the existence of cultural diversity in society, and of multicultural societies themselves, can hardly be regarded as a recent phenomenon. ‘movement and migration’, as stuart hall ( : ) notes, ‘are the defining conditions of humanity.’ certainly the history of civilisation has been characterised by the migration of people for a variety of reasons; from famine and natural disasters to colonisation and conquest. however, there is a valid argument to be made that increased ‘demographic social diversity’ (wood and gilbert : ) makes contemporary societies quite distinct from their historical antecedents. the notion of ‘demographic multiculturalism’ refers simply to the existence of cultural diversity in society (kobayashi : ). the very fact of demographic multiculturalism has thrown up socio-political questions and issues that are both novel and complex (cohen ; parekh : ; wievorka ). according to tahir abbas ( : ), ‘multicultural societies in their current form are new to our age and give rise to theoretical and political problems which have no parallel in history.’ my work is set within the particular context of a post-conflict northern ireland that is experiencing net in-migration (jarman ), and in which issues of cultural diversity and demographic multiculturalism are beginning to emerge as prominent concerns. societies that are characterised by demographic social diversity must contend with the issue of ‘race’ relations and the existence of racism (banton ; a; b; kobayashi ; rex ). the post-world war ii years witnessed increased migration to western cities from former colonies, and this often led to violent clashes between the local white community and new migrants (solomos ). against this backdrop, the ‘sociology of race relations’ emerged to try to understand ‘race’ relations in diverse societies (banton ; rex ). michael banton ( a: ), a leading figure in this movement, defines ‘race’ relations as ‘a general name comprehending prejudice (the dimension of attitude), discrimination (the dimension of behaviour) and racism (the dimension of ideology).’ this description of ‘race’ relations is strikingly similar to mcnair’s ( ) understanding of sectarianism (section . . .), and it has become increasingly common to approach sectarianism as a subset of racism (mcveigh and rolston ). while i interrogate the relationship between sectarianism and racism in more detail later in this chapter (see section . . .), it is worth noting here that in my work i do not treat sectarianism and racism as identical processes. although the presence of cultural diversity in contemporary societies is often conceived of in terms of ‘race’, the precise meaning of this term has been a subject of much debate (malik ). as my work engages with issues of ‘race’ and racism in the context of contemporary northern ireland, it is important to outline briefly the changing meaning of ‘race’ and the understanding of ‘race’ and racism that i adopt in my work. unlike biological approaches to understanding ‘race’, sociologists of ‘race’ relations treated ‘the concept of race and the problem of racism (as) primarily a problem for social science’ (rex : ). as a consequence of this shift in thinking, ‘race’ is no longer treated as a concrete thing, but as a ‘social classification based on physical distinctions of skin- colour, hair type and biological descent’ (jackson and penrose : ). ‘race’, as peter wade ( : ) argues ‘is an idea’. yet even ‘if race has absolutely no biological basis in human nature, people are clearly prepared to discriminate against others they define as racially distinct’. consequently, in the present day, the idea of ‘race’ and of ‘racial’ difference ‘remains a nexus of power and ideology’ (wright, houston, ellis, holloway and hudson : ). in this way the social construction ‘race’, which is based on false assumptions about the significance of physical features, continues to have symbolic and material effect (bulmer and solomos ; jackson ; ; a; malik ). in line with the determination that ‘racial’ difference is neither given nor essential, academic attention has turned to processes of racialisation (jackson and penrose ; murji and solomos ). the idea of ‘racialisation’ was introduced and developed by robert miles ( ; ; ; ). miles ( ) argues that critical social science must not accept the putative social reality of ‘race’ as to speak of ‘race’ reifies a pernicious and dangerous social construct. as such, the use of the term “race relations” as an analytical framework can be seen to disguise the social construction of difference and to reproduce the idea that society is made up of discrete ‘races’ (bonnett ; miles ). racialisation brings into view the processes of categorisation, signification and meaning construction by which populations are turned into racialised categories (miles ; mullings ). it shows that through these processes fluid, contextual categories of difference based on biological signifiers are essentialised and naturalised (silverstein ; wodak and reisigl ). thus, thinking about ‘race’ in terms of racialisation highlights the social processes by which the category is used to construct social groups (jackson and penrose ; miles ; ; peake and schein ). the racialisation of social groups in northern ireland is a theme that is developed at various junctures in this dissertation, but particularly in chapter six. while contemporary societies are characterised by their multicultural make-up, the extensive literature on racism in western nation-states has highlighted the fact that this diversity may be resisted through processes of racism and racialisation (back ; back and solomos ; essed ). although racism is a commonly used word in both academic and non-academic discourses, it is important to be clear on the sense in which it is used in my work. broadly understood, racism is a relationship of power, a process ‘whereby social groups categorize other groups as different or inferior on the basis of phenotypical characteristics, cultural markers of national origin’ (castles : ; cited in vasta : ). in discussing racism in the northern ireland context, i conceptualise racism as ‘the assumption, consciously or unconsciously held, that people can be divided into a distinct number of discrete ‘races’ according to physical, biological criteria and that systematic social differences automatically and inevitably follow the same lines of physical differentiation’ (jackson a: - ). in my work racism is approached not a single, static phenomena but as a social process that may take a number of forms; from racist attitudes to discriminatory behaviour and even racialised violence against those groups categorised as ‘racially’ ‘other’ (banton b). although issues of ‘race’ and racism in northern ireland are prominent throughout my research, they are particularly salient in chapter six, which examines the relationship between sectarianism and responses to the increased incidence of racism in post-agreement northern ireland. . . . the politics of recognition a common attribute of much of the literature on multiculturalism in liberal-democratic societies has been a commitment to what has been dubbed ‘the politics of recognition’ (kymlikca ; ; modood ; parekh ; taylor ). the central tenet of the multicultural politics of recognition is that culturally defined groups possess distinctive identities that they seek to have recognised in the public sphere (kymlicka ; parekh ; taylor ). this position is most fully and famously explicated in the work of the political philosopher charles taylor. arguing that kantian liberalism ignores the fundamentally dialogical character of human life, taylor ( ) proposes that identity is a product of an individual’s relations with significant others. individuals struggle for the recognition of both their personal identity and the identity of the groups that they are members of (taylor ). for taylor ( : ), the contemporary politics of multiculturalism arises directly out of the demand for recognition of the latter identities articulated ‘on behalf of minority or “subaltern” groups’ in society. this desire for recognition is not, taylor ( : ) argues, ‘a courtesy we owe people. it is a vital human need.’ refusal to recognise difference or plurality (or alternatively to mis- recognise this difference) is a powerful form of symbolic violence inflicted on those groups and individuals that hold a given identity. although the ‘politics of recognition’ is often taken to be synonymous with multiculturalism (for example, lentin ), it has been noted that a wide range of different groups or movements in society demand recognition for their views and identities (e.g. women, gay men, lesbians, indigenous peoples, etc). reflecting on this issue, parekh ( ) helpfully distinguishes between groups whose claim for recognition is grounded in ‘cultural difference’, defined in terms of putative ethnic or ‘racial’ identities, and those who demand recognition on the basis of ‘subcultural diversity’. given the diversity of groups seeking recognition, parekh ( : ) suggests that ‘although part of the politics of recognition, multiculturalism is a distinct movement’ that refers only to cultural diversity or culturally-derived difference. parekh conceives of society as constituted by a number of different cultures which operate on their own principles and conceptions of the good life. in order to accommodate the cultural rights of everyone in society, parekh proposes that specific laws and institutions should be created for each cultural group. while parekh’s approach appears attractive for the organisation of diverse societies, i would argue that it has both philosophical and practical limitations. attributing rights to culturally-defined groups risks reifying culture (schaap ) and undermines the rights of the individual (barry ). commenting on the potential for using parekh’s work as a basis for organising group relations in post-agreement northern ireland, adrian little ( ) argues that the resources required to create separate institutions would be immense, and the existence of such institutions might dissuade groups from seeking to resolve their differences through political compromise. while parekh places a heavy stress on the embeddedness of individuals in their own culture, he also argues that cultures are not monolithic. instead, he proposes that every culture is internally plural and diverse; society is made up of a diversity of cultures which are in themselves diverse and fluid. the tension between this argument and his position that specific laws and institutions be set up for each cultural group is obvious, and has been highlighted in critique’s of parekh’s work (barry ; little ). although parekh ( ) argues that cultures are capable of containing internal dissent and plurality while maintaining a degree of unity such that they can be recognised as distinct, how this apparent contradiction is either theoretically justifiable or can be achieved in practice is not clear in his writings. the politics of recognition constructs society as made up of distinct cultural groups that are either self-defined or defined by others in terms of axes of identity such as ethnicity and ‘race’ (parekh ). however, this process of categorising groups as separate contributes to the ethnicisation and racialisation of society (miles ). some writers, most notably nancy fraser ( : ), have also argued that the multicultural politics of recognition has led to the replacement of class with identity ‘as the chief medium of political mobilization’ in contemporary societies. fraser argues that the focus on recognition has unhelpfully shifted attention away from a marxist politics of economic and material redistribution of wealth and resources and towards a cultural politics based on identity and difference. for axel honneth ( : ), and contrary to nancy fraser’s assumptions, ‘struggles over distribution … are themselves locked into a struggle for recognition … a struggle over the cultural definition of what it is that renders an activity socially necessary and valuable.’ honneth’s struggle, however, is often more rhetorical than practical, and a concern for issues of social justice may often be lost in the clamour for recognition (abbas ; craig ). the multicultural politics of recognition has also been criticised as an attempt to manage diversity through ‘perverse mechanisms of political representation and public incorporation’ (uitermark, rossi and van houtum : ). multiculturalism has been accused of being little more than a government driven effort aimed at institutionalising cultural diversity for the purpose of controlling potentially threatening marginalised groups (vertovec ). parekh’s ( ) account of multiculturalism relies on the assumption that fluid institutions can be set up which are capable of responding to changes within cultural groups. however, the institutionalisation of cultural diversity often leads ‘to the formation of an elite of ethnic leaders who pretend to represent their respective communities’ (uitermark, rossi and van houtum : ). in an analysis of the interaction between local government and muslims in the city of leicester, steven vertovec ( ) suggests that attempts to manage diversity through processes of public incorporation are often doomed to failure. instead of relying solely on unelected ‘voices a good example of this process from my research project is the specific designation of travellers as a ‘racial’ group in the race relations (ni) act . while the inclusion of travellers as a ‘racial’ group within this legislation was a response to discrimination faced by travellers, this inclusion also contributes to the racialisation of this group through the process of recognition. of the community’, new modes of interaction based on public forums and community participation are required (vertovec ). a postcolonial perspective has generated another line of criticism of the politics of recognition. in asking who controls the process of recognition, hesse ( ) argues that unresolved historical antagonisms and social and political inequalities are often ignored by multiculturalism. the terms by which a minority or subaltern group may be recognised as legitimate within multicultural states are usually dictated by the dominant society. this has meant that minority cultures are often forced to mobilise outmoded or obsolete ways of being in order to garner recognition. this point is deftly made in elizabeth povenilli’s ( : ) discussion of the ‘cunning of legal recognition’. drawing on the example of contemporary australian efforts to recognise indigenous interests and traditions, her research demonstrates how celebratory, multicultural discourses of diversity are used to by-pass the more difficult to resolve and historically embedded racisms bequeathed by colonial settlement. povenilli’s work has specific relevance to the northern ireland context where new constructions of northern ireland co-exist with, and must negotiate, an ingrained, colonially-linked sectarian inheritance. although open to many of the above criticisms, the work of will kymlicka ( ; ) has provided important contributions to the debate on the multicultural politics of recognition in liberal-democratic states. central to kymlicka’s analysis is the distinction drawn between ‘national minorities’ and ‘immigrants’ (kymlicka and norman : ). national minorities are established groups who were present prior to the foundation of the state, share a common culture and language and possess a prior history of self- government (kymlicka ). kymlicka argues for the adoption of specific rights and institutions for groups that fit these criteria. he proposes that this takes place alongside the integration of new migrant groups (which he terms ‘immigrants’) (kymlicka ). the distinction between national minorities and immigrants is particularly useful for conceptualising contemporary northern ireland. although the consociational political model adopted in the agreement focuses on power-sharing rather than institutional separation, kymlicka’s belief in the public recognition of national minorities has influenced debates in northern ireland (little : ). on the issue of immigrant multiculturalism, kymlicka ( : ), unlike parekh ( ), proposes that the recognition of these cultures must take place within the ‘common institutions’ of the state. critiquing the argument that recognition leads to balkanisation (barry ), kymlicka ( ) argues that immigrant multiculturalism has little to do with state building and is unable to provide the public institutions needed to create a separate societal and legislative culture. instead, immigrant multiculturalism leads to the pluralisation of society; which he sees as a particularly positive development in states with strong national minorities. kymlicka’s notion of immigrant multiculturalism suggests the possibility that multicultural agendas could temper sectarianism as northern irish society becomes more culturally diverse and plural in the wake of new migration. this possibility is explored further in my research. as well as setting out a theoretical framework for recognition in liberal-democratic states, kymlicka suggests that ‘to understand the meaning of multiculturalism … we need to look at what it does in practice’ ( : ; cited in gilbert and wood : ). the multicultural politics of recognition is manifested in a variety of ways, most notably in cities and, in particular, their public spaces (grillo ; uitermark, rossi and van houtum ). as wood and gilbert ( : ) note, ‘[b]ecause of the specifics of its landscape, the urban … is a significant scale of negotiation of cultures, knowledges, and powers between immigrants, members of cultural groups, and dominant groups’. ethnically-identified minorities produce and reproduce themselves socially, spatially, and politically in the spaces of the city through ‘cultural work … embedded in cultural technologies and underpinned aesthetically’ (werbner : ). this ‘cultural work’ ranges from involvement in community groups and processes of public incorporation (vertovec ), through to ‘popular cultural celebrations, national commemorations and street carnivals’ (werbner : ). although ghassam hage ( ) argues that the latter practices are primarily concerned with the management and appropriation of diversity rather than its recognition, much research has focused on festivals as practices of recognition (duffy ; jackson ; ; mitchell ). consociationalism is a form of government involving guaranteed group representation which is often suggested for managing conflict in deeply divided societies such as northern ireland (graham and nash ; lijphart ; ). similar to michelle duffy ( ) and peter jackson ( ; ), i conceive of festivals as sites in which commitments to a multicultural society are expressed publicly in the urban spaces of contemporary societies. while both of these authors looked at festivals in countries with a relatively long ‘multicultural’ history (australia in the case of duffy and england and canada in jackson’s work), in chapter six i investigate particular multicultural events in belfast; a city divided along sectarian lines. although my work follows that of duffy and jackson in thinking about the articulation and expression of multicultural agendas and identities in such festivals, in keeping with the overall goals of my research it also pays particular attention to the impact of sectarian considerations on the practice of these festivals. . . . approaches to understanding anti-racism another framework through which the governing of cultural diversity can take place in multicultural societies is anti-racism. anti-racism has many meanings; alastair bonnett ( : - ) delineates six different types of anti-racism. these range from anti-racist sentiment expressed in music and popular culture, through to anti-fascist movements and radical critiques of capitalism. the breadth of bonnett’s typology highlights the fact that there is no universal shared understanding of what anti-racism is, either at the level of political philosophy or of political action (lentin ; solomos and back ). consequently, it is not surprising that there are a wide diversity of ideas and organisations in contemporary society that are described as ‘anti-racist’ (detant ; lentin ; lloyd ; ). the tendency to define anti-racism quite simply as the opposite of racism (blaumer ) has been criticised as it takes ‘anti-racism for granted and subordinate(s) it to racism, which means that in theorizing racism, anti-racism has been eclipsed’ (lloyd : ). lloyd argues that anti-racism is a social movement with its own internal logic and power and that it should not be ‘consigned to the status of a ‘cause’, fit only for platitudes of support or denouncement’ (bonnett : ). instead, lloyd ( : ) proposes that anti-racism be conceived of as an ‘alternative interpretation of political discourse.’ this conception of anti-racism combines a response to the presence of racism and racialisation in multicultural societies with a wider social vision. this interpretation is developed further in anthias and lloyd’s ( : ) definition of anti-racism as ‘a set of polycentric, overlapping discourses and practices which combine a response to racism(s) with the construction of a positive project about the kind of society in which people can live together in harmony and mutual respect.’ this definition recognises the diversity of anti-racisms, their emergence in response to racism and the centrality of alternative social visions based on progressive principles (such as social justice and equality) to many anti-racist campaigns. as it encompasses all the key features of anti- racism identified in the literature, this definition is adopted in my research. the relationship between anti-racism and multiculturalism in the academic literature has shifted considerably over the course of the last thirty years. throughout the s and s the terms were placed firmly in opposition to one another (gilroy ; vertovec ). anti-racism was viewed as a radical critique of state and society and multiculturalism as a government sponsored attempt to promote some vague notion of ‘cultural empowerment’ (anthias and yuval-davis : ). bonnett ( ) explicitly differentiated between educators holding multiculturalist views and those supporting anti-racism. in his research, bonnett ( : ) defines multiculturalism as ‘the mode of representation of cultural difference and inclusivity’, and anti-racism as ‘speaking for black resistance against white racism.’ recently, however, the rigidity of this distinction has been challenged. anthias and lloyd ( ) suggest that the binary constructed between anti-racism and multiculturalism is both untenable and unhelpful. in a later book on anti-racism, bonnett ( : ) himself includes ‘multicultural anti- racism’ in his definition of anti-racist praxis. in line with these interventions, my work approaches anti-racism as a sub-field of multiculturalism that emerges in response to the existence of racism in multicultural societies. although anti-racism appears to be an obvious social good, anti-racist objectives and strategies have been critiqued over the last two decades. reactions from both left and right in the s precipitated a crisis in the movement and the development of ‘anti- anti-racism’ (bonnett ; gilroy ). paul gilroy ( ; ) argued that the most deleterious aspect of anti-racism, and the motive for calling for the ‘end of anti-racism’, is that it is often based on a culturalist understanding of ‘racial’ difference. following a similar argument to gilroy, taguieff ( ) suggested that in the process of essentialising racists as barbarians anti-racists are themselves engaged in an act of exclusion and dehumanization. elsewhere, tariq modood ( : ) criticised what he perceived to be the suppression of asian (particularly muslim) identity within the ‘monolithic black subject’ of anti-racism. despite these critiques, gilroy ( : ) does suggest that there is a place for anti-racism, provided it is a ‘much more limited project, defined simply, even simplistically, by the desire to do away with racism.’ another criticism levelled at anti-racism has focused on its assumptions, specifically the relationship between universalism and relativism. wievorka ( : ) refers to universalism and relativism as ‘the two great orientations of anti-racism’, and the tension between them as ‘the structural problem which constantly undermines anti-racist action.’ bonnett ( : ) also worries about universalism, defining it as ‘the assertion of the validity, across cultures or historical periods, of certain values, truths and processes.’ according to bonnett, within anti-racist discourse universalist assumptions are ‘often associated with the conviction that people are all equally part of humanity and should be accorded the same rights and opportunities.’ relativism, in contrast, refers to the ‘idea that cultural and/or physical differences between races should be recognised and respected’ (bonnett : ). relativism is most closely implicated in the reification of the concept of ‘race’, a process which is inherently problematic (gilroy ). rather than allow this debate to undermine anti-racist praxis, michel wievorka ( : ) suggests that ‘rational anti-racism has no choice’ but to accept the tensions and contradictions between these two positions. the foundations of anti-racism may have been critiqued, but it remains a powerful mobilising force in contemporary societies (lloyd ). recent research has attended to anti-racist practice at a variety of sites, from the ideological constructions employed by anti-racist educators in the uk (bonnett ) and canada (bonnett and carrington ), through to grassroots anti-racist movements (detant ; lentin ; lloyd within the discipline of geography, such an anti-racist project might involve teaching which seeks to unsettle essentialised notions of racial difference (nash ; peake and kobayashi ) and an active engagement with racism in the classroom (kobayashi and peake ). ; ). this latter literature is particularly useful in terms of my research as it has focused primarily on the discourses of anti-racist activists and campaigns. alana lentin ( ), in arguably the most comprehensive study of anti-racism in europe, examined the orientations and motivations of anti-racist activists in britain, italy, france and ireland. lentin found that anti-racist groups reflected the political culture of the nation- state in which they were located. in terms of my own research, lentin’s work suggests that the discourses of northern irish anti-racists should be influenced by the specific political culture within this context. anja detant ( ) looked at the discourses and strategies of the hand in hand anti-racism campaign that emerged in belgium following the electoral success of the far-right. in particular, she focused on their use of demonstrations and public events to mobilise popular support. elsewhere, cathie lloyd ( ; ) conducted empirical research on the discourses of anti-racist social movements in france. these studies all suggest the need for empirical research on anti- racism within the context of multicultural societies. research on anti-racism has also focused on the visual representations produced in anti-racist campaigns (gilroy ; murji ). my research builds on this work on contemporary anti-racism by looking at anti-racist campaigns in west belfast, focusing in particular on the extent to which sectarian narratives and identities are (re)produced in the discourses and representations of anti-racist groups active in this area (see chapter seven). . . . reviewing uk multicultural policy multiculturalism can also be understood as the policy and institutional practices through which the state ‘formally recognise(s) and reflects publicly the differentiated social needs and growing cultural diversity of its citizens’ (hall : ; vertovec ; wood and gilbert ). in general, multicultural policy is formulated to prevent social conflict by both upholding the value of diversity and promoting rights of equality of opportunity (kobayashi : ; vertovec : ). the enactment of this social policy also produces ‘distinctive institutional arrangements designed to benefit, or called for by, specific minority groups’ (vertovec : ). there is no one single policy called multiculturalism. instead, different national contexts (for example, united kingdom (uk), canada and australia) display distinctive approaches and institutional frameworks (craig ; wood and gilbert ). as my research is concerned with a constituent region of the uk (northern ireland), this section focuses on multicultural policy in britain. this research review also highlights the importance of looking at the institutions that multicultural policy is produced and enacted within. although the history of britain has been characterised by immigration, in particular of the irish in the nineteenth century and the jews in the early twentieth century, ‘it was the post-war large-scale immigration of african-caribbean and south asian (i.e. non-white) peoples which particularly prompted a set of changes in public policy’ (vertovec b: ). policy in the s and s was characterised by what kymlicka ( : ) refers to as the ‘anglo-conformity’ model of assimilation that was based on the belief that if taught the english language ‘the immigrant population would learn “to become like us”’ (abbas : ). with the recognition, in the late s, that this policy was failing, ‘british policy-makers responded with various strategies for a kind of diversity management strategy that came to be called multiculturalism’ (vertovec b: ). integration replaced assimilation as the key word in policy discourses. there was an increased recognition of rights to difference in areas such as language, religion and family life and the need for provision of funding for ethnically-identified minorities (grillo ). from this time, multicultural policy in britain moved into what kobayashi ( : ) refers to as the ‘symbolic stage’. this is conceived of as an official policy that recognises and promotes diversity, though without a firm conception of the overall objectives of such a policy. a key plank of multicultural policy that emerged in the s was the recognition that ‘negative discrimination on racial and other grounds should not be tolerated’ (grillo : ). this government concern with ‘racial’ discrimination emerged in response to racist attacks against british subjects who had migrated to england from the caribbean (banton ; miles ; solomos ). the race relations acts ( and ) banned discrimination on grounds of colour, race or ethnicity at the same time i use britain here as the term refers to england, scotland and wales without northern ireland. the term united kingdom refers to all four constituent regions. i examine multicultural policy in ‘britain’ (as opposed to the uk) in this section because (as will be shown in chapter five) these policies did not extend to northern ireland. as promoting equality of opportunity (phizacklea and miles ; solomos : ). these acts had limited success (lester ) and were replaced by the more far- reaching race relations act ( ). this act introduced the dual concepts of direct and indirect discrimination and set up a new commission for racial equality (cre). since the act, ‘race’ relations legislation has remained an integral part of broader british multicultural policy. as pina werbner ( : ) notes, multiculturalism ‘probably has more critics than defenders’, and this has often been true of british multicultural policy. from the s on, the focus on cultural difference in policy was rejected by many ethnically-identified minorities ‘who deeply resented its implicit paternalism’ (abbas : ). through its complex institutional practices, ‘race’ relations legislation tended to create a ‘race relations industry’ which was both self-serving and failed to address issues of institutional racism (anthias and yuval-davis ; gilroy ). the definition of ‘race’ used in the race relations act has also been accused of essentialising socially constructed groups (malik ; miles and torres ) and even contributing to racism (gilroy ). arguably the harshest critics of multiculturalism in britain during the late s and s were to be found in the conservative party that held power throughout this period (bonnett ). under the conservatives, multicultural policy underwent a period of stasis. as john solomos ( ) notes, this administration refused to strengthen ‘race’ relations legislation or to allocate further resources to equality bodies. this situation led to conflicts between central government and ‘racial’ equality institutions in many labour-dominated local governments (see anthias and yuval-davis ; gilroy ). in , following its election triumph, ‘new labour was keen to embrace britain’s multicultural and ethnically diverse mix of people’ (abbas : ). the human rights act, the macpherson report ( ) and the race relations (amendment) act ( ) were all important developments in multicultural policy (abbas ). in the twenty-first century, community cohesion has appeared as a new agenda in british the race relations act ( ) defines a ‘racial group’ as a ‘group of persons defined by reference to colour, race, nationality or ethnic or national origins’. multicultural policy (abbas ; cantle ; grillo ). community cohesion calls for a ‘type of multi-culturalism in which everyone supports the values and laws of the nation, whilst keeping hold of their cultural identity’ (the community cohesion panel final report : ; cited in grillo : ). as such, contemporary multicultural policy in the uk is based on the twin strategy of promoting ‘racial’ equality through ‘race’ relations legislation and community cohesion through the fostering of a common sense of identity and the celebration of cultural diversity (grillo : ). although increasingly popular in government circles, elements of this ‘twin strategy’ are deeply problematic. the notion of ‘community’ cohesion appears to essentialise and reify the putative culture and identity of socially constructed ‘communities’, and the strategy has even been accused of masking the re-appearance of an assimilationist agenda in uk multicultural policy (worley ). multicultural policy is grounded in specific institutional arrangements, but there has been very little research on ‘the institutional implications’ of multiculturalism (uitermark, rossi and van houtum : ). some studies of multicultural policy in britain have focused on government policy and institutions. ben-tovim, gabriel, law and stredder ( ) examined ‘race’ relations policy and practice in local government in the uk through ethnographic research conducted in ‘racial’ equality units in liverpool and wolverhampton. this research specifically highlighted the ‘integral role of organizations and policies’ in the struggle for ‘racial’ equality (ben-tovim et al . : ). similarly, anthias and yuval-davis ( ) conducted ethnographic research on equal opportunities institutions in a london borough during the s. this study focused on the discourses and practices, as well as the institutional structures, of a ‘racial’ equality unit to draw out the complexities and tensions between equal opportunities and cultural diversity in british multicultural policy. these studies highlight the importance of looking at both the content of multicultural public policy and the institutional arrangements in which it is produced and enacted. both public policy and institutional structures are examined in chapter five, which engages with the emergence of multicultural policy agendas in northern ireland since the agreement. . . perspectives on ‘multicultural’ northern ireland having outlined the different approaches to understanding multiculturalism that my research engages with, this next section looks at the more specific literature pertaining to emerging multicultural agendas in northern ireland. increasingly the term multiculturalism is appearing in both academic and non-academic accounts of contemporary northern ireland (chan ; mcveigh and rolston ; nash ; ofmdfm a). in the sections that follow i review relevant research on various attempts to fix the meaning of cultural diversity in northern ireland. in particular, literature on demographic change and racism, the multicultural politics of recognition, anti-racism and recent studies of northern irish public policy are reviewed and discussed. the aim of these discussions is to show how my research both develops out of, and fills gaps in, these existing literatures. . . . demographic changes and racism in northern ireland although ethnically-identified minorities have always resided in the territory of northern ireland, the existence of groups beyond the ‘two traditions’ was generally ignored in academic studies of the region (hainsworth ; lentin and mcveigh a; mcveigh ). recent research, however, has highlighted the region’s growing demographic diversity (devine ; jarman ; rogers ). over the last ten years, immigration has increased, particularly from eastern europe, and northern ireland has recorded a higher level of in-migration than out-migration for the first time (rogers ). mcveigh and rolston ( : ) identify the peace process, which made northern ireland a more attractive place to live and work, and economic growth and labour shortages as the key factors behind these changing patterns of migration. as northern irish society has begun to display features of ‘demographic multiculturalism’ (kobayashi : ), research has focused in particular on processes of racism and racialisation in response to this increased diversity (see lentin and mcveigh a). the specifics of historical and contemporary processes of migration to northern ireland will be considered in detail in chapter four. here it suffices to note that the main ethnic minorities present at the foundation of the state were jews and irish travellers. from the s on, the region also experienced migration from former commonwealth areas, particularly hong kong and india (irwin and dunn ). throughout ‘the troubles’ the issue of racism was almost completely absent from academic analyses of northern ireland for a number of reasons (mcveigh ). first, racism was not seen as a problem largely because of the popular misconception that there was not demographic diversity. secondly, the dominance of sectarianism, the ‘[p]reoccupation with traditional communal politics and divisions’, marginalised the concerns of racialised groups, with government and civil society doing little to address the needs and experiences of these vulnerable peoples (hainsworth : ; mann-kler ). thirdly, the common identification of both of the dominant groups in northern ireland as ‘white’ led to a situation in which ideas of ‘racial’ difference were rarely explicitly evoked (mcveigh : ). although recent scholarship has shown that ‘white’ is itself a racialised category (anderson ; bonnett ; ; jackson ; mcguiness ; nash ), the tendency to view northern ireland as a ‘white’ space remains (chan ). recently, however, as both the size and geographical location of demographic diversity has changed, the issue of racism ‘has emerged from almost complete obscurity to one of considerable legislative and political concern’ (connolly : ; lentin and mcveigh b). there have been a number of quantitative and qualitative studies of racism in northern ireland conducted in the last decade. in racist harassment in northern ireland, jarman and monaghan ( ) analysed police data on ‘racial’ incidents. this research showed that the number and severity of such incidents is increasing. both gilligan and lloyd ( ) and hayes and dowds ( ) drew on survey data in their analyses of ‘racial’ prejudice in northern ireland. these studies found that levels of self-reported prejudicial attitudes towards racialised groups have increased since . both of these studies also found that those holding strong sectarian attitudes were most likely to express prejudice against racialised groups. connolly and keenan ( a; b; ) conducted in- depth qualitative interviews to understand the experience of racist harassment among ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. this research found that racist harassment is ‘embedded in the routine behaviour and processes of northern irish a ‘racial incident’, as defined by the police service of ireland (psni), describes any incident with a ‘race’ dimension – and covers both crimes and ‘non-crimes’ (this phrase is adopted from macpherson ( )). as well as covering attacks on people and property, the definition of a ‘racial incident’ also includes incidents which would not normally result in criminal proceedings such as name-calling. society’ (connolly and keenan : ). studies have also combined quantitative and qualitative approaches. irwin and dunn’s ( ) ground-breaking study ethnic minorities in northern ireland investigated the experiences of these groups through both surveys and in-depth interviews. using a similar approach, bell, jarman and lefebvre ( ) examined the situation facing migrant workers in northern ireland. although the focus of my research is not directly on racism, it is against the backdrop of increased discrimination against racialised groups that multicultural agendas have emerged in northern ireland. the research cited above suggests that practices of discrimination are embedded in at least some segments of northern irish society and that this situation is, in part, a legacy of sectarianism. however, research has not yet explored how sectarianism might impact on responses to racism in northern ireland. this is a theme of analysis that i develop throughout the dissertation, but particularly in chapter six. the impact of the sectarian division of northern irish society on minorities is a consistent theme in the literature (chan ; ellis a; lentin and mcveigh b; mcveigh and rolston ). the spatialisation of sectarianism has produced exclusivist notions of space and territory (shirlow and murtagh ), and excluded those groups not included in the ‘two traditions’ (chan ). the movement of new migrants into areas with strong sectarian identifications has challenged sectarian expressions of place and space (chan ). connolly and kennan ( : ) suggest that most racist acts in northern ireland are committed by boys and young men ‘based upon some notion of territory and a feeling that minority ethnic people represented a threat to that territory.’ drawing attention to the spatialisation of processes of racialisation in northern ireland, chan ( : ) argues that [northern ireland] offers many examples of place making by racialized, ethnicized minorities which have been prevented or opposed, such as the mosque which was not built in bleary co. armagh due to the objections of politicians purporting to speak on behalf of ‘locals’ in , or the many homes of racialized, ethnicized migrants and minorities that have been attacked and their inhabitants assaulted. jarman and monaghan ( : ) highlight the intersection of territorialized sectarian division and processes of racialisation. as sectarian residential segregation has continued to increase it is likely that some people have identified the minority as the new ‘other’ and turned their attentions away from the protestant or catholic minority towards the chinese and indian communities who are beginning to create new interfaces in some working class communities. this is not to argue that racism and sectarianism are exactly the same thing but they have common roots in a society which does not tolerate difference, which is focused in upon itself, is insecure and which accepts violence and abuse as a legitimate form of expression. as this dissertation looks at the emergence of multicultural agendas in the context of a sectarian society, it is important to take a step back from these empirical studies to probe a little deeper the relationship between sectarianism and racism. above, jarman and monaghan argue that sectarianism and racism are not ‘exactly the same thing’, yet a tendency to treat the terms as equivalent has emerged in the northern ireland context (for example, mcveigh and rolston ). in my own research i acknowledge that sectarianism and racism share commonalities as ‘socially and politically produced systems of power and discrimination’ (chan : ). however, i also argue that sectarianism and racism are analytically and ontologically discrete processes. as brewer ( ) contends, sectarianism and racism are similar but not the same: while ‘race’ is based on the perception of putative differences in physical characteristics, sectarianism is not based on perceptual cues (for example, one cannot see if a person is catholic/nationalist or protestant/unionist from their skin colour). sectarianism is inferred instead from a series of stereotypical cues such as where a person went to school or where they live. mcveigh ( : ) analyses the two processes dialectically in terms of the social relations involved, and concludes that sectarianism and racism ‘involve groups which are constituted in substantially different ways’ such that ‘the two phenomena maintain a discrete integrity’. although sectarianism and racism share similarities as the basis for discriminatory practices, they are not equivalent. while my own research has been very mindful of the distinctions between sectarianism and racism, in chapters five and six my work explores how and why the two processes are often collapsed into one another in official and popular discourses in post-conflict northern ireland. . . . the politics of recognition in northern ireland social and political analyses of northern ireland have not been populated by debates about the multicultural politics of recognition, despite the prominence of these discussions in the literature on the management of diversity in liberal-democratic societies. adrian little ( : ) argues that this absence ‘reflects the tendency of political analysts to see northern ireland as a ‘place apart’.’ little suggests the utility of the multicultural politics of recognition as a theoretical framework for rethinking northern ireland in the context of peace and political settlement. critically engaging with the work of both bhikhu parekh and will kymlicka, little finds elements of the thought of both writers in contemporary political discourses in northern ireland. little ( : - ) shows that the agreement is not based on a multicultural model, contrary to attempts to interpret it in terms of multiculturalism (for example, mcveigh and rolston ; rolston ). rather it is grounded in a consociational model which relies on, and tends to reify, the existence of separate catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist communal groupings (schaap ). in order to move beyond the sectarian division of northern irish society, little suggests that the politics of recognition must engage with both the internal diversity of the ‘two traditions’ (for example, in terms of class, gender, age, etc) and the existence of other groups in society such as ethnically-identified minorities. there has been an absence of research on how ethnically-identified minorities are included in the politics of recognition in northern ireland. my work addresses this lacuna by looking at the recognition of ethnically- identified groups in ‘multicultural’ festivals in belfast (see chapter six). palshaugen ( ) used the theoretical framework of the politics of recognition to investigate the workings of the northern ireland civic forum. the civic forum was constituted by representatives from various civil society groups ‘in an attempt at this distinction between internal diversity within the ‘two traditions’ and other categories of ethnicised and racialised diversity mirrors parekh’s ( ) distinction between subcultural and cultural diversity discussed earlier in this chapter. the civic forum was a consultative body set up under strand of the agreement to represent the interests of wider civil society, rather than just those of political parties. it met on a number of occasions, but was suspended along with the assembly in and has not met since. the civic forum had no formal legislative or governmental powers. it consisted of members plus a chairperson, and members were representative of the voluntary, business, agriculture, trade union, education, culture, community relations and fisheries sectors. institutionalising an opportunity for debate and cooperation in the context of wider diversity and based on lines of division other than nationalist or unionist’ (palshaugen : ). this research drew on interviews with members of the civic forum and observation at meetings to examine the politics of recognition in practice. noting the tendency to privilege nationalists and unionists in the workings of the civic forum, palshaugen ( : ) acknowledged the danger that northern ireland could ‘move from a situation dominated by one culture to a situation where the two communities dominate all other minorities.’ however, palshaugen does not adequately address these concerns in her research. the ‘ethnic minority community’ representative sitting on the civic forum was not interviewed, and the study did not fully engage with the issues of those groups outside the ‘two traditions’. my work attempts to address this oversight by talking directly with representatives of different ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland about their experiences, issues and concerns. the absence of empirical research involving ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland has been noted in the literature (mcveigh and lentin ; lentin and mcveigh a). one exception to this general omission is a study conducted by suzanna chan ( ) into efforts by the chinese welfare association (cwa) in belfast to secure space for a housing scheme for elderly people of chinese descent. drawing on reports, policy documents, interviews with cwa leaders and ethnography at consultation meetings, this research examined the difficulties faced by this group as it sought to reproduce itself spatially in belfast. chan notes that a site for the cwa was only identified and planning permission granted after the housing authority agreed to build more houses for nationalist ‘locals’. reflecting on the discrepancy between official discourses of multiculturalism and the problems the cwa experienced on the ground, chan ( : ) argues that the basis of place-making practices of racialised minorities is always ‘conditional’ on sectarian considerations. as well as reiterating ellis’s ( a) finding that these groups are marginalised within the northern ireland planning system, chan’s research shows how sectarian division hinders the multicultural politics of recognition. my study builds on chan’s work by investigating the politics of recognition of ethnically-identified minorities in belfast, in particular looking at events aimed at raising awareness of these groups (see chapter six). while chan looked only at the cwa, my engagement with a number of ethnically-identified minorities in belfast represents an important step forward from existing research. furthermore, my research is novel in the northern ireland context in that it combines an analysis of the multicultural politics of recognition with an investigation of other attempts to fix the meaning of cultural diversity such as through public policy and anti-racist movements. . . . analyses of anti-racism in northern ireland there has, as mcveigh and lentin ( : ) note, been ‘very little critical reflection on the process of anti-racism in northern ireland.’ accounts of anti-racism in ‘ireland’ have tended to focus only on the republic of ireland and neglected the situation north of the border (garner ; lentin ). for example, the sections on ireland in alana lentin’s ( ) study of anti-racism in europe were based on interviews with groups located only in the republic of ireland. similarly, writing on the potential for new forms of anti-racist alliances and movements in ireland, steve garner ( ) focuses only on the south of ireland. garner proposes that the internationalist agenda of militant irish republicanism could foster a discursive repertoire for anti-racists in ‘ireland’. he does not, however, consider the obvious limits of adopting such strategies in the context of northern ireland, where irish republicanism is closely linked with sectarian politics and the division that this engenders. as northern irish society becomes more culturally diverse, the challenge is for writers on anti-racism to extend their analysis to include northern ireland, and to consider the specificities of this context in their work. the emergence of anti-racist discourses and practices in contemporary northern ireland has been observed in passing (lentin and mcveigh b). however, studies of anti- racism in northern ireland have been limited to historical analyses. describing the establishment of belfast branches of organisations like the trotskyite anti-nazi league during the late s and early s, robbie mcveigh ( a) highlights the role played by anti-racists based in the uk mainland in the development of anti-racism in northern ireland. mcveigh also outlines the formation of new anti-racist alliances involving ethnically-identified minorities from the start of the s. although mcveigh’s work is important in terms of outlining the historical trajectory of anti- racism, it has not been followed up by empirically grounded studies of anti-racism in northern ireland. similarly, while suzanna chan ( : ) argues that anti-racism in northern ireland ‘needs to thoroughly disrupt dominant discourses and relations between majorities and racialized, ethnicized minorities’ there has been no empirical engagement with the processes of anti-racism. this absence is part of the rationale for looking at anti-racism in west belfast as part of my research (see chapter seven). drawing on empirical research on anti-racist campaigns, this chapter examines the emergence of anti-racist discourses and representations – and their intersection with territorialized sectarian identities – in a deeply divided locale. . . . research on post-agreement public policy since the agreement, the emergence of discourses of cultural diversity and multiculturalism in northern irish public policy has been noted (chan ; mcveigh and rolston ). in a paper examining post-conflict policy in northern ireland, graham and nash ( : ) ‘take up a recent call for geographical attention to democracy’s routine procedures and policy matters’ to look specifically at the consultation process for the a shared future policy. based on a close reading of responses to a draft of the a shared future document and analysis of the policy itself, their paper investigates the difficulty of encouraging pluralist policy within a society in which sectarian differences are articulated territorially. they observed that responses to the draft policy exhibited diverse and often conflicting interpretations of the meaning of ‘sharing’ and ‘pluralism’. this, the authors argue, illustrates the tension between state- led public policy and the reality of sectarian territoriality. graham and nash’s research is relevant to my study to follow in that it demonstrates how multicultural initiatives interact with embedded sectarianism in the context of post-agreement northern ireland. as they surmise: ‘northern ireland remains an arena of conflict not only between identities but also between formal processes of consociational democracy’ (graham and nash : ). the emergence of a concern with pluralist policy is, they argue, part of a process of ‘normalization’ after the conflict (graham and nash : ). the idea that the emergence of multicultural agendas is a facet of ‘normalising’ northern ireland and moving it beyond sectarianism is a theme of analysis that i develop further in chapter five. graham and nash’s work is important in terms of looking specifically at the emergence of pluralist policy in northern ireland; however, it does not fully attend to the institutional structures of public policy. in contrast, and building on their findings, my research looks at the content of multicultural policy alongside a detailed examination of the institutional structures of post-agreement northern ireland in which such policy is being produced and enacted. a concern with multicultural policy initiatives animates other studies of contemporary northern ireland such as silvia mussano’s ( ) examination of the development of citizenship education policy. based on an analysis of policy discourses and statements from key institutional players, she argues that public policy has begun to move towards full recognition of cultural diversity in northern ireland. the issue of multiculturalism and public policy in northern ireland is more directly addressed in a study by catherine nash ( ) of cultural policy in northern ireland. defining multiculturalism as ‘the diverse policies and ways of thinking about societies characterised by cultural plurality’, nash ( : ) traces shifts in the meaning of ‘identity’ and ‘tradition’ in northern irish cultural policy. her analysis draws on policy documents and publications alongside interviews with policy makers and community relations practitioners. using the framework of multicultural theory, nash critically engages with the emergence of discourses of cultural diversity in public culture and politics with a specific focus on the community relations council (crc). in highlighting the potential for cultural policy to challenge essentialised conceptualisations of tradition and identity in northern ireland, nash shows how efforts are being made to re-imagine northern irish society in terms of both sectarian difference and wider demographic diversity. eschewing easy cynicism, nash’s work suggests the potential for multicultural agendas to undermine and destabilise accepted sectarian conceptions of northern irish society. the potential identified by nash ( ) for emerging multicultural agendas to help move northern ireland beyond sectarianism is a central starting point for my research which has sought to explore in detail the veracity of such claims and the ways in which these agendas manifest institutionally and in practice. for example, while nash focused mainly on the crc, my study engages with a wider set of institutions (such as key post- agreement institutions such as the office of the first minister and deputy first minister) as well as the discourses and policies of non-governmental bodies. similarly, while graham and nash ( ) look at a key piece of post-conflict public policy and responses to a draft of this policy text, my work includes an analysis of institutional structures and relationships alongside interviews with policy makers and civil servants. this has allowed me to understand the production and enactment of multicultural policy within the specific governing structures of post-agreement northern ireland. finally, unlike the studies reviewed in this section, my research does not focus only on public policy. as outlined in this chapter, my work examines other attempts to fix the meaning of cultural diversity in contemporary northern ireland such as anti-racism and the multicultural politics of recognition. . . conclusion this chapter has reviewed a range of literatures that are relevant to understanding sectarianism, multiculturalism and the intersection of emerging multicultural agendas and sectarianism in northern ireland which is the focus of my research. the chapter began by attending to recent geographies of religion, concluding that the conceptual framing of religion in this work was inadequate for understanding the complexly embedded ‘religious’ nature of sectarianism in northern ireland. sectarianism in the northern ireland context reflects social, psychological and economic factors and influences far beyond doctrinal divisions between catholics and protestants. instead, sectarianism is understood in my research as those sets of discourses and social practices which (re)produce sectarian constructions of space and identity. sectarianism continues to structure the lived experiences of many in northern ireland, despite the social and political advances since the peace process. a range of literatures relevant to understanding multiculturalism in contemporary societies were then examined. multiculturalism was conceptualised as referring to a wide range of strategies for fixing the meaning of cultural diversity in society, of which four approaches which frame my research were identified. the first, demographic multiculturalism, refers simply to the existence of diversity in society. the presence of cultural diversity, which is often understood in terms of ‘race’, may be rejected through racist attitudes and behaviours directed against racialised groups. at the same time, the issue of racism may stimulate societal responses aimed at addressing this problem. secondly, the chapter looked at the politics of recognition that has influenced many debates and policy positions on multiculturalism. proponents of this theory argue that contemporary society can be understood as composed of a range of culturally defined groups seeking the recognition of their collective identities. reviewing research on the politics of recognition, i argued that the practices of recognition, particularly in the city, offer an opportunity for empirical engagement with the multicultural politics of recognition. thirdly, anti-racism was approached as a sub-field of multiculturalism that combines a desire to combat racism with an alternative vision of social relations. empirical studies of anti-racism were discussed, and it was argued that research should attend to the discourses and representations produced by anti-racist campaigns and activists. fourthly, multiculturalism has been conceived of as public policy and its institutional arrangements. given the focus of my study on northern ireland, multicultural policy in britain was reviewed. the promotion of ‘racial’ equality through ‘race’ relations and the celebration of cultural diversity are central elements of current british multicultural policy. this discussion showed that while much has been written on the content of multicultural policy, empirical research has often failed to adequately account for the institutional structures within which multicultural policy is produced and enacted. the chapter then accounted for literature on processes of multiculturalism in present day northern ireland. first, it was argued that as the demographic make-up of northern irish society has changed due to increased migration, quantitative and qualitative studies have focused in particular on the issue of racism in northern irish society and the impact of sectarian division on racialised groups. the absence of research exploring the impact of sectarianism on responses to racism in northern ireland is addressed in my research. secondly, research examining northern ireland through the theoretical framework of the politics of recognition was discussed. the politics of recognition has rarely been employed in academic discussions on northern ireland, and when it has been used it has tended to refer only to catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist communal groupings. this discussion highlighted the paucity of research on the recognition of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. thirdly, the literature on anti-racism in northern ireland was reviewed. it was shown that there has been a complete absence of empirical research on processes of anti-racism on the ground. finally, studies which have considered the shift towards a greater recognition of diversity and pluralism in northern irish public policy were discussed. although some of these studies have highlighted how embedded sectarianism hinders attempts to construct post-agreement northern ireland as plural and diverse, they have not fully examined the institutional structures within which multicultural policy agendas are produced and enacted. despite extensive research on sectarianism in northern ireland and multiculturalism in contemporary societies, as yet no research has fully engaged with the intersection of a range of emergent multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism in this context. this chapter has highlighted the key debates and studies which inform my project and suggested how the empirical material presented in chapters five, six and seven addresses significant gaps in these literatures. in the following chapter the way in which a range of different qualitative methods, including interviewing, participant observation, policy and institutional analysis and visual methods, were all used in my research is discussed at length. chapter three methodology . . introduction chapter two introduced several important themes in the academic literature that frame my research on sectarianism and emergent multicultural agendas in northern ireland. these included sectarianism in northern ireland, demographic multiculturalism, the politics of recognition, anti-racism and multicultural policy frameworks (with a specific focus on the uk context). my research developed out of these recent academic debates, but, as this chapter outlines, the specific research questions and study areas addressed also reflect methodological and contextual concerns. in this chapter i describe how the specific units of analysis were selected, and explain and justify the selection of field sites. data collection and analysis are also discussed. the aim of this chapter is to allow the reader to understand how the research was undertaken, and to identify and engage with the methodological strengths and weaknesses of my study. in this chapter the different qualitative methods i used to investigate the interaction between sectarianism and multicultural agendas in northern ireland are presented and discussed. there are research goals and objectives for which qualitative methods are particularly valuable: developing causal explanations of social phenomena; identifying unanticipated phenomena and outcomes; understanding participant’s context(s); and understanding the meaning of events, actions and experiences for participants (maxwell ). my research relied on qualitative methods as the type of data i needed required an ‘in-depth, intensive approach rather than statistical description and generalizable predictions’ (dwyer and limb : ). alongside the well-established qualitative methods of interviewing and observation, other methods popular in human geography such as document and institutional analysis and visual methods were used in this research project (crang; ; rose ). until recently, the political situation in northern ireland led many human geographers to rely predominantly on quantitative methods (for example, boal and douglas ; compton and power ). while the conflictual and often violent nature of ‘the troubles’ made in-depth qualitative studies difficult, schubotz ( ) notes that since the ceasefires research in northern ireland has increasingly relied on such methods (for an example of in-depth qualitative research on northern ireland in human geography, see shirlow ). when working in northern ireland there are specific pressures to ensure transparency in one’s research. this is especially so given the danger of misrepresentation through the over-privileging of extreme viewpoints and positions (brewer, lockhart and rodgers ). the process of ‘triangulating’ qualitative data helps to avoid this pitfall (denizen ). while the importance of triangulation is often recognised in standard research design textbooks (dwyer and limb ; kitchen and tate ), the bringing together of different sources and forms of data is not always achieved in many qualitative research projects (cochrane ). in an effort to ensure the validity of the research findings, in this study i use a variety of qualitative methods to interrogate the relationship between multiculturalism and sectarianism in post- agreement northern ireland. this chapter starts by outlining the broad methodological commitment to discourse analysis adopted in this project, including a discussion of how discourse analysis was conceptualised in the research. the utility of this method for looking at policies, institutional structures, interviews and visual culture is outlined. i argue that discourse analysis can be productively supplemented by an engagement with the social practice and spaces within which discourses are mobilised. the chapter then accounts for the way in which i accessed the wider discursive field of multiculturalism in northern ireland, and the rationale and method by which specific sites and actors were selected. techniques of data collection, specifically interviewing, observation and visual methods, are outlined in detail. this discussion includes a consideration of my own identity and positionality within the research process. data analysis and interpretation are detailed to show how the findings presented in the substantive chapters were reached within the methodological framework of the research. the final section considers some of the limitations of the methodology adopted in this research. . . discourse analysis this section develops an understanding of discourse, discourse analysis and the relation between discourse and social practice that provides a primary methodological frame for the research. the bulk of the work that has been carried out in discourse analysis refers, directly or indirectly, to the writings of michel foucault ( ; ; ; ), and his discussions of power, knowledge and truth; the configuration of which constitutes discourse (mills ). in contrast to traditional approaches in linguistics, foucault did not think about discourse in terms of groups of signs or pieces of text, but rather as ‘practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak’ (foucault : ). foucault ( ) argued that power and knowledge are inter-related, and, therefore, every human relationship is a negotiation of power. according to foucault ( ), discourse is intimately bound up with power as it operates by rules of exclusion. the dominant discursive formations control what can be spoken of, where and how one may speak and who may speak. foucault ( ) rejected the notion that truth was objective and ‘out there’ in the world, arguing instead that it is socially produced and subjective. as a consequence, foucault ( ) saw knowledge not as the quest for this ‘truth’ but as the struggle for control of discourse, what he termed ‘power/knowledge’ (mills : ). a key element of foucault’s work for my discourse analysis is his emphasis on how different social actors and organisations develop various discourses to conform with, circumvent, or contest dominant discursive formations. amongst many others, foucault’s work on discourse had a major influence on norman fairclough’s ( ; ; ) more pragmatically technical approach of critical discourse analysis (cda). this is an interdisciplinary approach to the study of text and talk which seeks ‘to unpack the ideological underpinning of discourse’ (fairclough : ). according to cda, discourse is not simply a reflection of social processes, but rather fundamental to the social reproduction of social structures (teo ). for foucault ( ), language is the primary instrument through which ideology is transmitted, enacted and reproduced. fairclough ( : ) develops this position to although this is not a study of ideology, it is important to make clear my understanding of such a loaded term. the term ‘ideology’ dates back over two hundred years; it was used by napoleon bonaparte in a negative way to refer to all abstract or fanciful social theories or ideas (williams ). in the german ideology marx developed his base/superstructure theory of society in which he argued that because the ruling class controls the means of production (the base of society) it also controls its superstructure, including its ideology (marx and engels ). marx understood ideology as the instrument of social reproduction through which the ideas of the ruling class are reproduced and ‘false consciousness’ engendered in the proletariat. gramsci ( ) built on marx’s writing on ideology to develop the concept of ‘hegemony’ to refer to the way in which social control is maintained through the construction of bourgeois values and goals as ‘normal’. more recently cultural theorists have critiqued the dominant marxist notion of ideology. zizek ( ) argues that ‘false consciousness’, the simplistic assumption that emphasise the ‘major role of discourse in the construction of social subjects.’ discourse, according to fairclough ( : ), constitutes the social but, at the same time, all discursive practice draws upon, and is related to, other forms of discourse that exist in the social realm. fairclough ( ; ) presents critical discourse analysis as a means of understanding the text itself and the wider discursive, and social, practice within which it is subsumed. as well as attending to linguistic features of the text, cda investigates the macro-level social practices through which institutions both construct and constrain discourse. as outlined in chapter two, multicultural agendas, both in northern ireland and elsewhere, may be articulated in public policy and the institutional frameworks in which policy is produced and enacted. policy analysis offers a means of examining the emergence of particular discursive constructions and their use in policy argumentation (fischer ; forester ). a cda-informed approach to policy analysis looks in particular at changes in language use, repetition of terms and other linguistic attributes of policy texts. although an analysis of policy texts allows for the emergence of particular discourses to be traced, it reveals little about how they are actualised in practice (larner ). fairclough’s ( ) model appears to recognise this limitation, suggesting that cda should involve both textual analysis and analysis of the social and institutional structures within which texts are produced and disseminated. this emphasises the need to examine the characteristics of institutions, the nature of their relationship to other institutions, as well as the policy texts they produce (czarniawska ; halkier ). an institution may be defined as ‘a relatively enduring collection of rules and organized practices, embedded in structures of meaning and resources that are relatively invariant in the face of turnover of individuals’ (march and olsen : ). ‘new institutionalism’ authority and ideas are blindly accepted, belies the cynicism of modern society. ideology 'is not simply a “false consciousness”, an illusory representation of reality, it is rather this reality itself which is already to be conceived as “ideological”' (zizek : ). dominant ideologies wholly structure individual subjects’ senses of reality such that to speak of false consciousness has no meaning. ideology, according to zizek, does not mask some external ‘reality’, but instead is the very stuff that makes up consciousness. understanding ideology as everyday, mundane social praxis suggests the need to focus on the discourses, objects and experiences of everyday life through which ideology is constructed and (re)produced. emphasises the role played by institutions in constructing social order (march and olsen ). institutions are political in that they are the substance by which politics is constructed and the vehicle through which politics is practised (karl ). as carriers of identities, institutions mark out the character, history and future visions of a society (march and olsen ). at the same time, specific institutional arrangements may have an impact on policy and political actors, constraining or enabling outcomes and changes (march and olsen ). this suggests the importance of speaking to civil servants and policy makers to understand both the discourses of these social actors and the institutions within which they are mobilised. in my research i also wanted to investigate the discourses of non-state actors and, for this reason, spoke with representatives from ethnically-identified minorities and voluntary/community groups. the selection process and collection of interview data will be detailed later in this chapter. the applicability of discourse analysis is not limited to interviews and policy analysis; it can also be used to analyse pictures, photographs and other visual materials (rose ; tonkiss ). discourse analysis explicitly looks at different ways in which text and images are used to persuade and produce particular claims to truth in specific social contexts (rose ). again drawing on the work of foucault, gillian rose ( : ) argues that discourse as ‘a particular knowledge about the world that shapes how the world is understood and how things are done in it’ is articulated through visual and verbal images as well as texts. in this way, images are used to construct specific views of the social world. conducting discourse analysis, according to tonkiss ( ), involves engaging with two specific aspects of the text. first, there is the analysis of the text itself; in the case of visual culture this includes the images and objects that carry them. second, the social context of the discourse needs to be considered; this includes looking at who is producing the visual culture, why they are producing it and in what circumstances. although language can only be understood in the context of its use, discourse analysis has been accused of failing to engage fully with social practice. bridge ( : ) argues that social science and, in particular, discourse analysis tends to overemphasise the importance of ‘talk’ while failing to account for the performative aspect of communication. certainly non-representational approaches have highlighted the performative and embodied aspects of identity and social relations (jacobs and nash ; thrift ; ; whatmore ). this criticism has been noted by discourse analysts. fairclough ( : ) suggests that we consider ‘language as a form of social practice’, and, as outlined above, tonkiss ( ) emphasises the social context of discourse alongside the text itself. similarly, wetherell and potter ( : ) argue that there is a need ‘to place much more emphasis on discourse as social practice, on the context of use and thus on the act of discursive instantiation.’ as well as looking at the words used in a particular situation, it is often important to consider non-discursive features of the social context. oftentimes what a person does is just as important as what is said, if not even more so. mindful of these concerns, and the questions which this research sought to address, my discourse analysis was augmented by observation at events organised by different groups (which will be detailed later in the chapter). . . selecting field sites, sources, and informants in this section my selection of specific field sites, sources and types of information will be discussed and justified. writing about choosing a field site in sudan, cindi katz ( : ) concluded that its selection was ‘an amalgam of historical circumstance, intellectual criteria, practical specifications, and default.’ certainly my decision to conduct research in northern ireland reflects a variety of factors, some personal and circumstantial, others academic and career-oriented. although i grew up in the south of ireland, i lived relatively close to the border with northern ireland. as i was growing up, northern ireland was geographically near, but psychologically quite removed from my everyday life. daily our television screens were filled with stories and images from northern ireland, but i rarely crossed the heavily militarised border zone. as the violence of ‘the troubles’ began to end, and the optimism of the peace process and, eventually, the agreement built, i became increasingly interested in the dramatic changes taking place in the neighbouring jurisdiction. these social, political and economic changes and the increase in cultural diversity that accompanied them have provided the context for this research (see chapter four). of course, choosing a field site is, as katz notes, also closely bound up with intellectual concerns and specific research questions. as chapter two demonstrated, my research on the emergence of multicultural agendas in a society divided along sectarian lines arises out of, and seeks to contribute to, a number of key academic debates. similarly, the decision to concentrate on belfast rather than other areas of northern ireland was motivated by intellectual and practical considerations. the city has been identified as the most propitious site for researching multiculturalism (wood and gilbert ), and, as the main urban centre in northern ireland, belfast was the most logical location for my research. furthermore, belfast has been both the most popular destination for new migrants (rogers ), and the site of the majority of reported attacks on racialised minorities (jarman and monaghan ). belfast also had significant advantages in terms of access to informants and social practices. all the administrative functions of northern ireland run from castle buildings at stormont (just outside belfast), and all the key policy makers and civil servants work in belfast. the city is also home to numerous ethnically-identified minority groups and voluntary/community sector groups. also, prior to beginning my phd i already had a number of contacts in belfast that i did not have in other areas of northern ireland. these contacts allowed me to conduct small scale pilot studies before commencing fieldwork proper, and provided me with an ‘in’ which i would not have had in, for example, derry or a semi-rural area such as mid-ulster. academic links with queens university, belfast were another determining factor. during my fieldwork i held an honorary position as a visiting research associate in the department of geography, archaeology and paleoecology at queens. the next step was to develop an initial understanding of the discursive field of multiculturalism in northern ireland. this involved identifying the different types and sources of information that i would require for the study. as the research sought to examine public policy and institutional structures, information from both primary sources (interviews and observation) and secondary sources (policy documents and other printed materials) was needed. as well as consulting primary sources, speaking with representatives from ethnically-identified minorities and voluntary/community groups was identified as the most effective means of gaining access to information on responses to racialised violence and attempts to raise awareness of cultural diversity in northern ireland. as will be described later in this chapter, these interviews were augmented by both observation and analysis of visual culture. observation took place at multicultural festivals and anti-racist events (see section . . .), and the visual culture produced by anti-racist groups was examined to explore the politics of anti-racism in west belfast (see section . . .). the policies to be analysed were selected based on their concern with ‘multicultural issues’, the recentness of their publication and the institution which produced them. as social policy in northern ireland is devolved i chose to focus on texts produced by institutions within the devolved administration. after consulting the websites of key devolved institutions, i chose two policies for detailed analysis: a shared future, published by the community relations unit in march , and a racial equality strategy for northern ireland, published by the racial equality unit in july . the former document was intended to set out the broad vision and principles for a post- conflict northern irish society (graham and nash ), and the goal of the latter document was to outline a strategy for promoting racial equality across the political institutions of northern ireland. both of these documents make direct references to issues of cultural diversity, multiculturalism and racism in northern ireland. prior to entering the field a close reading was done of these texts, and a manual coding system was used to highlight key terms that recurred throughout the documents. later these policy texts were analysed further according to the principles of cda outlined in the previous section. an auxiliary outcome of this initial exercise was that i gained a better understanding of the general discursive arena in which multicultural policy was situated and this helped with later interviews. as well as looking at policy texts, my research also sought to engage with the discourses used by policy makers and civil servants, and with the institutional structures within which policies were produced and enacted. based on triangulation between the research questions, pilot interviews with civil servants and preliminary analysis of policy texts, i began the process of selecting what i refer to as ‘government’ interviewees (to differentiate them from the ‘community’ interviewees described later). in the summer of , i identified a number of key ‘government’ institutions such as the community relations unit (cru), the racial equality unit (reu), the community relations council (crc), the equality commission, the department of social development and the police service of northern ireland (psni). these institutions were selected based on the extent of their contribution to the key policy areas identified (cochrane ). for example, psni had recently appointed ‘minority ethnic liaison officers’; the equality commission has a duty to promote ‘race’ equality and had recently produced policy guidelines for enforcing this. having identified key informants, i began the process of getting in contact with them using details gleaned from institutional websites. prior to entering the field, the ethical implications of the research were thoroughly considered, and, in the summer of , the research received ethical clearance from the institute of geography’s research ethics committee. mindful of the importance of providing potential interviewees with a clear description of both myself and the project (kitchen and tate ; valentine ), a formal letter of introduction was drawn up. the intention was to post these letters to potential ‘government’ interviewees towards the end of the summer of . however, as obtaining postal addresses for many individuals proved difficult, i decided to make initial contact via an e-mail containing the key points of the formal letter including my contact details and a synopsis of the research and its aims (see appendix i for sample letter of introduction). in total i e- mailed ‘government’ individuals and institutions and received positive responses (see appendix ii for list of ‘government’ interviewees). as well as the discourses and practices of civil servants and policy makers, i was interested in multicultural events aimed at raising awareness of cultural diversity in northern ireland and those groups involved in them. i also wanted to talk to these same groups about their experiences of attempts to respond to racism in the context of a sectarian society. following pilot interviews with representatives from ethnically- identified minorities, i decided that the criteria for selection of these ‘community’ interviewees should be that the group was based in belfast and had, over the course of the previous year, received funding from the racial equality unit for an event aimed at raising awareness of ethnicised and racialised diversity. the rationale behind this selection policy was that those groups that had received funding were likely to be the most active and, hopefully, willing to discuss their opinions and experiences. looking at press releases on the racial equality unit’s website, i found the contact details of different organisations that had been allocated money between the summer of and . these groups included the northern ireland council for ethnic minorities, the chinese welfare association and belfast islamic centre (see appendix ii for full list of groups interviewed). as crang ( ) notes, research projects are often presented to different people in different ways. the formal letter drawn up for these ‘community’ interviewees was slightly different than that for ‘government’ interviewees (see appendix i). a greater focus was placed on opinions and the types of practices engaged in. in total i contacted all organisations that had received funding and obtained positive responses from of these groups. a further two interviews were secured during the fieldwork (the reason for these extra interviews is outlined in section . . .). the events selected for observation fell into one of three categories. first, there were festivals which sought to promote the recognition of cultural diversity. observation was conducted at the samhain/diwali festival held in the waterworks park in north belfast in november and the belfast mela held in the botanic gardens in august . these two events were selected as both were organised by culturally-identified minorities and involved expressing and celebrating that identity through events held in prominent public spaces in belfast. observation at these festivals allowed me to explore the politics of recognition and the impact of the sectarian division of social space on these practices (see chapter six). the second category of events selected were those organised by the racial equality unit, the institution of government most directly involved with ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. the goal of this observation was to supplement my interview data and to understand more about the relationship between institutions. to further this aim i observed a roundtable discussion involving government institutions and representatives of ethnically-identified minorities. the third, and final, category was those events organised to launch anti-racist campaigns in west belfast (see chapter seven). as outlined in chapter two, anti-racism represents another attempt to fix the meaning of cultural diversity in a multicultural society. in this research i was interested in how political murals, posters and pamphlets, traditional mediums for reproducing sectarian division, were now being used to carry an anti-racist message. i first picked up on this theme during a preliminary trip to belfast in may when a local newspaper reported on the unveiling of an anti-racist mural in west belfast. consequently, i decided to focus on anti-racist groups in west belfast, an area strongly divided along sectarian lines (boal ; dowler ) (see chapter seven). i chose to look at representations produced in a range of mediums including murals, posters and pamphlets. these anti- racist objects were selected if they had been produced and/or distributed in west belfast, and if they carried a message about anti-racism and/or the acceptance of cultural diversity. i interviewed individuals involved in the production of these anti-racist texts and, in one instance, a mural painter who had worked on an anti-racist mural. interviews and the analysis of texts and visuals were supplemented by observation at two events organised to launch anti-racist campaigns. my engagement with anti-racist visual culture also included an analysis of a poster distributed as part of a hate crime awareness campaign ran by the psni in and . this campaign was prominent in different areas of belfast during the fieldwork period, and, for this reason, i decided to focus in detail on the images used in it (see chapter six). as well as analysing the image used in this poster, i interviewed the psni officer responsible for this campaign. . . data collection and analysis the over-arching aim of the following sections is to demonstrate clearly to the reader how data was collected and analysed, and to reflect on my own experiences of these processes. the first section discusses the main data collection method used, semi- structured interviewing. prior to outlining the methods by which interview data was hate crime is a legal term: in northern ireland it is used to describe any criminal offence committed against a person or their property that is motivated by a hatred of the person on the grounds of a particular person’s ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender identity, religion, political opinion or disability. in northern ireland hate crime is defined, recorded and policed by the police service of northern ireland (psni). analysed, my own experiences of conducting interviews during the research are considered. subsequently, the collection, recording and analysis of observational data are discussed. the final section engages with the collection and analysis of visual data. . . . interviewing through semi-structured interviews interviews were the primary method used in this research. there are a variety of different types of interviewing in social science research (fontana and frey ). this research relied on semi-structured interviews as these give the interviewer freedom and flexibility in the conduct of the conversation, but are directed by a predetermined scheme that reflects research goals (corbetta ). this had the advantage of allowing me to speak directly to a diverse group of respondents, and to alter the focus of the interview to reflect the relationship of the respondent and their organisation to the research objectives. semi-structured interviews allowed me to focus on the respondent’s experiences and opinions to develop my understanding of ‘the processes which operate on particular social contexts’ (punch ; valentine : ). interviews with policy makers and key civil servants, for example, allowed me to gain access to more detailed accounts of multicultural policy and its enactment within an institutional structure that continue to privilege sectarian political identities. many of these interviewees brought along printed materials that they thought might be relevant to my study. these included official publications and policy documents as well as copies of speeches and, in one instance, an internal memo describing the establishment of the racial equality unit (reu). the interviews with ethnically-identified minority groups that had been allocated funding from the reu allowed me to understand the opinions held by this constituency on multiculturalism and responses to racialised violence in northern ireland. again, interviewees often gave me publications and other printed materials. in looking at the visual culture of anti-racism in west belfast, speaking with individuals involved in the production and distribution of anti-racist texts supplemented the discourse analysis of these representations and helped me to understand the social context of their production. in conducting qualitative research it is common that a ‘gatekeeper’ must be approached to gain access to relevant people or information (dwyer and limb ). during the early months of my phd a contact i had known in belfast for a number of years passed details of my project onto the director of the racial equality unit (reu) in the office of the first minister and deputy first minister. after exchanging e-mails the director of the reu and i spoke briefly on the phone in march . this individual was very interested in my work, and we arranged to meet in belfast the following month. at this meeting, conducted informally in a city centre pub, the informant talked openly and suggested that we keep in touch. it was through this ‘gatekeeper’ that i was able to secure interviews with high-ranking civil servants and to attend a meeting of the racial equality forum. speaking with ethnically-identified minority groups it became clear that this key informant was well regarded within this constituency, and my association with him was beneficial with regard to conducting interviews and observation at events such as the samhain/diwali festival. in total i conducted semi-structured interviews with people (one interview was conducted with two people) (see appendix ii for full list of interviewees). all interviews were conducted in belfast, with the exception of one interview which took place in lisburn. the break down of interviews was in the ‘community’ classification (of which were with groups that had received reu funding, and were with groups and individuals involved in anti-racist campaigns in west belfast) and in the ‘government’ category. separate interview schedules were drawn up for each of the ‘government’ and ‘community’ groups with specific questions targeted at the individual interviewee added depending on information about the institution or group they worked with gleaned from reading policy documents and/or consulting websites (see appendix iii for examples of interview schedules). the mean length of interviews was an hour. on one occasion the respondent was opposed to the recording of the interview, and detailed notes were taken instead. all other interviews were recorded on a digital recorder, and all interviewees were given a consent form that they were asked to take a minute to read and sign before the interview proper commenced (see appendix iv). very few interviewees expressed reluctance at being interviewed. i suspect that one of the reasons for this was that semi- structured interviews do not require respondents to give up a lot of their time, and, with the exception of those groups involved in events i wanted to observe, there was no further commitment required (flowerdew and martin ). i always thanked the interviewees, left my business card and explained to them that i was available if they had any issues or concerns they wanted to raise. the issue of where to conduct interviews was addressed by asking the interviewee to choose the venue. most interviews took place in the interviewee’s place of work; though a small number were conducted in cafes in belfast when no suitable alternative venue could be found. the latter location was found to be less than ideal. after listening to recordings of two interviews conducted in cafes it was decided that these were unsuitable venues (given the amount of background noise and distractions). all subsequent interviews took place in quieter locations. the bulk of the research took place during one fieldwork period between september and may . the decision to conduct fieldwork during this time reflected practical and personal concerns. during the summer months institutional activity is scaled down as parliament is in recess. this is not, however, my only reason for avoiding conducting fieldwork in northern ireland at this time. although the daily violence of ‘the troubles’ is over, summer is still a politically tense and potentially volatile time in northern ireland. the annual parading season, which reaches its high point on july th, has often been associated with violence (bryan ). people tend to leave belfast as much as possible during the summer months, and the city is noticeably quieter at this time. given these concerns it was somewhat ironic that the first weekend of my fieldwork proper (in september ) coincided with the worst civil disturbances in belfast for ten years. following the re-routing of a controversial loyalist parade in west belfast pitch battles with the police broke out in the shankill area. quickly rioting spread across loyalist areas of the city. as i travelled through east belfast to conduct my first interview in castle buildings, the bus was forced to take a detour to avoid a burning car in the middle of the newtownards road. however, as i learned from subsequent experience, this was quite an exceptional weekend, and no further interviews required the negotiation of conflagrations. only two interviews were conducted outside the main fieldwork time frame. one was with a loyalist anti-racist group in lisburn on the outskirts of belfast that had received money from the reu during . although this group received funding later than the selection criteria (as noted previously, all other groups interviewed had received funding in ), the decision was made to include them as the direct involvement of former paramilitaries made this anti-racist group particularly interesting in terms of the research objectives. an interview with the mural artist involved in one of the anti-racist murals took many months to secure; this interview was conducted on a return visit to belfast after the fieldwork proper ended. i also contacted some interviewees after the interview to clarify points they made that i was unsure about or to request further information on specific issues raised (when referred to in the text of the dissertation these follow-up contacts are referenced as ‘personal communication’ alongside the date). . . . interviewer experiences conducting good qualitative interviews is a difficult skill to master (corbetta ). at the start of the project, i was relatively inexperienced in the art, and i needed to develop and hone various techniques throughout the interviewing process. this section will consider some of the techniques i used to help build up a relationship between my interviewees and myself, and will reflect on the effect of my own identity on the interview process (crang ). essentially an interview is a dialogue between two people, it is ‘a conversation with a purpose’ (valentine : ). it is integral to the interview process that the interviewer is able to develop a balanced rapport with the respondent such that the interviewer rewards participation without evaluating responses (kitchen and tate ). establishing rapport is an important way of developing and maintaining trust in the interview context (rubin and rubin ). this involves the interviewer being able to put themselves in the respondent’s shoes, to see issues from their perspective rather than imposing academic or personal preconceptions on their ideas and responses (fontana and frey ). one method for building rapport is to begin interviews with descriptive or factual questions, such as asking how long the interviewee has been in the job, to make the respondent feel more comfortable (valentine ). in the present research, this strategy was regularly employed to help judge the level at which to pitch communication (see appendix iii). the existence of a common understanding of the meaning and context in which terms are used is obviously crucial for successful interviewing. mirroring back respondent’s language helped to establish a ‘sharedness of meaning’ in the interview context (fontana and frey ). the importance of appropriate use of language is even more pronounced in northern ireland where many terms are heavily politicised, and the possibility of revealing ignorance or, worse, causing offence is heightened. a good interviewer must be aware of the interview dynamic, be able to both adopt a style appropriate to the context and understand the position of the respondent. one useful way to develop these characteristics is through reciprocity, the sharing and exchanging of ideas and information with respondents (valentine ). in the case of this study, for example, this involved telling respondents (particularly ‘community’ groups) about events and organisations that might be of interest to them. this sharing of information also demonstrated my (limited) expertise and helped to build trust. similarly, when interviewing high-status respondents (such as senior civil servants) demonstrating that i was well informed and professional made me appear competent in the eyes of the interviewee. dressing appropriately, and in a manner that reflects that of the respondents, also helped build rapport (fontana and frey ; valentine ). response effects are biases introduced by the researcher and the research context which can negatively effect the interview process (fontana and frey ). there exist three main types of bias: first, the respondent may attempt to please the interviewer by giving ‘socially desirable’ answers. in the present study this problem was not felt to be too severe as the nature of the questioning was rarely overly personal. the second type of bias is the wording of questions in a way that prompts certain responses. in an effort to address this concern i attempted to avoid question phrasing that imposed answers, saying things like ‘tell me about…’ which encouraged respondents to talk about an issue in their own words. finally, the personality of the researcher and his/her style of interviewing can impede effective communication. certainly early on in the study i found that some respondents had difficulty understanding my accent. as a result i made a conscious decision to speak more slowly and ask questions in a way that would maximise their communicability. despite various attempts to ameliorate these biases, in some situations my interview style continued to have a negative effect on some responses. for example, i once asked a republican mural artist if he ‘controlled’ the mural wall. the artist reacted angrily to my use of the word ‘control’ as he felt that i was accusing him of pushing a personal agenda; for him the wall is the property of the community and beyond the ‘control’ of any one individual. the identity of a researcher also shapes and effects the interview data. as cochrane ( : ) notes, researchers need to be ‘highly self-critical and reflexive about the approaches we adopt.’ a reflexive consideration of the research process engages with the researcher’s positionality and the power relations between the interviewer and the informants (fontana and frey ; kitchen and tate ; valentine ). as many respondents were civil servants, policy makers or established community leaders, i often felt that i was in a subordinate position to my interviewees. however, this was not always the case. in some situations i was treated as a ‘high-status’ researcher, and unrealistic expectations were displayed concerning my ability to influence policy and practice. the negotiation of these interviewee expectations represented one of the most difficult challenges in the research process. an example of this was when an anti-racist group phoned me a few weeks after our interview asking what i would suggest they do to help address problems of racism in their area and aid the integration of new migrants. in this case i told them that i was not an expert, and gave them names and numbers of contacts in belfast who i thought would be in a better position to assist them. in certain respects my experience of conducting research in northern ireland resonates with katz’s ( : ) description of her subject position as constituted in ‘spaces of betweenness’. coming from the south i was neither an insider nor an outsider in northern ireland, and, although i was able to settle quickly in belfast, it was obvious to interviewees that i was not from there. in some instances talking about my background, and how i came to the research topic, helped further in the building of rapport. there was never any question of attempting to suppress my identity as an irish catholic. my accent clearly marked me as coming from the republic of ireland and, by extension, being catholic. on occasions the answers given and the language used suggested to me that my ‘community background’ had some effect on responses. for example, one government interviewee who grew up in a republican area of belfast often referred to our common religious background (‘we’) during the interview. as gillian rose ( ) argues, similarity is not a prerequisite for successful interviewing. it is possible to develop a positive relationship and mutual understanding across social differences. prior to undertaking the study, i was reasonably concerned about the prospect of conducting research in areas where i might have been received with hostility, for example in loyalist communities. in practice, i felt that as my religious identity and my origin was so obvious, the process of ‘telling’ (burton ) was rarely activated. this is not to argue that interviewees did not respond to my identity, but rather that they did not spend time trying to figure it out as they might have done if i was northern irish. i also found that some interviewees responded to my identity by trying to show how ‘open’ they were. for example, one interviewee insisted on ending our interview with a drink in a local bar. in this bar, which has well-known links with loyalist paramilitaries, he talked about his love for dublin city, an ex- girlfriend from county kerry and the great time to be had in the bar on saturday night. i interpreted the fact that that he wanted to show me off in his local as a sign of trust, especially as everyone in earshot would have known i was catholic. despite this, the ulster volunteer force (uvf) insignia on the frosted glass of the front door and the bar’s reputation left me feeling very uncomfortable and i was glad to leave when i had finished my pint. the vast majority of the population of the republic of ireland are catholic, and the general assumption in northern ireland is that anyone from south of the border is a catholic. ‘community background’ is a euphemism for religious identity often employed in northern ireland (see coakley ( ) and chapter five). the bar in question, ‘the rex’, is mentioned in gallaher and shirlow ( : ) as a uvf-affiliated bar outside which gun shots broke out during the loyalist feud on the shankill in . . . . transcribing and analysing interview data the transcription of audio recordings is an important part of the research process. there exists no accepted standard for transcription (flick ), instead it is generally agreed that in terms of time and energy it is best to transcribe only as exactly as the research question requires (crang ). as this study involved discourse analysis, i decided that a rigorous method of transcription would be necessary. all statements made by both the respondent and myself were noted in full, with significant pauses and breaks included (silverman ). although this was very time consuming (it took approximately eight hours to transcribe each interview), this produced the type of comprehensive, well- ordered data needed for discourse analysis. i transcribed two interviews at the end of september , and this allowed me to improve my interview techniques and to rephrase questions in my interview schedule that interviewees found difficult to understand. the rest of the transcription was conducted during . through the transcription process i became more familiar with the material, and noted emerging themes during the transcription that often informed later coding and textual analysis. while transcribing i often consulted context notes made during the interviews that detailed non-verbal communication such as body movements and facial expressions that the audio recording could not pick up on (gorden ). these notes helped me to understand the context of the interview i was transcribing, and provided useful supplementary evidence used during later analysis of interview data. at the same time i paid attention to printed materials given to me by interviewees. as well as policy documents, i analysed the discourse of internal memos and relevant speeches; integrating this material alongside the interview data. although i was obviously personally involved in the interpretation of interview data, many reports of qualitative analysis assume the researcher to be an unbiased ‘scientist’ reporting on the empirical ‘reality’ of the social phenomenon under investigation (fontana and frey ). challenges to these positivist accounts have stressed the situatedness of knowledge and the role of the researcher in its production. as norman denizen ( : ) notes; ‘[i]n the social sciences there is only interpretation. nothing i personally transcribed all interviews. speaks for itself.’ hermeneutics, the study of interpretation, focuses attention on the role played by social agents in the production of meaning (schostak ). as i began to sift through and ‘interpret’ the interview data, i was intimately involved in the construction of narratives or ‘tales from the field’ (van maanen ). i constructed these narratives as a means of grappling with the complex, and sometimes conflicting, stories emerging from the data. rather than presenting the reader with an artificially ‘clean’ account of this process (fontana and frey : ), i want to draw attention to my own role in the process of interpretation and knowledge creation. there exists no single methodological framework for analysing qualitative data, instead researchers often use a repertoire of analytical techniques (punch ). dey ( ) identifies the key points of qualitative analysis as the description of the data, the classification of the data, and the establishment and understanding of the interconnections between concepts. in this study i used a manual coding method to code the data in terms of both theoretical concepts and themes and topics discussed in the interview. this allowed me the freedom to attend directly to what interviewees were saying in a given moment rather than relying on a fixed set of response categories. although the data was coded manually, i decided that a qualitative software package would be useful for ordering and managing the large interview dataset. in september , i attended a workshop at the university of surrey on the use of the atlas-ti program. this software has a range of applications, including auto-coding of data, but i was interested in its utility for storing interview transcripts and allowing for the attachment of open codes and memos to interview transcripts. as glaser ( : ) noted, there is only one rule for qualitative data analysis: record all ideas. making memos provided a particularly effective way of following this advice. while creating open codes, i used atlas-ti to attach memos to pieces of text to reflect either potential relationships between codes or emerging ideas. after creating open codes and memos, i began to categorise these codes by grouping them around key themes and issues. for example, all codes which referred to aspects of policing and racism in northern ireland were grouped together within a broader category. kitchen and tate ( : ) suggest that categories must be ‘conceptually and empirically grounded’; they must be connected to the conceptual basis of the study but also reflect the empirical situation expressed in the data. the categories i constructed were a product of both the interview data and the predetermined research foci. this represents a variation on traditional ‘grounded theory’ which asserts that theory must develop inductively from the data (glaser and strauss ). however, as silverman ( ) notes, implicit theories often guide early analyses even in grounded theory approaches. in my study recurring patterns were identified following detailed examination of the open codes and memos. an example of this is the category ‘complexity’ which was used to classify instances where the complexity of institutional structures was referred to by interviewees. the identification of patterns allowed me to analyse interconnections between open codes and to build classificatory categories based on higher order concepts. the development of the coding process from open coding and memos to higher order abstractions allowed the analysis to narrow down on the material most relevant to addressing the specific research questions. in practice, the task of coding and analysing the data was seldom straightforward. as mike crang ( ) notes, coding is not an exact science, rather it is a creative process through which the researcher engages with the data to build an interpretation of the social context. coding required a critical – and often reflexive – thought process and engagement with the data to spot emerging trends and themes. i used atlas-ti as a database, as opposed to using the software to conduct content analysis or to build a networked coding framework. the ease of data coding and retrieval on atlas-ti aided the writing process and assisted in the formation of coherent themes from the data. semi- structured interviewing allowed me to understand how, where and why sectarianism intersects with multicultural agendas in northern ireland. however, i was also interested in the social practice of these discourses. consequently, the next section describes the collection of data by observation and the analysis of this data. . . . observation as outlined earlier in this chapter, i conducted observation at a number of events. as an ‘observer’ (jones and somekh ; kitchen and tate ) at these events i spoke with individuals taking part in the festivities and recorded details such as what food stalls were present and what type of music was played. by paying attention to issues such as differences in attendance at these two festivals and the types of cultural practices engaged in, i was able to examine the operationalisation of a multicultural politics of recognition in northern ireland, and to examine the effect of sectarian division on these practices (see chapter six). another observational experience, being allowed to sit in on a meeting of the racial equality forum in december , helped supplement interviews with policy makers and civil servants. as will be discussed in chapter five, the racial equality forum is a quarterly meeting organised and chaired by the racial equality unit in ofmdfm. the aim of this meeting is to facilitate information exchange between institutions and ethnically-identified minorities. at the start of this meeting, which comprised forty people and took place in the indian community centre in belfast, i was introduced as a researcher from the university of edinburgh by the ‘gate-keeper’ introduced earlier in this chapter. i took note of presentations given and discussions which took place. my observation at this event improved considerably my knowledge of key institutional and non-governmental players and my understanding of institutional relationships. this was also a good exercise in observing first hand the complexity of institutional structures and the positions and opinions of different institutions and organisations. i also attended two launch events organised by anti-racist groups in west belfast to understand more about the social context in which anti-racist representations were being produced and displayed (see chapter seven). the first launch event was brought to my attention by a contact in belfast. this launch, for the ‘showing your true colours’ campaign, took place in a secondary school in the shankill road area of west belfast in november . at this event i observed what took place and took notes of the comments made by speakers. once the event was over, i introduced myself to the organisers, who allowed me to photograph the mural and consented to an interview at a later date. the second launch i observed, held in march , unveiled an anti-racist ‘pubs and clubs’ campaign on the falls road in west belfast. similarly, i recorded what took place and the comments of speakers and people around me. observation at these events helped me to understand who was producing the anti-racist texts and the social context in which they were being produced and distributed. listening to comments by mural artists and other speakers involved in these campaigns was an effective way of gaining access to the intention behind the images, and this allowed me to develop further the discourse analysis of these representations. in observation the main method for recording data is the keeping of field notes (cook ). through note-taking the researcher begins to see how experiences in the field are linked and related to theoretical and empirical issues. this allows the researcher to make judgements on what material is most important. in writing my field notes i strove to be as accurate and detailed as possible. i wrote up my field notes as soon as possible after every event. these field notes consisted of two basic components: a description of the facts, events, places and persons as well as my interpretation of these events, together with reactions, impressions and reflections (corbetta ). the recording of observations through field notes facilitated the building up of a ‘research diary’ in which data obtained by observation was supplemented by contextual information and my personal reflections on the research process. the creation of a research diary has a long history in social science research (altricher and holly ). the research diary helped me to spot emerging trends in the data and identify points of interest worthy of further exploration. in terms of interpretation and analysis, field notes were treated similarly to interview transcripts. the research diary was entered into atlas-ti and, as i read through it, free codes and memos were attached (see discussion in the previous section). these codes and memos were often linked to those identified in the interviews and the connections between data from both sources developed. field notes primarily fed into my understanding of the context in which other data was collected. in the substantive chapters field notes are occasionally drawn on in isolation, but more commonly are used to expand upon and support findings arising from other data sources. the following section discusses data collected from visual and other textual sources. . . . visual methods the use of visual methods in social science research has become increasingly popular (banks ; barnard ; emmison and smith ; jay ; rose ; schirato and webb ; siber ). analysis of visual culture often provides empirical insights that are not possible using other methods (barnard ). in this study i collected and analysed anti-racist murals, posters, pamphlets and other texts. this allowed me to investigate the interaction between sectarianism and attempts to produce anti-racist visions of northern ireland in media which have traditionally been used to reflect and (re)produce sectarian identities (jarman ). the visual culture i looked at in this dissertation was either produced by grassroots anti- racist groups in west belfast (see chapter seven) or the psni as part of a hate crime awareness campaign (see chapter six). the texts produced by groups based in west belfast were collected at the launch events described in the previous section, given to me by interviewees or chanced upon during the research process. for example, at the launch of the ‘showing your true colours’ initiative on the shankill road i was given a bundle of pamphlets and posters to take home. in the case of the psni campaign, i had previously interviewed the officer charged with co-ordinating the campaign and, after seeing the posters on bus shelters in the city, i contacted him again and he sent me a copy of the poster and provided information about its production and distribution. visual methods have become an increasingly popular and accepted approach in both human geography (ryan ; thornes ) and sociology (jenks ; virilo ). reflecting recent academic debates, i use the term ‘visual culture’ in its widest sense to refer to a plethora of different forms and media, including murals, posters, pamphlets and other texts (rose ; sturken and cartwright ). according to the art historian similarly, when i interviewed ‘community’ groups they often gave me copies of their publications which i occasionally refer to in the dissertation. nicholas mirzoeff, visual culture ‘is not just part of your everyday life, it is your everyday life’ ( : ). images and texts are vehicles through which the underlying ideas, values and beliefs of a particular society or cultural group may be examined (howells ). i was interested not only in the nature of the images and texts themselves, but also the cultural and social functions they perform and contexts in which they are embedded (barnard ). the ideological power of images relies on their ability to produce specific visions of identity and social difference in the process of creating meaning about the world through the act of representation (rose ; sturken and cartwright ). as gillian rose ( : ) argues, it is important to interrogate the ways in which images ‘offer very particular visions of social categories such as class, gender, race, sexuality, able-bodiedness, and so on’. in this research, i was particularly interested in the production of narratives of social difference and specific visions of a future, multicultural northern ireland in anti-racist visual culture. the first step in the analysis of visual culture collected during fieldwork is the development of a methodological framework (rose ). looking at visual culture is an exercise in interpretation, not a matter of uncovering the ‘truth’ behind an image. [t]here is no single or ‘correct’ answer to the question, ‘what does this image mean?’ or ‘what is this ad saying’ since there is no law which can guarantee that things will have ‘one, true meaning’, or that meanings won’t change over time, work in this area is bound to be interpretative – a debate between not who is ‘right’ and who is ‘wrong’, but between equally plausible, though sometimes competing and contesting, meanings and interpretations. the best way to ‘settle’ such contested readings is to look again at the concrete example and try and justify one’s ‘reading’ in detail in relation to the actual practices and forms of signification used, and what meanings they seem to you to be producing (hall : ; in rose : ). interpreting visual data involves the justification of inferred meanings with reference to both the external narrative – the context of the image – and the internal narrative produced within the bounds of the image itself (banks ). earlier in this chapter i outlined my methodological commitment to discourse analysis. unlike other methods for analysing visual culture – such as content analysis, semiology or psychoanalysis – discourse analysis broadens the analytical focus to include the social context in which the image is produced and circulated (rose ; tonkiss ). the first step in the discourse analysis of these anti-racist representations was to familiarise myself with the material i collected and identify salient themes and images. for example, as i read through the texts of both the west against racism network (warn) ‘passport’ and the loyalist commission’s ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’ pamphlet i noted the way in which attempts were made to identify racialised minorities with republicanism and loyalism respectively. second, as discourse analysis explicitly focuses on the way that text and images are used to persuade and make particular claims to truth, i looked more closely at the use of pictures, images and slogans in my materials (lynn and lea ). discourse analysis emphasises the importance of complexity and contradictions within texts and images (rose ). as i studied the materials collected, i looked for these features. for example, in the loyalist anti-racist mural a counter-intuitive notion of anti-racism as a ‘war’ is constructed (see chapter seven). as well as considering what is present in texts, discourse analysis examines what is absent and rendered invisible (rose ). in reading for what is not said, for example the absence of a reference to racism in republican areas in some texts, the construction of specific (often sectarian) narratives of identity and difference in anti- racist representations was examined further. thirdly, at the same time as looking at the images used, i read through transcripts of interviews conducted with the anti-racist groups involved in the production of these representations and field notes from the launch events. this allowed me to understand more about the intended meaning of the images as well as the social context of their production and distribution (tonkiss ). my analysis of images and texts also considered where they were located or distributed. as lynn and lea ( : ) argue in a discussion on racist graffiti in glasgow, ‘[w]here it is located, when it was put there, and by whom, are as significant as the graffiti itself.’ as well as observing and taking photographs at launch events, i considered issues of location; for example where an anti-racist mural was displayed or a pamphlet distributed. thinking about the placement of these representations in specific sites and contexts led me to consider their materiality, the physicality of the objects which carried the images and texts (banks ). consequently, in this dissertation i approach objects such as murals and posters as simultaneously visual and material. in doing so i follow recent attempts to destabilise the traditional binary constructed between discourse and representation; between the visual on the one hand and the material on the other (jackson ; lorimer ). for me, this flags up the need to consider the materiality of pieces of visual culture and to examine them as objects whose material form may play a role in the organisation of social space (jackson ). visual representations and the objects which carry these images often play a crucial role in the material construction of boundaries and social identity in space (cresswell ). in chapter seven, i argue that both the image and materiality of anti-racist objects such as murals and posters may contribute to the construction of sectarian narratives of identity at the same time as producing an anti-racist message. . . limitations of methodology in this section i will consider two obstacles encountered in this research that, although not detracting significantly from the findings, do warrant some discussion and clarification. the first issue is related to the research design and methodological standpoint adopted in this research. as highlighted, i attempted to combine discourse analysis with an examination of social practice by attending different events and making field notes of what i did and saw. although i was looking at practice, the field notes were themselves another set of words and statements which i analysed as discourse. as such, non-discursive features of the social context, for example the type of music played at the samhain/diwali festival, were recorded discursively. a less discursively-driven approach to researching social practice could possibly be to adopt methods from non- representational theory and attend more closely to the embodiedness of social practice (jacobs and nash ; nash ; thrift ; ; whatmore ). one way of achieving this might be through the use of videoing to shift the focus away from discursive observations and towards the direct recording of what participants actually do. in this research i chose not to conduct video recording at different events as i felt that this method would be too intrusive. furthermore, as a phd student i felt that i lacked the status and standing necessary to obtain permission to use video-recording. the most significant obstacle i faced in my fieldwork was unrelated to me or the research design, but arose due to the political and institutional context in which the research was carried out. at the start of the fieldwork period the northern ireland assembly (nia), the devolved legislative body, had been in suspension since october . although the assembly was eventually re-instated in may , while i was in the field (september – may ) such progress seemed extremely unlikely. in my interviews almost everyone mentioned the political stasis; civil servants in particular expressed the fear that the devolved administration would be disbanded permanently. as well as preventing the nia from meeting and passing legislation, the suspension meant that all devolved powers reverted back to the secretary of state for northern ireland, and the responsibility for running the devolved administration fell to the northern ireland office (nio). this represented a specific methodological challenge as i was forced to negotiate and figure out how to report on a quite unique institutional arrangement. as shirlow and murtagh ( : ) note, choosing ‘the correct tense in which to write’ is a major issue facing any researcher writing about the political institutions of post- agreement northern ireland. i felt that it would be disingenuous to attempt to present an ideal, fully devolved governing structure, especially given the very real possibility that it may never be actualised. instead, i decided to detail the institutions and structures as i found them at the time of my fieldwork. consequently, this research presents an account of these policies and institutions at a particular historical moment and in the context of a suspended governing framework. although the research was situated in and reflects this suspended structure, i would argue that this situation did not significantly influence the conclusions i draw from my research. the main reason for this being that during suspension all devolved departments continued to function as if under the northern ireland executive. the only significant alteration to normal devolved procedures was the replacement of locally elected politicians by a ministerial team appointed by the home office to oversee the day-to-day workings of the administration. the suspension the northern ireland executive is the executive arm of the nia. during suspension the various departments continued to function as outlined in the agreement and to produce public policy, the only major difference being that civil servants were not answerable to an elected northern ireland member of the local assembly (mla) but to an mp appointed by the home office. is rarely referred to in the analysis chapters, as it did not have a major impact on policies, institutions and structures as i found them. . . conclusion in conclusion, this chapter has explored and examined central aspects of the methodology used in this research project, discussing in particular discourse analysis, the selection of units of analysis and techniques of data collection and analysis. i began by outlining the broad methodological commitment to discourse analysis adopted in this research. while this method is particularly useful for looking at talk and text (including visual material), i argued that it can broadened to include an analysis of social practice. it was for this reason that i decided to combine observation with other qualitative methods such as interviewing and visual analysis. the criteria by which sites and units of analysis were selected was clearly laid out to allow the reader to understand how and why i chose which policy documents to analyse, people to speak to and events to attend. interviewing was the main method used, and so was considered in some detail. i sought to engage reflexively with my own positionality; arguing that my accent and language use identified me as a southern irish catholic, but that similarity is not integral to successful interviewing. as well as interviewing, institutional and policy analysis, observation and visual methodologies were also used. while all methodological approaches have inherent weaknesses, combining them in this way strengthens the validity of the research findings. the use of different qualitative research methods allowed for the triangulation of research data as material gleaned from different sources was often used to support – or call into question – interpretations made. finally, some of the limits of the methodology used in this research project were considered. although the research took place within the unique political and institutional situation of a devolved, suspended administration, i argued that this context did not have a significant effect on the research findings. a number of other research methods could have been used in this research project. it might have been that non-representational approaches, particularly videoing, would have allowed for a less discursively-driven investigation of festivals and other events. however, i do not think the research has suffered by not using these approaches. the broad palette of qualitative research methods adopted has provided a rich insight into the interaction of emergent multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism in northern ireland that the following chapters explore in detail. chapter four setting the scene: an historical overview of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland . . introduction having established the main foci of this project and the approaches taken to achieve the research objectives, this chapter outlines the history and politics of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland. the aim of this chapter is to provide the reader with the background necessary for a full understanding of the empirical material presented in chapters five, six and seven. this chapter examines the historical roots of sectarian division and shows how this division has structured social life in the region, both historically and into the present day. political and policy attempts to manage sectarianism in this context, which frame later discussions on multicultural policy and institutional structures, are examined. the history of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland and the emergence of a concern with racism are also discussed. it is argued that multicultural agendas have emerged against this backdrop of increased migration and racism and alongside attempts to construct northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society that is seeking to move beyond sectarianism. the chapter begins by outlining how and why religion became such a dominant social cleavage in the north-east of ireland. this brief synopsis of the contested history of the region traces the development of asymmetric power relations between catholics and protestants since the plantations. the historical circumstances that led to the formation of northern ireland in are outlined. this discussion shows how the contemporary political formation of northern ireland arose directly from sectarian considerations about the viability of a protestant/unionist state in the face of aggressive irish nationalism to the south. the social and political situation that precipitated the prolonged sectarian violence that became known as ‘the troubles’ ( - ) is briefly considered. this section ends with the suspension of stormont in the face of rising political violence and the imposition of direct rule from westminster. the chapter goes on to consider the policy and institutional framework of community relations that emerged in the s as an attempt to manage sectarianism in northern ireland. this section highlights the key points of community relations policy and the changes in it since its introduction. it is argued that community relations in northern ireland can be understood as referring to the management of relations between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists. this discussion is particularly relevant for understanding the context in which a concern for multiculturalism emerged in northern irish policy discourses (chapter five). the sections that follow ( . . and . .) outline the context of contemporary northern ireland through an analysis of the agreement ( ) and the social, political and economic changes since its signing. it is argued that this settlement is grounded in the assumption that recognising and accommodating competing sectarian identities is the only viable means of achieving political stability in the region (little ). the institutional changes ushered in by the agreement are outlined as necessary background for understanding the institutional frameworks within which multicultural policy is enacted in northern ireland. the unstable political situation since the agreement is also discussed as this is the backdrop against which the research took place. this section goes on to consider the continuation of sectarian division in northern irish society despite the significant diminishment in political violence (shirlow and murtagh ). the changes that have taken place in northern ireland since the agreement, particularly the depiction of it as a society trying to move beyond sectarianism and towards ‘normality’, are also discussed (bairner ). the final section of this chapter looks at the changing histories and geographies of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. this section begins by charting the history of migration to the region. although ethnicised and racialised diversity, for example the presence of irish travellers and the jewish community, predate the formation of northern ireland, it is shown that the number and range of diverse groups has changed markedly in recent years. the history of migration to northern ireland is discussed in two separate phases: before and during ‘the troubles’, and after the paramilitary ceasefires. for the first time in recorded history, northern ireland is currently experiencing net in-migration. at the same time the problem of racism has become a prominent issue in academic, political and media discourses. as will become clear later, the emergence of this multicultural face of northern ireland coincides with attempts to move society beyond the sectarian division that has characterised so much of its history. the emergence of multicultural agendas in the post-agreement milieu makes contemporary northern ireland a particularly good context in which to explore the relationship between multiculturalism and sectarianism. . . a brief history of northern ireland the history of contemporary northern ireland has its roots in the colonial project in ireland begun over six centuries ago (lydon ). from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century ulster was the most gaelic part of ireland, the area of the island where english colonisers had met with the least success and where traditional chieftains retained most control (bardon ). although previous attempts had been made to colonise some parts of ireland, it was only in the early years of the seventeenth century that a comprehensive, systematic effort was made to achieve this goal (darby ). the plantation of ulster in was the largest plantation in ireland and the most extreme. by ulster was totally controlled by colonial settlers, and only % of its land remained in catholic irish hands (darby : ). this massive social change removed the old gaelic lords, introduced a new aristocracy and produced ‘a legacy of division and hatred persisting to our own time’ (bardon : ). while english colonial settlements in the rest of ireland were almost completely comprised of british gentry, the social make-up of the colonisers in ulster was quite different (buckland ). a conscious decision was made to attract all classes of coloniser to ulster in an attempt to ensure their numerical advantage over the native population. this resulted in an entirely new community made up of both anglicans and presbyterians being introduced into ulster; reducing the catholic population to a position of servitude (darby ). society in ulster, which had previously been strictly ordered by traditional gaelic laws, became divided along religious and economic lines, between the wealthy, predominantly protestant towns and the impoverished countryside which was mainly home to catholics (darby ). the presence of the colonisers was the term ‘ulster’ refers to two separate areas. one use of the term is to refer to the nine counties of the traditional province – antrim, down, armagh, derry, tyrone, fermanagh, donegal, monaghan and cavan. the second usage denotes the administrative area of the state of northern ireland founded in and made up of the first six counties in the previous list. following darby ( ), the use of the term ulster is eschewed in this dissertation in favour of northern ireland to refer to the latter meaning. resisted by the native populations, leading to the rising of and, eventually, the pivotal battle of the boyne in at which the protestant king william of orange trounced the catholic king james i (mcnally ). although religious tensions remained relatively calm until the middle years of the nineteenth century, these catholic/protestant conflicts set the tone for the sectarian division and underlying violence that has structured social and political life in the region for over four centuries. the foundation of the administrative and political formation known as northern ireland has its roots in a series of major social and political upheavals that took place both on the island of ireland and in europe around the turn of the twentieth century. during the s there was a massive growth in the popularity of the home rule movement in ireland (darby ; lyons ). this movement, which was overwhelmingly supported by catholics across the island, garnered out of ireland’s parliamentary seats in the general election (buckland : ). in response to this largely catholic-backed demand for self-government, protestants of all classes began to identify strongly with unionism and the conservative party in britain, particularly in the ulster counties where they were in a majority (buckland ). consequently political developments in ireland in the early years of the twentieth century began to take on two radically different forms. in the southern counties the defeat of the home rule bill and the failed easter rising of set the scene for the emergence of violent irish republicanism. in response unionists organised on a massive scale in their north- eastern powerbase. from to they imported weapons with a view to a defensive war against the threat of a republican victory in the south (bardon ). during world war i, while significant numbers of protestant ulstermen were fighting in the british army, a guerrilla war was being fought against the british administration by a resurgent irish republican army (ira) demanding an all-ireland republic. these twin track developments precipitated the introduction, in december , of the government of ireland act. this act set up two subordinate administrations, one for the six northern as a result of the ulster plantation, and subsequent migrations, protestants were in numerical supremacy in the counties of the north-east where they constituted two-thirds of the population (the remaining one-third was made up of catholics). this contrasted sharply with the situation in the rest of the island where protestants made up barely % of the total population (buckland : ). counties and another for the remaining twenty-six counties. although unionists were opposed to any form of home rule, the option of self-government was infinitely preferable to control administered from dublin and so, in , the ‘state’ of northern ireland was born (buckland, ). the partition of ireland into the irish free state, later to become the republic of ireland, and northern ireland effectively divided the island along religious lines. the boundaries of the new northern irish state were carefully configured to ensure a stable protestant majority within the new territory. for this reason, the proposition of a boundary that encompassed the traditional nine counties of ulster – which would have contained , protestants in favour of union with britain and , catholics supporting irish reunification – was eschewed in favour of a six county state with a religious breakdown of , protestants and , catholics (darby : ). cleary the northern irish state was a product of sectarian division, and the events of its early years reinforced the salience of this communal bifurcation. from the beginning of sectarian violence became a serious problem; beginning in derry city, it spread to lisburn, banbridge, dromore and belfast before the year was out (bardon ). the majority of this violence, which claimed lives between june st and june th , was carried out by protestant vigilantes aiming to exterminate the unwelcome catholic minority contained within the boundaries of the new state (buckland : ). sectarian violence greatly receded from , as the reality that the catholic minority could not be intimidated out of northern ireland became increasingly accepted. the government of ireland act established a new northern irish parliament in stormont which, although its powers were not specified, was only allowed to legislate on matters pertaining to northern ireland; foreign policy, peace and war, external trade, exchange rate policy and monetary policy all excepted to westminster (wilson : ). northern ireland is not, and has never been, a state (coulter ). instead, it is an autonomous, devolved region of the united kingdom. however, it possesses many characteristics of a state, and the use of the term to refer to the administrative, juridical and political mechanisms of northern ireland is appropriate and is used in this dissertation to refer to these functions. while this division obviously created a larger protestant majority in the new northern ireland, it still did not divide ireland along clear religious lines. however, even if unionists politicians were in favour of it, a completely protestant northern ireland was a practical impossibility. although heavily concentrated around the border counties, the rest of the catholic population was spread throughout the rest of northern ireland. as such the removal of all catholics from northern ireland would have required displacement and ethnic cleansing on an unimaginable scale. nevertheless, the state moved to strengthen the unionist position. in the same year, proportional representation for local government was abolished, and this resulted in nationalists holding control of only eleven out of seventy-three local administrations despite comprising a third of the population (wilson : ). between and the onset of world war ii in the political make-up and orientation of northern ireland was such that the prime minister james craig could proclaim that ‘[a]ll i boast of is that we are a protestant parliament and a protestant state’ (buckland : ). throughout the life of the stormont government, as the administration from to was known, the unionist party exercised an uninterrupted hold on political power. during this time ‘[d]iscrimination became built into the processes of government and administration, as the government pandered to protestant and unionist whims large or small’ (buckland : ). alongside the gerrymandering of constituency boundaries to ensure a disproportionate protestant majority, catholics were discriminated against in housing, employment and other areas (farrell ; wilson ). catholic’s frustration at their status as de facto second-class citizens began to be voiced openly from the early s on (hennessey ). following the formation of a number of smaller pressure groups in and , the broader-based northern ireland civil rights association (nicra) was created in with the expressed aim of bringing the northern ireland situation to international attention (darby ). throughout the civil rights movement, in particular a more militant section called the people’s democracy (pd), became increasingly vocal. the angry, often violent responses by loyalist mobs to political marches organised by pd in january led indirectly to the start of ‘the troubles’ in northern ireland (darby ). in the summer of , as intense sectarian violence flared up in belfast, an international spotlight was focused on the northern ireland situation for the first time (boal ; buckland ). this violence took many forms including the burning of catholic homes by loyalist vigilante mobs, random abductions, shootings and stone throwing. westminster responded to this wave of violence in northern ireland by sending in the british army to calm tensions. although the army was initially greeted warmly by catholic/nationalist communities, during the situation deteriorated further as sectarian violence intensified and paramilitary groups were formed in both catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist areas (buckland ). the by now doomed stormont government attempted to introduce a series of reforms aimed at pacifying the catholic/nationalist community and reassuring london of its competence, but the situation had spiralled out of its control and the patterns of sectarian violence that became the norm for the next thirty years were laid down. residential segregation along religious lines increased dramatically as large populations moved out of more mixed neighbourhoods and into areas dominated by one religion (compton and power ; darby and morris ). in , as violence increased exponentially, the british government abolished the northern irish parliament and introduced direct rule from westminster. despite efforts to broker power sharing through the sunningdale ( ) and anglo-irish agreements ( ), northern ireland was to be ruled from westminster for the next twenty-five years, during which time sectarian violence and spatial division continued relatively unabated. . . managing sectarianism: community relations in northern ireland as sectarian violence escalated, and with international attention firmly focused on the discrimination faced by catholics, the government was forced to do something to address the political situation (darby ). it was in this context that the framework of community relations was developed to manage catholic/protestant relations. the term ‘community relations’ first appeared in northern ireland in when the northern the history of paramilitarism in northern ireland is long and convoluted. nevertheless, it is important to outline the main groupings. in the ira, which had continued on in a number of guises since the war of independence, split into the official ira and the provisional ira. this split followed anger in catholic communities directed at the ira who were accused of a failure to offer protection against loyalist attacks (moloney ). although the official ira continued to play a minor role in northern irish affairs, from this time on the provisional ira became the ira and, for this reason, in this dissertation i use ira to refer to the provisionals. the protestant paramilitaries were numerically divided between the ulster volunteer force (uvf) and the ulster defence association (uda). the uvf, which took its name from the organisation founded by edward carson in , was formed in . the uda emerged in from a number of previously independent vigilante groups (known as defence associations) operating in loyalist areas (cusack and mcdonald ). there was a frightening escalation in the level violence in northern ireland at this time. in people were killed in political violence, by this figure had rose to , spiking in with killed and injured (wilson : - ). during these years the number of killings motivated by a purely sectarian motive, such as the random abduction and murder of an individual from an area identified as catholic or protestant, increased dramatically (buckland ). ireland executive created a new ministry of community relations. the following year a nominally independent community relations commission was formed ‘to encourage the moderates of both sides to come together in some indeterminate relationship, and particularly to encourage catholics to participate in the operation of the reformed system’ (hayes : ). the main aim of community relations, then, was to respond to sectarian division by promoting interaction and the building of positive relationships between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists. the community relations agenda in northern ireland was undermined from its inception as both the ministry and the commission ran into serious difficulties. the separation of community relations into two organisations (the community relations commission and the community relations ministry) with almost identical titles and purposes resulted in a ministry engaged in fieldwork institutionally divorced from a commission involved in policy work (griffiths ). although the commission was given a wide remit to examine the causes of the conflict, ‘its independence was illusory and it was virtually ignored by government’ (buckland : ). furthermore, the central tenet of community relations at this time, the importance of promoting interaction between protestant/unionists and catholic/nationalists, overlooked the existence of separation in society and the dominant social and political reality of sectarian murder and bombings (griffiths : ). in , following five difficult years of generally fruitless work during which the political situation worsened markedly, the commission, whose field staff numbered just fifteen, was abolished amid deteriorating relations between it and the ministry (darby : ). just months later the ministry was also disbanded, and its functions returned to the different departments which had previously held them. despite noble aims, the initial community relations project was terminally weakened by a lack of consensus, institutional fragmentation, and, most seriously, the continuation of sectarian violence on the streets of northern ireland (hayes ). throughout the later years of the s and the early years of the following decade, the community relations project became increasingly marginalised as the northern irish the term emerged in britain the previous year when a community relations commission and a series of community relations councils was created under the race relations act ( ) to promote good ‘race’ relations. conflict continued relatively unabated. it was the signing of the anglo-irish agreement in which heralded the return of community relations institutions to northern ireland governance (gilligan ). in the standing advisory committee on human rights commissioned a report on community relations. this report led directly to the formation of the central community relations unit (ccru) in the northern ireland office (nio) in (gilligan : ; mcveigh b). this unit was charged with advising the secretary of state ‘on all aspects of the relationship between the different sections of the northern ireland community’ (burgess : ). in the community relations council (crc), a state-funded but independent project development and grant-awarding body, was formed to assist in the promotion of ‘good community relations’ in the voluntary and community sector (gilligan ). this ‘second wave’ of community relations is still recognisable in the present day and is qualitatively different from the programs introduced at the beginning of ‘the troubles’. while a central aim of the community relations commission of the early s was to promote cross-community interaction in an effort to highlight the commonality and shared experiences of catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists, in the s the focus shifted to exploring and debating ‘questions of local identity and culture’ (community relations council : ; gilligan ). around this time the cultural traditions group was formed to investigate and explicate the nature and meaning of protestant and catholic ‘cultures’ in northern ireland. this shift effectively re-inscribed religious identities in terms of culture and tradition. in practice this meant that while earlier community relations initiatives had sought to create something akin to a shared sense of identity between protestants and catholics, later work began to explain the northern irish conflict in terms of the existence of ‘two traditions’ or ‘two communities’ in northern ireland. this new focus on difference and culture was reflected in media discourses during this time as the language of ‘parity of esteem’ was introduced into political discussions on the conflict and its resolution (nash : ). although it has the standing advisory commission on human rights was a body formed under the northern ireland constitution act to advise the direct rule government and the secretary of state for northern ireland on issues of discrimination and human rights in northern ireland. the body was eventually replaced by the northern ireland human rights commission (nihrc) in following commitments made in the agreement. been heavily criticised in some quarters (for example, rolston ), community relations remains the main policy approach to managing sectarian relations in northern ireland. the institutional frameworks of community relations in post-agreement northern ireland and the emergence of a new term, ‘good relations’, to refer to the management of multicultural relations are examined further in chapter five. . . the agreement the roots of the agreement, the political settlement reached in which has, despite a number of setbacks, held since then, can be traced back to a series of political developments that took place in the s (ruane and todd ). although it was denounced by republicans and stymied by massive loyalist resistance, in retrospect it is clear that the anglo-irish agreement (aia) in represented an important first step on the road to a peaceful conclusion to ‘the troubles’ (wolff ). as well as confirming the ambiguous constitutional status of northern ireland, the aia consolidated the interpretation of the northern irish conflict as arising from antagonistic relations between protestants and catholics that could be rectified by full recognition of both identities in the public sphere (gilligan ). the discourse of identity and recognition running through the aia provided the political vocabulary that facilitated the peace process in the s and the subsequent agreement (gilligan ). furthermore, the aia’s inclusion of an ‘irish dimension’ in the form of representatives from the irish government and irish-american concerns showed the ira what could be achieved by negotiation and dialogue as opposed to violence (ruane and todd : ). although sectarian violence continued throughout the later years of the s, a consensus was emerging that political violence would never achieve the aims of either group of protagonists in the conflict (ruane and todd ). around this time the british government began to move away from its previous position that northern ireland must always remain a part of the union, and towards an acceptance that its inclusion should be based on the wishes of the majority of its people (coakley and o’dowd ). one upshot of this change in the political and policy climate on all sides was a renewed attempt to reach a negotiated settlement to the conflict. between and all the constitutional parties in northern ireland entered into a series of multi-party talks with the british and irish governments. following an agreement of common principles between the moderate social democratic and labour party (sdlp) and sinn fein, and discussions between the latter and the british government, the two governments announced the downing street declaration on december th . although not a settlement per se, the declaration did set out common principles allowing for such a resolution (ruane and todd ). the following year, the ira announced a ceasefire, and was joined six weeks later by the main loyalist paramilitary groupings. while these ceasefires did not hold permanently, they provided the relative peace necessary for sinn fein to enter multi-party talks in september . after months of stalemate, serious negotiations began in january (ruane and todd ). for the next four months the parties argued, lurched from crisis to crisis and, finally, following two days of high drama agreed to the text of a political settlement, the agreement, by the deadline imposed, good friday, th april . the agreement established that the constitutional status of northern ireland must be determined by the expressed wishes of the majority of its citizens (ruane and todd ). it explicitly laid out the machinery by which a referendum on this issue could take place, and also confirmed the rights of everyone in northern ireland to choose irish citizenship, british citizenship or both (coakley and o’dowd ). the agreement deals with three main areas: democratic institutions in northern ireland, a british-irish ministerial council and safeguards for rights and equality of opportunity (wolff ). the commitments made in the agreement were subsequently passed into law by the northern ireland act ( ). the government of ireland act ( ) was repealed and a devolved legislature, the northern ireland assembly (nia), established. this act brought to an end the period of direct rule. the agreement radically altered northern ireland’s governing structures. the key structural division within the governmental apparatus that was ushered in by the agreement was between the devolved and non-devolved administrations. under the terms of the agreement devolved matters, those concerned with economic and social issues, passed into the control of the assembly and the various government departments which made up the new power-sharing executive. the executive’s remit was ‘not only to administer certain government departments but also to promote cultural and political equality’ (shirlow and murtagh : ). however, not all powers were devolved to the new executive. instead, constitutional and security issues have remained under the control of the non-devolved northern ireland office (nio) that is directly answerable to the home office and secretary of state for northern ireland rather than the executive. these structural divisions are examined further in chapter five, which looks at the emergence of multicultural agendas within these post-agreement governing structures. the political settlement reached in the agreement is based on the principle of consociation, a particular form of government which attempts to unite divided societies by power-sharing at the elite level (lijphart ; mcgarry ; tonge ). as o’leary ( : ) notes ‘[t]he agreement is based on multiple forms of recognition’ including unionists’ recognition of ‘nationalists as nationalists’ and nationalists’ recognition of ‘unionists as unionists’. the agreement’s bi-national character (mcgarry and o’leary ) is founded on ‘the idea that the two major communities or traditions should be given equal consideration or recognition’ (thompson : ). underpinning the agreement is the notion of ‘parity of esteem’. as article states ‘the power of the sovereign government … shall be founded on … parity of esteem and of just and equal treatment for the identity, ethos, and aspirations of both communities’ (good friday agreement : ). parity of esteem, a term thompson ( ) traces back to , stipulates the need to recognise equally both nationalist and unionist cultural expressions and political aspirations, and it remains common in political parlance in the present day. consociationalism is a form of government involving power-sharing that is often proposed for managing conflict in deeply divided societies. as graham and nash ( ) note, arend lijphart ( ) outlines four principles of consociational government: cross-community power-sharing, proportionality rules throughout government, equality in cultural life and veto rights for minorities. the goals of such a system are political stability and the avoidance of violence by the encouragement of cooperation at the elite level. a central tenet of any consociational settlement is the need to introduce a power-sharing executive and to overhaul existing political structures to allow for competing political claims to be expressed (mcgarry and o’leary ). a good example of parity of esteem (and the limits of it) is the agreement’s commitment to linguistic diversity. the agreement pledges to support both the irish language and ulster-scots, despite the questionable status of the latter as a distinct language. consequently all official documents and parliamentary proceedings must be translated in three languages: english, irish and ulster-scots (see nic craith ( ) for a detailed discussion on ulster-scots). the philosophical and pragmatic basis of the agreement rests on the assumption that power-sharing and equal recognition and representation are the most efficient ways to ensure broad nationalist and unionist support for the political institutions and foster peace rather than violence (thompson ). in accordance with this principle, it was stipulated that both communal groupings should be equally privileged within the new institutional framework for governing northern ireland. alongside cultural commitments, such as the provision of funding for both irish and ulster-scots languages, the agreement introduced a unique voting system aimed at ensuring cross- community support for all proposed measures. it is written into law that all representatives elected to the assembly must formally declare themselves nationalist, or unionist or other. for a bill in the northern irish assembly to be passed into law it requires the support of at least % of one half of the nationalist/unionist blocs and at least % of the other half (little ). although this procedure effectively removes the political power of all those who designate themselves other, it was hoped that it would encourage political stability by giving nationalists and unionists an equal investment in the governing of northern ireland (thompson ). despite setbacks, which shall be discussed in the next section, the agreement, the first bi-latterly negotiated political settlement in northern ireland, did open up the possibility for a successful, peaceful resolution to ‘the troubles’ (cox, guelke and stephen ). . . after the agreement although the agreement precipitated the end of the endemic sectarian violence of ‘the troubles’, the period since its signing has been fraught with difficulties. from the beginning the process of establishing and bedding in the new political institutions was particularly treacherous (cox, guelke and stephen ). in accordance with rules laid down in the agreement, elections were held on june th . these elections saw the two moderate parties, the sdlp and the ulster unionist party (uup), emerge as the largest forces in the new nia (tonge ). the assembly met in ‘shadow’ form on june st : full powers were only devolved on december nd. problems quickly arose with the new power-sharing structures. the uup’s narrow majority within the unionist bloc threatened to undermine the settlement’s power-sharing basis. disagreements over parliamentary procedures laid down in the agreement, as well as concerns over ira decommissioning, effectively stymied political development and led to extended periods of stasis. over the following three years the assembly sat only intermittently, and the increasingly strained relations between the uup and sinn fein led to four separate suspensions. during these suspensions all devolved powers reverted back to the secretary of state for northern ireland, and responsibility for running the devolved administration fell to the nio. although sinn fein and ian paisley’s democratic unionist party (dup) emerged as the two largest parties in the nia after the plebiscite, the two parties refused to negotiate with one another and power-sharing remained in hiatus. finally, over three years later, the dup and sinn fein began the talks which led to the st. andrews agreement and, from that, the holding of fresh elections and the reinstating of power-sharing in may . that the dup and sinn fein, parties whose support is drawn almost exclusively from one ‘community’, have emerged as the dominant players in the nia has been interpreted as a signal that the agreement has led to a deepening, rather than a transcending, of sectarian politics (graham and nash ; tonge ). this entrenchment of sectarian division has been noted in other areas too. residential segregation intensified dramatically over the course of ‘the troubles’ and has changed little since the agreement (boal ; boal and douglas ; shirlow and murtagh ). in fact many areas of belfast have become more segregated over the last ten years (murtagh and keaveney ). the number of ‘peacewalls’, metal barriers erected at contentious interfaces where catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist residential communities meet, has actually increased steadily throughout the lifespan of the peace process (mcpeake ; shirlow and murtagh ). this increase in peacewalls, coupled with the results of the northern ireland assembly elections gave the pro-agreement unionists (made up of the uup and the uvf-aligned progressive unionist party (pup)), thirty seats and the anti- agreement unionists (constituted by the dup, the united kingdom unionist party (ukup) and independent unionists) twenty-eight seats (tonge : ). this tight majority was further compromised by the existence of a number of dissidents within the uup who were opposed to the agreement, in practice jeopardising the % of the unionist bloc needed to pass legislation. the assembly was suspended from february th to may th . it was twice suspended for hours (on august th and september nd ) before its longest suspension from october th to may th in the wake of accusations that an ira spy ring was operating in stormont. the increased visibility of micro-level conflicts across the interface in areas such as north belfast (Ó dochartaigh ; shirlow ), seems to contradict the assumption that sectarian segregation and the accompanying politics of territory is a thing of the past (chan ; murtagh ). sectarian cleavages are not only resilient in residential spaces. although legislation designed to prevent workplace discrimination on the grounds of religion has existed since the s (osborne ), catholics are still under-represented in the labour force and are much more likely to be unemployed than their protestant counterparts (osborne and shuttleworth ). educational segregation, which has been a feature of northern ireland since its foundation, has been particularly intransigent. there are separate protestant and catholic run schools, and, at present, only % of the school population are enrolled in secondary schools classified as ‘integrated’ (simpson and daly : ). sectarian considerations also continue to structure everyday practices, as peter shirlow’s ( : ) work on the ‘two ardoyne’s’ demonstrates. this study of catholic ardoyne and protestant upper ardoyne found that only % of protestants interviewed would use the nearby shops in the catholic ardoyne and just % of catholics would avail of the leisure centre facilities in the upper ardoyne. rather than the improvement expected with the reduction in violence, in some areas community relations between protestant/unionists and catholic/nationalists have deteriorated since the agreement, and there has been a general reduction in willingness to engage in community work with the sectarian ‘other’ (hughes and donnelly : ). even the assumption that the conflict has gone away appears to be premature. sectarian violence remains a societal problem, whether in the form of attacks on symbolic sites (jarman ) or the continuing presence of paramilitaries despite commitments to disband (monaghan and mclaughlin ). although the dark days of ‘the troubles’ have been left behind, sectarian division continues to structure social space and everyday life in northern ireland (shirlow and murtagh ). since the foundation of northern ireland in , the education system has been divided between schools dominated by a catholic ethos (referred to as maintained) and protestant (or controlled) schools. for a history of the education system in northern ireland see simpson and kirk ( ). despite the resilience of sectarian division and the absence of a functioning devolved assembly for much of the period since its ratification, ‘northern ireland feels like a very different place in the early part of the twenty-first century than it did before the agreement was signed’ (cox, guelke and stephen : ). the cessation of the sectarian atrocities which characterised daily life during ‘the troubles’ has been a remarkable achievement, and one that must be considered all the more significant as it was thought by many to be all but impossible as recently as a decade ago (for example, douglas ). the ending of ‘the troubles’ has also provided northern ireland with an opportunity to re-imagine itself and its place in the world. since the agreement there has been a conscious effort to shift the popular image of northern ireland away from bombs and bullets and towards stability, prosperity and ‘normality’ (bairner ). these attempts to reinvent northern ireland as a unique and vibrant place for living and working began in the early s and have escalated since then (neill ). this process has been facilitated by both the cessation of large-scale armed conflict and the economic upturn experienced by the region. as confidence in the peace process has grown, northern ireland, for years considered an exceptional case in the uk economy, has been repositioned as part of global economic restructuring and its formerly state dependent economy has been opened up to free-market forces (jarman ). economic investment has increased and flagship developments like the laganside regeneration project in belfast have been undertaken (shirlow ). these economic shifts reflect the emerging construction of northern ireland as a society in transition from sectarianism to ‘normality’. graham and nash ( ) showed how post-agreement social policy constructs northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society characterised by neo-liberal values and social identities. this notion of ‘normalisation’ proposes the replacement of sectarianism and its markers with ‘normal’ identities expressed in, and defined by, ‘normal’ capitalist space. as the following section demonstrates, these attempts to construct northern irish society as ‘normal’ have coincided with unprecedented levels of migration to the region. the multicultural agendas which are explored in my work have emerged in the context of a northern ireland that is increasingly conceiving of itself as ‘normal’ and moving beyond sectarianism. before examining the relationship between emerging multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism in chapters five, six, and seven it is important to consider the history and geography of ethnically-identified diversity in northern ireland. . . migration and diversity in northern ireland although groups not definable in terms of the ‘two traditions’ have always existed in the region, there has, until recently, been a neglect of the histories and geographies of these groups (hainsworth ). this chapter has, thus far, offered little challenge to the popular depiction of northern ireland as a land divided between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists. the following section seeks to address this absence by presenting a brief history of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. this analysis of the history of migration to the region is developed in terms of two relatively distinct phases: migration prior to the agreement, and population movement since the peace accord. the emergence of racism as a prominent issue in post-agreement northern ireland (mcveigh and rolston ) is also examined. these discussions are important as the multicultural agendas investigated in the chapters which follow have emerged against a backdrop of increased migration and racism in a northern ireland that is, at the same time, trying to move beyond sectarianism. the existence of migration and diversity in northern ireland actually predates the founding of the state. irish travellers have resided in the territory for centuries, often experiencing discrimination from both catholics and protestants (mcveigh ; ). there also existed a relatively small jewish community in belfast from the turn of the nineteenth century (warm ). however, northern ireland only really became a site for in-migration in the post-war years, and the vast majority of these new migrants came from commonwealth countries (irwin and dunn ; jarman ). despite images of bombs and riots beamed around the world, these new migrations, mainly from hong kong and the indian sub-continent, which had began in the s, continued throughout ‘the troubles’ (ellis a). in terms of spatial distribution, the vast majority of these new migrants settled in the main urban centres of belfast, craigavon and derry rather than in rural areas (jarman ). irwin and dunn ( : ), in a study of the four main ethnically-identified minorities conducted a decade ago, estimated that between , and , people identifying themselves as belonging to an ethnically-identified minority resided in northern ireland. some groups, such as the indian ‘community’, were found to display a ‘relative longevity in the region’ stretching back over sixty years (irwin : ). the chinese, the largest minority at the time of irwin and dunn’s study, hailed mainly from the new territories/hong kong, and grew steadily throughout ‘the troubles’ to number some , by (watson and mcknight : ). during this first phase of migration, rates were relatively slow and numbers low compared with the rest of the uk. these migrants were typically from commonwealth areas and arrived in northern ireland after having spent time in mainland uk (donnan and o’brien ). as they existed very much outside the tribal politics engulfing northern ireland, during ‘the troubles’ many migrant communities formed formal representative organisations based on common ethnic or racial identities. notable examples of such groups include the belfast islamic centre (founded in ), the indian community centre ( ) and the chinese welfare association ( ). existing beyond the sphere of electoral politics, these identity groups served a variety of religious, social, economic and political functions for the first wave of migrants to northern ireland. as detailed in chapter three, representatives from a number of these organisations were interviewed as part of this research. the significant numbers of new ethnically-identified representative groups which have emerged in the last decade, for example the latino-american association founded in , reflect the changing origins of migrants coming to northern ireland which will now be discussed. given its turbulent and conflictual recent history it is not surprising that throughout ‘the troubles’ northern ireland was an area of net out-migration; the numbers leaving each year directly proportional to the level of violence recorded (rogers ). however, since the peace process began this situation has been completely reversed. as noted in chapter two, not only has out-migration diminished, but northern ireland is now a the main groups identified in irwin and dunn’s study ( ), in descending order in terms of size, were: chinese, indian, pakistani and irish traveller. migrant destination. over the last five years it has recorded its highest levels of in- migration since records began (northern ireland statistics and research agency ; rogers ). according to the census, the first to include a question on ethnicity, , people living in northern ireland were born outside the united kingdom or the republic of ireland: of this number, , described themselves as belonging to an ‘ethnic minority’ (approximately . % of total population). in the years since this census was taken, the volume and patterns of migration have changed as migrants from countries without a strong history of immigration to either the uk or ireland have begun to arrive in northern ireland (jarman : ). all citizens of new member states joining the eu in the may expansion are entitled to freedom of employment in the uk. as a consequence there has been a significant movement of people from the a countries to northern ireland (jarman ). these new migratory flows have changed the visible composition of northern irish society. new migrant communities have been created in areas which had witnessed only out-migration for most of the th century (shuttleworth ). while previous migratory cohorts from former commonwealth countries tended to settle in belfast and the large towns around it, many new migrants live close to employment opportunities in relatively under-populated rural areas. alongside migrants from the former eastern bloc, substantial numbers of portuguese nationals have also migrated, primarily living and working near the food processing industries of mid-ulster (shuttleworth ; soares ). similarly, healthcare workers from south asia and the philippines have begun working in a number of hospital trusts (bell, jarman and lefebvre ). the changing demographics and geographies of migrants to northern ireland was neatly summarised by one interviewee. you will see and hear people of all cultures much more readily and it is not just in the more heavily populated areas. it really is much more spread out among mid-ulster, obviously, where you have the factories that have been recruiting heavily from eu countries for a while and goes out to the west. we have got a growing polish community in derry and the borders, places like omagh and enniskillen, as well, where we would the a countries are the czech republic; estonia; hungary; latvia; lithuania; poland; slovenia; and slovakia. have growing amounts of eastern europeans and things like that. it really is a northern ireland-wide change or development, which i think is a good thing because up until this new wave of migration it has tended to be quite belfast-centric, this whole minority ethnic issue. ‘oh, yes, we have got the chinese community in belfast.’ that was the only sort of obviously visible community, whereas now people are so much more aware of a whole range of nationalities that are here (good relations officer, northern ireland council for integrated education, / / ). as a good relations officer working in schools across northern ireland, this man of chinese descent who grew up in northern ireland during ‘the troubles’ is well placed to note both the changing origin and distribution of new migrants. this increased in-migration is very much a product of the improved social and economic situation created by the agreement. as well as making northern ireland a more attractive place to live and work, the economic upturn since the agreement has precipitated the need for overseas recruitment to supplement the local labour market. these two factors, allied with increased ease of movement, can account for the bulk of new migrations (devine ; rogers ). until the next census (in ) it is impossible to ascertain the exact size of northern ireland’s ethnically-identified minority population (rogers ) but some estimates have been made. as compliance with the workers registration scheme appears to be low, jarman ( ) used applications for national insurance numbers to estimate that the largest new migrant group in northern ireland is from poland, followed by lithuania, portugal, slovakia, india and the philippines. these migrant workers are mainly employed in administration/management, manufacturing, construction and hospitality sectors (jarman ). the accession monitoring report suggests that northern ireland, at . % of total population, has a higher proportion of a migrants than england ( . %), scotland ( . %) or wales ( . %) (home office : ). almost two-thirds of these a migrants are male and the bulk of these are under thirty-five with no dependents and work full-time in lower end occupations (rogers ). although these new migrants are spread across from to january there were applications for national insurance numbers from polish nationals, from lithuanians, from portuguese, from slovakians, from indians, from filipinos, from latvians, from czechs, from chinese and from ukrainians. the a migrants are employed in the following industries, arranged in order of greatest number: admin/management, manufacturing, construction, hospitality, food processing, agriculture, health, retail, transport and entertainment (from jarman ( ): ). northern ireland, between % and % live in belfast. this suggests that belfast has remained the main site for new migrants and has absorbed an in-flow of approximately , new migrants in the last three years (nisra : ). as detailed in chapter two, there has been a significant increase in research on racism in northern ireland since the beginning of the st century (connolly ; gilligan and lloyd ; hayes and dowds ; jarman and monaghan ). over the last ten years racism in northern ireland has escalated and increasingly is being recognised as a major societal issue (lentin and mcveigh b; mcveigh and rolston ). as reports of racism in the city increased belfast, in , was dubbed ‘the race hate capital of europe’ by the bbc (bbc online ). more recently, sir hugh orde, chief constable of the police service of northern ireland (psni), opined that racist violence is the biggest threat to social stability in northern ireland (kampfner ). during the period in which this research was conducted, racism in northern ireland often featured prominently in both national (see figure . ) and international media (see figure . ). although these media discourses are often overly simplistic and sensationalist (lentin and mcveigh b), the argument that racism in northern ireland has rapidly increased is supported by psni statistics. in / the total number of ‘racial incidents’ reported to the police stood at ; in / the figure was ; and by / the total number had jumped to , (psni ). these statistics suggest a doubling of racist incidents in the past three years alone. as well as having the largest concentration of ethnically-identified minorities, belfast has been the site for the most number of racial incidents. in / , of the incidents reported occurred there; and in / racial incidents were reported in the city (psni ). these incidents have not been spread evenly across the city. the largest numbers in / were recorded in south belfast ( ), followed by north belfast ( ) and east belfast ( ), with only recorded in west belfast (psni ). a ‘racial incident’, as defined by the police service of ireland (psni), describes any incident with a ‘race’ dimension – it includes verbal abuse/threat, written material, graffiti, physical assault, attack on home and attack on property. from / to / the most significant increase was recorded in verbal abuse/threat, physical assault and attack on home (psni ). figure . : ulster’s minorities not getting justice, belfast telegraph . . , p. the uneven distribution of racial incidents in belfast is partly a product of the impact of sectarianism on racism which was discussed in chapter two (chan ; ellis a; lentin and mcveigh b). the bulk of racial incidents have occurred in run-down loyalist areas of inner city belfast where there is a disproportionate amount of cheap and available housing stock (mcveigh and rolston ). in one instance, in february , the uvf stood down its local commander in the village area of south belfast following allegations of orchestrated paramilitary involvement in a series of attacks on the homes of people of chinese descent in the area (rolston ). the sense of alienation and disenfranchisement felt among loyalist communities in the aftermath of the agreement and fear of losing the area’s sectarian identity have been identified as potential contributing factors in the rise of racism in loyalist areas (lentin and mcveigh b). that the majority of reported racist incidents have occurred in loyalist areas is significant for understanding the background of some of the empirical material presented in chapters six and seven. it is against this backdrop of increased migration and racism that some of the multicultural agendas examined in this dissertation have emerged. figure . : loyalists blamed for migrant attacks, the guardian . . , p . . conclusion in conclusion, the brief historical overview presented in this chapter has shown that up to, and including, the present day sectarianism has been deeply embedded in northern irish politics and society. stratification along religious lines has had a serious impact on society here since the ulster plantations of the seventeenth century. this chapter argued that northern ireland itself is a product of sectarian division, and that, after its foundation in , discrimination against catholics became a salient feature of governing processes and procedures. catholic disaffection at this state of affairs led, indirectly, to the start of ‘the troubles’ and the widespread sectarian violence for which northern ireland was to become infamous. this chapter argued that attempts to manage sectarian relations and broker peace in northern ireland have tended to prioritise the recognition and accommodation of competing sectarian identities. in an effort to better manage catholic/protestant relations, community relations institutions and apparatuses were introduced in . after falling out of favour for over fifteen years, community relations re-emerged at the end of the s and remains the dominant policy position with regard to sectarianism in northern ireland. the agreement, which established the framework for a negotiated settlement to the conflict, explicitly recognises and privileges sectarian identities in its institutional workings. this chapter argued that, in some contexts, the agreement has contributed to a deepening of sectarian politics, and sectarianism remains a structuring feature of everyday life for many in northern irish society. despite the new peaceful climate, sectarian division is still resilient in residential, labour and educational sectors. although sectarianism remains a feature of northern irish society, this chapter showed that significant changes have taken place since the agreement. the cessation of armed conflict has been accompanied by an economic upturn and a desire to move beyond sectarianism that is revealed in attempts to construct northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society. at the same time as efforts are being made to re-imagine northern ireland beyond the sectarian binary, the region has recorded levels of net in-migration for the first time. the history and geography of ethnically-identified minorities presented in this chapter showed that both the origin and number of new migrants coming to northern ireland has changed significantly since the agreement. at the same time as migration has increased a ‘crisis’ in racist violence has emerged in northern ireland. academic, media and political attention have all focused on the rising numbers of racist incidents, particularly in loyalist areas of belfast. multicultural agendas that have emerged in northern ireland have done so against this backdrop of increased migration and racism, and in the context of a desire to present northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society that is moving beyond sectarianism. it is the interaction between these emerging multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism that is explored in detail in subsequent chapters. as this chapter has shown, the highest proportion of both migrants and racist incidents are in belfast, and this point supports chapter six and seven’s focus on emerging multicultural agendas in this context. before this, however, the next chapter examines the emergence of multicultural agendas in the public policy and governing structures for the whole of northern ireland. chapter five managing multiculturalism in a divided society: public policy in northern ireland . . introduction having outlined the necessary background in the previous chapter, this dissertation now turns to an investigation of the emergence of multicultural agendas in the public policy and governing structures of post-agreement northern ireland. this chapter draws on an analysis of institutional structures and policy texts, as well as interviews with key civil servants and policy makers. it argues that contemporary social policy seeks to move northern ireland beyond sectarian division by constructing it as a diverse, multicultural society within which relations across various axes of difference co-exist. however, as this chapter argues, these policies are enacted within an institutional landscape structured by the central focus that is still afforded to sectarian (community) relations. it is shown that sectarianism and multiculturalism are mutually constituted in complex ways in northern ireland. this means that multicultural agendas are changing how sectarianism is conceptualised, but that these agendas are also frustrated by the extent to which sectarian cleavages continue to structure the institutions and practices of post- agreement governing. the chapter begins by presenting a brief historical examination of ‘race’ relations legislation in northern ireland. i argue that throughout ‘the troubles’ anti-discrimination legislation was focused solely on issues of religion and sectarianism rather than ‘race’ and racism. the lack of any ‘race’ relations legislation until the last decade is presented as indicative of a general tendency not simply to ignore all those beyond the ‘two traditions’ binary, but also to incorporate them into northern ireland’s sectarian imaginary. since the agreement this situation has changed, with the emergence of ‘good relations’ as a central concept in policy development. good relations is a concept developed which incorporates not only the matter of ‘community’ (catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist) relations but also ‘race’ (multicultural) relations, and, in the process, repositions community relations as just one of many relations across difference that the northern ireland government has to manage. the formation of policy and political institutions aimed at promoting good relations is part of an attempt to re-imagine northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society after the conflict. acknowledging racialised minorities and ‘race’ relations (in short, developing a multicultural policy agenda) is part of this process of ‘normalisation’. however, as this chapter shows, these multicultural policy agendas are enacted within a complex, fragmented institutional structure divided between a number of different agencies and administrations. furthermore, the political institutions laid down by the agreement reproduce sectarian divisions and privilege the problem of catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist relations. this argument is supported by a detailed account of how those respondents who selected ‘no religion’ or chose not to answer the religious question in the northern ireland census were reallocated into sectarian communal groups based on their perceived ‘community background’. thus, despite commitments to the building of a ‘normal’, socially cohesive northern ireland based on pluralism and multiculturalism, the sectarian imagination remains within the structures and practices of post-agreement governing. . . ‘race’ relations policy during ‘the troubles’ while ‘race’ relations has remained a key legislative and policy term in britain for over forty years (see chapter two), the history of ‘race’ relations legislation in northern ireland is much briefer. northern ireland was explicitly removed from the key race relations act (rra) ( ) for a number of reasons. when the act was being drafted the protestant dominated stormont government requested that northern ireland be excluded on the grounds that religion, rather than ‘race’, represented the most serious locus of discrimination (dickey ). the public stance of the stormont government was that ‘race’ was not an issue worthy of legislative attention owing to the very low level of immigration and the absence of racialised violence on anything like the scale witnessed in other parts of the uk. this was the dominant position for the next twenty years, and is echoed in a consultative document entitled race relations in northern ireland which explored the possibility of bringing northern irish legislation in line with the rest of the uk. in the foreword of this document the then secretary of state sir patrick mayhew makes the following comments on ‘race’ relations legislation in northern ireland. although there has been legislation on race in great britain since , a similar body of law has not been introduced in northern ireland. the main reason for this was that successive governments believed that there was insufficient evidence of problems arising to warrant legislation equivalent to that in great britain (ccru : up). despite the claim that ‘there was insufficient evidence of problems’, the exemption of northern ireland from ‘race’ relations legislation was not simply a reflection of a perceived absence of racialised minorities and racial hatred in the region. instead, at the time of the drafting of the race relations act ( ), there seems to have been a concern among many unionist politicians that catholics might claim the status of an ethnic group to use the legislation to seek redress against the government (dickey ). as ‘the troubles’ intensified, catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist relations became the main focus of legislative interventions, and the issue of extending ‘race’- based legislation to cover northern ireland was marginalised still further (hainsworth ). from the late s onwards, any anti-discrimination legislation advanced in northern ireland was concerned with sectarian-based discrimination on the grounds of religion. for example, by the late s both northern ireland and britain had established what were dubbed ‘community relations commissions’. however, while the british commission was established under the race relations act ( ) and had as its primary remit ‘race’ relations, the northern ireland commission (established in ) was established by the community relations act (northern ireland) and was charged with improving relations between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists (griffiths ). similarly, the fair employment act ( ) in northern ireland outlawed workplace discrimination only on the grounds of religion and established the fair employment agency to monitor this aspect of discrimination in northern ireland (osbourne ). revisions to the british rra in saw an increasing precision in terminology with the more generally described community relations council being subsumed into the commission for racial equality (cre). the fair employment agency, set up along similar lines to the british cre, took on many of the functions of the ill-fated northern ireland community relations commission described in chapter four (osborne ). the early s saw an emerging consensus on the need to implement some form of stand-alone ‘race’ relations legislation in northern ireland (hainsworth ). the standing advisory commission on human rights (sachr) recommended, in its second report on religious and political discrimination and equality of opportunity in northern ireland, that ‘race’ relations legislation parallel to that in britain be introduced in northern ireland (sachr ). a consultative document on the possibility of extending the legislation to cover northern ireland was produced by the central community relations unit (ccru) in the northern ireland office (nio) (ccru ). eventually, in , the race relations (ni) order (rro) was passed into law. the rro mirrors the provisions of the race relations act ( ), outlawing discrimination on the grounds of colour, race, nationality or ethnic or national origin. under the rro a commission for racial equality (northern ireland) was also established. it is somewhat uncertain why it was that marked the moment when ‘race’ relations legislation was extended to northern ireland. robbie mcveigh ( b) argues that the mobilisation of civil society around the issue, in particular the belfast-based commission on the administration of justice and the influential northern ireland council for ethnic minorities (nicem), played a defining role. certainly these groups began to petition government and supranational bodies, like the eu and the un committee on the elimination of all forms of racial discrimination (cerd), to have racial discrimination outlawed in northern ireland. with this international pressure the introduction of the race relations (ni) order, according to mcveigh ( b), followed. another important factor in creating ‘race’ relations legislation was the election of a new labour government in britain. unlike its conservative predecessor, labour was committed to supporting ‘race’ relations policy and legislation (solomos ). once in power it quickly moved to have the legislation, which had not progressed beyond the consultative document, written into northern irish law. indeed, the fact that the rro predates the eu race directive by some three years suggests that the extension of the british legislation to northern ireland was much more a product of labour policy, as well as progress in the peace process, than pressure from the eu and the un as mcveigh ( b) claims. the rro is an important piece of legislation which provided protection against racial discrimination in northern ireland for the first time. as such, it signalled a move away from exclusively dualist imaginings of northern irish society and towards some nascent awareness of diversity beyond the ‘two traditions’, a movement that gathered speed with the signing of the agreement in . . . from ‘community relations’ to ‘good relations’: multicultural policy since the agreement the agreement introduced a new, robust equality agenda into northern ireland policy based on a commitment to individual equality in all spheres of public life (ellis b; mccrudden ). the text of the agreement itself is explicitly committed to ‘the right to equal opportunity in all social and economic activity, regardless of class, creed, disability, gender or ethnicity’ (good friday agreement : ). at the same time as seeking to provide a negotiated political settlement to the conflict, the agreement recognised wider axes of difference than just catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist. in the wake of this equality agenda public policy has increasingly espoused pluralist ideals and visions of northern irish society (graham and nash ). this section argues that an integral element of these efforts to construct northern ireland as a plural society has been the emergence of self-consciously multicultural public policy. as discussed in chapter four, community relations was the main policy approach to managing sectarian difference during ‘the troubles’. it is somewhat surprising, then, that the agreement appears oddly ambivalent about the term. in fact, the phrase ‘community relations’ only appears once in the text of the agreement (mcveigh b). with section ( ) of the northern ireland act ( ), which was passed to bring the political settlement into reality, a new term, that of ‘good relations’, was adopted into the political lexicon. specifically, the act obliges all public bodies to ensure equality of the eu race directive arose from article of the treaty of amsterdam ( ). the aim of the directive was to provide a common basis on which to address issues of discrimination on the grounds of racial or ethnic origin across all eu member states. the race relations order (amendment) regulations (northern ireland) ( ) was passed to implement the directive. this legislation gave greater protection from unlawful discrimination and harassment on the grounds of ‘race’, ethnic or national origins. opportunity ‘between persons of different religious belief, political opinion, racial group, age, marital status or sexual orientation’ (section ( )). the act then specifics that ‘a public authority shall in carrying out its functions relating to northern ireland have regard to the desirability of promoting good relations between persons of different religious belief, political opinion or racial group’ (section ( ); emphasis added). this, as far as my review of policy has found, is the first reference to good relations in legislation. just one year after legislation preventing racial discrimination had been passed in northern ireland, the act heralding the long-awaited agreement between rival sectarian interests addresses itself in addition to widely defined differences. as one policy officer put it to me in interview, the notion of good relations enshrined in the northern ireland act ( ) was ‘community relations plus race relations’ (interview with head of policy, equality commission, / / ). the commitment to good relations made in section represents an attempt to move beyond a singular focus on sectarianism as the locus of discriminatory practices in northern ireland. as another senior policy maker commented: the legislation, the good friday agreement wrote into it section , which moved us forward in the sense that it recognised that there isn’t just two main communities, and it actually isn’t just catholic/protestant, loyalist/nationalist … it [community relations] wasn’t even reflective in itself but not only that, we are now getting a growing minority ethnic sector. we are getting a growing minority faith sector as well, so therefore it moved from community relations specifically to good relations (interview with head of policy, community relations council, / / ). in this quote good relations is constructed as a vehicle for ‘moving us forward’; a vision which looks towards a fundamental shift in the conceptualisation of northern ireland. while increased cultural diversity is facilitating this shift, these changes are also having a significant effect on how sectarianism is being conceived of and approached. as the quotation presented above illustrates, the idea that northern irish society can be easily divided into two rival sectarian blocs is seen as unhelpfully reductive and is increasingly being rejected. we can see in this quote how the emergence of a concern for cultural diversity in public policy is providing a basis from which traditional, sectarian constructions of northern ireland can potentially be decentred. the shift to good relations has not seen the complete demise of the term community relations; there remains a community relations unit (cru) within the office of the first minister and deputy first minister (ofmdfm). nonetheless the matter of ‘community relations’ vis a vis other relations is very precisely circumscribed. here is how the head of the cru explained the new structure: we have moved away from the old community relations idea which tended to be based very much in the two communities towards a broader vision of northern ireland where good relations encompasses more than that. i would see that program [good relations] as being extremely embracive in terms of all relationships; so the race, the marginalisation, the issues around community would all be part and parcel of that (interview with head of cru, ofmdfm, / / ). for this senior policy maker, community relations is an out-dated idea in which the word ‘community’ operates as a euphemism for catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist constituencies, and which has been replaced by the wider term good relations. within the more inclusive concept of good relations, sectarian (community) relations cease to be the sole issue of concern for policy makers. instead, these become just one of many relations across vectors of difference that the institutions of governance in northern ireland must manage. the discursive move from community relations to good relations, as well as a burgeoning awareness of ‘race’ relations, is evident in various policy texts published since the agreement. in a shared future, which graham and nash ( : ) refer to as the key piece of post-conflict social policy in northern ireland, an explicit distinction is drawn between community relations and good relations. ‘community relations’ refers specifically to division between protestant and catholic communities in northern ireland. ‘good relations’ refers to section ( ) of the northern ireland act which includes persons of different religious belief, political opinion or racial group (ofmdfm a: ). in defining good relations in terms of religion, politics and ‘race’, a shared future commits to the management not just of sectarian (community) relations but also other axes of difference in northern ireland. on closer examination of the discursive terrain of a shared future it becomes apparent that good relations has almost completely replaced community relations as the all- embracing policy term. the policy’s full title a shared future: policy and strategic framework for good relations in northern ireland is illustrative of this shift. although both community relations and good relations appear throughout the text, the latter term appears much more frequently. this shows clearly the desire to position sectarian (‘community’) relations as one of the many relations across difference that the northern ireland government has to govern, as opposed to the sole and central relationship of difference. a significant feature of this is the positioning of sectarian relations as the same as or equivalent to ‘race’ relations, as in the following statement drawn from a shared future. this document outlines how the illustrative practical steps and actions, based on common fundamental principles, can be co-ordinated across government and throughout civic society to ensure an effective and coherent response to sectarian and racial intimidation with the aim of building relationships rooted in mutual recognition and trust (ofmdfm a: ; emphasis added). as i argued in chapter two, sectarianism and racism are distinct social processes. however, in the above quote, the two terms are collapsed into one another as sectarian and ‘race’-based ‘intimidation’ are constructed as equivalent. as such, a shared future is a document dedicated to envisaging what to do with, as it calls it, ‘a divided society that is becoming more multi-cultural’ (ofmdfm a: ). in explicitly figuring northern ireland as multicultural, the policy seeks to emphasise diversity rather than division, and to construct a vision of a society moving beyond sectarianism. in a shared future the term good relations appears times in comparison with references to community relations. while a shared future includes proposals for cultivating multiculturalism in northern ireland, ‘race’ relations policy is most clearly outlined in a racial equality strategy for northern ireland, which, after a number of delays, was officially launched in the winter of (see figure . ). figure . : front cover of a racial equality strategy this strategy was designed to set out aims and goals for racial equality in government, and work alongside a shared future ‘to initiate actions to promote good race relations’ (ofmdfm b: ). in this policy statement northern ireland is described as ‘becoming an increasingly multicultural society’ (ofmdfm b: ), and specific plans and policies are laid out for developing racial equality in a context in which discrimination on the grounds of ‘race’ was only made illegal less than ten years previously. the document explicitly sets out frameworks for funding ethnically- identified minorities and implementing racial equality across government institutions. in seeking ‘to develop good relations between majority community/ies and minority ethnic communities’ the policy explicitly aims to promote cultural diversity beyond the ‘two traditions’ (ofmdfm b: ). this reference to ‘majority community/ies’ is testament to the continued sectarian division of society, and the difficulty of promoting ‘race’ relations policy within this context. however, the text reiterates key points made about the construction of northern ireland as diverse, and the emergence of a concern for managing many relations along axes of difference in the post-agreement context. . . . managing diversity as ‘normalisation’ the tendency to view northern ireland as ‘a place apart’, literally unrecognisable in comparison with other ‘western’ contexts, has been common among many commentators (little ). certainly during ‘the troubles’ many features of government and society were exceptional. diplock courts, the presence of the army on the streets and metal detectors at entrances to shops marked northern ireland as a ‘state of exception’ removed from the ‘normal’ social space(s) of britain and ireland (agamben ; kearns ). throughout the period from the s to the end of ‘the troubles’, british government policy towards northern ireland was often based on the notion of ‘containment’ – keep the conflict at a ‘manageable’ level and prevent further escalation (gilligan ). as outlined in chapter four, following the cessation of large scale armed conflict and the political progress since there have been attempts to reconstruct northern ireland as a ‘normal’ capitalist space (graham and nash ; shirlow ; shirlow and murtagh ). this discourse of ‘normalisation’ has replaced militarization and containment, and runs through much post-agreement public policy and ministerial statements. the notion that northern ireland is in the process of becoming a ‘normal’ society characterised by tolerance and in which identity markers are no longer important is manifested on the first page proper of a shared future. on this page the aims of the policy are set out as follows: [t]he establishment over time of a normal, civic society, in which all individuals are considered as equals, where differences are resolved through dialogue in the public sphere and where all people are treated impartially (ofmdfm a: ; emphasis added) the diplock courts were established by the british government in northern ireland in following recommendations in a report by lord diplock. in these controversial courts trial by jury was suspended, and a single judge adjudicated and passed sentence. good relations in this quote is constructed as a vehicle which facilitates the progress of northern ireland towards ‘normality’. furthermore, it is only by both possessing cultural difference and recognising this difference in the public sphere that northern ireland can move beyond the abnormality of ‘the troubles’. this discourse of ‘normalisation’ is also evident in a speech delivered by the then secretary of state peter hain on st september . the vision we all share for northern ireland is of a normal civic society in which all individuals are treated as equals. problems are resolved through dialogue and the state is impartial between contending claims. a northern ireland where the community or church you come from, your political opinion, race, gender, sexuality, age or disability makes no difference to where you are wanting to go (speech delivered at stormont castle to senior representatives of northern ireland civil service, source: cru, ofmdfm). again, mr. hain’s speech constructs an image of a future, northern ireland based on equality and respect for difference. a prominent feature of this putatively normal space is good relations, or the acceptance of a diversity of ‘political opinion, race, gender, sexuality, age or disability’. for mr. hain, the presence of cultural diversity and the building of a multicultural society is evidence that northern ireland is moving beyond the dark days of sectarian division. clearly the shift from a past of violence and intolerance to a potential future of normality is linked in the northern ireland imaginary to the presence of other vectors of diversity. indeed, in the course of an interview one (community relations) policy maker made clear the link between a multicultural northern ireland and a normalised (post-troubles) northern ireland. she did so by recalling an incident at the height of ‘the troubles’ when a group of vietnamese refuges arrived to be settled in the region. when the first boat load was sent here, they wouldn’t get off the boat, they said ‘you must be joking, we are coming from war-torn vietnam.’ the first boat load went back to liverpool, which i found hilariously funny. that’s how bad it was … we are now, thankfully, i think, a growing society, becoming more normal, more multicultural. my view is that that is a sign of progress and peace (interview with head of policy, community relations council, / / ). here multiculturalism is constructed as something that takes place within the bounds of – and is defining of – a ‘normal’ society, and is an integral part of the process of ‘normalising’ northern ireland after the conflict. . . sketching the institutions of good relations the chapter thus far has indicated something of the complex interdependency between a post-sectarian imaginary and multiculturalist ambitions in northern ireland. this complexity is charted into specific policy statements, as i have shown, but is also present in the institutional framework in which these policies are produced and enacted. it is to this framework the chapter now turns. of specific interest are the dispersed institutional responsibilities for multicultural policies, and how these relate to residual and emergent structures associated with managing sectarian relations. since the beginning of ‘the troubles’ ‘[a]n institutional approach has dominated attempts to build peace and political accountability in northern ireland’ (shirlow and murtagh : ). for example, power-sharing and institutional reform was a central plank of both the sunningdale ( ) and anglo-irish agreements ( ). as outlined in chapter four, the current institutional structure arises directly from the agreement, to date the only successful attempt to instantiate power-sharing between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists. the agreement produced radical institutional change (todd ), and introduced a new and particularly complex state structure (lentin and mcveigh b). as highlighted previously, the key division in this new institutional structure is between the devolved and non-devolved administrations (see figure . ). the following sections investigate the location of good relations policy in this partitioned governing structure. figure . : chart of institutional structures of devolved and non-devolved administrations . . . good relations in the devolved administration as noted previously, responsibility for economic and social matters, including social policy, rests with the devolved administration. all devolved departments are subject to the equality and good relations duties contained in section and the race relations (ni) order outlawing discrimination on grounds of ‘race’ (ofmdfm b: ). explicit responsibility for good relations policy rests with the key ministry of the office of the first minister and deputy first minister (ofmdfm). the department is separated into a series of services and directorates, one of which is the equality as the policy driver of the devolved administration, ofmdfm is the lead department for much post- agreement public policy. ofmdfm is here described as a ‘key ministry’ as it has a very wide range of responsibilities, including designing a programme for government which sets budgets and priorities for all departments. it is also unique in that it is not run by a single nationalist or unionist minister, but rather jointly run by two junior ministers; one from each bloc. although this joint working may help promote cross-community partnership in government, this situation also demonstrates how those groups and individuals not accommodated within the nationalist and unionist blocs are marginalised in post- agreement governing apparatus’. northern ireland office (n.i.o.) secretary of state home office non- devolved devolved northern ireland assembly (n.i.a.) northern ireland executive (nie) devolved departments social development health regional development finance environment enterprise, trade and investment employment and learning education culture, arts and leisure agriculture and rural development of md fm political directorate policing and security directorate criminal justice directorate central services directorate information service directorate directorate (see figure . ). setting policy for the social relations that are subsumed by the term good relations is confined specifically to two of the units operating within the good relations and reconciliation division of this directorate: the racial equality unit (reu) and the community relations unit (cru) (see figure . ). off ice of the first minister and deputy first minister (ofmdfm) equa lity directorate equality and rights division equality and social need division good relations and reconciliation division communit y relations unit race equality unit victims unitchildren and you ng people’s unit . figure . : the equality directorate in ofmdfm with sub-divisions of good relations and reconciliation division shown (cru and reu outlined in red) as well as authoring the policy text a racial equality strategy for northern ireland (figure . ), the reu is the main political institution concerned with ‘race’ relations policy in the devolved administration. the unit was founded ‘to reduce social exclusion among minority ethnic people’, and the story of its emergence illustrates well the ways in which a post-sectarian imaginary of northern ireland is linked to an emergent multiculturalism (ofmdfm internal memo ). the reu developed out of a working group established just prior to the agreement, in march , by the incoming labour government. as part of the re-launch of the targeting social need (tsn) policy, which aimed to reduce socio-economic gaps between catholics and the racial equality unit (reu) was formerly titled the race unit, this name was changed in following suggestions from representatives of ethnically-identified minorities that the use of the word ‘race’ in the title was unhelpful. protestants, an ethnic minorities working group was established (ofmdfm internal memo ). this working group noted that at that time no department had lead responsibility in the area of ‘minority ethnic issues’ (ofmdfm internal memo ). rather than assign this responsibility to an existing branch of government it was decided to set up a separate unit within ofmdfm. an internal memo relating to this process makes clear the reasons for this decision. a separate unit was considered necessary in order to avoid giving the ‘signal that government was less committed to tackling inequalities experienced by minority ethnic people than dealing with gender inequality or relationships between catholics and protestants’ (ofmdfm internal memo : ). this led to the creation of the racial equality unit; a small unit comprising only five or six people located within the equality directorate of ofmdfm. the formation of the reu in supports the contention made earlier in this chapter that ‘race’ relations policy only really emerged in the wake of the agreement and from policies put forward by the incoming labour government. it also confirms the way in which, in post- agreement northern ireland, sectarian differences were self-consciously being repositioned in relation to other vectors of social difference. the racial equality unit has a number of functions. one of its key early roles was in producing the original draft of a racial equality strategy and circulating this draft for consultation. the policy which was produced following this consultation aims to provide ‘a framework that will allow us to tackle racial inequalities in northern ireland and to open up opportunities for all; to eradicate racism and hate crime and … initiate actions to promote good race relations’ (ofmdfm b: ). the reu fulfils a range of functions, as a civil servant working in the unit explained. a central part of my job is to promote the racial equality strategy across the departments within the ni administration. this involves engaging with designated people in each department who are that department’s representative on the ni racial equality forum and who are charged with promoting the racial equality strategy in each of their respective departments. i am currently meeting with each to discuss ways in which the recently published racial equality strategy will be implemented through actions within each department (interview with deputy head of racial equality unit, / / ). another role assumed by the reu is to provide the chair for the racial equality forum, a roundtable discussion which meets three or four times a year to address ‘minority ethnic’ issues. these meetings provide an important interface between relevant representative groups and political institutions such as statutory bodies and government departments. the forum’s input was influential in wholesale changes made to the earlier draft race equality strategy. finally, the reu is also involved in the provision of funding to ethnically-identified minorities: for the period - , £ . million worth of funding has been made available to this sector in northern ireland (ofmdfm b: ). some of this money has been used to fund specifically designated good relations officers (gro) within many of the larger ethnically-identified representative groups (for example, the indian community centre and the chinese welfare association). the aim of these gros is to promote and build relationships between ethnically-identified minorities and ‘local’ (i.e. catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist) communities. as figure . shows, the other institutional arm of good relations policy in the devolved administration is the community relations unit (cru). as noted in the previous chapter, the cru was formerly the central community relations unit (ccru) established in the northern ireland office in . following the commitments made in the agreement and the northern ireland act ( ), in the unit joined ofmdfm, and its name was changed to the cru. comprising seven staff, six of whom are full- time, the cru has responsibility for an annual budget of over £ million. although nominally concerned with the management of relations between catholic and protestant communities, a shared future also commits the cru to promoting a wider notion of cultural diversity (ofmdfm a). it is in the cru that it is possible to see some of the practical confusion around the relationship between sectarian (community) relations and ‘race’ relations in the devolved administration. while in figure . the cru and the reu appear to be clearly demarcated, in their daily practice of policy implementation the distinction between the two institutions is less clear cut. this was evident in the following account given by the deputy head of the reu: although they are separate units the racial equality unit is working increasingly closely with the community relations unit. the racial equality strategy is designed to work in tandem with a shared future, so there are obvious links between the two (interview with deputy head of racial equality unit, / / ). not only do the racial equality unit and community relations unit work closely together, often times their aims and remits are almost identical. for example, in the cru penned a shared future over a dozen references are made to racism in northern ireland, and the document states that one of its main aims is to ‘combat racism’ (ofmdfm a: ). while the previous quote suggests that the links between the two units are ‘obvious’, the precise contours of how sectarian relations and ‘race’ relations interact is far from so. the fact that the reu exists and that the cru has become concerned with cultural diversity beyond sectarian difference shows that multicultural agendas are now considered as an important facet of post-agreement public policy. this development is illustrative of the increased presence and awareness of cultural diversity in northern irish society over the last decade. however, the retention of a unit engaged specifically with relations between protestant/unionists and catholic/nationalists in spite of the shift to a more encompassing notion of good relations is illustrative of the uncertain relationship between anti-sectarian and multicultural agendas in the devolved administration. . . . good relations in the non-devolved administration as noted previously, although all economic and social issues have been devolved to the executive, the administration of constitutional and security matters, law and order, criminal justice, policing and immigration still rests with the northern ireland office (nio). some of these functions, such as policing, are reserved, which means that they may eventually be transferred in more favourable political circumstances. other powers, such as immigration, are excepted – they can never be devolved from westminster to stormont. the nio operates in support of the secretary of state, and is directly under the control of the home office in london (see figure . ). although the nio was created to despite the improved political situation at the time of writing, policing remains reserved and there are no plans to devolve these powers in the immediate future. administer northern irish affairs in , since the agreement its role has been greatly reduced. the present incarnation of the nio is split into five core divisions: the political directorate, the policing and security directorate, the criminal justice directorate, the central services directorate and the northern ireland information service (see figure . ). together these institutions attend to non-devolved matters in northern ireland. the key point concerning good relations policy in the non-devolved administration is that all institutions operating within the nio, including the police and the immigration services, are subject to home office policy. thus, in post-agreement northern ireland, different policies are often operating within both the devolved and the non-devolved administrations. as later sections show, while devolved policy may seek to promote cultural diversity, home office policy on issues such as policing and immigration may act to impede this goal. . . . good relations in non-governmental public bodies alongside the devolved and non-devolved departments there exist a number of important non-governmental public bodies in northern ireland, otherwise known as ‘quangos’. a quango is an ostensibly non-governmental organisation that performs governmental functions, often with government funding or support from supranational bodies (wettenhall ). such bodies are very important in northern ireland; they comment on and implement public policy and, occasionally, criticise government policy and actions. figure . identifies the most important non-governmental public bodies whose remit includes good relations, the administration that funds them (devolved or non-devolved) and the relationship between these bodies. the following sections look at how good relations policy is located within each of these non-governmental institutional actors. equality commission northern ireland community relations council northern ireland human rights commission funded by ofmdfm funded by nio memorandum of understanding memorandum of understanding figure . : key non-governmental public bodies in post-agreement northern ireland community relations council as outlined in chapter four, the community relations council (crc) was founded in to help address the tension and violence that characterised relations between catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist ‘communities’ during ‘the troubles’. this non-governmental institution was charged with allocating funding to the voluntary sector for the promotion of dialogue and interaction between the two communities (gilligan ). although originally oriented around the sectarian division, the crc has recently been at the vanguard of attempts to critically engage with the idea that northern ireland is composed of more than just the ‘two traditions’, and has become increasingly concerned with the management of both sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland (nash ). since the agreement the language used by the crc has changed significantly, mirroring the general move from a language of community relations to that of good relations. for example, in a shared future the crc is given a clear remit around the promotion of good relations (ofmdfm a: ). policy makers from the crc were involved in the consultation and draft phases of both a shared future and a racial equality strategy for northern ireland (interview with head of policy, crc, belfast, / / ). increasingly crc policy and press releases combine anti-sectarian and multicultural agendas. for example, a policy document produced by the crc to aid organisations in producing good relations strategies argues for the importance of ‘understanding the part that sectarianism and racism play in dividing northern ireland society’ (crc : ; emphasis added). the crc have increased their funding for ethnically-identified minorities, and have provided monies to organisations such as the chinese welfare association and the indian community centre for events aimed at promoting cultural diversity in northern ireland (interview with head of policy, crc, belfast, / / ). changes in both crc discourse and its funding practice demonstrates that the organisation has expanded its focus beyond sectarian relations alone. equality commission northern ireland like the crc, the equality commission northern ireland (ecni) is a non-governmental public body funded by the devolved department ofmdfm. it is responsible for monitoring and providing advice on section of the northern ireland act ( ). as such it has a duty in regard to the promotion of equality of opportunity and good relations. the commission for racial equality (northern ireland) was founded in following the race relations (northern ireland) order. less than two years later, under the terms of the agreement, this body was amalgamated into the new ecni. this new single equality body represents a movement away from the separation of multicultural and sectarian issues into discrete institutions. relations between ethnically-identified minorities and ‘majority society’ are one of the many possible vectors of inequality that the ecni concerns itself with. they have an explicit remit to promote ‘good relations between people of different racial groups’ (interview with head of policy, equality commission, / / ). for example, under the race relations order, the ecni has the power to prosecute on the grounds of racial discrimination. the equality commission the ecni is legislatively charged with ensuring equality of opportunity on grounds of ‘race’, religious belief or political opinion, sex, sexual orientation, age and disability. also has the power to launch an investigation into a public body if there is evidence of a breach of commitments made in its equality scheme. while the ecni is committed to promoting good relations between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists it does not have a duty in this area. the responsibility for these relations remains with the crc. again there is evident complexity around the division of responsibility for the management of cultural diversity and sectarianism in northern ireland. the ecni is a product of the agreement, and its nascent multicultural agenda. however, the retention of the crc, which predates the agreement and is a product of attempts to manage community relations only, shows that sectarian considerations continue to hold a central place in political institutions in the post-agreement arena. northern ireland human rights commission the issue of human rights in northern ireland has always been highly sensitive and politicised (harvey ). in the standing advisory commission on human rights was formed to advise direct rule ministers on human rights issues (harvey ). in stark contrast to the lack of debate about the adoption of equality legislation during the negotiations on the agreement, the issue of the formation of a human rights body was particularly vexed. nationalist parties campaigned vigorously for such a body while many leading unionist politicians were opposed to the move. eventually cross-party support for a human rights body was secured, and on st march the northern ireland human rights commission (nihrc) was established. the secretary of state appoints the head of the nihrc, and, as human rights is not a devolved issue, this body receives funding from the nio. although the prime concern of the debate around the nihrc during negotiations leading up to the agreement was on how human rights legislation would effect catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist relations, the very notion of human rights all public bodies in northern ireland must complete an equality scheme and submit it to the equality commission for scrutiny. see ellis ( b) and osborne ( ) for more detailed discussion on ecni and equality schemes. this division of responsibility between the ecni and the crc is enshrined in a joint memorandum of understanding (see figure . ). obviously encompasses differences and identities beyond the ‘two traditions’. since its creation the nihrc has ‘kept a very close watching brief on race issues and racial equality’ (interview with human rights commission, belfast, / / ). at the international level, the commission has been involved with international treaty monitoring, and has prepared shadow reports to the committee on the elimination of racial discrimination (cerd). a cerd sub-group is located in the department of constitutional affairs (dca) in london; allowing human rights institutions like the nihrc to lobby directly the human rights minister in the dca. the nihrc also comments on the human rights implications of both uk-wide and northern ireland specific policies, including policy on immigration and the detention of asylum seekers. the nihrc also engages with local level ‘race’ relations’ policies, commenting on ofmdfm policies and sending a representative to the racial equality forum (interview with human rights commission, belfast, / / ). through these different activities the nihrc are involved in the governance of the emergent multicultural northern ireland. thus far this chapter has identified the key policies, institutions and activities pertinent to the governing of a multicultural northern ireland. to summarise these findings a table of key players/institutions and policies is set out in table . . from this detailed engagement with institutional structure and policy it is clear that multicultural policy, which was almost totally absent until a decade ago, is now being manifested in a plethora of initiatives and policies, themselves attached to different locations and institutions within the state. this multiplicity of sites is a reflection of what shirlow and murtagh ( ) call the ‘institutional approach’ to dealing with sectarian division and political violence in northern ireland. one legacy of sectarianism, then, is this awkward, unwieldy state structure that results in policy being dispersed across such a swath of institutions. as will be shown in the following section, this convoluted institutional structure structures and potentially undermines the realization of emerging multicultural agendas in post-agreement northern ireland. table . summary table of key good relations institutions and their policies status institution policy field community relations unit a shared future devolved administration racial equality unit a racial equality strategy policing and security directorate home office policy non-devolved administration criminal justice directorate home office policy community relations council equality commission non- governmental public bodies human rights commission . . interrogating good relations in post-agreement institutional frameworks this chapter has shown how multicultural-linked policy agendas are spread through and becoming part of different echelons and spheres of northern ireland government. the sections that follow show that this dispersal of policy produces an institutional situation which is difficult to negotiate in practice and has a negative impact on attempts to promote multicultural agendas. this section builds on material presented earlier in this chapter to highlight points of tension within the institutional structures and practices of post-agreement governing which hinder attempts to move beyond sectarian division. . . . fragmented institutional structure as the previous section illustrated, the political settlement in northern ireland has produced a particularly complex institutional structure. although this structure was designed to manage catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist relations, it is now being called upon to construct and manage an image and reality of northern ireland as culturally diverse or multicultural. the difficulties inherent in managing issues of cultural diversity in the institutions of post-agreement governance are clearly expressed by the head of the community safety unit. the problem that we face in northern ireland is that for community safety to work in a kind of cohesive way it needs to have a landscape that isn’t completely fragmented, in the way that it is here. issues like race hate crime really do need a joined up approach, because it is a complex issue. and it’s about prevention, support, protection. so all of these things have to be connected. northern ireland is a very bad place for things to be connected, we have so many silos, so many government departments, so many councils. i used to work in liverpool, i don’t know how much you know about merseyside but it has got roughly the same population as northern ireland, . million people. but if you compare the structures on merseyside: there are five councils, not twenty-six (interview with director of community safety unit, / / ). the community safety unit (csu) is a department within the criminal justice directorate of the non-devolved nio. alongside a commitment to tackling anti-social behaviour and sectarian hate crime, it is charged with trying to reduce racist attacks and manifestations of racism. however, the lack of effective connections between the vast array of institutions that make up the post-agreement governing structure makes it particularly difficult for the csu to fulfil this function. the fragmentation evident in the large number of district councils, government bodies and other political institutions has a negative impact on attempts to address issues like racist attacks and racially motivated crime. reflecting on attempts to tackle social exclusion through planning policy, geraint ellis ( b: ) suggests that it is ‘somewhat ironic that the political climate of the peace process that has allowed these issues to emerge on the policy agenda has also necessitated an administrative structure that frustrates the process of implementation.’ his point is equally valid in considerations of multicultural policy and its ‘institutional a review of public administration was launched by the then secretary of state for northern ireland peter hain in . as well as making proposals for streamlining measures in areas such as education this review recommended that the number of district councils be reduced from twenty-six to seven. at present these recommendations have not been adopted, but it is expected that the number of district councils shall be radically reduced in the coming years. implications’ in the post-agreement context (uitermark, rossi and van houtum : ). here the institutional set-up is so complex and institutional name changes so frequent that one interviewee who held a very senior position as head of the equality directorate in ofmdfm was unable to remember the title of one of the units in the directorate! while the peace process, and political changes accompanying it, provided an opportunity to re-imagine northern ireland as culturally diverse, policy is often stymied by the high level of fragmentation and confusion within the institutional structures. these structures were set up by the agreement to deal with sectarianism in northern ireland, and, as such, their fragmentation is directly linked to northern ireland’s older, sectarian past. . . . separation between devolved and non-devolved institutions and powers the practical separation between devolved and non-devolved institutions and powers also undermines multicultural initiatives. a civil servant in the devolved department of social development (dsd) explains this situation as follows: there is a chinese wall, if you like, between the nio and the devolved administration in practical matters. if i access my computer, the devolved administration is all on one computer network, nio is a separate one … i can log onto a dial system which will give me a telephone number of anybody here [devolved administration] but not there [nio] (interview with director of central policy and coordination, dsd, / ). the existence of distinct computer systems and telephone directories attests to the sense of disconnection (a ‘chinese wall’) between the two administrations. this separation is not just cumbersome and inconvenient; it has important implications for an emergent multicultural northern ireland. this is evident in the area of ‘race’ relations policy. while individuals from devolved and non-devolved departments might work together on bodies like the racial equality forum, the separate telephone networks are symptomatic of the lack of opportunities for everyday interaction between practitioners working in the two administrations. also, as i noted in section . . ., initiatives like the racial equality forum are dogged by the infrequency of meetings (there were only three in ). consequently policy initiatives and advances made in one administration may not be carried over into the other, hindering attempts to promote best practice across the board. similar difficulties arise with respect to policing ‘race’-based violence. as noted earlier, equality is a devolved matter, but policing and immigration, two areas which have huge implications for how multiculturalism is enacted and experienced, are reserved and excepted respectively. as will be discussed further in chapter six, policing has been implicated in processes of racialisation (jackson ; b; keith ; solomos ), with the existence of institutional racism within the police force emerging as a serious concern (home office ). as policing is a reserved matter, the police service of northern ireland (psni) is located within the nio. this produces an anomalous situation whereby a devolved policy like a racial equality strategy for northern ireland, which seeks to direct ‘race’ relations generally in northern ireland, negotiates a reality in which significant aspects of governing ‘race’ relations (such as the police) lie outside its jurisdiction and within the nio. this means that social policy produced in the devolved administration to address specific issues and concerns around cultural diversity relevant in northern ireland is not necessarily implemented by significant institutions within this jurisdiction. finally, we might turn to the area of immigration and border control to see further how the practical separation between devolved and non-devolved administrations shapes the ways in which multicultural northern ireland can be realised. immigration is an excepted issue: northern ireland is bound to follow westminster policy. at the current time this means complying with increasingly tight home office restrictions on the numbers and skills base of who can immigrate. the uk-wide ‘managed migration’ policy (home office ) was produced without policy makers in institutions such as the racial equality unit having any influence over the content of the policy, nor were they given the option to opt out of it (interview with director of racial equality unit, belfast, / / ). the lack of devolved control over immigration issues was given spectacular expression when, in , asylum applicants were controversially locked up alongside dissident paramilitaries in maghaberry prison, co. derry (tennant ). as this procedure was in accordance with home office policy for dealing with asylum seekers in the absence of other secure accommodation, the assembly, despite expressing cross-party condemnation of the practice, was powerless to intervene. it was only following negative media attention that the nio established temporary holding centres on alternative sites in belfast (lentin and mcveigh b). this example highlights how, while ofmdfm is promoting pluralist social visions, home office policy can at times work against this and even, in extreme cases, produce examples of racialised discrimination unacceptable to northern ireland’s emergent multicultural image of itself. although the paradox between anti-discrimination legislation and policies and racialisation has become the hallmark of the actions of many contemporary states (kemp ; lentin ; solomos ), what makes the northern ireland context distinct is that the devolved government will never have the opportunity to determine its own immigration policy. this finding highlights once again the impact that the specific political structures and institutional frameworks that multicultural policy is being produced and enacted within can have on the policy’s outworking on the ground (anthias and yuval-davis ; ben-tovim, gabriel, law and stredder ). . . . privileging sectarian identities in the agreement’s institutions and practices thus far i have shown how the making of a new multicultural northern ireland happens in relation to structures and inheritances associated with an older, sectarian northern ireland. it is clear that sectarianism complicates — and perhaps even thwarts — the movement of northern ireland to a multicultural future. furthermore, there is some evidence to suggest that sectarian axes of difference are privileged over and above other axes. this privileging of sectarian identities is particularly evident in the workings of the political institutions bequeathed by the agreement (little ). as noted in chapter four, the northern ireland assembly (nia) demands that all elected representatives declare themselves nationalist, unionist or other. in order for a bill to become law it requires the support of % of one ethno-national bloc and % of the other, in the process effectively silencing the ‘others’. sectarian divisions are also replicated in the devolved executive; here the eleven departments are a direct reflection of the perceived numerical division between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists (ellis b). as northern ireland is crudely assumed to be divided between protestant/unionists and catholic/nationalists in a : ratio (anderson, shuttleworth, lloyd and mceldowney ), the eleven departments are, in practice, split into six that are unionist-controlled and five that are headed by nationalists. given these divisions it is clear that the institutional fragmentation and separation outlined previously must be understood as a product of the attempt to recognise and accommodate sectarian political identities. reflecting on this situation, shirlow and murtagh ( : ) conclude that ‘[t]he agreement shifted the presentation and volume of ethno-sectarian competition but did not challenge the basis upon which it was founded and reproduced.’ while the peace process helped create a climate of relative stability in which new discourses on diversity and difference could emerge, the institutional structures of the agreement continue to reproduce the very divisions it sought to ameliorate. this was given stark expression in the reallocation of responses to the northern ireland census. before looking in detail at this process, the social science of the census in contemporary states will be considered briefly. the use of social science to classify and categorise different groups of people has been central to the governing of bodies in the ‘modern’ world (foucault ). following foucault, the political project inherent in the construction of standardised quantitative measures, both for people and for objects, has been highlighted (porter ). although often perceived as unswervingly objective, quantitative science has been shown to be heavily implicated in specific state projects and economic and social transitions (porter ; scott ). in contemporary societies the census is a particularly powerful social scientific tool which is used to count people and groups. although the census has become a key tool of public policy, census categories themselves are social constructions which may reify putatively ‘natural’ divisions between peoples (hannah ). the census may also become a politically contested issue, particularly in ethnically divided societies where a demographic decline in one group may directly result in another’s growth, often with important political effects (anderson and shuttleworth ; arel ; horowitz ). the d’hondt system is used for to allocate ministerial positions in northern ireland. although the agreement does not have written into it that ministerial portfolios should be divided in a : ratio between unionists and nationalists, the use of this system means that in practice this division of ministerial labour will occur as long as voters continue to overwhelmingly support nationalist and unionist political parties. sectarian head counting has been integral to the governing of northern ireland since its foundation (anderson and shuttleworth ). when northern ireland was created in its borders were drawn in such a way as to ensure a % protestant and % catholic demographic balance. in this context, the census provided a very important tool for measuring the changing strengths of religious groups and, by extension, rival political aspirations. since the census has asked what religion the respondent followed, and over time the choices available have changed to reflect shifts in the religious composition of northern ireland (coakley ). the census became an overtly politicised issue when, at the start of ‘the troubles’, sinn fein called for a boycott of the process. consequently there was significant underenumeration in many catholic areas such that the , and censuses were generally considered unrepresentative of the total catholic population in northern ireland (coakley : ). despite these weaknesses, possessing an accurate picture of the catholic/protestant demographic breakdown is particularly important for two main reasons. first, under fair employment legislation all medium- and large-scale employers have to match the religious denomination of their work force with the religious breakdown of the local area (gallagher ). second, as there is assumed to be a strong correlation between religious affiliation and political identities, numerical strength is often used as a proxy measure for support for alternative nationalist/unionist political visions (anderson, et al. ; coakley ). although the northern ireland census is bent upon quantifying membership of the ‘two traditions’, since respondents have shown much less willingness to commit themselves to a religious identity (mcnair ). the figure for ‘no religion/not- stated’ responses to the religious question in the census rose from . % in to % in (coakley : ). as a result of this trend, in a supplementary question asking the religious background that the respondent was brought up in was added. this new variable, known as ‘community background’, was based on either the respondent’s professed religion or their childhood religion (coakley ). as the census was the first census after the agreement the relatively high proportion of respondents who coakley ( : ) notes that alongside the three main denominations (catholic, presbyterian and church of ireland) the census records a much greater number of religious groups and faiths. in ninety-four other christian denominations that had ten or more adherents were recorded. did not identify with one or other of the main (religious) categories (see table . ) was considered to be of some significance. table . reallocation of 'non-religious' respondents into sectarian blocs in northern ireland census. based on coakley, j. ( : ); hadden, t. ( : ) pre-allocation census distribution reallocated census distribution n % n % catholics , . , . protestants , . , . other religions , . , . none/not stated , . , . total , , , , this lack of self-allocation to one religious group or another threatened to undermine the ability of the census to give a definite figure on the catholic/protestant breakdown (hadden ). so unthinkable was this that the northern ireland statistical research agency (nisra) took the decision to re-specify those in the ‘no religion/not-stated’ category into catholic and protestant blocs. they did this by two statistical manipulations. first, they turned to the census question on community background that had been introduced that year. respondents who had either selected ‘no religion’ or not stated a religious affiliation but who also had indicated they were raised as catholic or protestant were reassigned back into the appropriate (catholic or protestant) community category. this statistical manipulation reduced the proportion of northern ireland’s population in the ‘no religion/not-stated’ category from . % to . % (hadden : in the lead-up to the census, the first census since the agreement and the first in which sinn fein urged catholic/nationalist participation, there was a growing media discourse on changing demographics, and, in particular, the possibility of a catholic majority in favour of a united ireland (anderson, et al. ). this led to the census becoming even more politicised than in previous years. in the run up to the census many unionist politicians claimed it would show the strength of protestant numerical superiority; nationalists suggested it would show population changes which would see a catholic majority in northern ireland in the coming decades (anderson, et al. ). in this highly politicised context having almost % of respondents avoid a religious identity caused a serious problem which nisra ‘resolved’ by the reallocation. ). the second statistical manoeuvre to deal with the ‘problem’ of a high proportion not providing a religious identity was to compute a (catholic or protestant) community affiliation for those who remained in the ‘no religion/not-stated’ category. this was achieved using a computerised matching process known as ‘donor imputation’ which assigned a (catholic or protestant) community background by drawing on factors such as respondents’ geographical proximity to someone who did state their religion or community background. as a result, a total of , respondents who refused a religious identity were reassigned as protestants and , as catholics (hadden : )! after reallocation the percentage of catholics in northern ireland stood at . %, protestants made up . % and none/not-stated . % (see table . ). commentators (alexander ; anderson et al. ) have argued that this manipulation of the census data was grounded in sectarianism, and, specifically, in the unionist fear that northern ireland was moving quickly towards a demographic profile that was dominated by catholics. as alexander ( : np) stated, the process of reallocating all those who expressed a clear preference for avoiding religious identities ‘institutionalises the northern irish truism that there are only catholic and protestant atheists’ (alexander : np). this, admittedly extreme, example shows how sectarianism remains active in the social practice of political institutions, ‘distorting politics and marginalising non-sectarian factors and concerns’ and undermining the expressed desire to normalise social relations outlined previously (anderson, et al. : ). the dangers inherent in this process are clearly flagged by the belfast-based policy analyst robin wilson. the communal registration process has militated against the emergence of a strong political centre that might engender stability in the institutions. indeed, on the contrary, it has reinforced ‘groupist’ stereotyping characteristic of media reporting of northern ireland, where actual protestant and catholic individuals are constantly hovered up into coakley ( : ) questions the assumption that rising catholic birth rates will necessarily see an end to partition for two reasons. first, catholic birth rates appear to be levelling off, and it is unlikely that they will make up a majority within the next couple of generations. second, there is some evidence that a small but significant number of catholics would vote to retain the union, and that this number is much greater than those protestants who would support irish unity. these arguments could have been marshalled to allay unionist fears instead of resorting to the manipulation of census data in such a way that those who actively refuse to state their religion were re-appropriated into sectarian blocs. ethnonationalist ‘communities’ belying the pluralism of real social life (wilson : ; cited in shirlow and murtagh : ). the practice of communal registration and the process of reallocation in the census is evidence that, in some locations, there is a continuation and strengthening of sectarianism occurring within the very same institutional structures and practices that are supposed to help northern ireland move beyond sectarian division. despite the commitment to good relations between all groups, this process may appropriate those who actively assert their right to refuse to specify their religious identity on the census form back into sectarian identities. it seems fair to ask, given the processes of ‘normalisation’ described in this chapter, whether such practices could be considered as characteristic of ‘normal’ liberal-democratic societies. certainly the reallocation of the ‘no religion’ responses within the census provides a powerful illustration of the resilience of the sectarian imagination in northern ireland. . . conclusion this chapter examined the emergence of multicultural policy within post-agreement governing institutions. it was argued that until the last decade northern irish social policy and legislation marginalised those groups not easily classified as catholic/nationalist or protestant/unionist. the failure to extend the race relations act ( ) to the northern ireland context reflected both the widely held perception that racism was not an issue and a fear amongst the unionist controlled government that catholics might use this legislation against the northern irish state. during ‘the troubles’ public policy and legislation dealt with discrimination on the grounds of religion or political belief, but offered no protection for those groups whose identity fell outside the ‘two traditions’. as such, the race relations (ni) order has been a very important piece of legislation for ethnically-identified minorities; it offers legislative recourse against discrimination that previously was denied to them. in this chapter it was also argued that pluralist ideals and social visions of northern ireland run through both the agreement and subsequent public policy statements. the agreement introduced broader notions of equality and difference beyond the scope of sectarianism. illustrative of this was the emergence of the term ‘good relations’ which has sought to include older issues of (sectarian) community relations and more recent issues of (ethnic-based) multicultural relations. there has been an active repositioning of the status of catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist relations in northern irish policy statements such that these relations are now ostensibly seen as the same as or equivalent to ‘race’ relations. this drive to decentre sectarian difference by diversifying the vectors of difference that the state sees itself as having the responsibility to govern was shown to be part of a process of ‘normalisation’ following the instability of the conflict. for many politicians and policy makers, the presence of cultural diversity is integral to the post-sectarian imaginary of northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society. analysing the discourses of two key policy texts showed there to be considerable complexity surrounding the relationship between community relations and good relations and, by extension, between the management of sectarianism and multiculturalism. this complex relationship was mirrored in the structure of those institutions involved in the governing of a multicultural northern ireland. the separation between the community relations unit and the racial equality unit in the devolved administration (and the degree of over lap between these institutions) was shown to be symptomatic of this situation. the awkward division of labour between the equality commission and the community relations council, with the former having a duty on ‘race’ but not religion, was held up as illustrative of the central place which sectarian relations continue to occupy in the post-agreement context. clearly multicultural agendas have emerged, but the relationship between them and efforts aimed at managing sectarianism has yet to be fully worked out. the final sections of this chapter sketched in detail the different institutions and policies contributing to the governing of multicultural northern ireland. this analysis demonstrated two key points. first, while the agreement created a favourable climate for progressive political developments, it ushered in a fragmented state structure that stands in the way of successful policy implementation. second, the separation of powers between devolved and non-devolved administrations has a negative impact on multicultural agendas. these institutional structures must be understood not as a product of poor design or mismanagement but rather as a direct result of the agreement. this political settlement was founded on an institutional approach to conflict resolution which explicitly sought to privilege sectarian political identities. although admittedly extreme, the example of the reallocation of responses to the religious question in the northern ireland census demonstrated the persistence of sectarian constructions of identity within the emergent multicultural imaginary. while cultural diversity may afford an opportunity to construct northern ireland as ‘normal’, this new policy focus must negotiate engrained sectarian ways of thinking and doing within political institutions and their practices. it is to this complex interplay between a newer multicultural northern ireland and an older sectarian northern ireland that the dissertation now turns. chapter six multicultural agendas in practice: responding to racism and recognising difference . . introduction having looked at policy and institutional frameworks for governing multiculturalism throughout northern ireland, the focus of this chapter turns to a range of organisations and initiatives operating in belfast city that seek to actualise a multicultural vision of society. specifically examined are those practices initiated in response to racialised violence and those which seek to raise awareness of cultural diversity. these two quite distinct processes are, each in their own way, dimensions of what might be understood as a multicultural society. in the former, we can see ways in which multicultural governance seeks to manage negative responses to cultural difference. in the latter, we can see the ways in which multicultural governance seeks to operationalise a politics of recognition and make space for the articulation of cultural difference. the analysis of institutional structures and discourses in chapter five indicated that multicultural initiatives are contoured by sectarianism. that vexed relationship is investigated further in this chapter, with the question asked: to what extent do sectarian divisions in society and social relations structure these two emblematic facets of a multicultural northern ireland? the material presented draws on interviews (with both different groups involved in multicultural practices in belfast and civil servants), observation at events aimed at promoting cultural diversity and an analysis of a poster produced by the police service of northern ireland (psni) to encourage reporting of hate crime incidents. the presence of cultural diversity in contemporary societies is not always welcomed; it may be resisted through processes of racism and violence against racialised minorities (abbas ; back and solomos ; gilroy ). the increased reporting of racist incidents to the psni (especially in belfast) has been well documented (jarman and monaghan ; lentin and mcveigh b). however, these reports of racism occur in a society in which policing itself is a contentious issue that is often linked to sectarian political positions (mulcahy ; weitzer ). this chapter explores the impact of the sectarianisation of the policing debate on responses to racism in northern ireland, paying particular attention to the belfast context. changes in legislation and police practice around issues of racism and cultural diversity in society, such as the introduction of hate crime legislation in and the production and circulation of a poster to raise awareness of this legislation, are investigated. the chapter goes on to examine the extent to which sectarian cleavages attached to policing influence effective responses to racism in northern irish society through an investigation of the experiences of ethnically-identified minorities around policing and criminal justice issues. the chapter then moves on to look at those practices which seek to raise awareness of cultural diversity; understood in terms of the multicultural politics of recognition (duffy ; modood ; parekh ; taylor ). as northern ireland and, in particular, belfast is being re-imagined as a diverse, multicultural society ethnically-identified minorities are being encouraged to engage in a range of activities designed to display their cultural difference and to raise awareness of their presence among wider society. this chapter specifically explores the work that such initiatives do in a society struggling to move beyond sectarianism. a range of events are examined in detail and include: the belfast mela; a joint samhain/diwali festival; a proposed ‘community’ dinner hosted by the lord mayor of lisburn and the experience of a ‘multicultural’ educator in a school setting. while these events and initiatives speak of a northern ireland attentive to cultural diversity, this chapter examines how the historical sectarian division of northern irish society interacts with such a politics of recognition. the very existence of such efforts shows that northern ireland is becoming a more multicultural place, and, in the final section of this chapter, i look at how such practices might offer an opportunity to destabilise accepted sectarian readings of identity and social difference. . . responding to racism in northern ireland one aspect of the governing of multicultural societies is the management of negative, racist responses to cultural difference (abbas ; gilroy ; lentin ; miles ; ), and the past twenty years have witnessed a plethora of theoretical in popular discourse in northern ireland catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist communal groupings are often referred to as ‘local’, the assumption being that ethnically-identified minorities are somehow ‘non-local’. for example, discussing the aims of government funding released in the aftermath of a series of racially motivated attacks in south belfast, the deputy head of the racial equality unit stated that the money was being made available ‘to assist local communities build relationships with minority ethnic people’ (interview / / ). in this chapter i self-consciously eschew this language of ‘local’ and ‘non-local’ and the racialised assumptions of identity and belonging associated with this vocabulary. developments around the issue of racism in contemporary societies (back ; back and solomos ). theories of new racism (barker ), elite racism (van djik ) and everyday racism (essed ) have all emerged. the existence of racism often elicits responses from government, other official channels and, in particular, the police (denney ). policing plays an important role in the management of racism in multicultural societies. in the sections that follow i turn to police initiatives directed at addressing the rise in racist violence in northern ireland and the experiences of ethnically-identified minorities of these responses. i do so in order to explore the complexities between multiculturalism and sectarianism in policing practices. the intersection of policing practices and the construction of ‘race’ and racism in contemporary multicultural societies has been a recurrent theme in the literature over the past two decades (fyfe ; jackson ; b; keith ; rowe ). it has been argued that the over policing of minorities, evident in practices such as excessive targeting of black people as part of stop and search campaigns, constructs an image of these groups as deviant and criminal (fyfe ; gilroy ; reiner ; scarman ; solomos ). the police in the uk have been accused of being openly antagonistic towards racialised minorities and even protecting neo-fascists (gilroy : ). these concerns have, in different forms, been evident in government reports on the policing of racialised minorities. the scarman report, published in in the aftermath of the brixton riots, was highly critical of the role played by government and the police in creating the situation that led to the riots. more recently, the macpherson report ( ) concluded that ‘institutional racism’, a phrase which refers to an engrained culture of ‘race’-based discrimination, existed within the uk police service. neither of these reports, however, covered northern ireland. here, policing has been a particularly divisive and politicised subject and to understand fully police responses to racism in northern ireland it is important to first consider briefly the history and changing shape of policing in this jurisdiction. . . . policing in northern ireland since the foundation of the state, the issue of policing in northern ireland has been uniquely contentious and politicised (mulcahy ). the royal ulster constabulary (ruc), which was formed following the disbandment of the all-ireland royal irish constabulary after the creation of the irish free state, was overwhelmingly protestant in make-up. the regular police force was also supplemented by a virulently anti-catholic auxiliary force known as the ‘b-specials’ (darby ). even during the relatively peaceful period between and the late s the ruc, as a largely protestant force, lacked legitimacy in the eyes of many catholic/nationalists. this sense of distrust increased dramatically during ‘the troubles’ as many catholic/nationalists came to regard the ruc as the coercive arm of a repressive protestant state, and a force that should not be contacted or called into catholic areas (weitzer ). as a result many catholic areas became no-go areas for the ruc, and policing duties were effectively transferred to local paramilitaries (mulcahy ). in direct contrast, unionist support for the force has always been strong, and many saw, and still see, the police as defenders of their community from the threat of ira violence. since the signing of the agreement, policing in northern ireland has undergone a number of highly significant and historic changes. similar to police forces in the rest of the uk, the ruc was often faced accusations of bias (although it was anti-catholic bias instead of institutional racism). as a consequence, the focus on policing reform in northern ireland has been in terms of trying to fashion a force that would be acceptable to the catholic/nationalist community (mulcahy ). in , the independent commission on policing in northern ireland (which later became the patten commission) was set up to review policing. many of the recommendations made by the commission, which were published in the patten report, were subsequently carried through. in november , the name of the force was changed from the ruc to the police service of northern ireland (psni). the report made other important recommendations that were subsequently adopted, including the introduction of a / catholic/protestant recruitment quota for new members to address the force’s significant religious imbalance. despite these changes, policing has remained a major stumbling block in the post-agreement political process. during the period in which this research was conducted, over seven years after the signing of the agreement, sinn fein was still refusing to sign up to the policing board and did not encourage catholic/nationalists to contact the police. also, as noted in chapter five, policing is a reserved issue: it is under the control of the non-devolved northern ireland office rather than the devolved assembly, and directly elected representatives in northern ireland are unable to alter policing policy or practice in response to the specifics of the situation in northern ireland. figure . : racial incidents: protecting your rights, flyer distributed by psni (source: community safety branch, psni) given the daily reality of sectarian conflict, it is not altogether surprising that the experiences of ethnically-identified minorities were often marginalised and ignored by the ruc. however, in recent years the psni has becoming increasingly concerned about cultural diversity and, in particular, racialised violence (lentin and mcveigh b: ). the increased reporting of — and media attention on — attacks against ethnically-identified minorities has led the psni to respond to the issue of racism in new ways (interview with head of community safety branch, psni, / / ). minority ethnic liaison officers have been appointed to act as an interface between ethnically- identified minorities and the police (see figure . ). a racial equality strategy calls on the psni to ‘reduce and eliminate displays and manifestations of racial aggression’ (ofmdfm b: ). these changes in policing practice and policy proposals have been backed up by legislative changes. the criminal justice (no. ) northern ireland order ( ) introduced specific hate crime legislation to address offences committed against individuals or their property based on grounds of ethnicity, ‘racial’ group, disability, sexual orientation, religion or political opinion. under hate crime legislation a ‘racial’ incident is any incident that is perceived as ‘racially’ motivated by either the victim or a third party (lentin and mcveigh b: ). when this legislation was introduced the government expressed the belief that ‘police activity will be a crucial factor in bearing down on hate crime’ (house of commons : ). although the new hate crime legislation was introduced largely in response to increased racist incidents, it has also generated significant changes in the defining and recording of sectarian-based attacks. a prominent community relations policy maker explains the situation as follows. for the first time we record sectarian incidents because we have hate crime because of the focus on race hate and race attacks. the four categories within that [hate crime legislation] are race, sectarianism, disability and homophobia. now, you would think that there would have been a record of sectarianism here in northern ireland long before this .... incredible, what? (interview with head of policy, community relations council, / / ). despite the long history of sectarianism in northern ireland, shockingly there existed neither a definition nor a comprehensive recording mechanism for sectarian incidents until the introduction of hate crime legislation in (house of commons : ). this is some eight years after the commencement of records by the police for ‘race’- based incidents (which began in ). as a report to the northern ireland affairs committee entitled the challenge of diversity: hate crime in northern ireland noted, ‘[n]othing could illustrate the dysfunction of northern ireland society better than the absence, until recently, of an agreed, official definition of a sectarian incident’ (house of commons : ). the quote from this community relations practitioner suggests that the move to record sectarian incidents is a direct result of the legislation introduced by westminster in response to concerns around spiralling numbers of racist attacks. following the recommendations of the macpherson report ( ), the psni adopted a definition of a sectarian incident that paralleled the definition used for ‘race’-based incidents, namely ‘any incident that is perceived to be sectarian by the victim or any other person’ (house of commons : ). it seems incredible that a state so deeply shaped by sectarian violence could have failed to record incidents as such. this absence of a record of sectarian incidents is arguably the strongest signifier of how embedded and naturalised sectarian violence had become in northern ireland. in a seemingly contradictory logic, the commencement of records of sectarian incidents coincides with the very moment when northern ireland seeks to displace sectarianism from being the defining vector of difference and move beyond its popular designation as a ‘conflict society’. this speaks to the desire for sectarian violence to be contained (counted and countable) and to be placed as equivalent to violence based on other axes of difference. this imaginative ‘diminishment’ of sectarian violence to just one type of ‘hate crime’ of the many a society may encounter is yet another example of northern ireland’s effort to normalise itself. at the same time, these changes point to the potential for multiculturalism to facilitate a critical reappraisal and redefinition of accepted constructions of sectarianism. these shifts in police practices around sectarian incidents show that multicultural issues are altering how sectarianism is constituted and performed in northern irish society. this definition of a sectarian incident only applies to victims who are perceived to be either catholic/nationalist or protestant/unionist. offences committed against ethnically-identified minorities on the basis of their religion, for example against muslims, are considered as racially motivated (house of commons : ). . . . visual culture of psni hate crime awareness campaign in this section the analysis of police responses to racism in northern ireland is developed further through an engagement with the visuals used in a psni poster campaign aimed at raising awareness of hate crime. previous research has examined the visual representations used in campaigns by state bodies and statutory organisations to draw attention to racism and anti-racist campaigns. for example, paul gilroy ( ) assessed the anti-racist efficacy of a series of posters produced by the greater london council in the s to promote a campaign against ‘race’-based discrimination. more recently, karim murji ( : ) analysed a series of adverts produced by the commission for racial equality as part of its ‘personal responsibility’ campaign to raise awareness of ‘racial’ stereotyping. building on this work, this section looks at a poster produced by the psni to promote the reporting of hate crime (see figure . ). this poster was produced as a direct response to the increase in numbers of ‘race’-based hate crime incidents reported to the psni, and the main goal of this campaign was to promote awareness and reporting of racist attacks in northern ireland (interview with head of community safety branch, psni, / / ). the poster in figure . first appeared in belfast in january . in this poster the different categorisations of hate crime are represented by four juxtaposed images (‘race’, sexual orientation, religion and disability). in the first photograph from the left the face of a woman who appears to be of asian origin looks out through a hole in a window pane; possibly a result of a brick or a stone lobbed during a racist attack. this image represents ‘racially’ motivated hate crime. the second picture, a piece of graffiti which reads ‘gays out’, denotes homophobic hate crime. the next image, the interior of a burned out church, symbolises religious or sectarian incidents. the final photograph, which appears to be a disabled man in a wheelchair being assaulted by an unidentifiable assailant, represents hate crimes committed on the basis of disability. these visual representations clearly show the viewer what is meant by hate crime, what categories there are, that all forms are criminal and that hate crime should be reported to the police. the poster’s unifying theme, ‘hate crime is wrong’, is suspended above the four images, semantically linking the depicted hate crime categories. the central message, that hate crime is pernicious, is created clearly and legibly through the use of large, block capitals and two colours (red and black) in the piece of text which carries this imploration. the poster also seems to be aimed at victims of hate crime as information and contact details are provided for locations where victims or witnesses can report incidents. figure . : ‘hate crime is wrong’ poster (source: community safety branch, psni) the idea for a poster campaign was proposed by the head of the psni’s community safety branch, whose remit includes hate crime, in the winter of . he brought this suggestion to the graphics department of the psni, and discussions took place about the content of the poster. subsequently the graphics department commissioned a photographer to capture the images for ‘race’, sexual orientation and disability hate crime (the image of the burnt church representing sectarian incidents was an actual crime scene photograph already in the possession of the psni) (personal communication, head of community safety branch, psni, / / ). the campaign initially ran on adshells (bus shelters) in january in the six districts with the highest numbers of hate crimes/incidents recorded (south belfast, north belfast, craigavon, ballymena, foyle and dungannon and south tyrone). in february , the poster campaign was re-launched in all twenty-nine police districts with advertisements appearing on both adshells and phone booths (personal communication, head of community safety branch, psni, / / ). since the campaign began there has been an increase in reporting of ‘racially’ motivated hate crime (psni ). though whether this reflects increased confidence as a result of such initiatives by the psni or increased levels of attacks remains a moot point (gilligan and lloyd ). the very fact that the psni have been running this campaign is a positive sign of changes in police practice in response to racist violence. however, on closer inspection the limitations of the representations used in the poster become clear. the image in figure . signifying ‘racially’ motivated hate crime is that of a physically non-white body in a submissive position. the face in the image looks scared and vulnerable as it peers out through shards of broken glass. this representation of ‘race’, like much anti- racist advertising, tends to reproduce particular stereotypes and assumptions about putative ‘racial’ difference (gilroy ; murji ). furthermore, rather than challenging racism, this image simplistically depicts the victims of ‘racially’ motivated crime in northern ireland as submissive, fearful and clearly marked as phenotypically ‘other’. although it was produced in response to racist incidents in northern ireland, this poster actually aids the process of signification and category construction by which non-white people in northern ireland are racialised. the image used in this poster essentialises and naturalises thinking about social difference based on physical and biological signifiers in terms of the category ‘race’, and, effectively, contributes to the the twenty-nine police districts mirror the twenty-six district councils with the exception that belfast, which is one district council area, is broken down into four police districts (north, south, east and west). the inclusion of these four belfast police districts takes the total number to twenty-nine. on-going processes of racialisation in northern irish society (chan ; jackson and penrose ; miles ; mullings ). even more striking is the fact that although an increase in racist attacks was the main motive for the poster’s production, ‘race’-based incidents are not signified visually as being any more or less significant than any other category of hate crime. despite being produced in the wake of racist violence, this hate crime poster does not privilege racism over and above other kinds of discriminatory violence. most importantly for the post- sectarian imaginary of northern ireland, the poster constructs sectarianism as an equivalent discriminatory axis to the others. as the third form of hate crime represented in figure . , sectarianism is placed as neither the first nor the largest, but one of a string of discriminatory axes. the poster creates a vision of equivalence – sectarianism is just one of many registers of discrimination including racism which co-exist within the bounds of a normal, post-sectarian northern ireland. developing this theme further, the following section draws on interviews with representatives of ethnically-identified minorities to investigate whether sectarianism and racism are really equivalent in post- agreement northern ireland. . . . ‘they’re not interested in our issues’: policing ‘race’ in northern ireland while the hate crime legislation introduced a sophisticated new system for reporting ‘racial’ attacks, the clearance rate for ‘racial’ incidents remains low, and there have been serious difficulties in obtaining convictions under hate crime legislation (house of commons ). this failure to secure convictions has further fuelled the absence of confidence characteristic of the relationship between ethnically-identified minorities and the police force in northern ireland. speaking to the northern ireland affairs committee on the issue of hate crime anna lo, in her capacity as chief executive officer (ceo) of the chinese welfare association (cwa), said that ‘a lot of [victims] do not report incidents. we feel there is a sense within the chinese community that they are second this assertion is based on figures from / when the clearance rate for all crime was . %, but for racial incidents stood at only . % (house of commons : ). class citizens and they will always be second class citizens and the police will never take them seriously’ (house of commons : ). although the police force in northern ireland has often been accused of failing the catholic/nationalist community, ethnically- identified minorities share the feeling that the psni is not sufficiently attuned to their needs. we have always been very critical of the police in northern ireland. if you see our submission, in i think, to the patten commission. at that time, before lawrence, we said that the police here in northern ireland are institutionally racist. and i think that is still the case (interview with ceo, northern ireland council for ethnic minorities, / / ). this interviewee, who held a very important position as the ceo of the largest organisation representing ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland, suggests that institutional racism is a significant problem within the psni. nevertheless, the preoccupation with sectarianism and constructing a police force acceptable to the catholic/nationalist minority has meant that this issue has yet to be addressed. this situation has added to the perception among ethnically-identified minorities that the psni are not interested in their concerns. this is reflected in the following quote from a good relations officer in the cwa in belfast. in general the chinese would say they [the police], and they would say this during the troubles as well, they’re not interested in our issues, they’re only interested in issues relating to protestants and catholics. everybody has their story [of reporting a racial incident]: there’s been no follow-up. that’s a big thing, there being so little follow-up in cases. there has been good successful convictions and prosecutions, and i know it’s not for the police to relate back convictions but see if they did … one case could get round the chinese community and do so much to build confidence. an awful lot of effort that has been put into policing hate crime but i just think there is a huge training issue there (interview with good relations officer, chinese welfare association, / / ). as well as being the ceo of the cwa, anna lo was elected a member of the local assembly (mla) for the alliance party in south belfast in the may assembly elections. lo was the first mla elected to come from an ethnically-identified minority in northern ireland, and was also the first politician of chinese descent to be elected to a uk assembly or parliament. both of these facts attracted significant amount of media attention, and there were many positive stories in both national and international outlets following lo’s election. as this quote shows, for many representatives of ethnically-identified minorities the feeling persists that the police are only really interested in sectarianism, despite the recent changes in their practice around ‘race’-based hate crime. the polarisation of the policing debate in northern ireland, with protestant/unionists supporting the police and catholic/nationalists displaying varying degrees of animosity towards the force, has made it difficult for ethnically-identified minorities to express publicly their views on the police. for example, in early the northern ireland council for ethnic minorities (nicem) criticised the police for what it perceived to be its failure to arrest the perpetrators of attacks on the homes of people of chinese origin in the donegall pass area of south belfast. more generally, nicem also criticised the police’s failure to secure convictions under the new hate crime legislation. the press response to this was critical, and an editorial in the belfast newsletter (a staunchly unionist daily) threateningly argued that nicem ‘were playing a very dangerous game to attack the police’ (interview with ceo, nicem, / / ). as the ceo of nicem explained in interview, ‘the policing issue is a very political one in northern ireland. and anytime you attack the police you are deemed to be attacking unionists’ (interview with ceo, nicem, / / ). it is clear from this quote that when nicem criticised the police their criticism got co-opted by unionists into a sectarian infrastructure. rather than their complaint being spoken from a stable and sanctioned position of an ethnically- identified advocacy group, it was positioned as anti-unionist and, by default, aligned with catholic/nationalist interests. the association of criticism of the police with criticism of unionism generally severely limits the possibility for ethnically-identified minorities to speak of their rights on their own terms (including their right to be protected from ‘race’-based violence and to petition the police in this regard). similar forces of sectarianising the issues of ethnically-identified minorities were evident in the responses to ‘race’-based violence in catholic areas of belfast. for example, in april the springfield charitable association (sca), a voluntary group which aims to tackle socio-economic disadvantage in the predominantly republican falls road area of west belfast, organised a conference ‘to consult with minority ethnic groups and look at a mechanism for exploring the issues of racism’ (sca : ). this conference arose in response to attacks on the homes of filipino nurses working in the nearby royal victoria hospital (bell, jarman and lefebvre ) and aimed to discuss racist experiences and rehearse possible solutions. despite this agenda, organisers did not consider it appropriate to include representatives from the psni. a community activist from the sca explained: we didn’t have the psni because within the community there would be a lot of resistance to using psni in the area. and there is also a lot of unreported cases [of racism] due to a lack of confidence in the psni (interview with sca, / / ). this quote reminds us that for residents of some catholic neighbourhoods the police are still seldom seen as an impartial force. the tendency in such areas has been to avoid contacting the police if at all possible (bryan ). but from the point of view of the ethnically-identified minority (here filipino nurses who have experienced ‘race’-based attacks on their homes) their needs and rights to have access to policing get filtered through catholic/nationalist feelings of mistrust towards the police. even a self- conscious effort to recognise and respond to the agendas of ethnically-identified minorities here ends up being shaped by sectarian politics and practices. given the importance of policing in addressing issues of racism and racist attacks, the resulting absence of the psni from the sca conference must have greatly altered the scope of action available to address this local problem. the previous quote from the sca community activist even suggests that victims of racialised violence in west belfast are themselves choosing not to report attacks, and are therefore having their right to call upon the police curtailed by local cultures of mistrust. the figures for reported ‘racial’ incidents in west belfast seem to bear out this point. although the number of incidents rose from in to in , this number is still far less than in other areas of the city. there are a number of possible explanations for this. one is that the relatively small number of reported incidents simply reflects less during the same time frame the number of racial incidents reported in north belfast rose from to , in east belfast there were ‘racial incidents’ recorded in compared with in , while south belfast continues to be the area in which the most ‘racial incidents’ are reported, with reported in compared with in (psni : ). racist behaviour in west belfast. alternatively, it may indicate a lack of reporting. it is difficult to discern if this is a result of an absence of faith in the police amongst ethnically-identified minorities, or an unwillingness to antagonise catholic neighbours by calling the police into the area. regardless of the motivation, it appears that an embedded sectarianism continues to structure the reporting of racist incidents by ethnically-identified minorities. the difficulty victims of ‘race’-based hate crime face in catholic/nationalist areas such as the falls road is further complicated by the apparent synergy between their experiences of prejudice and those historically experienced by catholic/nationalists. an interviewee from the indian community centre in belfast (interview conducted / / ) explained the ‘problem’ of such recognition. i think maybe with the nationalist community it is ‘ok, we know because we have been oppressed and we have been discriminated against so we know exactly what you are going through’. as this interviewee goes on to suggest, the sense that there is a shared experience of discrimination often means that racism in these areas is not challenged. but how are they going to challenge it [racism] in their own areas? and it does happen in the nationalist areas as well and there is no challenge there. we see here an example of the violation that can occur in and through recognition (which will be discussed in more detail in the sections which follow). the history of anti-catholic discrimination provides catholic/nationalists with a sense that they know and have had experiences similar to those of ethnically-identified minorities. but it also legitimates inaction in relation to racism. while this example suggests once again that sectarianism is undermining official responses to racism, there are also signs that policing in northern ireland is finally becoming a less intensely politicised issue. on th january , following the st. andrews agreement, which tied the restoration of devolution to a resolution of the policing situation, sinn fein held a special ardfheis on policing. a motion to support the psni was carried, leading to a historic sea change in the traditional republican position on policing in northern ireland and the acceptance of the psni as a legitimate force. this policy shift has resulted in sinn fein signing up to the policing board; giving the psni widespread cross-community backing for the first time. as the sectarian cleavages attached to the issue of policing begin to fall away, it might be expected that minorities in catholic/nationalist areas will feel more comfortable reporting ‘racial’ incidents to the police. likewise, criticising police responses to racialised violence should be freed up from associations with deeply embedded sectarian political positions. however, as this section has shown, responses to racism and racist attacks in northern ireland remain deeply shaped by embedded sectarianism. for the representatives of ethnically-identified minorities, the psni is still preoccupied with sectarian difference and unresponsive to their concerns. furthermore, the sectarian polarisation of the policing debate has made it difficult for these groups to publicly voice their concerns around the policing of ‘race’-based violence. ethnically-identified minorities in some catholic/nationalist areas may feel reluctant to exercise their right to contact the police as it is at odds with conventions of avoiding and mistrusting the police. in these different ways, the image of equivalence – that sectarianism is just one of many registers of discrimination in a normalising northern ireland – produced in the poster in figure . is shown to be less than realistic. instead, sectarianism continues to operate as the dominant axes of discrimination and to structure responses to racism. a different set of complexities between sectarianism and multiculturalism emerge when what could be conceived of as the ‘positive side’ of multicultural initiatives are examined. in the sections that follow, i turn to those initiatives and events which seek to recognise and raise awareness of cultural diversity in northern ireland. an ardfheis is a convention or special convention of a political party. it is an irish word meaning ‘high festival’. . . celebrating cultural diversity as discussed in detail in chapter two, one framework for fixing the meaning of cultural diversity in society is the politics of recognition (parekh ; taylor ; ). social practices invoked by a multicultural politics of recognition often seek to make wider society aware of the culture and identity of minority groups (modood ; parekh ). as such, multicultural festivals and celebrations of diversity are easily identifiable examples of recognition in practice (duffy ; jackson ; ). the history of such recognition practices in belfast is remarkably brief. throughout ‘the troubles’ ethnically-identified minorities, which were predominantly resident in belfast, intentionally kept a low profile (hainsworth ). they rarely engaged in ‘cultural work’ (werbner ) in the public sphere. as a publication produced by the indian community centre (icc) in belfast points out: ‘during all the troubles in northern ireland, the indian community kept their heads down’ (icc : ). it is only since the peace process has bedded down that this situation has begun to change. although people of chinese origin have lived in reasonably large numbers in belfast since the s (watson and mcknight ), it was only in that the chinese new year was celebrated in such a prominent public venue as the st. george’s market in the centre of belfast. this, the first celebration of ethnically-identified ‘culture’ in a ‘mainstream’ venue in belfast, was a success and is now held annually at this venue. since then the number and diversity of such events has increased. newer migrant groups have begun arranging events, for example poles in belfast organised a festival of polish food and music in july and have done so every year since. in the following sections empirical material gathered through interviewing and observation at multicultural events in belfast is drawn on to explore the enactment of these celebratory practices in a society divided along sectarian lines. . . . celebrating multiculture(s), essentialising difference by far the most prominent example of what parker ( : ) refers to as ‘celebratory multiculturalism’ in northern ireland is the belfast mela (see figure . ). this festival is run by the indian community centre in belfast and held every august in the botanic gardens in south belfast. since its inception, in , the mela has proved increasingly popular. the profile of the festival has grown to such an extent that the mela attracted over twenty corporate sponsors including allianz, western union and flybe. activities and events taking place during the mela include henna tattooing, exhibitions of indian art, performances of indian music and the sale of indian food and drinks. figure . : brochure for belfast mela (source: indian community centre) as well as showcasing the cultural diversity of society, events like the mela provide important opportunities for individuals to come together and contribute to the building of a sense of collective identity in a new place. however, the assumption that such multicultural celebrations recognise ‘authentic’ indian culture was rejected as simplistic and patronising by many of those involved in organising and running such events. one interviewee, a project worker involved in numerous multicultural initiatives, has grown weary of these festivals and the assumptions of authenticity underlying them. i'm really tired that every time there is this cultural diversity stuff people are expecting the chinese to cook, the latin americans to dance and the indians to do the henna. i mean i am absolutely tired about that. we can think and we have things to say, we are more than just that stuff. i think it is important to share the cultural part but at the end of the day …. i started making a joke about why don't people from here do their irish dance or their morris dance. is that what it is about? (interview with project worker, community change, / / ). in a reflective appraisal of her own multiculturalist practice this interviewee expresses frustration at the reduction of the experience of ethnically-identified minorities to putatively ‘authentic’ cultural practices such as cooking, dancing and tattooing; practices that belie the depth and breadth of their personal and collective stories and experiences. the culturalist notions of difference underlying so-called ‘saris, samosas and steelbands’ multiculturalism have been accused of constructing ‘minority ethnic communities’ as essentialised cultural units and, in the process, denying the plurality and internal diversity of these groups (hall ; troyna ). sivanandan ( ) critiques the commodification of culture and the reification of imagined communities like ‘the indian community’ and ‘the chinese community’ in these multicultural practices. in an effort to draw attention to her concerns, this interviewee has begun to joke with colleagues about the possibility of catholics performing irish dancing and protestants morris dancing as part of a more widely conceived cross-community project. this barbed comment reflects her sense that for many the ideal of authenticity of ‘other’ cultures can be expressed through cooking and tattooing, but the notion that ‘authentic’ protestant and catholic culture is reducible to dancing is so ridiculous that it serves as a joke rather than a serious suggestion. an appreciation of the complexity of the culture and identity of the ‘two traditions’ has been a noted feature of northern irish policy in recent decades (nash ). this awareness of the complexity of culture has not, however, been extended to cover ethnically-identified minorities. instead, these groups are expected to present stylised versions of themselves at multicultural events, risking reification in the act of performance. the good relations officer (gro) of the chinese welfare association (cwa) put it like this: for many community groups their multi-cultural day is just bringing along chinese and indian or whatever to provide food. which again might be a start and there are some benefits in it, but it’s not addressing the issues. i mean sometimes its reinforcing stereotypes and presenting communities as exotic and as different (interview with gro, cwa, / / ). though the very fact that ethnically-identified minorities are organising public celebrations is a sign that northern irish society is becoming more accepting of cultural diversity, these practices are open to the accusation that they exotisise ethnically- identified minorities and serve a multicultural desire that resides mainly in the hands of mainstream catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist groups. the limits of multiculturalism are set by the dominant groups in society (hage ; hesse ), and in the northern irish context the constituencies with the power to confer recognition on ethnically-identified minorities are the ‘two traditions’. indeed, there is a genuine question to raise with respect to whose ‘needs’ such events are serving. for example, the cwa has had the experience of enthusiastic non-chinese groups claiming an association with them in the name of ‘good’ multicultural relations without actually consulting with them. there really needs to be an awful lot more consultation and evaluation of some of the projects that take place. because people are just so quick, you know they put down that they are working with the chinese welfare association on the application form and then consult us after (interview with gro, cwa, / / ). one of the main reasons identified for the increased appetite for working with ethnically-identified minorities among catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist voluntary groups is the increased availability of government funding for such initiatives. a project worker on a funded initiative noted this trend. there is suddenly a lot of funding around for work with minority ethnic communities. the community relations council is starting to give money for minority ethnic work as well, not just around orange and green issues. the money is there, so lots of community groups who wouldn’t have been interested before are starting to go for it (interview with project worker, multicultural resource centre, / / ). clearly the availability of dedicated funding is having an impact on the practical initiatives of cooperation and association between sectarian-identified groups and ethnically-identified groups. such funding has enabled a range of multicultural initiatives, some of which are detailed in the remainder of the chapter. . . . recognising cultural difference in sectarian spaces as well as recognising the identities of ethnically-identified minorities, some multicultural practices have recently sought to include protestant/unionist and catholic/nationalist cultural expressions. however, these efforts have often proved contentious, as the indian community centre discovered when, buoyed by the success of the mela festival, they organised a joint celebration for diwali, the indian festival of light, and samhain, the gaelic festival of halloween (see figure . ). figure . : flyer distributed for samhain/diwali festival (source: indian community centre) this event, held in november , offered a mixture of traditional hindu and gaelic music and dance; a number of well-known irish musicians participated, most notably kila. the venue for the festival was the waterworks in north belfast, a recently renovated park in one of the most deprived areas of the city (shirlow and murtagh ). having witnessed some of the most brutal excesses of ‘the troubles’, north belfast is still divided along sectarian lines and remains prey to eruptions of violence at interfaces between catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist communities (shirlow ; shirlow and murtagh ). this sectarian geography encased the waterworks park, with the northern end of the space being located in a protestant-identified neighbourhood and the southern end of the park in a catholic-identified neighbourhood. this sectarian territoriality had a direct impact upon the micro-geography of this event. as one festival organiser explained, what was contentious here was not the indian content of the festival but the gaelic content. the local people up in north belfast were saying ‘you know it is this end of the waterworks, why are you not including that end of the waterworks?’ and it’s a matter of well if we are in that end of the waterworks we’ll be attacked by loyalists because it is seen as a gaelic festival and even where the stage is being situated, everything is down to fine details (interview with gro, indian community centre, / / ). gaelic cultural symbols are associated with ireland and irishness, and in northern ireland this would appeal almost exclusively to the catholic/nationalist community. gaelic symbols were used in all the promotional material for this event, for example at the foot of the flyer in figure . is a depiction of celtic art. as a consequence, the positioning of the stage had to, on the one hand, ensure the safety of those identifying with a gaelic cultural symbol (i.e. in the ‘catholic’ part of the park) and, on the other, cope with complaints from protestants that they were being excluded by the inclusion of irish, rather than british, cultural symbols. on the day of the festival the attendance at the event was largely drawn from the indian community centre or from the local catholic population. as one festival goer noted, ‘most of the people here are from the kila are a popular seven-piece band from dublin who play a fusion of irish and east european music. the vast majority of catholic/nationalists self-identify as irish; the vast majority of protestant/unionists identify themselves as british (coakley ). consequently, cultural symbols, for example flags, representing ireland or britain tend to be associated with one side or other of the sectarian divide. local [nationalist] area, there’s nobody here from tiger’s ray or the crumlin road [nearby loyalist areas]’ (anonymous, samhain/diwali festival, / / ). another interviewee, reflecting on the absence of protestant groups from the event, commented that ‘only one side of the community is being represented here, while this is cross- cultural it isn’t cross-community’ (anonymous, samhain/diwali festival, / / ). this complex language, of ‘cross-community’ and ‘cross-cultural’, reflects the difficulty of negotiating sectarian considerations alongside other cultural differences in the contested terrain of cultural politics in northern ireland. it also reminds us that a simplistic notion of a ‘local culture’ in the northern ireland context is contentious and bifurcated between irish and british cultural representations. the case of the samhain/diwali festival reveals much about the politics of recognition of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. although ostensibly a celebration of new, multicultural northern ireland, in practice the festival was structured by the continuing sectarian division of north belfast and of northern ireland more generally. this event demonstrates the difficulty of practicing even reductive ‘saris, samosas and steelbands’ multiculturalism in a context in which space itself is absorbed into such dominant territoriality. as the samhain/diwali festival showed, it is practically impossible to include both ‘traditions’ in multicultural celebrations which call on notions of irishness. this festival also suggests that, in some instances, celebratory, multicultural practices are being promoted and encouraged in an attempt to advance a vision of northern ireland as composed of more than just green and orange and, by extension, moving beyond sectarianism. however, as this study of the samhain/diwali festival clearly showed, sectarian divisions are not circumvented by these practices of multicultural recognition; rather, the unresolved historical legacy of sectarianism in northern ireland fundamentally structures and undermines them (chan ; hesse ; povenilli ). the persistence of sectarianism in the emergent multicultural imaginary is also illustrated in other self-consciously multicultural initiatives. one such initiative was a planned dinner by the lord mayor of lisburn. this dinner was to be self-consciously inclusive with the aim being to bring together ‘locals’ and latvians and poles who had recently migrated to the area. at this dinner national food dishes from latvia and poland would be served alongside ‘local’ foods. this dinner event could be read as an encapsulation of the dream of a post-sectarian, multicultural northern ireland. however, events such as this met with scepticism, as this remark from a member of a loyalist ex- prisoners support groups suggests. you get the real do-gooders who think that just by banging heads together, you the latvian can try the polish sausage. that is what they are going to do soon, have a dinner, you try the polish sausage while you try this other food, isn’t that good? then we’ll all get a photograph around the big table with the guy from twinbrook who has done the cooking and what a picture that will make in their local paper (interview with lisburn prisoners support project (psp), / / ). the lisburn psp, of which this interviewee is a representative, has chosen another course towards a multicultural future. when attacks on migrants in the area were reported in , the psp received funding from the racial equality unit to hire a polish community worker to liaise with new migrant groups. although lisburn is a predominantly protestant town, this interviewee suggests that the food at the lord mayor’s dinner will be cooked by a member of the catholic/nationalist community from twinbrook (a catholic/nationalist area of west belfast which is technically within the boundaries of lisburn). from his perspective, the proposed dinner, which is supposed to help heal tensions in the town, is simply a cynical photo opportunity for politicians to make claims on multiculturalism and cross-community involvement. within this example the complex cross-hatchings of sectarianism and other differences are brought clearly into view. the inclusion of a catholic in the multicultural dinner organised by a unionist mayor illustrates how multicultural practices are called upon to recognise not only cultural diversity but also post-sectarian hopes. what is also revealed is an emergent differentiation among those who are engaged in multicultural initiatives, this is a differentiation between ‘tokenistic’ multiculturalism and a more ‘real’ multiculturalism. this interviewee is a member of a loyalist ex-prisoners group founded in a housing estate on the outskirts of lisburn at the time of the paramilitary ceasefires to integrate former ulster defence association (uda) prisoners back into the community. a closer reading of this ‘multicultural’ event, however, reveals another manifestation of sectarianism. the specific inclusion of poles and latvians at this planned dinner should also be seen as faith-based. anecdotal evidence suggests that a process of ‘sectarianising’ some migrant groups has begun, in particular poles are often identified as catholic and latvians as protestant (lewis ). in one well publicised case, polish workers at a meat processing plant in derry were subjected to sectarian taunts by their co-workers following the passing of pope john paul ii (lentin and mcveigh b: ). the verbal abuse directed at the polish employees, the majority of whom are catholic, included the vitriolic phrase ‘fuck the pope’, which is a common slogan on the walls of some loyalist neighbourhoods. this co-option of migrants from other countries into the ‘two traditions’ binary provides another example of the resilience of sectarian ways of thinking and being in northern ireland. against this backdrop the inclusive vision produced by the lord mayor’s multicultural dinner is underscored and undermined by the readiness by which new migrants can be drawn into existing sectarian processes of identification. while festivals and dinners are probably the most obvious (and clichéd) examples of multicultural practices, the classroom has been identified as a particularly important site for the articulation of ideas about difference, culture and identity (bonnet ; troyna ). in northern ireland, citizenship education classes have begun to involve lessons on multicultural diversity and immigration (mussano ), and increasingly schools are inviting representatives from ethnically-identified minorities to speak about their culture and experiences in northern ireland. as noted in chapter four, levels of catholic/protestant integration in northern ireland schools are still very low, and this new curriculum is being delivered into schools which are predominantly segregated along sectarian lines. the experience of one interviewee, a white woman working on behalf of the chinese community in belfast, flags the difficultly inherent in trying to talk about multiculturalism in the segregated space of the classroom. here she reflects on her experience of a visit to a protestant school in south belfast: the area with the highest recorded number of ‘race’-based incidents in the whole of northern ireland. her visit to the school was in response to the chinese welfare association being invited in to talk on the history and culture of chinese people in northern ireland. i actually went into this school in south belfast. i was told when i went in not to speak about my religion, not to let the kids know what religion i was. and she [the teacher] was like ‘well, we had an incident where we had a catholic, a woman who was doing secretary and she had a catholic name. she was temping and her car was vandalised because of her name. we were teaching the children about st. patrick’s day and we had parents writing letters of complaint.’ this woman was assuming i was catholic and she was like ‘be careful when you are spelling things because the children will pick up that you are not a protestant by the way you pronounce h and the way you pronounce a or ah’ …. she actually told me that [before the session] the kid’s were asking ‘where’s the name ------, where’s she from’. and she says ‘i told them you were english’ and i was like, ‘they’ll know whenever i open my mouth that i’m not english’. you know, and i’m not happy about having to lie to children about my identity. that defeats the whole purpose, its not just acceptance around minorities, we are talking about the whole area of diversity and oppression in general .… sometimes the schools will address issues about other communities and about racism in a way to avoid having to deal with the traditional divide .… but i just couldn’t believe that this was the attitude of a teacher. with all good intentions she wanted to address issues of racism and so forth, but it was crazy (interview with good relations officer, chinese welfare association, / / ). in this example, awareness of a multicultural agenda of inclusiveness and recognition sits, without any sense of contradiction, alongside an attitude that seeks to by-pass sectarianism by a strategy of denial. once again a multicultural initiative is being used to circumvent addressing the historical legacy of sectarianism in society (hesse ; povenilli ). the preoccupation with sectarian identities in northern ireland has led to the development over time of complex – almost subconscious – heuristics that individuals use to attempt to divine the religion of those they meet in their daily lives (burton ). according to burton ( : ), the use of various cues to try to predict an individual’s religious background, a process which he called ‘telling’, was ‘the representation of sectarianism in contemporary ulster’. furthermore, he argued that of all the ‘telling’ cues that could be used to predict an individual’s religious identity their name was the ‘first of the signs’ (burton : ). studies have shown that this process of ‘telling’ is not confined to the adult population; from a very young age schoolchildren employ stereotypical judgements about eye colour, hair, dress, names and voices to discern the religious background of others (stringer and cairns ). in the above quote, the teacher in this protestant school felt strongly that if the children perceived the interviewee as catholic, either by her name or the way she spoke, they would be unreceptive to her attempts to challenge attitudes and stereotypes to chinese minorities. consequently, she was asked to avoid any ‘telling’ signs and to conceal her own religious identity. this suggests that issues of cultural diversity can only be addressed in northern irish schools if the topic of religion – and the stereotypical markers employed in the process of ‘telling’ – are suppressed. clearly this caused great difficulties and concerns for the facilitator; showing once again the extent to which sectarianism hinders efforts to recognise the identities of culturally diverse groups in northern ireland. . . . negotiating cultural difference, destabilising sectarianism multicultural practices are inherently messy, uncertain and open to multiple interpretations (dwyer and crang ). as this chapter has shown, placed into a sectarian context the ‘messiness’ of multiculturalism is given a specific inflection as various initiatives grounded in a politics of recognition negotiate sectarian divisions. in some instances, a multicultural agenda is undermined by sectarianism. in other instances, multicultural initiatives can offer an opportunity to re-imagine a diverse, plural northern ireland beyond the dominant tropes of sectarian identity. for example, the combination of irish and indian cultural practices in the samhain/diwali festival was intended to make participants reflect upon the range of different cultures that co-exist in their city (interview with gro, indian community centre, / / ). although protestant groups felt alienated from the event, the inclusion of both irish and indian identities suggests some nascent attempt to broaden multicultural practices to embrace different groups in society. the hope that multicultural initiatives can undermine the ‘two traditions’ conceptualisation of northern ireland was highlighted by the good relations officer (gro) of the chinese welfare association (cwa) as she reflected on a planned school education activity. this year we are planning to do a multi-cultural day in local schools. the children can engage in calligraphy workshops, you know to write their name in chinese and things like that there. something that shows them that it is not just about protestants and catholics, there are other cultures. and that’s the important thing, to make the children aware that it’s not just orange and green (interview with gro, cwa, / / ). for this interviewee, teaching children to write their names in chinese is envisaged as a facet of a wider project of promoting awareness of the diversity of northern irish society beyond the ‘two traditions’. other interviewees involved in managing social relations in post-sectarian northern ireland gave a similar view of the potential for multicultural diversity to destabilise a sectarian construction of northern ireland. for example, for the head of policy of the crc, the arrival of ‘minority ethnic people’ was helping northern ireland to ‘get over ourselves’: they are helping us focus in. part of that is forcing us to look at sectarianism. there would be the theory, that some would believe, that you know, you just call it all racism, because that’s what it is. because, like i said to you, the core principles are the same. it’s lack of respect for diversity and difference, lack of co-operation between the two, suspicion and hatred, misunderstanding, all those things, and that’s generally how you describe racism, so it is maybe all racism .… that’s an interesting debate in terms of how do you merge the two of them together. is that the way to do it? then you have to analyse what would be the response. can you imagine? [there would be opposition] from some quarters, because they would be forced then to address it [sectarianism] as something that is wrong, that exists. whereas at the moment i think sectarianism is looked at as something that has developed. everybody’s responsible but nobody is really responsible. it is just there, it is the way we are. if you call it something else, racism, then you have to address it … you see all of them understand racism and maybe that is forcing them to acknowledge sectarianism (interview with head of policy, community relations council, / / ). this quote reveals how sectarianism has become so naturalised that it is not only treated as an ahistorical phenomenon that is ‘just there, it is the way we are’, but also a vector of differentiation and dislike that is ‘acceptable’ or understandable. in contrast, racism is seen as something unacceptable. indeed, this interviewee is suggesting that the growing awareness about the unacceptability of racism is forcing people to reflect on the unacceptability of sectarian-based resentments and prejudices. while sectarianism and racism share many similarities as forms of discrimination, they are sociologically distinct processes, and ‘there is a point in maintaining the integrity of sectarianism as an explanatory concept’ (brewer ; chapter two: - ; mcveigh : ). in treating these processes as identical there is a danger that the specificities of both will be lost, blunting rather than strengthening the ability to counter their expression in society. constructing sectarianism and racism as the same may not represent the best way forward in the development of a socially cohesive society; however, the underlying idea that sectarianism should be understood not as an ahistorical ‘fact’ but as a social process akin to racism is potentially very useful in deconstructing accepted ideas about social difference in northern ireland. this chapter has looked in detail at a range of initiatives framed by a commitment to the recognition and celebration of culturally diverse groups in the interest of cultivating a multicultural northern ireland. it is easy to be cynical about such initiatives, and at least some of those involved in the work of managing social relations in post-agreement northern ireland share that cynicism. michelle duffy ( : ), reflecting on the role of multicultural festivals in australia, notes that ‘rather than the multicultural festival being a simple celebration of social cohesion’ such events produce encounters and interactions that can restructure entrenched notions of national identity and generate new ways of belonging. the emergence of ‘immigrant multiculturalism’ in the wake of new migration (and with it an increase in such ‘multicultural’ events) could, potentially, play an important role in promoting pluralism in the northern ireland context (kymlicka ). despite the difficulties of recognising cultural diversity in the context of a sectarian society, multicultural initiatives that seek to extend the politics of recognition beyond the ‘two traditions’ have the potential to furnish both children and adults with the moral and conceptual infrastructure needed to denaturalise embedded sectarianism. this brings with it the hope that emerging multicultural agendas are, in some contexts, helping to disrupt the idea that society has only ever been comprised of catholics and protestants and that sectarianism is a ‘natural’ way of being. . . conclusion this chapter has examined the extent to which the sectarian division of northern irish society and its social relations structures two particular dimensions of a multicultural society; namely responses to racialised violence and efforts to raise awareness of cultural diversity. with regards to the former, as the number of reported ‘racial’ incidents have increased, the police force in northern ireland has began to focus its attention on issues of cultural diversity and racism. this chapter showed how hate crime legislation, introduced in in response to ‘race’-based attacks, has also led to changes in how sectarianism is approached and understood. prior to this there existed neither a definition of a sectarian incident nor a comprehensive record of such incidents. while this failure to record sectarian incidents shows how naturalised and embedded sectarianism had become in northern ireland, the focus on ‘race’ hate crime has led to significant changes in the policing of sectarianism. in this way, the presence of cultural diversity is altering how sectarianism in northern ireland is constituted and performed. this chapter argued that the construction of sectarianism and racism as equivalent under hate crime legislation can be conceived of as part of northern ireland’s attempt to normalise itself. the poster produced by the psni to promote awareness of hate crime was motivated by the presence of ‘race’ hate incidents, but these incidents were not constructed as more significant in the poster itself. the analysis of the poster showed how it constructs sectarianism as just one of many axes of discrimination that co-exist in the new, multicultural northern ireland. however, this image of equivalence was not borne out empirically on the ground: the police remain preoccupied with sectarianism. this has led to a situation in which ethnically-identified minorities feel marginalised and the issue of institutional racism is not being addressed. furthermore, as the comments by the ceo of nicem demonstrated, these groups are limited in their ability to speak of their rights in their own terms. the sectarianisation of policing precipitated a situation in which the psni were not included in a conference on racism held in west belfast and in which ethnically-identified minorities living in republican areas might not be able to call the police. although these findings point to the extent to which sectarianism structures and undermines police responses to racialised violence, it was argued that the recent historic changes in policing in northern ireland provide some grounds for optimism. the advent of peace in northern ireland has also created a situation in which ethnically- identified minorities feel more comfortable about organising and participating in events which recognise their identity in the public sphere. however, drawing on interviews and participant observation, this chapter showed that these initiatives are often underpinned by culturalist assumptions which reproduce stylised versions of culture and identity. the issue of whose needs these events are serving was also raised. certainly the proliferation of funding has created a situation in which sectarian-based groups are increasingly looking to work with ethnically-identified groups, but many fail to consult with these groups about their needs, wants and ambitions. the persistence of sectarianism in northern ireland’s emergent multicultural imaginary was demonstrated throughout this chapter. it was shown that the samhain/diwali festival, ostensibly a celebration of this new northern ireland, was structured by sectarian territoriality. also, while multiculturalism is often a vehicle for post-sectarian hopes, there is evidence to suggest that some new migrants (particularly poles and latvians) are themselves being absorbed into sectarian groupings. while these findings point to the extent to which sectarianism structures multicultural initiatives, the experience of a white, northern irish woman invited into a protestant school to talk about the chinese community in belfast showed that multicultural agendas may also be used to circumvent addressing historically embedded sectarianism. nevertheless, this chapter also suggested that multicultural initiatives might have an important role to play in undermining the ‘two traditions’ conceptualisation of space and society in northern ireland. multicultural initiatives offer an opportunity to denaturalise accepted understandings of sectarianism and, in the process, disrupt the construction of northern irish society as belonging to, and being comprised of, only catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists. chapter seven ‘showing your true colours’: the visual culture of anti- racism in west belfast . . introduction thus far, this dissertation has demonstrated how multicultural frameworks and policies have emerged in northern ireland over the course of the last decade. chapter five showed that a government concern for managing cultural diversity can be conceived of as part of a process of ‘normalisation’ in the aftermath of the conflict. however, the embeddedness of sectarianism within post-agreement institutional structures often hinders the enactment of multicultural policy. similarly, chapter six showed how multicultural initiatives, from official responses to racism to celebrations of cultural diversity, are also shaped by the persistence of sectarianism. in some instances, nevertheless, the presence of cultural diversity in northern irish society is influencing how sectarianism is conceived of and approached. in turning to another sub-field of multicultural practice, anti-racism, this chapter reinforces and reiterates many of the key themes and findings explicated in previous chapters. this chapter looks at the visual representations produced by anti-racist groups formed in response to what could be termed ‘multicultural issues’ (specifically new migration and racism) in west belfast, an area deeply divided along sectarian lines (boal ). visual culture such as murals, flags and kerb paintings have been identified as playing an important role in identity construction and its spatialisation along sectarian lines in northern ireland (jarman ). the content and context of anti-racist messages produced in mediums associated with sectarianism provides an excellent opportunity to illustrate, often quite literally, the relationship between emerging multicultural agendas and embedded sectarianism. in exploring the visual culture of these anti-racist campaigns, this chapter asks what messages do they convey? do the representations and narratives used in these anti-racist campaigns reproduce sectarianism, challenge it by producing an alternative vision of a multicultural northern ireland or, perhaps, do both? the chapter begins with a brief discussion on the use of visual culture in the production and bounding of segregated space in northern ireland (anderson and shuttleworth ; boal ; ; boal and douglas ; murtagh ). certain types of media play a particularly prominent role in this process, as much existing research has demonstrated (feldman ; jarman ; ; ; rolston ; ; ; a; b). this is often an explicitly geographical matter; where flags, murals and kerb paintings are located is integral to the production of sectarian territoriality and claims to space at a number of scales (shirlow and murtagh ). the brief history of murals in northern ireland that follows examines their social significance as vehicles for rival political narratives and identities and considers changes in the content of political murals since the agreement. the rationale for this chapter’s focus on west belfast is then outlined, including a discussion on the area’s specific social and political context and the factors which led to the emergence of anti-racist movements there. following this, the anti-racist representations produced by two groups, one from each side of the ‘peaceline’, are interrogated. this analysis of anti-racist visual representations is divided into two sections; one focusing on murals and the other on posters and pamphlets. within each section images produced by the west against racism network (warn) based on the republican falls road are presented first, followed by those produced by shankill alternatives from the loyalist shankill road. this analysis interrogates the complex, uncertain relationship between visions of a ‘normal’, multicultural northern ireland and infrastructures of sectarianism. here i explore the extent to which the persistence of dimensions of another form of division and discrimination (sectarianism) within these anti-racist representations complicates their anti-racist message. at the same time, the very existence of these anti-racist campaigns in an area like west belfast suggests that discourses of difference beyond the ‘two traditions’ binary have begun to permeate through northern irish society. the example of one specific anti-racist mural and responses to sectarian messages in an anti-racist booklet suggests that sometimes emergent multicultural processes have the potential to challenge sectarianism and contribute to the construction of a new, multicultural northern ireland. . . spatial segregation and visual culture in northern ireland recent work examining the idea of place within human geography has highlighted the ways in which identity is produced and performed spatially (cresswell ; pile and thrift ). the spatialisation of identity is predicated on the delineation of boundaries in social space (barth ; cohen ; sack ). in northern ireland the creation of territory, or ‘spaces of identity’, is often founded on the inclusion of those with the same religious affiliation and the exclusion of the sectarian ‘other’ (gallaher and shirlow : ). territoriality is a means of communicating boundaries and social control which can allow for the classification of individuals based on where they live: a practice which is common in northern ireland (burton ; sack ). the construction of boundaries in sectarian terms at the local scale has dictated the nature and course of the northern irish conflict (anderson and shuttleworth ; boal and douglas ). belfast, which boal ( : ) describes as ‘the ethno-national city’, is characterised by street-by-street divisions along religious lines, and over % of residents live in areas that can be defined as segregated (boal : , poole ). this residential segregation, and its attendant effects on the production of micro-territoriality at the local level, has contributed to the maintenance of sectarian division, particularly in belfast (shirlow and murtagh ). although all identities rely on the simultaneous delineation of difference and similarity, the processes and practices by which boundaries are symbolically and materially formed and maintained may vary greatly (barth ; cohen ; cresswell ; paasi ). visual, material and symbolic cultures, such as art, language, stories and cultural institutions, are integral to the production of ethnic and national identity in social space (billig ). in northern ireland the process of territorial definition, and consequent identity formation, relies on the quite unique use of specific types of visual and material culture. the identity of streets and, by extension, communities as catholic/nationalist or protestant/unionist is often achieved by the symbolic displaying of ‘territorial markers’ such as murals and flags or the painting of kerbstones (feldman ; jarman ; shirlow and murtagh ). in this way, local spaces are linked to different territorial units at the national scale, from the island of ireland, to the constitutional link with britain and even the notion of an independent northern ireland (jarman ; rolston ; ; ; a). murals, flags and kerb paintings all help (re)produce streets are classified as segregated if over % of residents belong to one communal grouping (boal and douglas ). narratives about the community in which they are located, bolstering in-group social identity in many working-class areas at the same time as creating a boundary with the out-group (buckley and kenney ). this chapter looks at anti-racist messages produced in murals, posters and pamphlets because these mediums that are often used to construct sectarian boundaries (shirlow and murtagh ) are now also being used to carry an anti-racist message. before moving onto this empirical material, it is important to consider in more detail the most graphic and powerful example of this visual culture in northern ireland: the political mural. . . . murals in northern ireland murals, often painted on the gable ends of houses and in other prominent positions, are the most notable and arguably the most interesting visual feature of sectarian division and territoriality in northern ireland (jarman ; ). despite their current ubiquity, particularly in urban areas, the history of political murals is surprisingly non-linear. murals are now a feature of both republican and loyalist areas, but, for a long time, the tradition of mural painting was exclusively loyalist (jarman ). the first loyalist mural was painted in belfast around , and the practice gained in popularity from that time on (rolston : i). following the partition of the island in , mural painting, alongside other practices such as flag flying and flower displays, became an integral part of the july commemorations of the battle of the boyne. mural painting became an established part of a symbolic commemorative cycle by which the political and cultural identity of the new northern irish state was (re)produced (jarman ). at this time most murals were depictions of william of orange (king billy), often unveiled during the july celebrations by prominent unionist politicians. during the stormont era, murals were a central part of a series of symbolic practices which served to unite all classes of protestant/unionists behind a common cultural identity (rolston ). in the battle of the boyne was the major turning point in the jacobite and willamite war. this war was very much a sectarian conflict, pitting the protestant william of orange against the catholic king james ii. the battle of the boyne took place on july outside the town of drogheda in co. louth. william’s forces trounced those of james and an overall victory for the protestant williamite army was achieved. the battle is a key part of protestant/unionist folklore and is commemorated annually by the orange institutions on july th (mcnally ). direct contrast, catholic/nationalist culture, which includes things like the irish language and gaelic games, was denied recognition and space in the public sphere. while the painting and unveiling of murals was often a public event for unionists, ‘[p]ainting murals was not a civic duty for nationalists; more, it would have led to severe harassment by the armed police of the unionist state’ (rolston : iii). the tradition of republican mural painting is surprisingly recent. the first example of republicans using wall painting to produce a political message occurred in derry in january . here the residents of the bogside erected barriers to exclude security forces and proclaimed ‘you are now entering free derry’ on a gable wall in st. columb’s street (jarman : ). rather than celebrating the unionist origins of the state, this mural was an act of civil disobedience by catholic/nationalist residents declaring the independence of the bogside from the state. although this is an example of republicans using murals at the very beginning of ‘the troubles’, the medium only truly became popular with republicans at the beginning of the s. nevertheless, as the violence intensified during the s, loyalist mural painting virtually disappeared. one reason for this was the increasing insecurity felt by many loyalists about pledging allegiance to a british state that appeared willing to negotiate with its sworn enemies; the government of the republic of ireland and nationalists in northern ireland (rolston ; ). the contemporary era of mural painting only really began when, during the spring and summer of , murals in support of the hunger strikers began to appear in republican areas (rolston ). when the hunger strikes ended, however, republicans did not the bogside is an overwhelmingly catholic/nationalist residential area that is located just outside the historic walls of derry city. it was here, on january th , that bloody sunday took place. at this pivotal event in the recent history of northern ireland civil rights protestors were shot by members of the st battalion of the british parachute regiment ( died of their injuries) during a northern ireland civil rights association march. this incident did much to boost the status of the republican cause and increase recruitment to the ira (moloney ). the hunger strikes were a series of political hunger protests staged by republicans in the maze prison in and . the hunger strikes were the culmination of five years of protest by republican prisoners against the british government’s withdrawal of special category status for convicted paramilitary prisoners. during the second hunger strike, in , one hunger striker, bobby sands, won a parliamentary by-election and was elected mp for fermanagh and south tyrone. by the time the strike was called off, ten republican prisoners had died. however, the campaign brought much national abandon their new medium, instead they began to diversify the number and content of murals. the emergence of republican murals was perceived by many loyalists as a challenge to what had once been their exclusive symbolic form (rolston ). in the mid- s, the tradition of mural painting was revived in many loyalist areas, and murals were used to reflect their indignation, and often violent opposition, towards the anglo-irish agreement signed in november . since this time, mural painting has become an accepted feature of both loyalist and republican areas; a practice that, despite the changing political situations, looks unlikely to stop in the near future (rolston a; b). despite using the same medium, loyalist and republican murals are very different. bill rolston ( ) separates loyalist murals into six broad categories. the first, and most obvious, category is the ‘king billy’ murals. although representations of william of orange were the dominant feature of murals until the s, during the s these depictions declined significantly (rolston ). a second category includes painted flags, particularly the union jack, the northern irish flag and the saltire, which are prominent in many loyalist murals, often appearing alongside the red hand of ulster. a third category includes murals that have historical themes, particularly world war i and the battle of the somme, as well as more traditional references to the battle of the boyne. a fourth category of mural includes those with military images which emerged from and the time of the violent loyalist opposition to the anglo-irish agreement. from this time the subjects and tone of loyalist ‘murals were no longer about orange celebrations or unity but were declarations of territoriality’ (rolston b: ). the main military images used were threatening figures in balaclavas clasping guns (rolston ). the fifth category identified by rolston ( ) is the memorial mural that was used to commemorate the activities and paramilitary affiliation of fallen comrades. the sixth, and final, category of murals is less serious, cartoon-style murals. these comic murals were particularly popular among the followers of the notorious uda leader johnny ‘mad dog’ adair who appropriated a cartoon bulldog (a prominent british symbol) as his emblem (rolston ). sympathy for the republican movement and directly contributed to sinn fein’s subsequent electoral success (moloney ). republican murals share common themes with loyalist murals but also exhibit significant differences. while the roots of loyalist mural painting lie in the commemoration of william of orange, ‘[f]rom the very beginning … contemporary military images were prominent in republican murals’ (rolston : iv). these early murals often depicted ira volunteers and their activities. as with loyalist murals, flags and historical themes are common in republican paintings. however, the flag used is generally the irish tricolour, and the historical events refer to significant moments in republican history as well as much older gaelic legends. the tendency to commemorate dead combatants is shared by both loyalist and republican painters. the hunger strikers (particularly bobby sands), liam mellows and the gibraltar three have all appeared on murals in republican areas. unlike loyalists, republicans have used the medium to draw attention to and protest against wider issues such as repression by the british state, prison conditions and media censorship (rolston ). one of the most significant differences in mural themes is in the scope of their symbolic associations. while loyalist murals tend to only depict ulster (though occasionally they refer to scotland and the ulster-scots in north america), republican murals often claim membership of a global anti-imperialist movement (rolston b). ‘[t]he struggle of republicans in ireland has been compared to that of people elsewhere in the world’, and representations of important figures like malcolm x and che guevara, as well as paintings in support of basque separatists and the cause of the palestinians, have all featured in republican murals at different times (rolston : iv). the visual culture of political murals is integral to the construction of particular narratives of sectarian identity – of similarity and difference – in loyalist and republican areas (sluka ). all but the most politically naïve are aware of the significance of representations such as the union jack or the island of ireland. these murals depict a range of different scenes, political visions and alternative interpretations of the conflict; all of which aid the (re)production of sectarian identities in the areas where they are displayed. however, in focusing purely on the symbols and images used liam mellows was an irish republican who fought on the anti-treaty side in the irish civil war and was executed by the free state government on december th for his part in the seizure of the four courts in dublin. the gibraltar three were three members of the ira shot dead by the sas on march th as they allegedly prepared to bomb a military parade taking place on the island. in murals, there has been a downplaying of the materiality of murals themselves. murals are ‘more artefact than art’; they are material objects which are located in, and constitutive of, social space (jarman : ). murals take meaning from, and give meaning to, the sites in which they are located: ‘their very location affects how they are interpreted and what they mean, while the location is used and treated differently because of the presence of the paintings’ (jarman : ). political murals segregate space; transforming otherwise mundane rows of housing into either welcoming or hostile territory (jarman ). this transformation of public space into politicised space through the displaying of murals is central to the (re)production of sectarian territoriality in northern ireland. while images of labour, recreation and famous former residents have all appeared on different murals at one time or another (rolston ; ), since the ceasefires and the signing of the agreement in there have been subtle changes in the content of murals, reflecting changes in northern irish society (rolston a; b). funds made available by the department of social development for the removal of paramilitary murals is one reason for this change. another is a desire to broaden the political debate beyond sectarian violence; republicans, in particular, have begun to use the medium to engage with wider debates around issues such as equality and social justice (rolston b). though cognizant of the role of murals in the (re)production and spatialisation of sectarian identities, bill rolston ( a: ) asks that we ‘view murals not merely as artefacts, as products of artistic and political activity, but as innately bound up with political activity.’ as an important facet of political activity in many areas, new messages painted on murals offer a lens through which to investigate contemporaneous social processes and the emergence of new political agendas, such as anti-racism. . . locating anti-racism(s) in west belfast before looking at the emergence of anti-racist movements in west belfast, it is important to outline the general character of the area, which is one of the most heavily segregated locales in northern ireland (see figure . ). west belfast has been described as a microcosm within which is encapsulated the wider history of sectarian division and violence of northern ireland since the plantations (boal and livingstone ). during the seventeenth century catholics were kept outside belfast city walls and settled west of the city boundary in an area known as ‘the falls’ (aretxaga ). west belfast is still home to mainly catholics. the falls road is now the main artery running through what is often referred to as ‘republican west belfast’ (see figure . ), an area stretching from divis street near the city centre all the way out to the housing estates of twinbrook and poleglass beyond the western edge of the city limits. although the local mp is the president of sinn fein, gerry adams, west belfast also includes the staunchly loyalist shankill area. the shankill, home to around , working-class protestants, is centred around the long, straight shankill road which runs almost parallel to, but a couple of hundred metres north of, the falls (see figure . ). figure . : residential segregation along religious lines in belfast based on the census. catholic and protestant majorities are represented in green and red respectively. the area circled in light green is the shankill/falls area (source: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/images/maps/belfast_religion.gif) the sectarian tensions across the segregated falls/shankill divide directly contributed to the eruption in sectarian violence that became ‘the troubles’ (boal ). in the summer of , loyalists from the shankill road carried out pogroms against their catholic neighbours. this led to massive displacement of people in the area, the closing off of all connecting streets and the erection of a series of ‘peacelines’ (high metal walls that separate the two communities of west belfast from each other). violence, ranging from ‘recreational rioting’ at the ‘interface’ between the two areas to random abductions and murders, has played a major role in the (re)production of strong sectarian identities in both areas since (aretxaga ; burton ; dowler ; feldman ). figure . : map of west belfast showing the shankill and falls roads (source: http://maps.google.co.uk) sectarian boundaries in west belfast are also defined and control within these boundaries maintained through the construction of narratives of identity in visual culture (dowler ; jarman ; rolston ). the entrance to the shankill road, which is a five minute walk west of the city centre, is signified by a series of large, prominent murals valorising loyalist paramilitaries. red, white and blue bunting on every lamppost mirrors the paint that adorns every kerbstone. murals are located on almost every corner, sometimes even on the street itself. these representations draw on many of the themes and categories discussed earlier in relation to the general character of loyalist murals. traditional depictions of king billy and military images of masked loyalist paramilitaries carrying weapons are particularly popular on the shankill (see figure . ). likewise, the murals on the other side of the peaceline reflect broader categorisations of republican murals. military images of ira gunmen adorn many gable walls, often appearing alongside representations of the hunger strikers and other fallen comrades (see figure . ) (dowler ). with separate social and economic services, the two communities in west belfast exist almost independently of one another (shirlow ), and the visual culture on display on the shankill and falls roads reflect the different (sectarian) social identities prevalent in the two areas (jarman ; rolston a). figure . : ulster volunteer force memorial, shankill road (source: http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/images/photos/belfast/shankill/shankillmural r.jpg) figure . : mural to bobby sands, falls road (source: author) the labour market in west belfast remains deeply segregated, with both catholics and protestants fearful of working on the shankill and the falls respectively (green, shuttleworth and lavery ). despite this labour market segregation, west belfast has witnessed increased migration in recent years as people have come to live and work in the area. although anecdotal evidence suggests that the influx of migrants from eastern europe to west belfast has not been as great as in other parts of the city, significant numbers of filipinos have moved to the area to be close to their work in the royal victoria hospital (bell, jarman and lefebvre ). as migrants move into west belfast, there have been media reports of racist incidents, most notably attacks on these same filipino nurses (bell, jarman and lefebvre ). however, only racist incidents were reported in west belfast in compared with in east belfast and in the south of the city (psni ). these low figures may reflect a lack of confidence in the police amongst racialised minorities and a fear (discussed earlier) of inviting them into republican area (see chapter six). while this may be case, there also seems to be a high degree of support for anti-racist agendas in west belfast. the local media has celebrated the relative absence of racist incidents (see figure . ), and grassroots anti-racist groups have been formed in the area. figure . : ‘race crime: west bottom of league’, the andersonstown news / / , p. the anti-racist groups operating in west belfast were the most visible and active of such groups encountered during the fieldwork. the west against racism network (warn), founded in , defines itself as ‘a grassroots anti-racism campaign based in west belfast … to challenge individualised and institutionalised racism and to build a genuinely anti-racist culture in west belfast’ (warn : np). this group is based in the falls road area of west belfast (encircled in green in figure . and shown in more detail in figure . ). although warn is made up mainly of local white residents, members of racialised minorities in the area have also been involved in the group’s activities. representatives from warn have been very prominent in the local media, speaking on bbc northern ireland about racism in belfast and also contributing regularly to the andersonstown news. as well as organizing a vigil in response to attacks on the homes of filipino nurses, warn have been involved in a number of different campaigns, including the painting of an anti-racist mural. the visual culture produced by these anti-racist campaigns is examined later in this chapter. the andersonstown news is a popular nationalist aligned twice weekly newspaper based in west belfast. grassroots anti-racist initiatives have also emerged on the loyalist shankill road (see figures . and . ). as has been noted in studies of the emergence of anti-racism in other contexts (detant ; lentin ), this anti-racist campaign on the shankill road emerged in response to racist incidents in the area. in the autumn of , local youths were involved in a racially motivated attack on the home of a muslim family on the shankill road. these youths were referred by local paramilitaries to shankill alternatives, a community restorative justice program on the upper shankill. shankill alternatives decided to involve these youths in an anti-racism awareness campaign before racism became a major issue in the area (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). the loyalist commission and a prominent local loyalist politician, tommy kircham, pledged support for this anti-racism campaign which was entitled ‘showing your true colours’. this initiative involved the youths participating in a cultural exchange with a similar group from nottingham as well as taking part in an anti-racist training session with a local facilitator and the painting of an anti-racist mural in a local school. as such, both warn and shankill alternatives have been involved in producing anti-racist murals. in fact, west belfast was the only location in which any anti-racist murals were found during the fieldwork. the content and context of these anti-racist murals is discussed in detail in the sections that follow. . . . republican – warn mural: ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ as outlined in chapter three, the analysis of visual representations can provide important insights into social processes and phenomena that may not be possible through other means (barnard ). as artefacts, murals are material objects located in space community restorative justice (crj) is a form of social/community criminal justice that focuses on crime as an act against another individual or a community rather than the state. crj groups have been active on both sides of the west belfast ‘peaceline’. in northern ireland, as elsewhere, crj has been quite a contentious issue. at one stage during my research, funding was withdrawn from all groups following concerns about paramilitary involvement in these projects, but subsequently most groups have had their funding reinstated. the loyalist commission is an unelected body representing all the main loyalist paramilitary groups: the ulster defence association (uda), the ulster volunteer force (uvf), the ulster freedom fighters (uff) and the red hand commando (rhc). throughout my fieldwork i asked interviewees and other contacts about the existence of anti-racist murals. the only murals mentioned were those in west belfast. i also personally looked out for relevant murals in south, north, east and west belfast (as well as in lisburn) but only found those discussed in this chapter. and composites of text and images (jarman ). discourse analysis is a method that allows for an examination of such texts by taking a close look at the images themselves and the objects which carry them (tonkiss ). having selected the image to be analysed, the first step in the discourse analysis that follows will be to look at the iconographic story of the image and, in particular, the way in which images are used to construct narratives of social identity and difference. second, after considering some of the mural’s main iconographic features, the social context of the mural’s production will be examined. this discussion will consider who produced the mural, where it is located and what images surround it. figure . : ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural, divis street, west belfast (source: author) the wall mural in figure . , entitled ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’, juxtaposes the experiences of the irish in london during the s with those of present day migrants to belfast. the image adopted in this mural is of two guesthouse windows side by side; a thick blue line running through the centre producing a demarcation between the window on the left, representing a london window of , and the window on the right, representing a belfast window of . the sign hanging in the london guesthouse window reads ‘no blacks, no dogs, no irish’. the reference of this window and its sign is clearly historical, representing common prejudicial and exclusionary refrains of the time in which certain human categories were so demeaned they were unapologetically equated with animals (hickman and walter ; leavey, sembhi and livingston ). the sign hanging in the belfast window reads, in contrast, ‘no racism, no bigotry, no prejudice’. while the former sign reports on how it was, the latter points forward to a tolerant and inclusionary vision of the future. this message relies upon the highlighting of the parallel experience of anti-irish discrimination in london in the s and contemporary prejudices and racism in belfast. this image looks forward to a belfast in which racists, bigots and prejudice are the unwelcome ‘guests’ in a more inclusive and tolerant society. in drawing parallels between the irish experience of discrimination in london in the s and racism in present day belfast, the mural visually links the experiences of prejudice and discrimination suffered by people of colour and the irish. in particular, the appearance of ‘no blacks’ alongside ‘no irish’ in the sign in the london window was part of a conscious attempt on the part of the artist to make the viewer consider the relationship between these two prejudicial refrains (interview with marty, / / ). however, as well as being on the receiving end of discrimination, the irish themselves have historically been involved in racism (mcveigh ). writing on the situation in antebellum united states, noel ignatiev ( ) argues that the irish became oppressors of black people as they actively sought to enter the ‘white’ ‘race’. consequently, the irish ‘[i]nstead of seeing their struggles as bound up with those of colonized and coloured people around the world … came to see their struggles as against such people’ (roediger : - ). gillian rose ( ) asks us to also look for what is absent in visual representations. in the mural in figure . , an acknowledgement of the involvement of some irish people in racism is absent. the absence of a reference to irish i have used a pseudonym to refer to the mural artist to protect his identity. racism in the mural might reinforce the sense that racism is a problem in other (loyalist) areas and does not happen in catholic/nationalist communities. as we found in chapter six, the sense of solidarity between the catholic/nationalist community and ethnically- identified minorities in northern ireland may create a situation in which racism in some catholic/nationalist areas is denied and goes unchallenged. the iconography of the mural in figure . seeks to link the discrimination experienced by emigrant irish communities and racism in contemporary belfast, though it does not engage with the racist behaviour exhibited by white minorities like the irish. the second step in the discourse analysis is to consider the social context, the ‘external narrative’ (banks ), of an image or text. the text’s social context refers to who is producing the discourse and in what circumstances (tonkiss ). the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural was commissioned by warn and painted in may to coincide with an anti-racist campaign to create a ‘republic of conscience’, a reference to a seamus heaney poem of the same name, in west belfast. the use of a mural in this campaign reflects changes in the nature of political murals in west belfast. since the ira ceasefires, murals are no longer used to recruit volunteers for ‘the struggle’ but rather to discuss issues that emerge in the community (interview with marty, / / ). the mural in figure . replaced a mural in support of a campaign for the freedom of the native american leonard peltier who was jailed in the s for killing two fbi agents. at a time when a shared future includes an explicit commitment to the replacement of threatening paramilitary murals with non-sectarian images (ofmdfm a: ), this mural reflects the emergence of concerns around racism in west belfast (interview with anti-racist network, / / ). as the artist explained, mural painting is often a creative exchange between the group who approach the artist to paint the mural and the artist himself. in this instance, the mural’s theme and the images used arose initially from suggestions made by members of the warn anti-racist group and which were developed further by the mural artist (interview with marty, / / ). the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural is located on a very popular and prominent mural wall on divis street which is the main entrance to the falls road from belfast city centre. while there has been a net loss of mural space in belfast, mccormick and jarman ( : ) identify the divis street wall as a particularly successful location where artistic merit is high, situation is propitious and ownership is not contested. officially this wall is the property of the andrews flour mill that it bounds, but it has been appropriated by ‘marty’, the main republican mural artist in the falls road area. the use of this wall for political murals began in when marty approached the owners of the mill seeking permission to paint on the wall. when the owners declined, marty surreptitiously began painting on the wall, and six months later the first mural (a protest against the use of plastic bullets by the british army in west belfast) appeared on the site (interview with marty, / / ). marty has been using the wall continuously since. his relatively high profile in the area has afforded him de facto control of the wall and he is personally involved in all paintings that appear on it. in order to get a mural space on the divis street wall it is necessary for the proposed mural to reflect well defined artistic and political qualities as stipulated by marty. all murals on this wall are seen as reflective of ‘the nationalist community standing firm with people from oppressed nations’ and invoke international, national and local themes and subjects (interview with marty, / / ). as noted earlier in the discussion of republican murals, republicans have long made such symbolic associations with anti-imperialism and struggles for national liberation (coulter ; rolston b), and the mural in figure . was seen as an extension of this linkage (interview with marty, belfast, / / ). political murals also take their meaning from the murals which surround them (jarman ). an anti-iraq war mural is located to the left of the anti-racist mural, with a painting in support of republican prisoners in maghaberry prison to its right. this juxtaposition of images invites the viewer to perceive the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural’s anti-racist message as congruent with anti-war/anti-imperialist discourses on the one hand and irish republican causes on the other. further down the divis street mural wall the same artist painted a mural in homage to the african-american leader fredrick douglass (see figure . ). douglass was a freed slave and abolitionist who toured mccormick and jarman ( : ) suggest a number of reasons for this reduction in murals and mural spaces in belfast. the main causes of this reduction identified by the authors are retirement (wear and tear of the mural), redevelopment of the mural site, reclamation of the site by a local community opposed to the mural’s message and redundancy of the mural’s message. ireland during the famine of - ; noting, as he did so, the mournful similarities between slavery songs and irish songs (roediger : ). figure . : fredrick douglass mural, divis street, belfast (source: author) unlike the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural, the mural in figure . includes an acknowledgement of both the irish experience of racism and the racism practiced by some irish people, particularly in america. as the quote to the right hand side of the bust of douglass states, ‘perhaps no class has carried prejudice against colour to a point more dangerous than have the irish and yet no people have been more relentlessly oppressed on account of race and religion’. although the mural in figure . echoes the anti-colonial sentiments of murals in support of nelson mandela and struggles in angola and mexico (rolston b), the conscious reference to racism committed by the irish in a political mural is novel. producing this message in a medium traditionally used to carry only positive images of ireland and irish republicanism demonstrates willingness to engage with a less attractive side of irish history: namely racism (garner ). so while the racism committed by some irish people is absent from the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural, the near-by mural to fredrick douglass acknowledges the possibility that irish people can be racist themselves, implicitly calling on the people of west belfast to be anti-racist. the murals in figures . and . graphically illustrate that anti-racism has become an accepted political message in west belfast, so much so that it adorns arguably the most prominent mural wall in northern ireland. however, ‘recycling’, the replacement of old murals with new images, is very high on the divis street wall (mccormick and jarman ), and, in late , the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural was painted over. yet the douglass mural remains, and there are plans for a new anti-racist mural on the divis street wall (interview with marty, / / ): this suggests the strength of both warn and the mural’s anti-racist message. as well as being clearly visible to almost everyone entering and leaving ‘republican’ west belfast for over two years, the representation in figure . was used on other warn materials, such as an information pack, and reproduced in the local media (see figure . ). although the mural as a material object has ceased to exist, the representation itself continues to circulate. figure . : reproduction of 'fight bigotry, fight racism' mural, the andersonstown news / / , p the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural relies heavily on images and narratives rooted in irish republicanism. the use of celtic motifs, such as the warn symbol in the right- hand guesthouse window representing belfast , and gaelic phrases would leave most local viewers in no doubt that this is both an anti-racist and a republican mural. the location of the mural and the social identities of the vast majority of the local audience who were exposed to its message support this reading. although alana lentin ( ) argues that anti-racist campaigns generally reflect the political culture of the nation-state in which they emerge, in northern ireland the nation-state itself is a contested and problematic construction. in this quite unique context, the discourse produced by this anti-racist mural appears to reflect the more specific political culture of irish republicanism in northern ireland. the mural’s call for solidarity between irish and racialised groups is an example of how republican murals ‘at their best’, according to bill rolston ( a: ), ‘educate, promote debate and encourage the best, most progressive elements in their community.’ the warn mural, as well as the text of the mural to douglass, may be understood as elements of an anti-racist ‘public pedagogy’ (giroux ) aimed at educating the people of west belfast. indeed, highlighting the similarity between discrimination experienced by irish migrants and contemporary migrants has been identified as central to the building of an anti-racist movement across ireland (garner ). although the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural constructs its progressive, anti-racist message through iconography and narratives drawn from the ‘irish’ experience, it does so in a context where irish is a politically loaded term associated with republicanism. the focus on the experiences of the irish only constructs a narrative which only speaks to catholic/nationalists – protestant/unionists are totally absent and alienated. the mural could be read as an attempt to demonstrate to minorities how similar they are to the irish, in the process appropriating racialised ‘others’ into a republican political position. the way in which sectarian issues and considerations complicate this anti- racist representation and its message is clearly demonstrated by the choice of medium and location. as noted, murals play a powerful role in affirming the sectarian identity of social space (jarman ; shirlow and murtagh ). this mural and those that ‘cuir stad le ciniochas’, the phrase at the top of the mural, means ‘say no to racism’ in irish. surround it all contribute to the construction of the area as ‘republican’ west belfast; as such, they (re)produce dominant sectarian narratives of space and identity at the same time as they produce an anti-racist message. . . . loyalist – shankill alternatives mural: ‘declare war on racism’ the image in figure . is taken from a mural organised by shankill alternatives and painted by local youths in the loyalist shankill road area of west belfast. unlike figures . and . , this mural was not painted on an outdoor wall but on a series of wooden panels and erected in a local school. the reason for this will be discussed later but first, as with the analysis of the warn mural, the iconography of the image will be attended to (tonkiss ). figure . : declare war on racism mural, mount gilbert school, ballygomartin road, west belfast (source: author) this mural’s ‘internal narrative’ (banks ) is framed by the phrase ‘declare war on racism’ in bold black print in the centre of the image; the word ‘war’ is highlighted in red. below are gravestones surrounded by bright red poppies, open-handed salutes and single words and phrases. the precise historical setting depicted is unclear. at its unveiling the artist talked about the battle of the somme and the world war i graves in belgium which is a popular image in many loyalist murals (gallaher and shirlow ; rolston b). however, an interviewee from alternatives suggested that the graves were from world war ii to show how ‘these ethnic minorities fought with ulsterman. they died along with us to fight fascism, to fight nazi germany when ulstermen fought against fascism and racism’ (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). regardless of the exact site, the dominant theme is that racism is something which must be fought. as such, the analogy of war and invasion which frames many racist discourses of nation (gilroy ) is inverted through an appeal to the loyalist experience of world wars as a reason for pursuing an anti-racist agenda. nevertheless, this message of anti-racist support and understanding through war is extremely contradictory and suggests a tension between militaristic ulster loyalism (gallaher and shirlow ) and anti-racist conceptions of solidarity and representation (garner ; lentin ). that said, the mural also simply communicates that there is a desire to see racism and racist jibes dead and buried. the offensive terms daubed on other stones, such as ‘paki’, ‘nigger’ and ‘chink’, symbolise their removal from everyday speech – ‘the burying and putting to bed of these terms’ (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). as well as words like “slavery” and “exterminate”, the names of two concentration camps (auschwitz and bergen-belsen) occupy prominent positions on either side of the red hand in the centre of the frame. the systematic annihilation of europe’s jewish population during the second world war was a product of the nazi’s explicitly racial policies (goldberg ). this reference to the camps speaks to the horrors inflicted when racist ideologies are followed to their limits and to the need to challenge such ideologies in everyday life. like the republican mural discussed in the previous section, this mural draws on incidence of racism in previous times and places to communicate an important message about local racisms. as noted, war is a prominent theme in this mural. the headstones are inscribed with the names of dead service personnel: for example ‘rifleman smyth royal irish rifles’ appears on a stone in the extreme-right corner. although catholic and protestant irishmen were involved in both world wars, the sacrifice of working-class protestants from areas like the shankill is an integral anchor for loyalist identity and is intimately bound up with the history of ulster loyalism (brown ). the remembrance day poppy, which is dotted throughout the mural, was initially used to commemorate the dead of world war i. the symbol has long been the preserve of the unionist community, and nowadays it is seen as unequivocally british (graham and shirlow ). the wearing of a flower on remembrance day or ‘poppy day’ imputes political and sectarian identity on the wearer. the reliance on this symbol connects the mural and its anti-racist message to loyalist identities and narratives. the red hand is perhaps the most instantly recognisable symbol of ulster loyalism; it is incorporated in the northern irish flag and also appears frequently in loyalist mural paintings (rolston ; b). at more than double the height of any of the other hands, the image of the red hand dominates the centre of the mural. the large red hand is flanked by representations of other, smaller, more distant white, black and brown hands. the intention behind the inclusion of the red hand was to identify the mural with loyalism as the red hand is ‘very closely associated with loyalism’ (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). according to one of the youths speaking at the launch, hands of different colours were painted alongside the red hand to signify racialised minorities living on the shankill (unidentified youth, showing your true colours launch, / / ). this co-presence of hands of many colours implies a vision of inter-racial cohabitation. however, the different scale and positioning of the hands carries a more ambiguous meaning. are these other non-red hands destined to be equals to the red loyalist hand, or is this to be diversity with loyalist authority? whatever the future that is imagined, the mural seems to suggest that the work of anti-racism, the discretion to accept or reject racialised minorities, lays largely in the hands of white loyalists (hage ). the ‘declare war on racism’ mural was painted by local youths from the shankill road with guidance from ‘jackie’, a local artist. these youths both worked on the mural on their own (see figure . ) and alongside victims of racist attacks in the area (see figure . ). looking more closely at these pictures we can see that the mural changed quite significantly during its production. in an earlier version representations of brown hands occupy the very centre of the frame (see figure . ), but by the time the finished article went on display a large red hand had taken their place (see figure . ). noticing this inconsistency, i spoke once again with shankill alternatives, and they said that they had voiced concerns to jackie that the mural should focus on symbols of loyalism and loyalist heritage (personal communication, shankill alternatives, / / ). these changes in the mural’s content reinforce the argument that its producers wanted this supposedly anti-racist object to be more loyalist, and consequently, during its production, the focus shifted from anti-racism (figure . ) to an increasing importance being placed on loyalist representations (see figure . ). figure . : local youths painting declare war on racism mural (source: shankill alternatives) the mural was painted on four boards (see figure . ) in a local community centre which were then moved to the mount gilbert school on the ballygomartin road; a short walk from the alternatives centre in the upper shankill. after being erected in the while the shankill area is almost entirely protestant (see figure . ), the shankill road itself is also divided along paramilitary lines (gallaher and shirlow ). the lower shankill is controlled largely by assembly hall of this secondary school the mural was unveiled at the launch of the ‘showing your true colours’ initiative on th november . this event was comprised of a series of speeches by youth involved in the project, representatives from alternatives, and loyalist politicians as well as chinese and indian dancing (see figure . ). at the launch, however, there was no representation from the ethnically-identified minorities who had worked on the project and the ‘multicultural’ dancing was provided by groups from other areas of belfast. figure . : involvement of victims of racialised attacks in mural painting (source: shankill alternatives) as well as stressing the need for anti-racism in the area, the mural launch provided an opportunity for shankill alternatives to make a case for the merits of community restorative justice (crj). according to one speaker, ‘we as a community need to take restorative justice seriously because it can transform communities … it can provide the uda and the mid- and upper-shankill road are uvf affiliated areas. the alternatives office is located on the woodvale road, an area dominated by the uvf. the effects of this practical and ideological division is discussed in detail in gallaher and shirlow ( : - ), but the key point here is that the uvf are generally more sympathetic to progressive politics and pluralist ideas than the uda. this disposition might explain why alternatives is based on the upper rather than lower shankill and might suggest that the mural’s anti-racist message would have a better reception in this part of the shankill. alternatives to paramilitary activity and allow other issues like racism to be tackled’ (jimmy, shankill alternatives, showing your true colours launch, / / ). in this quote, crj is constructed as a tool for both anti-racism and community transformation. the importance of respecting and accommodating new comers was raised by one of the youths who worked on the mural: ‘the other hands (in the mural) are representative of other communities. to make our community more diverse … we can have the clenched fist or we can offer out the red hand of friendship’ (unidentified youth, showing your true colours launch, / / ). as with the policy discourses examined in chapter five, cultural diversity is held up as something that can facilitate social transformation – in this case the transformation of the loyalist community of the shankill road. in this context, anti-racism on the shankill road is constructed as a vehicle for tackling racism and other social problems and building a stronger loyalist community. this interpretation of anti-racism sits rather uneasily with its characterisation as a radical, alternative political discourse which seeks to transform all social relations (lloyd ; ). instead, it suggests that anti-racism can strengthen loyalist constructions of space, culture and identity at the same time as addressing problems of racism. as such, the mural and the story of its production reveal the extent to which multiculturalism and sectarianism are deeply imbricated in post-agreement northern ireland. figure . : ‘multicultural’ dancing at launch of showing your true colours initiative (source: shankill alternatives) as one of the organisers of the ‘declare war in racism’ mural explained, the initiative was part of an effort to change public perceptions of the shankill: ‘the more we can positively sell our community to the wider world the better’ (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). in the two years leading up to the campaign, the involvement of loyalists in racist attacks in areas of belfast, particularly in the south of the city, received much media attention (see chapter four). the ‘showing your true colours’ initiative was a response to this situation and the need to be perceived to be challenging racism in loyalist areas (mervyn gibson, loyalist commission, showing your true colours launch, / / ). however, the degree to which the mural and its message influenced people is uncertain. although, as we have seen, its final message was contested and the inclusion of popular loyalist symbols prioritised so that it would speak better to its target audience, the actual number of people who have been exposed to the mural has been extremely small. since being unveiled, in november , the mural, which was originally intended as a mobile artefact to be transferred easily between schools in different areas of belfast, has remained out of sight in a store room in mount gilbert school. according to shankill alternatives, this occurred because in the immediate aftermath of the launch they were under threat of closure and did not have the resources to promote the mural. since then funding has been secured, but the mural has not moved, rather the attention has shifted from anti-racism to anti-social behaviour issues on the shankill (personal communication, shankill alternatives, / / ). this shift in alternatives’ focus coincided with a reduction in media attention on racism in northern ireland generally and in loyalist areas in particular. this would seem to suggest that, perhaps, in the absence of unwanted publicity anti-racism is not as significant a concern as it had previously been. murals are important and prominent features of the political process in northern ireland, but they do not act independently; they reflect the ideological context in which they are produced (rolston a). the differences in the two anti-racist murals analysed in this section reflects wider differences between the republican and loyalist murals displayed on either side of the west belfast peaceline. while republican murals on the falls road around this time a moratorium was placed on all crj funding, partly as a result of the continued refusal of republicans to engage with the police. however, funding has since been re-instated and alternatives remain in operation. often speak of international solidarity, anti-imperialism and the ‘irish’ experience, those on the shankill reflect the loyalist character of the area through the use of symbols such as the red hand and the union jack (rolston b). in relying on specific symbols and narratives of identity and belonging associated with sectarian political identities to produce their anti-racist message, these murals could be accused of (re)producing sectarian constructions of space and identity. they often interpellate and incorporate ethnically-identified minorities into dominant, sectarian political positions and viewpoints. yet, at the same time, the use of political murals to produce an anti-racist message in such a divided territory as west belfast shows that the presence of cultural diversity is influencing sclerotic cultural practices grounded in sectarianism. the following section looks at the example of one anti-racist mural that gives hope that northern ireland really is moving forward to a multicultural future rather than simply becoming a sectarian society inflected with multiculturalism. . . . a glimmer of hope? another anti-racist mural while this chapter has highlighted the existence of anti-racist groups on both sides of the falls/shankill peaceline, it has not, so far, examined the relationship between these groups. the research found little evidence of substantial contact between the groups involved in these anti-racist initiatives. the west against racism network (warn) are only active in the falls area and displayed no plans to adapt their message for use on the shankill. as a spokesperson for the group commented, ‘we’re not planning on going over there at the moment’ (interview with anti-racism network, / / ). similarly, the loyalist anti-racist project confined itself to the narrow geographical area of the shankill road. an interviewee involved with this project commented that ‘we invited all the anti-racisms over [to the launch of the ‘showing your true colours’ campaign] but no-one came’ (interview with shankill alternatives, / / ). although both groups expressed an interest in working cross-community, neither of the anti-racist groups in west belfast interviewed were directly involved in cross-community work. this demonstrates once again the dominance of sectarian divisions over anti-racist agendas in west belfast. despite the failure of these anti-racist groups to work cross-community or to produce anti-racist murals that could appeal to both loyalist and republican constituencies, the research did find one example of an anti-racist mural in west belfast that does not refer to sectarian narratives of history and identity. the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural (figures . , . and . ) was painted in by filipino youths (with the help of local community activists) around the time of attacks on the homes of filipino nurses living in west belfast and working in the nearby royal victoria hospital (emerson ). the mural is from a wall just off grosvenor road (see figure . ) which, along with divis street, is the main arterial route onto the falls road and ‘republican’ west belfast. it is located in a prominent position adjacent to the main westlink road into belfast, and is thus clearly visible to many motorists travelling into, and out of, the city centre. this wall is also on the border between the catholic/nationalist residential community of grosvenor road and the urban centre of belfast. unlike the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural in figure . , this mural is not located on a popular mural wall, but is free-standing with no other political murals adjacent to it. figure . : map showing location of i’m not your stereotype mural close to grosvenor road, west belfast (source: http://maps.google.co.uk) figure . : left panel ‘i'm not your stereotype’ mural (filipino), grosvenor road, belfast (source: author) figure . : centre panel ‘i'm not your stereotype’ mural, grosvenor road, belfast (source: author) figure . : right panel ‘i'm not your stereotype’ mural (irish), grosvenor road, belfast (source: author) this mural’s iconographic story is remarkably concise and straightforward; based as it is around three pieces of text in bold, black, capital leaders which read ‘i’m not your stereotype’ in filipino (figure . ), english (figure . ) and irish (figure . ). the texts are separated by two sets of three stick figures. while previous murals discussed in this chapter were colourful, this mural uses just black and white paint to create a clearly legible representation that seems to speak to universalist conceptions of anti-racism. universalism in anti-racist thought asserts the conviction that all people are equal and should be treated as such (bonnett ). one advantage of this approach is that it avoids the reification of ‘race’ associated with anti-racism that relies on a relativist position (gilroy ; wievorka ). the fact that the representations of people used in this mural are neither gendered nor raced hints at the existence of a universal humanity beyond stereotypes (bonnett ; gilroy ). as well as avoiding racialised representations, sectarian symbols and narratives are not invoked in this mural. the mural is not just about accommodating new diversity in west belfast; instead, people are implored not to judge others on the basis of stereotypical assumptions about an individual’s bodily appearance. the central message of the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural is anti-discriminatory. as such, it offers a glimmer of hope that an anti-racist discourse that transcends sectarian narratives is possible. however, it has not been interpreted as such by local commentators. one prominent writer on northern irish affairs remarked that the mural, far from challenging dominant political discourses, ‘is a west belfast stereotype par excellence …. [t]hey want us all to be their stereotypes, branded by our postcodes’ (emerson : np). this reference to postcodes speaks to the segregation of religious space in northern ireland along sectarian lines. as burton ( ) noted, where a person lives is an important cue in the process of ‘telling’ their religious identity. in this quote, emerson ( ) seems to be suggesting that the mural is instructing filipinos to be republican based on the fact that they live in a catholic/nationalist area. this rather crude reading fails to engage fully with either the mural’s message of anti-discrimination or who actually produced it. as noted, the mural was painted by filipino youths living locally. this is significant as it suggests that the cultural practices by which sectarianism is (re)produced are being adopted – and in the process potentially transformed – by new groups in northern irish society. the fact that filipino youths painted the mural also suggests that these new groups feel secure enough to draw attention to their presence in the area. the mural is located in a border area between the catholic/nationalist grosvenor road and the neutral space of belfast city centre (see figure . ). the very fact that the mural was not vandalised or ‘reclaimed’ by the local community suggests that its message is generally accepted and supported in the area (mccormick and jarman ). unlike the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural on divis street discussed earlier, the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural avoids (re)producing sectarian narratives of space and identity. in fact, the crux of its anti-racist message (that judging people based on stereotypical assumptions based on their appearance is wrong) challenges sectarianism as well as racism. rather than simply reflecting the political culture in which it is located (lentin ), this mural (and the story of its production) appears to break out of dominant sectarian narratives and political identities to construct a broader anti-racist social vision based on inclusionary principles of tolerance and respect (anthias and lloyd ). the involvement of filipino youths in the painting of the mural suggests that, in this context, multiculturalism is both tempering sectarianism and providing an opportunity to move beyond it. rather than being structured by sectarianism, the mural seems to graphically illustrate the potential for multicultural agendas to fundamentally challenge sectarianism and, in the process, imagine a future, post-sectarian northern ireland. . . posters and pamphlets the following sections extend the analysis of visuals produced by anti-racist groups in west belfast beyond murals to look at posters and pamphlets. there are two main reasons for doing this. first, this visual culture plays an important role in the (re)production of sectarian narratives of history, space and identity in northern ireland (shirlow and murtagh ). second, anti-racist campaigns often utilise posters and pamphlets, and the representations carried in these media have been the subject of previous academic analysis (gilroy ; murji ). reflecting on the construction of sectarian boundaries in northern ireland, it is clear that where political posters and pamphlets are displayed and distributed constructs boundaries. for instance, sinn fein election posters and union jacks act as powerful demarcations of sectarian space and territoriality. similarly, distributing flyers for a republican easter rising anniversary celebration in a public house constructs the space of both the bar and the street as catholic/nationalist. anti-racist campaigns in west belfast have not confined themselves to painting murals, they have also produced anti-racist posters and pamphlets. the following sections investigate the representations that these objects use and their power to produce particular visions of identity as well as social difference and its accommodation (rose ). . . . warn texts as well as organising the painting of the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural, the west against racism network (warn) produced a number of different anti-racist texts. the object in figure . is a mock passport which uses the same iconography and is the same size and shape as an authentic passport of the republic of ireland. the final page mimics the photo page of a real passport, and there are instructions to attach a photo and personal details. as well as standard information such as address or date of birth, space is made for including the bearer’s hopes, values and language (see figure . ). instead of blank pages for passport control stamps, eight of the passport’s twelve pages are taken up with dense text. the putative link between anti-racism and irish republicanism is a salient feature of the ‘passport’. for example, significant portions, like the word ‘pas’ on the cover, are written in both english and irish; symbolically linking both the passport and the bearer to irish republicanism. inside, the narrative locates racism in loyalist communities and the history of their involvement in sectarian violence. you don’t need to be a politics professor to work out the connection between loyalists burning out catholics in north belfast, the short strand and in larne, on the one hand, and loyalists driving out africans, moslems, filipinos, portuguese and chinese in south belfast, ballymena, antrim and dungannon. take out the words “taig”, “fenian”, “papist” etc. from a sectarian diatribe, and replace them with “hordes of asylum seekers”, “spongers”, “muggers” or “yellow peril”, and you have a classic racist text like the one loyalists put about in south belfast (warn a: ). the suggestion made in the above quote is that the connection between loyalism and racialised violence (mcveigh and rolston ) is self-evident. loyalists are portrayed as targeting racialised minorities with the same derogatory terms, as well as physical violence, as was once directed towards catholics. the ‘classic racist text’ referred to was a black and white leaflet produced and distributed anonymously in the donegall pass area of south belfast in that allegedly described the chinese as a ‘yellow peril’ and a ‘bigger threat than thirty years of republican violence’ (interview with chinese welfare association, / / ). the passport’s text goes on to argue that republicans should identify with racialised minorities as victims of aggression. it stands to reason that our solidarity with people from black and minority ethnic communities should be automatic, because we all know what it is like to be on the receiving end of such bigotry, whether it is from individuals, from loyalist mobs or from the state (warn a: ). this quote reiterates some of the points made earlier in the discussion of the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural. the similarity of irish experiences of discrimination and those of racialised minorities in contemporary northern ireland is stressed. the putative similarity between the experience of sectarianism (‘bigotry’) and racism discussed in chapter six is also constructed in this quote. the anti-racist message produced in the passport’s text pivots around the association of anti-irish discrimination, anti-catholic sectarianism and racism. once again, this narrative neglects to mention the racist practices that have been associated with some of the irish themselves (ignatiev ). similarly, as noted in the previous chapter, an acknowledgment of the potential for racism in catholic/nationalist areas is absent from the text. the continual references to a republican ‘we’ and a loyalist ‘them’ locates racism only in the latter group at the same time as it interpellates the passport holder within specific discourses of identity and belonging based on sectarian difference. figure . : front cover warn passport the passport was written by a member of the pat finucane centre in derry and produced as part of warn’s initiative to promote west belfast as an anti-racist ‘republic of conscience’ in may . as part of this campaign a mock security checkpoint was constructed on the falls road, and all passing cars and pedestrians were issued with the passport that was printed at a discounted rate by a local press (interview with anti-racism network, / / ). the event was launched by gerry adams mp, with local sinn fein politicians also in attendance, and all had their picture taken for the local press brandishing copies of the passport (interview with indian community centre, / / ). the stamps on the passport’s back page (see figure . ) suggest the support of a sizable number of community groups active in west belfast. surplus copies were later distributed at anti-racism network meetings and inserted into the welcome pack discussed later in this section. figure . : photo page, warn passport as technologies for the control of entry and exit from certain defined territories and spaces, passports are central to the production and maintenance of borders and processes of racialisation in modern states (kemp ). the use of a passport to carry an anti- the pat finucane centre is a centre for human rights and social change which is based in derry. it is named after a prominent catholic solicitor who was murdered by loyalists in belfast in in what has been one of the most controversial killings of ‘the troubles’. racist message disrupts this association with such exclusionary practices and suggests that one is entering an anti-racist space. in northern ireland this could be interpreted as an attempt to redefine citizenship in non-sectarian terms. however, the ‘issuing’ of these passports also produced a border around the area in which they were distributed and to which the text refers; namely ‘republican’ west belfast. as these passports were only circulated in republican areas they served to (re)produce sectarian boundaries and narratives of space and identity. as a consequence, in creating an anti-racist space this text (and the overall event) also maintained the production of space in sectarian terms. the ability of anti-racist representations to contribute to the (re)production of sectarian identities – and potentially divisions – has been noted throughout this chapter. this possibility is most graphically illustrated in a booklet entitled comhar na gcomharsan produced by warn for inclusion in an information pack geared towards migrants coming to live in west belfast. this seventy-two page booklet is made up of eighteen separate sections which deal with a range of topics including social security, leisure centres and useful emergency numbers ‘to help you settle into and live in west belfast’ (warn b: ). the tone of the text is far from neutral: in an introductory section on the history of the area, the british presence in northern ireland is referred to as ‘the occupation’. elsewhere, in a section on religious facilities in the area, only catholic churches are listed. the interpellation of new migrants into catholic and republican subject positions is demonstrated in the following advice concerning the police. the police force in the north of ireland (the psni) is seen by most people here as an extension of the british state and has no support. you should avoid calling them into the area, unless it is a necessity, e.g. for insurance purposes. if the psni ask questions about your neighbours, you should not answer them and you should inform your local community centre or councillor at once. it is advisable not to go to a psni station alone (warn, b: ). advising racialised groups not to contact the police is a dangerous example of the subsuming of new identities within dominant republican discourses and practices, in this instance opposition to the psni. although the booklet was supposed to help newcomers settle in the area, it serves to create a sectarianised subject; one who should, after reading the booklet, be able to behave in a ‘properly’ republican way. the production of the comhar na gcomharsan text followed a successful grant application written by warn to the racial equality unit (reu) of the office of the first minister and deputy first minister (ofmdfm) on behalf of the falls community council (fcc), a community group in west belfast. the fcc were awarded £ , to produce the welcome pack, and they asked warn to compile the text. not long after the launch of the pack in early , the reference to policing in the booklet was picked up in the northern irish media (emerson ). when the content of the text was brought to the attention of the reu in march , funding for the project was withdrawn (interview with director of racial equality unit, / / ). as the money had already been spent and the welcome packs printed, warn were forced to meet the publication costs. it was originally intended that the welcome pack would be distributed free of charge from the offices of community groups as well as those of politicians and service providers in west belfast. following its negative publicity, the pack was largely withdrawn from circulation, although i did see some copies distributed at the launch of the warn ‘pubs and clubs’ initiative (falls road, / / ). criticism of the pack was not confined to media and political spheres. one member of a prominent voluntary group on the falls road that works closely with the migrants described the welcome pack as ‘a nightmare’. this interviewee commented as follows: we weren’t party to that … it was poor, very very bad … it was supposed to be a welcome pack about what was available in the area, what community groups were available, what service provision, what shops there were, schools, churches. but it was very much a one sided document, sort of ‘don’t contact the psni’. there was a list of churches, but every church in it was a catholic church, there wasn’t a protestant as noted in the previous chapter, the republican position on policing in northern ireland has changed remarkably in the last year. while at the time of the publication of the welcome pack sinn fein were still refusing to endorse psni, in they reversed their decision and chose to support policing. this brought to an end to over eighty-five years of republican opposition to policing in northern ireland. they did this by arranging for damien dempsey, a dublin born folk singer pictured beside the ‘fight bigotry, fight racism’ mural in the press clipping in figure . , to play a fund raiser in belfast on their behalf (interview with anti-racist network, / / ). church in it. it was very narrow focused, in terms of the equality commission they couldn’t stand for it and there was a lot of complaints about it. a lot of councillors and that saying that it was totally unacceptable. it should have been more balanced, the content of it (interview with springfield charitable association, / / ). the comhar na gcomharsan text and its reception reiterates two key points about the relationship between multiculturalism and sectarianism in post-agreement northern ireland. first, this extreme example shows that sectarian division may be constructed within, and perpetuated by, anti-racist texts. if every new migrant in west belfast followed the advice contained in this booklet they would be quickly reproducing republican narratives of history and identity and contributing to the maintenance of sectarianism. second, and more hopefully, it was found that the construction of sectarian discourses and subject positions in anti-racist texts was not uncritically accepted. the springfield charitable association (sca) is located on the catholic/nationalist side of the springfield road and, as such, would generally deliver services to people describing themselves as ‘republican’. however, as the quote above demonstrates, the sca were not involved in the booklet and did not support its message. for this interviewee, the text was unbalanced and its inclusion of details of only catholic facilities sectarian. the fact that the text’s sectarian character was challenged by some in west belfast suggests that, in this context, cultural diversity and anti-racism is forcing people to critically reflect on sectarianism; even when sectarian divisions are being (re)produced in texts aimed at new ethnically-identified minorities in the area. . . . ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t be both’ as well as producing the ‘declare war on racism’ mural, the loyalist anti-racism campaign ‘showing your true colours’ on the shankill road also distributed anti-racist pamphlets and posters. these texts all carried the message loyalist or racist? you can’t be both and were initially circulated around loyalist areas of belfast in march . the image in figure . is taken from the front cover of this six-panelled glossy pamphlet and is somewhat clouded in ambiguity. the country of origin of the figure is unclear; perhaps she is south asian, perhaps not. the tattoos on the body are equally ambiguous; they might be henna-inspired designs or the types of tattoos popular amongst the white working-class in loyalist areas of belfast. it looks like a picture of a woman but the clothes, the sleeveless t-shirt and blue denims, seem to challenge assumptions about female dress. in this anti-racist pamphlet, the union jack t-shirt with ‘made in britain’ emblazoned across the front of the figure suggests that she could just as easily be a tough loyalist woman saying no to her friends as a potential victim of racialised violence. this ambiguity extends to the gesture of the out-stretched right arm which could be interpreted as a defensive ‘hands off’ or as a conciliatory reaching out. figure . : front panel, loyalist or racist? you can't be both it has been argued that, rather than challenging racism, the visual representation of the racialised body in anti-racist campaigns reproduces racism and racist modes of interpretation (murji ). representations of ‘race’ are generally negative, constructing difference as a ‘problem’ and reinforcing stereotypes (gilroy ; jackson a). the place of ‘race’ in figure . is quite uncertain. if the image is read as a victim of racist attacks (or even as a racialised loyalist) the style, clothing and gesture disrupts dominant narratives of victimhood attached to the racialised ‘other’ in northern ireland. accordingly, this representation appears to challenge simplistic assumptions about ‘race’, sexuality and even gender. however, the viewer is also called on to see the person in the photograph as a strong loyalist. this is done through the union jack t- shirt as well as the three phrases suspended above the image. ‘ulster says no’, ‘ulster will fight’ and ‘ulster will be right’ are all popular loyalist political slogans which emerged during the often violent loyalist protests in against the anglo-irish agreement. these protests led to increased paramilitary violence and the expulsion of many catholic/nationalists from protestant/unionist areas (cochrane ). in this image, ‘ulster says no’ and ‘ulster will be right’ are written in red and blue respectively, colours very closely associated with ulster loyalism (cairns ). despite using such an ambiguous image on its front cover, this pamphlet constructs anti- racism as an extension of a loyalist political position and locates it within dominant loyalist discourses and narratives. this appeal to loyalist narratives is continued on the inside pages of the pamphlet which are taken up with a series of photographic images accompanied by pieces of text. in the world war ii recruitment poster reproduced in figure . , representations of what appears to be a sikh man and a black man are pictured alongside, but anterior to, five white men. all the characters are carrying arms, the intimation being that they are defending the union jack fluttering behind them. the positionality of the subjects in this image is important. racialised bodies may be fighting with white men but they are located at the back, which suggests some degree of inferiority. the uniforms also support this reading. some of the white men wear the garb of the air force and the navy, but the racialised bodies depicted are members of the less prestigious regular army. this presentation of racialised ‘others’ as ‘loyal subjects’ was also noted in barthes’( ) analysis of a french ‘negro’ soldier saluting the tricolour on the front cover of a copy of paris match. figure . : british army recruitment poster, loyalist or racist? you can’t be both the image from the world war ii recruitment poster in figure . is juxtaposed with the promulgation that as loyal british subjects we are part of one of the greatest stories of world history. the world owes much to the british empire – freedom of political choice, thought and religious belief. international trade and many global institutions are the positive result of british influence in the world. the great movements of africa and asia towards self-government and independence were nurtured in the schools of empire. what was a right for us was offered as a right for all (loyalist commission : np). this quote suggests that without colonialism and, specifically, the british empire nation- states in africa and asia would not have developed self-government. this is a remarkably contradictory discourse. racist ideologies and contemporary racism are very much a product of colonial processes and the subjugation of ‘inferior’ peoples by white settlers (goldberg ). twentieth century independence movements were a product of colonial racism (balibar ) not, as suggested in the above quote, of religious and political ideas handed down by imperialists. furthermore, independence was rarely happily bequeathed by the british empire, it was a product of both post-world war ii social and political changes and armed independence movements in many colonies. the representations in this pamphlet fit homi bhabha’s ( ) definition of a ‘colonial text’ in that they disavow difference and the historical experience of colonialism. the pamphlet’s colonial discourse depicts racialised minorities as ‘loyal subjects’ and calls on loyalists to protect these groups as they did previously during the time of empire. the argument that the legacy of empire furnishes loyalists with an anti-racist history that can be used in the present day is deeply problematic. it constructs racialised groups as inherently inferior and in need of protection and denies the agency of these groups. consequently, the work of anti-racism becomes the acceptance, or possibly even the rejection, of these groups rather than the imagining of a future, non-racist society (anthias and lloyd ). as well as the pamphlet, three glossy a size posters were produced as part of the loyalist or racist? you can’t be both initiative. the images and text in these three posters is the same as that which adorns the back page of the pamphlet (see figure . ). on one poster a picture of a black man in military garb with what appears to be a sword resting on his shoulder is juxtaposed with the same ‘declare war on racism’ imploration that appeared in the loyalist anti-racist mural. this combative language reflects the ‘conflict culture’ which exists within many loyalist communities and which is bound up with a deep-seated ‘siege mentality’ in the wider history of ulster loyalism (shirlow and mcgovern ). during ‘the troubles’ the notion that loyalists were under siege from republicans was commonplace and, more recently, dissident loyalists have painted murals of the siege of derry to signal their dissatisfaction at power-sharing arrangements with catholic/nationalists (gallaher and shirlow : ). allied to the history of sectarian violence and conflict, this sense of being besieged seems to have produced a culture within which social issues are constructed in terms of ‘fights’ and ‘wars’ which must be ‘won’. as well as the contradictions inherent in constructing anti- racism as a battle, the use of such an unambiguously raced body in this poster (and in the other two posters discussed below) is also problematic. this image of a black man in military uniform could be accused of reifying socially constructed notions of ‘racial’ difference (gilroy ) and actually contributing to processes of racialisation in northern irish society (chan ; miles ; penrose and jackson ). although the image used in this anti-racist poster might appeal to people who identify with loyalist culture, the assumptions that inform these images may be counterproductive in advancing the vision of a socially cohesive future. figure . : triptych of posters, loyalist or racist? you can’t be both the photograph in the second poster is of a black glasgow rangers footballer, marvin andrews, with a union jack in the background. the text in red beside the picture reads ‘by tackling racism head on’. the use of a football metaphor in this poster mirrors anti-racist campaigns in england, most notably the football association’s ‘kick it out’ campaign and, more recently, the ‘show racism the red card’ campaign. while football matches are often the scene of racist behaviours in the rest of the uk, in northern ireland sport, especially football, has been an arena in which sectarian division and violence has been played out (sugden and bairner ). although based in scotland, glasgow rangers are a very popular side in loyalist areas of northern ireland for a number of historical and cultural reasons (bairner and shirlow ). in this poster, the presence of black players on the rangers team is used to illustrate the contribution of racialised ‘others’ to loyalist culture and, in the process, help the viewer identify with the campaign’s anti-racist message. the choice of marvin andrews also seems noteworthy. while there have been a number of more prominent black rangers players, andrews is well known as a devout born-again christian. in selecting andrews for this poster, then, it seems that an attempt is being made to highlight the presence of racialised difference in both protestantism and glasgow rangers. the final poster involves a photograph of what appear to be members of african branches of the orange order marching in an orange parade beside the slogan ‘ensuring civil and religious liberties for all’. the orange order plays an integral role in the everyday lives of many loyalists (cairns ). orange parades, which occur all year round but are particularly concentrated around july th, are key symbolic and material processes in the (re)production of loyalist political identities in space (bryan ; jarman ). in the photograph at the foot of figure . , there appears to be a white northern irish orangeman in the left foreground with three black members of the order behind him. although the orange lodge is associated primarily with northern ireland, it has branches around the world; including in togo and ghana in west africa, and members of these west african lodges have regularly attended the th july marches in the ‘kick it out’ campaign was established in to challenge racism and work for positive change in english football. the campaign works through all levels of football, from professional to amateur, to raise debate and tackle racism in the game. recently the campaign has been updated and rebranded as ‘show racism the red card’. this campaign has been active at football grounds and elsewhere in england, scotland, wales, northern ireland and the republic of ireland. andrews once famously refused medical treatment for a horrific leg injury saying that god would heal him. relying solely on prayer he recovered in time to take part in the world cup, representing trinidad and tobago. belfast in recent years. in recent decades, orange order parades have become increasingly contentious (bryan ). discourses of tradition and civil liberty are often employed to justify parade routes which pass by or through catholic/nationalist areas (cairns ). this poster’s anti-racist message pivots on two related claims. first, as loyalists and orangemen are upholders of civil and religious liberty they should defend racialised minorities. second, as there is racialised difference in the orange order, for loyalists to engage in racist behaviour is to discriminate against members of their most sanctified loyal institution. the posters and pamphlets discussed in this section were published and distributed by the loyalist commission (see base of figure . ). the pamphlets were distributed mainly to community centres and voluntary groups and the posters given out to pubs and clubs in loyalist areas. one interviewee commented that the poster showing african branches of the orange order was ‘by far the most popular’ in the bars ‘because it’s funny’ (interview with shankill alternatives, belfast, / / ). the idea that black men were members of the orange order challenged the assumptions of drinkers, many of whom were members of the orange order themselves and would presumably see the institution as exclusively white. although most of the posters were apparently distributed, stockpiles of pamphlets in shankill alternatives’ offices almost a year after the campaign launch suggested that many of the pamphlets remained undistributed. one possible reason for this is the fact that many outside the loyalist constituency found the images and associations used in the pamphlets and posters offensive and unhelpful. some interviewees representing ethnically-identified minorities in belfast were deeply dissatisfied with the confrontational tone of the pamphlet and refused to distribute it (interview with chinese welfare association, / / ). this suggests that, while the campaign may have had some level of popular support in loyalist areas, it also had a divisive effect as it alienated ethnically-identified minorities living in the same loyalist areas. the statement ‘loyalist or racist? you can’t both’, which is the overarching message of both the pamphlets and the posters, is a powerful one. constructing loyalism and racism as mutually exclusive ideologies provides a clear message for everyone exposed to it. in looking more closely at the symbols and narratives used in these texts, this section has highlighted both the productive ambiguity of some representations and the problematic contradictions embedded within others. at various points these texts make reference to loyalist opposition to the anglo-irish agreement, loyalist involvement in colonialism and the presence of racialised difference in the glasgow rangers football team and the orange order. although the aim of these references is to persuade loyalists to be anti- racist, they all rely on particular narratives of history, identity and belonging grounded in ulster loyalism and exclude those not included in this tradition. as such, these anti- racist representations reflect the particular (sectarian) political culture and context within which they were produced and circulated (lentin ). it is also important to note that as well as being visual representations, the loyalist or racist? you can’t be both posters and pamphlets are also material objects whose presence marks a space as belonging to a specific (loyalist) ‘side’ of the sectarian divide. while these posters and pamphlets were produced to promote an anti-racist message, in this context their message is structured by – and even tends to both symbolically and materially (re)produce – narratives of identity and belonging grounded in sectarianism. . . conclusion in this chapter, the final analysis chapter of the dissertation, the attention turned to another sub-field of multiculturalism (anti-racism), looking, specifically, at the visual culture produced by anti-racist campaigns in west belfast. visual culture such as political murals, posters and pamphlets contribute to the construction and (re)production of sectarian identities in northern ireland. this chapter examined how new agendas of social relations (anti-racism) are being reflected in, and are potentially reshaping, these important traditions of cultural and political expression. the empirical focus of this chapter was on anti-racist representations produced by grassroots anti-racist groups in west belfast. as the brief discussion on west belfast highlighted, this is an area deeply divided along sectarian lines. residential segregation in west belfast is particularly stark, and visual culture are often used to reflect the different (sectarian) identities on both sides of the ‘peaceline’. yet, like the rest of northern ireland, west belfast is changing. the number of ethnically-identified minorities coming to live in the area has increased, as has the number of racist attacks reported to the police. grassroots anti-racist groups emerged in west belfast in this context. this chapter looked specifically at anti-racist visual culture produced by two such groups: the west against racism network (warn) on the predominantly republican falls road and shankill alternatives on the loyalist shankill road. the analysis of the anti-racist representations produced by both warn and shankill alternatives reiterated the key findings of this thesis; namely the mutual imbrication of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland and the importance of context in dictating how they effect one another. as this chapter showed, at many junctures anti- racism is structured by sectarianism. the anti-racist murals produced by both warn and shankill alternatives relied heavily on narratives and symbols drawn from specific (sectarian) traditions and influences. the most graphic illustration of the (re)production of sectarianism in anti-racist visual culture was found in comhar na gcormharsan, a booklet produced by warn for migrant workers coming to west belfast. this text, with its advice to new migrants to avoid contacting the police, served to interpellate ethnically-identified minorities into catholic and republican subject positions. similarly, the colonial discourses contained in the loyalist or racist? you can’t be both initiative's posters and pamphlets only made reference to loyalist narratives and ignored the agency of racialised minorities. the impact of sectarianism on anti-racist agendas was even felt when anti-racist messages were produced in less traditional mediums. although the warn passport attempted to create an anti-racist space in west belfast, as it was only distributed in republican areas and relied on republican narratives, the space it produced was simultaneously defined in terms of sectarianism. while the use of the visual culture of sectarian division to produce an anti-racist message may be considered problematic, it also provides opportunities to advance anti- racist arguments in media most likely to reach a captive audience in areas such as west belfast. despite the absence of cross-community anti-racism initiatives, this chapter’s analysis of anti-racist visual culture in west belfast did uncover moments where the presence of cultural diversity seemed to temper dominant sectarian ways of being and doing. the mural to fredrick douglass on the falls road included an acknowledgment of the role of some irish in racist practices that has been identified as crucial to building wider anti-racist alliances on the island. also, the sectarian messages contained in anti- racist campaigns were not always unquestioningly accepted. the analysis of the production of the ‘declare war on racism’ mural showed that its message had been contested and that an earlier version had a much greater focus on anti-racism than on loyalist narratives. similarly, the sectarian discourses contained in the comhar na gcormharsan booklet were rejected by an interviewee from a community group directly involved with new migrants in the falls road area. elsewhere, the direct involvement of filipino youths in painting the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural suggests that the cultural practices that have helped maintain sectarian division may be in the process of being adopted, and potentially transformed, by new migrant groups. moving beyond sectarianism requires more than a thin veneer of multiculturalism; it demands that northern ireland embraces a genuinely post-sectarian and multicultural framework. the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural’s message and the story of its production is a powerful symbol of hope that multiculturalism can contribute to northern ireland moving towards a socially cohesive future. chapter eight conclusion . introduction this dissertation has examined multiculturalism in the specific context of a society divided along sectarian lines. my work has demonstrated that sectarianism and multiculturalism are mutually constituted in post-agreement northern ireland. in many contexts the sectarianism that is embedded in northern irish society, space and institutional structures makes it very difficult to pursue a multicultural vision of society. for example, chapter seven showed that visual culture produced by anti-racist groups in west belfast (re)produces sectarian narratives and identities. although it was overwhelmingly the case that sectarianism undermined emerging multicultural agendas, i also located some beacons of hope – contexts in which multiculturalism seemed to temper sectarianism. for example, chapter six suggested that practices which seek to recognise cultural diversity – such as multicultural festivals – might have the potential to introduce wider debates on identity and difference in northern ireland beyond the ‘two traditions’. this finding suggests the possibility that the presence of cultural diversity and the emergence of multicultural agendas might be helping northern ireland move forward into a future that is not just post-conflict but post-sectarian too. this concluding chapter begins with a review of the dissertation in order to show how the over-arching argument was built up and developed in each of the preceding chapters. the succeeding section reflects, in light of the conclusions drawn from the empirical chapters, on some of the theoretical and empirical implications of these conclusions. this reflection considers the contribution that the research makes to the literature on sectarianism in northern ireland and multiculturalism in complexly diverse societies. the chapter ends with a brief discussion on the implications of the findings for contemporary northern irish society and its attempts to realise a post-conflict, post- sectarian vision of itself. . a review of the dissertation chapter one very briefly introduced and outlined the structure of this dissertation. in seeking to explore and understand multicultural agendas in a society divided along sectarian lines, i had to have a theoretical grasp of both multiculturalism and sectarianism. to fully account for these processes in contemporary northern ireland, it was also important to consider relevant empirical research on emerging multicultural agendas in this context. chapter two’s tri-partite structure addressed these distinct but overlapping literatures and materials. the first section sought to conceptualise sectarianism in this research. recent work from within the framework of geographies of religion was briefly reviewed, and was shown to be inadequate for understanding the complexly embedded nature of sectarianism in northern ireland. as the ensuing discussion suggested, sectarianism in northern ireland involves complex sets of discourses and social practices through which specific constructions of space and social identity based on sectarian difference are (re)produced. in the next section, i reviewed a range of literatures relevant to understanding multiculturalism in contemporary societies. i argued that multiculturalism can be understood as a wide range of strategies for fixing the meaning of cultural diversity in society (hall ). i identified four separate approaches to understanding multiculturalism (demographic multiculturalism, the politics of recognition, anti-racism, and multicultural policy and its institutional structures), and showed how each was conceptualised and understood in relation to my research agenda. in the final section, i accounted for literature on multiculturalism and anti-racism in contemporary northern ireland. this discussion suggested the absence of, and need for, extensive, empirical research on the intersection of sectarianism and emerging multicultural agendas in northern ireland. i had several methodological and procedural considerations to assess in order to successfully conduct research that would illuminate the relationship between emerging multicultural agendas and sectarianism in post-agreement northern ireland. in chapter three, i explored these considerations, thinking through both the methodological and practical rationale behind my research choices. looking back, i began this chapter by outlining the broad commitment to discourse analysis which i adopted in this research. i discussed the utility of discourse analysis for looking at talk and text (including visual materials), and argued in favour of extending this method to include an engagement with social practice. as a consequence, my qualitative research design combined observation with interviewing, visual methods, and analysis of policy and institutional structures. i argued that the use of such a broad range of qualitative methods helped strengthen the validity of research findings by allowing for the triangulation of data gleaned from different sources. in terms of practicalities, chapter three clearly laid out the criteria by which research sites and units of analysis were selected. the general empirical focus on belfast was justified in terms of both my own location and that of the research participants. i also provided a detailed account of the fieldwork process; focusing, in particular, on interviewing as this was the main method employed. considering the practice of conducting qualitative interviews led me to reflect on, amongst other things, the effect of my identity as a southern irish catholic on interviewee responses. here i argued that interviewer-interviewee similarity is not essential for successful interviewing (rose ) and that my own identity did not unduly bias the research. later in the chapter, i reflected on the methodological tensions that arose from the uncertain political situation during the fieldwork period. rather than present an account of an ideal, fully devolved context, the research presented a snapshot of northern irish institutional structures and practices at a particular historical moment. although the possibility of using research techniques from non-representational approaches was also considered, this chapter concluded that the methods used and approaches taken were well-suited to addressing my research goals and objectives. chapter four provided background material on the history and politics of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland necessary to fully understand the later analytical chapters. the brief overview of the history of northern ireland showed how sectarianism has been deeply embedded in northern irish politics and society since the ulster plantations of the seventeenth century. the northern ireland state was itself a product of sectarian division, and it was this social stratification that, eventually, precipitated ‘the troubles’. in this chapter, i argued that attempts to manage sectarian relations and promote peace in northern ireland have generally prioritised the recognition and accommodation of sectarian identities. it is hardly surprising, then, that the agreement has, in some contexts, contributed to a reiteration of sectarian politics. although sectarian division continues to structure the everyday lives of many in northern ireland, significant changes have taken place since the agreement. the cessation of armed conflict has been accompanied by an economic upturn and broader social and political change. one significant change identified has been the increased presence of cultural diversity as northern ireland, for the first time in recorded history, is experiencing net in-migration from a variety of source countries. in considering the changing histories and geographies of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland, i argued that multicultural agendas have emerged against a backdrop of increased migration and diversity (and concomitant racisms), and alongside attempts to present northern ireland as a ‘normal’ society that is trying to move beyond sectarianism. the substantive chapters of the dissertation presented empirical material to demonstrate the mutual constitution of sectarianism and multiculturalism in northern ireland and the effect of context in determining the nature of this relationship. i focused in chapter five on the emergence of multicultural policy initiatives within post-agreement governing institutions, examining institutional structures, policy, and interviews with civil servants and policy makers. i sought to show how a concern for ‘race’ and identities beyond the ‘two traditions’ has begun to animate post-agreement public policy. it was shown that there has been an active effort to shift the status of sectarian (community) and multicultural (good) relations so both are seen as equivalent. increasingly, the presence of cultural diversity in society is being held up by politicians and policy makers as emblematic of, and integral to, a ‘normal’ northern ireland. although multicultural agendas have emerged in northern irish policy, this chapter demonstrated that sectarianism embedded in institutional structures and practices has a negative impact on these progressive, pluralist agendas. analysing the structures of institutions involved in the governing of multicultural issues, i found a very complex, unwieldy and uncertain situation. the fragmented state structure and the separation of powers between devolved and non-devolved administrations clearly undermined multicultural policy agendas. i argued that this institutional arrangement is not a product of bad design or poor management, but arises directly from the privileging of sectarian identities in the agreement. the example of the reallocation of ‘no religion’ responses to the northern irish census into sectarian categories illustrated clearly the resilience of sectarian constructions of identity in the institutional practices of the new, ‘normal’ northern ireland. in this context the pluralist, multicultural focus of much post- agreement social policy must negotiate – and is often stymied by – manifestations of sectarianism within the political institutions and their practices. chapter six again demonstrated the persistence of an older, sectarian inheritance in northern ireland’s emergent multicultural imaginary. in this chapter, i explored two specific dimensions of a multicultural society: responses to racism and initiatives which raise awareness of cultural diversity. i argued that while a hate crime poster produced by the psni presented racism and sectarianism as equivalent in a ‘normal’ northern ireland, sectarianism seriously undermines police responses to racialised violence. the police remain preoccupied with sectarianism, and ethnically-identified minorities feel that their issues are often ignored and marginalised. furthermore, the historical sectarianisation of policing in northern ireland not only makes it difficult for ethnically- identified minorities to speak of their rights on their own terms but even structures the reporting of racist incidents in some areas. similarly, the politics of recognition was found to sit awkwardly with embedded sectarianism. the samhain/diwali festival in north belfast demonstrated that celebrations of cultural diversity may be structured by sectarian territoriality. while sectarianism structures multicultural initiatives in many contexts, the experience of a white northern irish woman invited into a protestant school to talk about the chinese community suggested that, in some instances, multicultural agendas are being used to avoid addressing the legacy of the sectarian division that is embedded in northern irish society. more hopefully, chapter six also suggested that multicultural agendas are capable of changing how sectarianism is approached and understood. although the introduction of hate crime legislation in was a direct response to ‘race’-based attacks, this has led to the police defining and recording sectarian incidents for the first time. i argued that this change in the policing of sectarian incidents has altered the way sectarianism is performed and, consequently, (re)produced. drawing on interviews with organisers of celebrations of multicultural diversity, i proposed that such initiatives could challenge sectarian conceptualisations of identity and space in northern ireland. sectarianism still complicates attempts to recognise cultural diversity, but these emergent practices offer an important opportunity to disrupt the popular perception that northern ireland is composed of just ‘two traditions’ and sectarianism is a natural, ahistorical way of being. visual culture, such as murals, posters and pamphlets, play an important role in the (re)production of sectarian identities in northern ireland (jarman ). chapter seven explored how new anti-racist agendas in west belfast are being articulated in these notable expressions of political and cultural identity. the analysis of visual culture produced by grassroots anti-racist groups on both sides of the shankill/falls peaceline illustrated, quite literally, the extent to which anti-racist visions in west belfast are structured by sectarianism. these anti-racist representations often used sectarian narratives and symbols and (re)produced constructions of identity and belonging based on sectarian difference. the sectarian identifications contained in these texts also served to incorporate new migrants entering west belfast into dominant, sectarian subject positions. although sectarian considerations had a significant impact on these anti-racist agendas, these sectarian narratives were not always uncritically accepted, as the response to the comhar na gcormhasan welcome pack demonstrated. the very existence of these anti-racist campaigns was held up as illustrative of the social changes taking place in both west belfast and northern ireland more generally. furthermore, the involvement of filipino youths in the painting of the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural revealed that the cultural practices that have maintained and (re)produced sectarian identities and boundaries may be in the process of being radically reshaped by new migrant groups. this example suggests that, in some contexts, multicultural agendas have the potential not only to temper sectarianism and its expression, but could contribute to the realisation of a multicultural, post-sectarian northern ireland. . concluding reflections on sectarianism, multiculturalism and their outworking in northern ireland this dissertation has traced a journey through the operationalisation of a multicultural imaginary in a society historically divided along sectarian lines. my research has made it abundantly clear that multiculturalism and sectarianism do not exist separately in the society in which they are manifest. instead, the emergence of multicultural agendas and strategies in the context of contemporary northern ireland shows that multiculturalism and sectarianism are mutually constituted in complex ways. this finding has real implications for the success or failure of multicultural agendas in northern ireland. the opportunities for turning multicultural visions of a post-conflict northern ireland into social reality are going to remain slim as long as sectarianism continues to play such a dominant role in structuring social relations and governing institutions. later in this section i will consider briefly the potential for realising such a post-conflict vision of northern irish society, but first i would like to reflect on some broader conclusions about both sectarianism in northern ireland and multiculturalism in complexly diverse societies that can be drawn from my dissertation. sectarianism in northern ireland my research demonstrates that the fear that the agreement could precipitate a situation in which the ‘two traditions’ come to dominate all other groups in northern irish society (little ; palshaugen ) has, to a certain extent, already been realised. i argue that the reason for this is the continued reproduction of sectarianism in northern irish society and space. my work shows that sectarianism remains in post-agreement northern ireland, and, what is more, is being (re)produced and sustained by the very institutions charged with moving society beyond sectarianism. as was illustrated most clearly in chapter seven, even new multicultural agendas are being used to (re)produce sectarian narratives and identities. this finding supports cairns’ ( : ) contention that as long as the everyday processes and practices that symbolically and materially reproduce sectarianism are in operation ‘the basic problem will remain untouched irrespective of political settlement’. there was also noted a tendency to treat sectarianism and racism as equivalent processes in recent academic analyses of social relations in northern ireland (for example, mcveigh and rolston ). in this dissertation, i argued both that sectarianism and racism are not identical, and that it is important to understand why and how sectarianism and racism are collapsed into one another in the discourses of post-agreement northern ireland. this latter process should, i suggested in chapters five and six, be understood as a facet of northern ireland’s attempts to depict itself as a ‘normal’ society that it moving beyond sectarianism (bairner ). in this context, sectarianism and racism are being constructed as two equivalent processes that co-exist in – and to a certain extent actively define – a multicultural northern ireland. however, my work shows that in spite of these visions of ‘normality’ social relations in northern ireland remain structured by embedded and dominant sectarian division (shirlow and murtagh ). the important question then becomes how can sectarianism in northern ireland be most productively understood and challenged. in this dissertation, i conceptualised sectarianism not as a static description of relations between catholic/nationalists and protestant/unionists, but as those sets of interactive discourses, narratives and embodied practices which (re)produce ways of seeing the world based on sectarian difference (cairns ; shirlow ). challenging sectarianism, then, becomes a matter of changing how it is performed and (re)produced in everyday life. at various junctures my research provides empirical support for catherine nash’s ( ) contention that conceiving of northern ireland in terms of multiculturalism and cultural diversity has the potential to undermine sectarian conceptualisations of society and space. chapter six showed how the existence of cultural diversity and ‘race’-based hate crime in northern irish society has led to significant changes in the police approach towards sectarian incidents. even more promisingly, the painting of a mural by filipino youths (chapter seven) suggests that the cultural features of sectarian division could be adopted – and possibly transformed – by new ethnically-identified minorities. i would argue that conceptualising sectarianism as a fluid, contextual set of relations, discourses and practices allows research to identify both the points at which it is being embedded and strengthened and those at which it may be challenged and undermined. such an approach would be very useful for any future research that examines sectarianism in northern ireland and the efficacy of attempts to realise a ‘normal’, post-sectarian society. multiculturalism in complexly diverse societies although arguably more extreme when overlaid with sectarianism, multiculturalism reaches practical and philosophical limits in all diverse societies (cf. barry ; little ; schaap ; vertovec b). as northern ireland is an example of a complexly diverse society, my research can be seen to have implications for the understanding of multiculturalism in other contexts. in this section, i look at how my work provides empirically-based support for some of the discussions and criticisms of multiculturalism in diverse societies. this dissertation represents an important contribution to the scholarly literature on multiculturalism as it speaks directly to the concern that critiques of multiculturalism have tended to rely more on theoretical extrapolations than empirical research on multicultural agendas in practice (wood and gilbert ). i did not set out to deny the potentially positive benefits that can arise from the presence of cultural diversity in contemporary societies. indeed, my work broadly supports will kymlicka’s ( ) contention that cultural diversity can facilitate pluralism, particularly in societies which possess well-defined ‘national minorities’. practices such as multicultural festivals, which reflect the presence of what kymlicka refers to as ‘immigrant multiculturalism’, could potentially play a significant role in promoting tolerance and respect in contested societies with strong national minorities, such as northern ireland. however, i would like to issue the caveat that the meaning and limits of immigrant multiculturalism are rarely set by ethnically-identified minorities themselves. as both hage ( ) and hesse ( ) argue, the terms by which immigrant groups are recognised within multicultural processes are generally dictated by the ‘host’ society. the empirical material presented in chapter six supports this contention. this work showed that ethnically-identified minorities are often forced to perform simplistic versions of their putative cultures and identities as they struggle for wider societal recognition (hall ; sivanandan ). furthermore, i also argue, as elizabeth povenilli ( ) does, that immigrant multiculturalism is sometimes appropriated by dominant social groups and used to by-pass other more difficult and historically intransigent issues of social difference. as my research on the samhain/diwali festival and the experiences of some of those involved in multicultural initiatives in northern ireland demonstrated, there is a danger that the recognition of cultural diversity can be used in an attempt to circumvent the historically embedded problem of sectarianism and its continuing legacy in structuring social relations. this finding has implications beyond the relatively narrow confines of northern ireland. while sectarianism itself may not be a problem in most other diverse societies, discrimination along other axes of difference such as gender, class and income certainly is. my work shows once again how the concerns of racialised minorities in contemporary western nation-states (often around issues such as social justice and economic redistribution) may be ignored as these minorities are appropriated by dominant social groups in the service of the nation’s multicultural imagination of itself (abbas ; craig ; fraser ; hage ). my research also highlighted the importance of looking at the ‘institutional implications’ of multicultural policy in diverse societies (uitermark, rossi and van houtum : ). the analysis in chapter five of the emergence of multicultural agendas in the public policy of post-agreement northern ireland supported the contention that the political structures and institutional frameworks that multicultural policy is produced and enacted within can be just as significant as the content of policy itself (anthias and yuval-davis ; ben-tovim, gabriel, law and stredder ). in my work, the negative impact that the complex, fragmented and unwieldy institutional structures of post-agreement northern ireland had on the goals and ambitions of multicultural agendas expressed in public policy was starkly revealed. this suggests that future research on multiculturalism in other contexts should attend to political and institutional structures as well as policy positions. the extent to which initiatives aimed at addressing the problem of racism can actually contribute to processes of racialisation in society was another theme that emerged at a number of junctures in my analysis (gilroy ). the representations used in both the psni hate crime awareness campaign (chapter six) and in some of the anti-racist campaigns in west belfast (chapter seven) reproduced stereotypical images of ‘racial’ difference. although the goal of these campaigns was anti-racist, they were primarily concerned with the recognition and protection of ‘racial’ difference, and, as such, could be accused of aiding the racialisation of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland (gilroy ; murji ). the analysis of these representations visibly illustrated some of the problems inherent in relativist conceptions of anti-racism that have previously been identified in the academic literature (bonnett ; wievorka ). as well as reifying the social construction ‘race’, such an approach to anti-racist action fails to challenge other vectors of discrimination and leaves little space for a wider reaching anti-racist project (detant ; lentin ). to avoid these problems and build a stronger movement, anti-racism has to happen alongside and in tandem with other axes of difference besides ‘race’. making the case for an all-encompassing, emancipatory anti-racism, karim murji ( : ) proposes that anti-racism requires a more developed and refined tactics of engagement in which racism could be considered through a wider lens or perspective than race itself, and its articulation with other social divisions, such as gender and age is brought out. while my research shows that in the northern ireland context the main vector of difference anti-racism needs to include is sectarianism, in other contexts it could be caste, gender, sexuality and so on that is most prominent. in the discussion of the ‘i’m not your stereotype’ mural in chapter seven, i noted in passing the potential power of anti-discrimination as a social and political message. i would argue that anti-racist campaigns that can successfully marshal a wider discourse of anti-discrimination have greater potential to cut across and unite different vectors of difference than those that focus narrowly on the social construction ‘race’. although alana lentin ( ) has shown that anti-racist campaigns reflect the political culture of the nation-state in which they are located, my work suggests that, in the northern ireland context at least, anti- racism may also possess the potential to break out of – and maybe even move beyond – dominant narratives and political identities. perhaps then a broader anti-racist political project that would allow for the definition and creation of alternative social visions for complex, diverse societies could eventually be realised (anthias and lloyd ; lloyd ; ). realising a multicultural, post-sectarian northern ireland i would like to conclude my research by briefly considering the possible implications of these findings for contemporary northern ireland. this dissertation has not ‘proved’ that multiculturalism and diversification can eventually precipitate the movement of northern ireland beyond sectarianism. what it has done is highlighted both the need for and limits of alternative visions of what the post-conflict society could and should look like. there is a clear need for such a debate in northern ireland as it continues the long and often painful process of leaving behind the violence of ‘the troubles’ and embracing democratic processes and principles. ten years on the agreement looks less like an end point and more like a crucial first phase in the building of a new, peaceful northern ireland. this political settlement brought the conflict to a negotiated conclusion and created a space in which new visions of northern ireland could be produced and, potentially, enacted. in many respects the explicit recognition of nationalists and unionists in the agreement was a vital prerequisite for peace and devolved power-sharing. but now, as my work shows, northern ireland needs something more than the recursive cycle produced by the institutionalisation of sectarian mindsets. although the reestablishment of political devolution within the context of its changed constitutional relationship with the rest of the united kingdom could prove crucial in sustaining the political progress made, the institutional structures established for governing post-agreement northern ireland continue to see the world through a sectarian-tinted lens. the difficulty this places on creating and sustaining alternative visions of social relations in northern ireland has been only too clearly revealed in my work. as long as sectarianism continues to be (re)produced unchallenged in northern irish society and space, the prognosis for genuinely moving beyond sectarianism will remain pessimistic. of course, it is possible that sectarianism in northern ireland might just disappear over time without the need for social and political intervention. perhaps the benefits of peace will ‘trickle-down’ through every stratum of northern irish society and those discourses and practices which (re)produce sectarianism will simply wither away. maybe the housing boom and the plethora of new developments which are sprouting up in ‘neutral’ areas, such as the titanic quarter on belfast’s docks, will eventually force an end to residential segregation along sectarian lines. with an end to segregation in housing, maybe then sectarianism will finally dissipate and become an archaic way of being. and yet there have been precious few signs that sectarianism has been fatally weakened since the peace process. indeed, many commentators have suggested that, in some contexts, the exact opposite has occurred (shirlow and murtagh ). against this backdrop, i would argue that if northern ireland wants to get rid of sectarianism more quickly and explicitly then there will have to be much more proactive work in this regard across every tier of government and society. there is also an identifiable need for further research on multicultural agendas in northern ireland, particularly on the views and experiences of ethnically-identified minorities. as i noted in the discussion on demographic multiculturalism in northern ireland in chapter two, there has been a paucity of research on the changing histories and geographies of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland. during the course of this research i spoke to representatives from various ethnically-identified organisations and groups in belfast. although this allowed me to engage at different junctures in the dissertation with the experiences and perspectives of ethnically- identified minorities, this was not the over-riding objective of my work. given my research aims and goals, the nature of my engagement with ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland was always going to be partial and limited to the voices and opinions of prominent representatives. the absence of an in-depth understanding of the everyday experiences of ethnically-identified minorities in northern ireland is an important issue that should be addressed in future research. such work needs to look beyond public representatives to explore the views of ‘ordinary’ migrants. it is also important that such future research explores the new migrant communities that have developed in rural and semi-rural parts of northern ireland (shuttleworth ) as well as the more established communities in belfast. in conclusion, i would argue that whether or not a multicultural vision of society could, or even should, be realised in northern ireland is still open for debate and discussion. what is vital, as my research clearly shows, is that the privileging of sectarian identities is brought to an end. i would argue that the only way that this can happen is through a more explicit commitment to pluralism and cultural diversity. instead of privileging catholic/nationalist and protestant/unionist cultural expressions, cultural policy and institutional structures need to recognise the divergent histories and ‘cultures’ of all the people of northern ireland. such a broad cultural policy could play a significant role in the re-imagining of society beyond the sectarian binaries of orange and green. at the same time, there is a need for an explicitly anti-sectarian agenda that names and addresses sectarianism in all its manifestations. ultimately, i do not know if cultural diversity and the recognition of senses of identity and belonging beyond the tired tropes of sectarianism will be enough to move northern ireland beyond sectarianism. one thing is certain, though, northern irish society will always find it hard to move in any positive direction, multicultural or otherwise, as long as sectarianism is allowed to continue to colonise social relations. appendix i: sample letter of introduction � � � � � � � � � � � � dear chinese welfare association, my name is peter geoghegan and i am a phd research student in geography in the university of edinburgh. my research explores the effect of increasing cultural diversity on northern ireland as it tries to move beyond sectarianism. i am interested in the history of the chinese community and their experiences of living in northern ireland. i would very much appreciate it if you could spare some of your time (approximately - minutes) to talk to me about the history and aims of the chinese welfare association and the types of activities that you are engaged in. i would also like to talk to you about problems experienced and whether official responses have been satisfactory. this project is for research and not commercial purposes. by consenting to being interviewed you are agreeing to allow me to use this interview in my research. your consent is, however, completely voluntary, and at any time you are free to stop the interview and/or withdraw any information given (e.g. ‘off-the-record’ remarks will not be quoted or referred to). i can be contacted by phone ( ) or e-mail (p.geoghegan@sms.ed.ac.uk). thanks for your time and i look forward to hearing from you, yours faithfully, _______________________ peter geoghegan � � �������	 � ��
������������������� � �	����������� ������������	� ���������������� ��������	��
 �!"#� appendix ii: interview index community/voluntary organisation date animate an munia tober / / / / anti-racism network / / belfast islamic centre / / chinese welfare association / / community change / / embrace / / indian community centre / / latino-american association law centre (ni) / / / / lisburn prisoner support program / / multicultural resource centre / / northern ireland council for ethnic minorities / / republican mural artist / / shankill alternatives (supplementary telephone correspondence; / / ) / / south belfast partnership springfield charitable association / / / / government organisation alliance party (steve farry mla) date / / belfast city council / / community relations council / / community relations unit / / community safety unit / / department of social development / / equality commission northern ireland / / equality directorate / / northern ireland council for integrated education / / northern ireland human rights commission / / police service of northern ireland (supplementary e-mail correspondence; / - / / ) / / racial equality unit, deputy head racial equality unit, director / / / / appendix iii: sample interview schedules introduction: thanks for agreeing to participate in this research. as i mentioned in my e-mail, this research is about the effect that increasing cultural diversity is having on northern ireland as it tries to move beyond sectarianism. the research will involve interviews with individuals, observation at events and analysis of policy and other documents. i am a postgraduate student at the university of edinburgh, and this research will eventually be submitted as a phd dissertation. interview process: informed consent: you will be asked for your consent to record your interview. this consent will be granted by signing the consent form that i give you. you will also be asked if the interview material can be used for research purposes. i will provide you with my contact details and you can request a copy of your interview transcript. confidentiality: the tapes and transcripts of your interview will be held confidentially by myself. you will not be identified in any research publications, unless you request this. questions or concerns?: if you have any questions or would like to discuss any aspect of this project at any stage, please contact me or the supervisor of this project, or ask me any questions as we go along. do you have any questions to start? interview lead-in: all interviews began with a short series of factual questions around topics such as how long the interviewee had been working in their position and the history and functions of their institution or organisation. these factual questions helped build rapport and made it easier to move onto more substantive issues. sample interview questions for ‘government’ interviewee: below are a sample of the themes and questions from an interview with the deputy head of the racial equality unit (reu): history and structure: q . there seems to have been a lot of change in the government structure of northern ireland in recent years, could you tell me how the racial equality unit came into being? q . what is the main function of the reu? q . what size is your unit? what is its budget? how many people work in the reu? q . what is your role within the reu? q . what governmental and non-governmental institutions does the reu regularly interact with? multicultural policy: q . i have read the draft of the racial equality strategy. what do you think are the main aims of the strategy? q . how important do you think it is to have policies aimed at culturally diverse groups in northern ireland? q . until quite recently there was little or no legislation against racism in northern ireland, but now issues of racism and cultural diversity seem to be very much on the policy agenda. would you agree with this statement? if yes, why do you think this is the case? q . what actions do you expect the strategy to generate? q . how will the reu work with other government departments to ensure that the strategy is implemented? q . the strategy highlights the role of the racial equality forum, what is this? how does it work? do you think it has been successful? multiculturalism, racism and sectarianism: q . there seems to have been an increase in reports of racist incidents, do you think racism is a serious problem in northern ireland? if yes, what do you think needs to be done about this issue? q . do you think cultural diversity is changing northern ireland? if yes, in what ways? q . some people have suggested to me that the government’s focus on tackling racism is an attempt to distract attention away from sectarianism in northern irish society. would you agree with this statement? sample interview questions for ‘community’ interviewee: below are a sample of the themes and questions from an interview with the chief executive officer of the northern ireland council for ethnic minorities (nicem): history: q . when was nicem founded? why? q . when nicem began what kind of work was it engaged in? q . how has nicem changed over the years? current activities: q . who are members of nicem? q . how is nicem funded? q . what kind of events do nicem organise and participate in? q . is nicem involved in events to raise awareness of cultural diversity in northern ireland? if yes, what exactly does this event(s) involve and what are its aims? who is expected to attend the event(s)? where did funding for the event(s) come from? government responses to racism: q . what is your opinion of government’s responses to the problem of racism in northern ireland? are you satisfied with the actions of the police service of northern ireland around ‘race’ hate crime? q . do you think government initiatives aimed at tackling racism and promoting good race relations have been successful? what issues/concerns have you with these? q . how familiar are you with the policies a shared future and racial equality strategy? do you think they can have a positive benefit for minorities in northern ireland? multiculturalism and sectarianism: q . do you think cultural diversity is changing northern ireland? if yes, in what ways? q . in your opinion, what are the biggest problems facing members of ethnically- identified minorities in northern ireland today? q . do you ever feel that sometimes racism and racial discrimination are not being addressed because of sectarianism? if yes, tell me about an experience you have had of this happening. participant observation as the interview with the ‘community’ interviewee draws to a close, i explain that i am interested in attending events they are organising to raise awareness of cultural diversity in northern ireland. i explain that i am interested in speaking with participants at the event as part of the research and request permission to do so. appendix iv: consent form project title: beyond orange and green: multiculturalism and sectarianism in northern ireland. researcher contact details: p.geoghegan@sms.ed.ac.uk tel: what am i consenting to: by signing this form i consent to being interviewed by peter geoghegan, and having my interview used as part of his doctoral research on the effect that increasing cultural diversity is having on northern ireland as it tries to move beyond sectarianism. this project is for research and not commercial purposes. your consent is totally voluntary and may be withdrawn at anytime. i promise to do my utmost to respect both your confidentiality and your anonymity, but you should be aware that this cannot always be guaranteed. the recordings and transcripts of this interview will be stored in a locked drawer in my office and will only be accessed by myself. if you have any queries, either now or at a later date, about my conduct or the conduct of this research you are welcome to contact me or prof. jane jacobs, chair of the institute of geography ethics committee at the university of edinburgh (jane.jacobs@ed.ac.uk). also, if you do not have a problem with me contacting you at a later date if there are any questions i have forgotten to ask or statements that require clarification, please leave an e-mail address and/or telephone number. if you do not wish to be contacted again please let me know. name (please print): confirmation of consent (please sign): date: � � �������	 � ��
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(eds.) rethinking anti-racisms: from theory to practice. london and new york, routledge, - . arel, d. . language categories in censuses: backward- or forward-looking. in kertzer, d. and arel, d. (eds.) census and identity: the politics of race, ethnicity and languages in national censuses. cambridge, university press, - . aretxaga, b. . shattering silence: women, nationalism and political subjectivity in northern ireland. chichester, princeton university press back, l. . new ethnicities and urban culture. new york, st. martin’s press. back, l. and solomos, j. (eds.) . theories of race and racism: a reader. london, routledge. bairner, a. . titanic town: sport, space and the re-imag(in)ing of belfast. city and society ( ), - . bairner, a. and shirlow, p. . loyalism, linfield and the territorial politics of soccer fandom in northern ireland. space and polity ( ), - . balibar, e. . racism and nationalism. in balibar, e. and wallerstein, l. (eds.) race, class and nation: ambiguous identities. london, verso, - . banks, m. . visual methods in social research. london, sage. banton, m. race relations. london, tavistock. banton, m. a. finding, and correcting, my mistakes. sociology ( ), - . banton, m. b. three current issues in ethnic and racial studies. the british journal of sociology ( ), - . bardon, j. . a history of ulster. belfast, blackstaff press. barker, m. . the new racism: conservatives and the ideology of the tribe. london, junction books. barnard, m. . approaches to understanding visual culture. basingstoke, palgrave. barry, b. . culture and equality: an egalitarian critique of multiculturalism. cambridge, polity press. barth, f. . ethnic groups and boundaries. london, little brown and co. barthes, r. . mythologies. london, jonathon cape. bbc news online. . race hate on the rise in ni. available at http://news.bbc.co.uk/ /hi/northern_ireland/ .stm. last accessed th december . bell, k., jarman, n., and lefebvre, t. . migrant workers in northern ireland. belfast, institute for conflict research. ben-tovim, g., gabriel, j., law, i. and stredder, k. . a political analysis of local struggles for racial equality. in braham, p., rattansi, a. and skellington, r. 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( ) and contrasts asylum to the celebration of irish residency in th e cambria ( ). th e analysis highlights perceptions on migration from ireland and the complications of immigration to modern-day ireland. th e notions of home, irishness and citizenship are explored against a backdrop of racism, othering and multiculturalism. keywords: asylum, immigrants, irish drama, postcolonial theory, refugees . introduction in recent years, irish theatre has started to bring to the forefront forgotten memories of colonialism, emigration, and national identity within a variety of dramatic contexts. simul- taneously, irish theatre has expounded the experiences of the displaced, traced changes that have signifi cantly aff ected irish society and off ered to make sense of the new defi nitions of irishness within a global context. brenna sobanski ( ) and ronit lentin ( ) reference this to the widespread notion of multiculturalism. a review of the dramatic works about emigra- tion in irish theatre shows that there is a number of plays that concentrate on the problems of those who departed from ireland and romanticise about the land, among which, is tom murphy’s conversations on a homecoming (fi rst produced in ). wei h. kao points out that: rania m rafik khalil the mass emigrations since the mid-nineteenth century are not regarded as a pleasant chapter in history; […]. it could therefore be claimed that the increasingly large quantity of irish plays written since the mid-twentieth century on migrant experiences reveals implicit but deep-rooted anxieties over this historical trauma. ( , - ) michael higgens and declan kiberd ( ) further explain that exile, emigration, and the return to a transformed homeland have always been part of the irish national experience. plays which tap into the wider area of immigrant experiences, however, came into prominence in the s, among them is donal o’kelly’s asylum! asylum! (first produced in ). mean- while, the economic success of the celtic tiger reversed the flow of migrants from outward to inward; this shift in the identity of the irish nation is captured in plays such as o’kelly’s the cambria ( ). according to emilie pine emigration has been extensively over-used in irish dramatic works ( , ); the theme is still repeatedly revisited in scholarly works creating new linkages to help modern audiences acquire a more profound understanding of the tradi- tions of irish theatre in a modern context. murphy’s conversations on a homecoming depicts a postcolonial nation’s infatuation with the american dream in the s and the struggles of the returned emigrant to a changed homeland. donal o’kelly’s asylum! asylum! on the other hand, depicts the experiences of an illegal ugandan immigrant seeking asylum in modern-day ireland, while the cambria an exceptional multifaceted play, celebrates the irish citizenship of an afro-american fugitive slave as well as the deportation of a nigerian asylum seeker. this paper, through a postcolonial analysis and reference to homi bhabha’s ( [ ]) third space theory, compares the experiences of the returned irish migrant in tom murphy’s conversations on a homecoming to the fragility of tolerance exhibited toward the “other” by the native irish in donal o’kelly’s asylum! asylum!, situating both the returned migrant to a changed homeland and the asylum seeker in the same position in terms of acceptance by the native irish. it also brings forth the question of “who is irish” and who is not based on long standing definitions of irishness. the paper also contrasts the complications faced by immigrants and refugees in making ireland their home to the celebration of irish residency in another o’kel- ly’s dramatic work: the cambria. the analysis revisits the long-held perceptions on migration from ireland to the united states in the early s in order to evaluate the degree of change that has affected the irish nation since in accepting outsiders. moreover, the paper discusses the impediments globalization has inflicted on ireland which have resulted in witnessing a growing number of outsiders seeking immigration to the land. the dramatic works accentu- ate the experience of being “unhomed” (kao , ). the notions of home, irishness and citizenship are investigated against a backdrop of racism, othering and multiculturalism. the comparative analysis hopes to raise awareness around the necessity of tolerating change within homogeneous societies effected by the dissolution of the concept of home for many around the world as wars over land and dominance continue in different parts of the world conjuring a new form of colonialism. the paper makes way for further research in relation to irish drama and current world affairs as they inevitably strike at the core values of what constitutes irishness. . the returned migrant to a changed homeland conversations on a homecoming “[…] not only sets the disillusionment of the galway char- acters against the recollection of their s idealism; dramatically, it contrasts the longings of those who haven’t escaped with the chastened regret of the returned émigré who found even less away than left behind” (roche [ ], ). michael ridge, a returned emigrant from ireland is my home america, post the s is forced to deal with the decay into which his hometown has fallen. throughout the play, he searches for an alternative home, and the pub the white house, which he co-founded before leaving ireland, is the alternative. for him, the pub is “refuge” (murphy [ ], ). celebrated initially as a success story of irish emigration to america, michael is unable to sustain this false image and is quickly marginalised by his old friends. tom asserts his power over michael by reminding him that: “i was always a better actor than you, better at everything” ( ). this antithesis between tom and michael lasts throughout the play reflecting a binary opposition of power between the native irish and “[t]he returned wank” ( ). michael’s return to ireland is primarily a wistful search for identity. emira derbel explains that the return to the homeland often remains a necessity for the displaced emigrant because it is an expres- sion of the longing to “reestablish [the] connection with the nation” ( , ). michael in conversations on a homecoming is repeatedly hounded to answer the question: “what brought you back?” (murphy [ ], ). nicholas grene argues that michael “comes back in the hope of finding again the hope with which he started” ( [ ], ). junior, a local at the pub sums it up in one word: “nos-talgia!” (murphy [ ], ). the greek definition of the word is the combination of sorrow and a return journey to the homeland. according to emilie pine, the nostalgia which prompts the returned emigrant to yearn for what is familiar and traditional is contradicted with the traumatic reality of finding that the home which they “half remembered, half imagined” (pine , ) is no longer the place it once was. poised between despair and hope, michael’s attempt to refit within the local community is futile. his unease with the galway community is an indication of the widening breach between what used to be and how things are. hence, for the returned emigrant “the homeland is a place of trauma” and in turn, the returnee is often considered “a disruptive figure” ( ). kao argues that the local community’s discomfort with michael’s return is a reflection of the state of ireland as a nation. like michael in dancing at lughnasa by brian friel, michael in murphy’s play, is a witness of things changing and “becoming what they ought not to be” (friel , ). michael’s prolonged absence in america causes tom to accuse him of being an outsider who wants to claim territory “you came home to stay” (murphy [ ], ), “i think we have another leader” ( ). the hostility which the galway residents exhibit towards michael at the pub heightens as they get drunk. they are apprehensive of his transformation and the knowledge that “strangers [are] comin’ in to run the town” ( ). the pub, apart from being a refuge for michael, serves as an “in-between space” (kao , ), a space where postcolonial resistance to all that which is foreign is in display and where michael’s national identity is re-evaluated. michael is traumatised by the experience of returning to a changed homeland, and the play highlights that the returned emigrant is both an internal and external outcast. additionally, the interrelated ideas of belonging further complicates his understanding of home leading to what dermot bolger calls “internal exile” ( ). the imperial invention of domination of ‘the other’ is practiced by tom to emphasise his superiority over michael who is referred to by the galway community as “the returned wank” (murphy, [ ], ). as mária kurdi suggests, the strain displayed between the galway townsfolk and michael is reminiscent of the tension and suspicion previously exhibited by the native irish towards the imperialist when the advent of visitors often proved to be a cultural and economic invasion resonating with multiple perils for the native population ( ). ireland is depicted in murphy’s play as a nation that has carried forward into its present the imperialistic practices of the coloniser; subversion of power is an attempt to push michael into internal exile and consequently back to the host nation: “i’m not sure what i came home for, but i think i’m finding out” (murphy [ ], ). rania m rafik khalil examined through homi bhabha’s third space theory, the hostility of the galway com- munity in conversations on a homecoming reveals the shifting nature of the nation’s postcolonial identity in a globalised world. fetson kalua explains that a shift in rituals often leads to the formation of “culturally invisible zones” ( , ) hence necessitating “the emergence of bor- der spaces” (ibidem) or what bhabha calls liminal spaces. consistent with bhabha’s definition of liminal spaces, edward said uses the term to refer to the connectedness of the “culturally invisible zones” ( , ), where he makes the link between the individual and the universal or in other words, between the local and the global. richard pine ( ) explains that in this context, ireland is both familiar and foreign to michael; he finds himself “in-between home and homexilation” (derbel , ). unable to conform to the new invisible cultural structures of his homeland, michael is confined throughout the play to a border zone – the pub. the pub plays a vital role in serving as a transit area between the present and the past; it is a dynamic space where michael attempts to recover from the trauma of emigration and come to terms with his multi-faceted irish identity. the play inevitably opens up the discussion around the question of what is irishness and how is it defined within the new parameters of postcolonialism. by narrating his experience in the third person, michael underscores the pain and demoralisation he experienced as both an emigrant in new york and as a returned irishman to his homeland: “no! no! this isn’t it at all! this kind of – life – isn’t it at all” (murphy [ ], ). john walsh points out that “traveling away from home allows the traveler to view the site of belonging with a fresh eye, while making a genuine case about the effects of loss of all familiar recognitions” ( , - ). edward said concurs with walsh that the returned exile sees “things both in terms of what has been left behind and what is actual […] there is a double perspective that never sees things in isolation” (said , ). this “plurality of vision” ( ) is configured in michael’s knowledge of two cultures, the american and the irish temporarily setting him apart from the rest of the galway community. bill ashcroft et al. bring to the sur- face the hidden polemics around inclusion and exclusion in postcolonial spaces. ashcroft et al. emphasise that ‘the other’ is often perused for the “essential cultural purity” ( [ ], ), or in michael’s case, he is outcast because he now lacks what constitutes true irishness in terms of a modern postcolonial ireland. the theatrical performance of conversations on a homecoming allows the audience to review michael’s status as a returned emigrant and determine whether his romanticised irishness makes him irish enough to be re-accepted into the local community. the play, however, fails to give a clear definition of what constitutes irishness in modern day ireland, and the question is left open for audiences to ponder on amidst the adversity in deciding whether to leave one’s home, remain or go back (see kao ). murphy’s play repeatedly and implicitly asks the question “who is to inherit ireland?” (kiberd , ). . illegal immigration – a postcolonial dilemma post- s numerous people flooded to ireland. aoileann ní Éigeartaigh et al. reflect on the social and demographic changes which have taken place in modern ireland, explaining that “we have tens of thousands of immigrants among us for the first time in history” ( , ). the unfamiliar faces of immigrants and asylum seekers scattered across the nation have left many of the native irish aghast. edward said claims that this social change in ireland is due to the “remarkable prosperity in the celtic tiger era” ( , ). ní Éigeartaigh et al. recount on behalf of declan kiberd that despite the influx of immigrants in ireland, “yet they seem all but invisible in our contemporary literature. maybe it will take thoughtful writers a few more years ireland is my home yet to work them into the script” ( , ). while kiberd’s words may ring true, irish plays like the ones written by tom murphy explore the cultural construction of the irish identity from the perspective of the diaspora. other dramatic expressions of the immigrant experience are depicted in donal o’kelly’s work. the disillusionment and displacement found in murphy’s conversations on a homecoming are echoed in o’kelly’s dramatic piece asylum! asylum!. o’kelly attempts to use the imaginative space of the theatre to generate a sense of cross-cultural solidarity between the new irish or today’s immigrants and the native irish. similarities between them may not be immediately apparent, but they ultimately share experiences of being dislocated; the arrival of new immigrants to ireland and their struggles remind the native irish of the pain of emigration and the difficulties that came with the attempt to return home. asylum! asylum! exposes the tactics of illegal immigrants and the anti-immigrant violence that comes with for- cible deportation from ireland. it also examines the collective self-image of the irish which has been destabilized by the implications of globalisation. additionally, ireland’s relationship with europe is presented as an anchor in a rapidly changing multicultural milieu; this relationship is also the framework against which the events unfold. asylum! asylum! is constructed around the bucoro incident in northern uganda reported by amnesty international, relaying the horrors of repeated abductions, torture and killing of civilians by the ugandan national resistance army. joseph, a ugandan asylum seeker, eagerly tries to obtain refugee status in ireland. the first scene opens with his status already determined; he is being deported. refusing to go back to uganda, joseph attempts to jump off the plane. arrested, he claims asylum. joseph’s dilemma in the play is sandwiched in the middle of the broken relationships of an irish family. the gaughrans as a family are affiliated with official government roles in ireland and signify the larger irish community. leo is an im- migration officer, mary, his sister has a law degree and their recently widowed father, bill, has retired from the service of the church. as the outsider in the play, joseph ironically catalyses the dormant tensions between the gaughran family members and highlights their divisiveness around immigration within a wider national context. amidst these social and legal complica- tions, joseph is determined to make ireland his home by finding links between his world and the irish. any links or commonalities which exist between the immigrant and the irish are often an attempt by the immigrant to “insert themselves into the portals of historical memory; […] [or]embrace the idea of cross-cultural affinity through displacement to create sympathy […] on the basis of a universalized human condition” (king , ). this “notion of a shared sense of affiliation” jason king explains, “appears much more self-evident to immigrants in ireland than to [the] irish” (ibidem). invited to take refuge in bill’s home as he files for asylum, joseph discovers that both the irish and the african cultures bear a similarity in valuing the worth of conceiving stories. jason king takes this point of storytelling a step further by highlighting that african asylum seekers confronted with detrimental procedures across europe tend to create credible stories ( ). bill, representing the older irish generation who still remember the traumatic experiences of emi- gration and the potato famine years sympathises with joseph. unlike his son leo, bill is able to see the commonalities between the past traumatic experiences of the irish and the trauma of dislocating experienced by the new irish/illegal immigrants. both joseph and bill share their experiences of suffering under historical and political events. like ireland, uganda under brit- ish colonialism had been forced to adopt english, the language of its “former colonist” (kurdi , ). bill recalls the north strand bombing: “may . mammy gave me a terrible clatter for standing up at the window. the sky was lit by flames. ‘get back in under the stairs’, she said. […] i want to tell you this. i don’t want it buried with me” (murphy [ ], rania m rafik khalil ). in turn, joseph feels safe enough to recollect and recount the brutality he witnessed and experienced in his homeland to the gaughran family: the soldier lit the straw himself. he lit it at four different points. the straw blazed. the logs began to smoke. […]. lumps of burning soil fell through the logs onto the men in the pit. they screamed and coughed. except the older man. he just moved his lips and looked at me. […] the soldier took my passport led me to the part of the school where the roof still was. smoke followed us. they strung me up kandooya because i didn’t burn the straw. (o’kelly [ ], ) this act not only carries forward the irish tradition of storytelling, but temporarily suspends the contradictions and incongruities that so deeply divide the gaughrans “into indiscriminable existence” ( ). the brief unity among the gaughrans is juxtaposed against ireland’s self-di- videdness over the nation’s immigration policies. at the same time, recounting past trauma and sharing pain unifies the black and the white making the experience of pain human and universal, it dissolves the “status of in-betweenness” (bhabha [ ], ). immigrants in contemporary irish society are “always envisioned under the sign of the ‘alien’” and their achievements “permanently undermined” (king , ; said , ). this fragile relationship between the host nation and the new irish is reflected in leo, who as an immigration officer is convinced that joseph’s story is “emblematic of third world immigrants” which becomes enmeshed within an ever “great[er] web of deception” (ugba , , ). leo warns his sister mary, a lawyer who has been assigned joseph’s appeal case for asylum against these tactics: “six months to work on that one, joseph. i’ll hand it to you. it’s the best i’ve ever heard. […] it won’t get you asylum. unless you can produce proof. and that’ll be impossible i’m willing to bet, isn’t that right, joseph!?” (o’kelly [ ], ). in order to fulfil the selfish reasons of survival, ugba argues that many illegal immigrants “lie” ( , ). the émigré’s capacity to devise fascinating and absurd narratives of discrimination and persecution is a most essential survival tactic. he further explicates that this is “a normative reaction for undocumented aliens who must live exclusively by their ‘wits’” ( ). leo relentlessly explains to mary that his restrictive attitude towards joseph “[…]is not hatred! it’s ordinary streetwise commonsense!” (o’kelly [ ], ). mary is appalled by her brother’s inhumanity: “jesus christ! have you no shred of humanity left?” (ibidem). the division over joseph’s ca- lamity breaks the family up. symbolising irish immigration law, leo is left to wrestle with the consequences of his family’s acceptance of an illegal african immigrant seeking asylum in their family home. donal o’kelly masterfully utilises leo and joseph as signifiers to represent “two diametrically opposed concepts, afrocentrism as against eurocentrism” (ashcroft et al. [ ], ). they stand for imperialism and decolonisation. on a more complex level, this dichotomy can be interpreted as a representation of the search for “cultural purity” (ibidem). introducing the ugandan asylum seeker to his sister, leo says “he says it’s joseph omara. no apostrophe. (mary has to laugh)” (o’kelly [ ], ). the subtle cynical joke is a nod to the racial difference and the shared understanding between the brother and sister of what constitutes irishness. leo’s antagonism to joseph’s plea for asylum makes him use his job as immigration officer to deny the latter “sanctuary” (kurdi , ). additionally, leo’s own failed attempt at immigrating to another european country in search for better prospects break him. the demeaning treatment he receives in europe for being irish prompts his return back home, making him all the more determined to enforce expulsion practices against joseph. on another level, the inter-racial romance plot embedded in the play between mary and joseph signifies the transcendence of cultural differences as a metaphor for reconciliation; ireland is my home however, it can also be easily interpreted as a portrayal of the widespread irish anxieties towards “miscegenation” (king a, ). patrick stephen dinneen highlights that ireland cannot be irish without cultural and linguistic distinctiveness. accordingly, the theme of interracial romance, although is a common theme in a number of irish immigrant drama, the romantic subplots either falter at the prospect of the protagonist’s deportation or are unconsummated marriages of convenience because of cultural differences. dinneen further argues that with foreign cultures come “foreign modes of thought, foreign ideals […], foreign customs, foreign manners, the spread of all that is debasing” ( [ ], ). in act iii, pillar, another immigration officer and leo’s mate, takes charge of the last stages of action in deporting joseph. his aggressiveness and forceful nature cut off any means by which joseph could attempt to integrate into society. he uses the deportation strategy which europe calls “operation sweep” (o’kelly [ ], ) to expel joseph by force: i have orders to forcibly deport your ugandan. […] do you know what that means, mary? (pause.) it means bursting into your father’s house with five officers, a belt, a mouth tape and binding, pinning the ugandan […] parceling him up, taking him to the airport and strapping him to a seat on a plane back home. it’s a messy untidy business. ( ) pillar justifies his brutality by explaining ireland’s situation in europe with regards to allow- ing in immigrants and asylum seekers: “it only takes one leaky section in the walls of fortress europe and the flood of immigrants will pour in and swamp the continent. […] europe thinks we’re leaky. […] they’re seen as chancers to be made an example of ” ( ). in short, post-independence ireland is resistant to foreign penetration for fear of failing to safeguard the borders of europe and of meddling with fundamental values that constitute irish heritage. pillar fails to understand mary’s behaviour towards joseph: “what the fuck do you see in him!? are you blind to the fact he’s a chancer!?” ( ). the play is, in many ways, an attempt to explore what it means to be irish from the perspective of the immigrant, in this instance, an african illegal immigrant. on the other hand, pillar and leo stand for the nation as it fights to preserve its irishness. there is strong emphasis throughout the dramatic text that it is the irish state’s obligation to withhold the privilege of citizenship in order to regulate the policies related to residency and ensure that privileges are distributed fairly in terms of welfare and labour. in asylum! asylum! the fray of domestic ties is set aside to give priority to the pre- dicaments of “escape, arrival and departure” at a time when “the borders between home and world [have] become confused” (sweeney , ; bhabha [ ], ). the work raises awareness about illegal immigrants and irish citizenship highlighting the challenges of being unhomed. as the title indicates, there is an imbalance of power permeating throughout. asylum! asylum! reintroduces the binary opposition of black and white as well as the colonial and the postcolonial in a modern context. it is however one of several examples of dramatic works that situate immigrant issues and irish cultural encounters in a global context. . citizenship. a nation’s identity the cambria by donal o’kelly was commissioned initially to be performed on st. patrick’s day in in dublin with the aim of “rebranding” (sweeney , ) the nation’s identity and reflect the changes in the irish social fabric. new expressions of irish identity are explored in the cambria that stand in antithesis to the notions of immigration in asylum! asylum! and in stark contrast to the idea of home in conversations on a homecoming. the opening scene rania m rafik khalil sets the pre-text: a young nigerian asylum seeker is awaiting deportation at the airport in the present-day ireland; this is embedded within the narrative of a historical trans-atlantic voyage of the african-american fugitive slave, frederick douglass who flees america after having published his autobiography as part of an anti-slavery campaign. the narrative is implanted at the start of the permanent cultural, political and demographic change in ireland, , the year of the great famine. there are limited works that document the relationship between ireland and trans-atlantic slavery, the cambria being an exception. among the few scholarly publications that examine this relationship is the work published by nini rodgers in and fionnghuala sweeney’s work published in . like asylum! asylum!, the cambria traces the shift from homogeneity to multiculturalism. fionnghuala sweeney explains that the arrival of the new irish constitutes the most significant challenge to the republican narrative of democratic commitment, […] and the historical emergence of the state as a structural embodiment of centuries of resistance to colonialism and empire, by raising difficult questions regarding the irish relationship to other countries. ( , ) the historical trans-atlantic voyage signifies a search for identity and raises awareness about varieties of irishness. ultimately, the predominant message is the prevalence of irish citizenship as the decisive factor upon which identity is constructed ( ). at the same time, the cambria asserts the moral responsibility of the nation towards individuals claiming asylum or financial distress by placing the dilemma centre-stage. the play “in brechtian terms” prompts at some point “a consequential moral response” (ibidem) from the audience beyond the theatre space. collette, patrick’s teacher in the opening scene exclaims: “fredrick douglass came to ireland. on a ship. called the cambria […] if frederick douglass […] came to ireland now” (o’kelly , ). the statement highlights the importance of reviewing which elements constitute irish identity today. ireland in the cambria is home, a destination projecting republican idealism as it commemorates the flight from oppression in search of freedom, economic prosperity, and political identity. immigration, in this context becomes the global resolution to financial and civil problems. symbolically, frederick douglass’s journey stages the responsiveness of past generations in contrast to current irish outlooks on foreign settlement and refugee appeals. the reciprocal engagement of subjects in a nation, according to sweeney, is what forms the individual and collective identity ( , ). the play features ten characters played by only two actors on the stage and an irish population on the dock who receive the fugitive slave. this minimalist technique supports sweeney’s point of view on reciprocal engagement of subjects in a nation. the cambria makes no “attempt at naturalistic effect”; collette and vincent symbolic for the “irish every-man and woman” (ibidem) play a variety of roles ranging between different races and genders. there are no distinctive signals that indicate the shifts in identity except the symbolic use of hats. sweeney explains that this morphing and crossing of racial boundaries is an emphasis on the multiplicity of identity and its fluidity. contemporary irish theatre, in this respect, engages with and debates rigid definitions as well as refuses to rigidly circumscribe individuals within the parameters of traditional notions of nationality. reality, however, may prove this to be untrue, many of today’s immigrants find themselves unable to substitute their old identity for a new one that reflects the values and ideals of the host nation. this view derives from homi bhabha’s third space theory where the immigrant, in an attempt to integrate into the social life of the host nation, is in fact trapped within a liminal space. the transient space is an invisible border that can never be crossed without a complete shedding of the origin, an ireland is my home often all too painful journey that can psychologically break an individual. the sense of loss experienced by the refugee and the status of being unhomed lead to a fear of loss of identity. the result is either a distorted version of being irish or a completely new configuration that is not even remotely connected to the traditions and values of ireland. o’kelly grasps these truths by confining the young nigerian asylum seeker to the airport, a point of departure and arrival leaving the young man in limbo. similarly, frederick douglass for most part of the play is trapped on a ship metaphorically making a trans-atlantic journey in search of who he is. the opening scene shows collette recounting her efforts in trying to convince immigra- tion that patrick should be granted citizenship underscoring the irony of his receiving a “b in honours history” from daniel o’connell’s school (o’kelly , ). like mary in asylum! asylum!, collette’s efforts to support the citizenship of an african asylum seeker in the pres- ent-day ireland fail. in parallel, o’kelly dramatises the psychological complexity of denying one’s identity captured through the symbolic nagging of a little girl, matilda who is convinced that frederick douglas is a minstrel and begs him to perform to make them laugh. each encounter is a strike at douglas’s identity carrying a streak of racism for his black colour: matilda: do you sing and dance? frederick: em – not normally. matilda: oh yes you are. ( ) the identity crisis becomes more complex when solomon, another afro-american slave on the ship, recognises douglass’s true identity and taunts him for traveling incognito: frederick: stop calling me – frederick douglass! solomon: what’s wrong freddie? it’s your name, isn’t it? ( ) in denying his own name, douglass denies his past and all that he stands for in his auto- biography. significantly, the temporary denial takes place aboard the ship – a dynamic liminal space where he shifts personae to ensure his survival and safety. much like the tactics of the illegal immigrant in asylum! asylum! where joseph must live by his wits and scavenge the streets for economic sustainability, douglass protects his freedom by appropriating the identity of a minstrel. douglass’s character is established on a series of denials and the need to put safety first before identity. ironically, he is travelling with a copy of his autobiography, an embodiment of his whole self, past and present as he heads towards a brighter future in ireland. in section of the play, while the choir ladies sing, douglass contemplates about ireland as his new home: “i face my future. of freedom. i am racing towards it. paddles chant my advance in the fastest vessel known to man. the cambria” ( ). douglass’s arrival to ireland as a free man is an enactment of the impossible being possible. as he lands on the docks of queens- town, a free man, frederick douglass is greeted by daniel o’connell, music and a welcoming irish crowd: “a howling cheer of unbelievable volume reverberates around the valley. it echoes back from the mountains […]. then echoes again from the mountains behind until the very land of ireland seems to roar in welcome for me” ( ). the play ends on a positive note with douglass describing ireland for what it truly is for those who wish to make it their home: “i can truly say i have spent some of the happiest days of my life since landing in this country. […] the entire absence of prejudice against me, contrasts so strongly with my bitter experience […] that i look with wonder and amazement on the transition” (ibidem). rania m rafik khalil . conclusion the three dramatic texts examined in this paper are all critiques of present-day ireland and are considered within two contexts: nationally and globally. according to christopher murray, the evaluative parameters for irish plays must and foremost be driven by a sound understanding of the “irish dramatic tradition” ( , ). concurring with this view, it is important to point out that the dramatic works understudy depict the complex relationships which the irish have with america, europe and africa. the irish fascination with the american dream is satirised in murphy’s conversations on a homecoming by focusing on the failings of the returned emigrant both at home and abroad. ireland’s relationship to europe is codified in it being a reference point for all its policies in relation to job security, immigration laws, and human rights with- in the european union in asylum! asylum! and partly in the cambria. hints have also been made at ireland’s relationship to other postcolonial nations such as uganda and america once a slave-trading nation under british colonial rule. in this analysis, ireland is presented as a home in three different contexts foregrounding the idea of being unhomed as another major theme that raises complex discussions. murphy’s michael is nostalgic about an ireland he no longer recognises while joseph in o’kelly’s asylum! asylum!, as an african, is unable to seek asylum and make a home for himself in postcolonial ireland. frederick douglass significantly in the cambria finds the true definition of home as he contrasts life in america to the life he makes in ireland. each of the main characters demon- strates the pain of being unhomed in accordance with homi bhabha’s notion of the third space. homi bhabha and edward said emphasise that the displaced and the alienated will always get caught in the in-betweenness of the invisible cultural structures of the new homeland; michael is confined to the pub as a space of refuge and joseph claims sanctuary in the immigration of- ficer’s family home. joseph and michael consequently are forced to occupy a border zone; the difference here is that ireland is michael’s homeland. the commonality between michael and joseph is their “homexilation” (derbel , ). of further significance to this discussion is that both michael and frederick douglass make trans-atlantic voyages to ireland, but they each experience the land differently. the returned emigrant coming back from america in the s is shunned by his countrymen, while the run-away slave flees who flees from oppression in america in claims to live his happiest days on the soil of the republic. home is both a psychological and a physical space, the plays magnify the intricacies of belonging within a geographical place as well as engage with the older notions of home and identity. the painful memories of displacement bring the discussion round to the fact that the native land is often a place of suffering and the host nation often unwelcoming. the psychological pressures that come with estrangement are expressed in the dialogues of the main characters exposing the difficulty of survival outside of ireland and the toil they endure to infiltrate the tight social irish fabric which is rooted in a deep history of celtic ideals and traditional beliefs. fear of newcomers from abroad is exemplified in the resistance of the native irish towards the returned emigrant and the dividedness about accepting the new irish as human beings in need of political refuge and economic sustenance. they are perceived as a threat to all that constitutes irishness. this post-colonial defiance is substantiated by bhabha and pine as being common in post-colonial spaces. this, however, is reversed in o’kelly’s the cambria. although the play ends with the acceptance of a fugitive afro-american slave as an irish citizen, it leaves the audience to speculate on the possibilities that enunciate around this immigrant dilemma if it were to take place today on the shores of ireland. ireland is my home pointedly, the dramatic texts are illustrations of the struggles of male protagonists in search for freedom, economic prosperity and political identity; by making ireland their home, they attempt to take their place in the world and as such redefine the terms of irish identity and the nation’s relationship to the rest of the world. all three dramas raise the question, “who is to inherit ireland?” (kiberd , ) and highlight important issues related to emigration, immigration, and identity in a postcolonial nation within a global context, but at the same time warn audiences about the dangers of shoving the outsider into a liminal space forcing them to become the other. this all too dangerous act divides societies and allows hatred, discrimination and racism to manifest in otherwise peaceful existences. a need to enforce legal policies that regulate immigration, refugees and asylum can blind policy makers across nations to the need to respond to humanitarian crises. it is, however, important to emphasise that this is not a call to nations to forsake precautionary measures against illegal tactics to occupy land or have leaky borders that would give way to charlatans who seek economic prosperity. notably, the dramatic texts discuss these issues which have either been neglected or often cause distress when remembered. it is fair to conclude that the analysis has revealed a variety of irishness and has made signif- icant links between past emigrant experiences to current day immigrant and refugee sufferings. it has also engaged with the redefinition of irish identity within a global context highlighting the implications of multiculturalism on irish society as well as how it is perceived by outsiders. the divisiveness of the irish nation over immigration and asylum pits the nation’s fear of new- comers against its obligation to respond to global calamities. moreover, the notion of home is manifested in ways that give way to new understandings of the complications of dislocation within one’s own homeland which is further explicated by the feeling of being unhomed in the host nation. within these dramatic works, ireland is forced to conform to the demands of globalisation as it plays host to individuals who have either forgotten what it means to be irish or immigrants and refugees of different nationalities who seek to claim irish citizenship for a more stable and prosperous existence. acknowledgment i want to thank playwright donal o’kelly for the support in providing original texts, and abbey theatre archivist mairéad delaney for the reviews. works cited ashcroft bill, griffiths gareth, tiffin helen ( [ ]), the empire writes back: theory and practice in postcolonial literatures, london, routledge. bhabha homi ( [ ]), the location of culture, london-new york, routledge. bolger dermot ( ), internal exiles, mountrath-portlaoise, dolmen press. derbel emira ( ), iranian women in the memoir: comparing reading lolita in tehran and persepolis, newcastle upon tyne, cambridge scholars publishing. dinneen p.s. ( [ ]), lectures on the irish language movement: delivered under the auspices of various branches of the gaelic league, london, forgotten books. doyle roddy ( [ ]), the commitments, new york, vintage books. friel brian ( ), dancing at lughnasa, london, faber & faber. grene nicholas ( [ ]), “tom murphy and the children of loss”, in richards shaun (ed.), the cambridge companion to the twentieth century drama, cambridge, cambridge up, - . rania m rafik khalil heininge kathleen ( ), buffoonery in irish drama: staging twentieth century post-colonial stereotypes, new york, peter lang. higgens michael, kiberd declan ( ), “culture and exile: the global irish”, new hibernia review , , - . kalua fetson ( ), “homi bhabha’s third space and african identity”, journal of african cultural studies , , - , doi: . / . kao w.h. ( ), “migrant workers on stage: tom murphy’s conversations on a homecoming and jimmy murphy’s the kings of the kilburn high road”, in id., contemporary irish theatre: transnational practices, bruxelles-bern-berlin-frankfurt am main-new york-oxford-wien, peter lang, - . kiberd declan ( ), “dancing at lughnasa”, the irish review , - , <https://www.jstor.org/ stable/ > ( / ). king jason ( a), “black saint patrick: irish interculturalism in theoretical perspective & theatre practice”, in ondřej pilný, clare wallace (eds), global ireland irish literatures for the new millen- nium, prague, litteraria pragensia, - . — ( b), “interculturalism and irish theatre: the portrayal of immigrants on the irish stage”, the irish review , - , doi: . / . — ( ), “remembering and forgetting diaspora: immigrant voices and irish historical memories of migration”, in aoileann ní Éigeartaigh et al. (ed.), - . kurdi mária ( ), “new strangers in the house? immigrants and natives in donal o’kelly’s asylum! asylum! and john barrett’s borrowed robes”, hungarian journal of english and american studies , , - . lentin ronit ( ), “antiracist responses to the racialisation of irishness: disavowed multiculturalism and its discontents”, in ronit lentin, robbie mcveigh (eds), racism and antiracism in ireland, belfast, beyond the pale, - . murphy tom ( [ ]), conversations on a homecoming, in id., plays, vol. ii, conversations on a homecoming, bailegangaire, a thief of a christmas, london, methuen drama, - . murray christopher, ed. ( ), alive in time: the enduring drama of tom murphy, dublin, carysfort press. ní Éigeartaigh aoileann et al., eds ( ), rethinking diasporas: hidden narratives and imagined borders, newcastle upon tyne, cambridge scholars publishing. o’kelly donal ( [ ]), asylum! asylum!, in christopher fitz-simon, sanford sternlicht (eds), new plays from the abbey theatre - , syracuse, syracuse up, - . — ( ), the cambria, dublin, benbo productions, march. o’toole fintan ( a), “the ex-isle of erin: emigration and irish culture”, in jim mac laughlin (ed.), location and dislocation in contemporary irish society: emigration and irish identities, cork, cork up, - . — ( b), the lie of the land: irish identities, london-new york, verso. pine emilie ( ), “the homeward journey: the returning emigrant in recent irish theatre”, irish university review , , - , doi: . / . pine richard ( ), “ ‘so familiar and so foreign’. james joyce and the end of the canon”, in id., the disappointed bridge: ireland and the post-colonial world, newcastle upon tyne, cambridge scholars publishing, - . roche anthony ( [ ]), contemporary irish drama: from beckett to mcguinness, new york, st. martin’s press. rodgers nini ( ), ireland, slavery and anti-slavery: - , bakingstoke, palgrave macmillan. said edward ( ), “the mind of winter: reflection on a life in exile”, harper’s magazine , , - . — ( ), representations of the intellectual. the reith lectures, london, vintage books. salis loredana ( ), stage migrants: representations of the migrant other in modern irish drama, cambridge, cambridge scholars publishing. ireland is my home sobanski brenna ( ), “reflections on the polyglot self: multilinguals negotiating identity”, canadian ethnic studies , , - , doi: . /ces. . . sweeney fionnghuala ( ), “other peoples’ history: slavery, refuge and irish citizenship, in donal o’kelly’s the cambria”, slavery & abolition , , - , doi: . / . turner victor ( ), the ritual process: structure and anti-structure, london, routledge. ugba abel ( ), dear mama: an african refugee writes home, atlanta-london-sydney, minerva press. walsh john ( ), the falling angels. an irish romance, london, harper collins. microsoft word - ariella werden-greenfield dissertation . . .docx warriors and prophets of livity: samson and moses as moral exemplars in rastafari __________________________________________________________________ a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board __________________________________________________________________ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy __________________________________________________________________ by ariella y. werden-greenfield july, __________________________________________________________________ examining committee members: terry rey, advisory chair, temple university, department of religion rebecca alpert, temple university, department of religion jeremy schipper, temple university, department of religion adam joseph shellhorse, temple university, department of spanish and portuguese ii © copyright by ariella y. werden-greenfield all rights reserved iii abstract since the early ’s, rastafari has enjoyed public notoriety disproportionate to the movement’s size and humble origins in the slums of kingston, jamaica roughly forty years earlier. yet, though numerous academics study rastafari, a certain lacuna exists in contemporary scholarship in regards to the movement’s scriptural basis. by interrogating rastafari’s recovery of the hebrew bible from colonial powers and rastas’ adoption of an israelite identity, this dissertation illuminates the biblical foundation of rastafari ethics and symbolic registry. an analysis of the body of scholarship on rastafari, as well as of the reggae canon, reveals the centrality of an israelite identity for rastas and its enabling of rastafari resistance to racial oppression. furthermore, the hebrew bible is, for rastas, key to an intimate relationship with jah, for it reveals their chosenness and their inherent divine nature. they both textually confirm this election and enact it through ritual practice. by interrogating the methods rastas apply to the pages of the bible in order to ascertain their appointment and decipher proper ritual practice, this dissertation expands scholarly conversations about rastafari biblical hermeneutics. centering on readings of samson and moses, it suggests that these two biblical actors function as moral exemplars and models of livity for rastas. despite the transgressive nature of samson and moses, rastas adopt them as co-practitioners and paradigms of rastafari election because when samson and moses are rastas, all rastas can claim their chosenness, strength, and relationship with jah. iv acknowledgements this study would not have been possible without the encouragement and support of my committee members and the other members of the faculty and staff of temple university’s department of religion. their input and advice has been invaluable throughout my academic progress. i extend my deepest gratitude to dr. terry rey. i thank him for his guidance, instruction, and friendship throughout my graduate career, as well as for his tireless efforts on this dissertation. he has not only helped refine this project but has shaped me as a scholar, teacher, and human being. i would also like to acknowledge the other distinguished members of my committee. dr. rebecca alpert, dr. jeremy schipper, and dr. adam shellhorse provided me with essential feedback and assistance, both while i was working on my dissertation and throughout my tenure at temple university. i must also recognize dr. lila corwin berman, dr. laura levitt, and dr. lewis gordon who each guided me along the way. without the encouragement of my father, jeffrey i. werden, i would have never embarked on this academic journey. it is thanks to his intellectual curiosity and his prioritization of education that i made the choice to enroll in a ph.d. program. i am grateful to my grandmother, yona shwartz, who inspired me through her passion for lifelong learning and motivated me throughout this lengthy process. my husband, michael greenfield, has too been a tremendous source of support over the past seven years. i am forever grateful for his patience, reassurance, and inspiration. v table of contents pages abstract……………………………………………………………………………….i acknowledgements…………………………………………………………...….ii chapter . introduction: the global journey of rastafari.……………….….. rasta reasoning and the scholarly approach……………………………………. rastafari from a christian perspective……………………………….……….… terminological choices…………………………………………………………. who is a rasta? …………………………………………………………………. rastafari international…………………………………………………………… redemption song………………………………………………………………... reggae as ritual and prayer………………………..…………………………… dissertation structure...………………………………………………………….. endnotes…………………………………………………………………………. . a linear history of rastafari………………………...………………….. missionaries in jamaica…………………………………………………………. revolution in jamaica…………………………………………………….……... an “end” to slavery…………………………………………………………….. the bible in jamaica……………………………………………………….……. post-emancipation jamaica……………………………………………………... the formation of rastafari……………………………………………………… vi endnotes…………………………………………………………………………. . rastafari and the bible……...……………………………………………... burn babylon……………………………………………………………………. ethiopia as zion…………………………………………………………………. reasoning jah’s blackness…………………………………………………………… rastas as i-n-i…………………………………………………………………… chosen israelites………………………………………………………………………. whiteness in the hebrew bible…………………………………………………. conclusion…………………………………………………………………….… endnotes…………………………………………………………………………. . livity: taking the zionic path of rastafari………………………... livity…………………………………………………………………………… i-n-i and ital……………………………………………………………………. locks and livity……………………………………………………………….. bobo shanti: a case study……………………………………………………. rastawoman and the threat of the female body……………………………… conclusion……………………………………………………………………... endnotes………………………………………………………………………... . samson: purity, power, and the putrid………………………………. samson as chosen nazirite…………………………………………………….. samson as liberator……………………………………………………………. samson as impure eater………………………………………………………... samson as dreadlocked rasta…………………………………………………. vii conclusion………………………....…………………………………………... endnotes………………………………………………………………………... . the gendering of livity: delilah, samson, and dangerous women……………………………………………………………………………..… shifting gender roles………………………………………………………….. conclusion……………………………………………………………………... endnotes………………………………………………………………………... . moses, the word, and the promise of zion…………………………... moses as survivor……………………………………………………………… moses as rastaman…………………………………………………………….. moses as violent rebel………………………………………………………... moses’ encounters with jah and ganja………………………………………... moses and the word…………………………………………………………… moses and the law…………………………………………………………….. conclusion……………………………………………………………………... endnotes………………………………………………………………………... . moses as redeemer and divine disappointment…………………... i-n-i in babylon…………………………………………….…………………... moses and miracles……………………………………………………………. moses and the rod……………………………………………………………... moses approaches zion………………………………………………………… moses misbehaves……………...……………………………………………… conclusion……………………………………………………………………... viii endnotes………………………………………………………………………... . conclusion: reading rastafari in the st century.………...….. endnotes………………………………………………………………………... glossary…………………………………………………………………………… references cited………………………………………………………………… songs cited……………………...…………………………………………………. we (rastafari) are the ancients here today, to continue that trod of isaiah, daniel, elijah, jeremiah, moses, david, solomon. . . . it is our prophets and warriors in this land who come before us and tell the people that iniquity must done, . . . that our people must be free. -ras ivi chapter : introduction: the global journey of rastafari take out unno bible and check it out like disciple lord, mi god, say take out unno bible hear me now say get inna the bible. -early b, “take up your bible” ( ) for most people who’ve ever heard the term, the mere mention of “rastafari” conjures up images of bob marley and evokes auditory memories of the widely beloved music he produced during his brief but extraordinary career. though some rastas question marley’s dedication to rastafari, his global success carried the movement from its homeland in jamaica across the world. his messages of freedom, his devotion to human rights, and his charisma resonated with his diverse audience, making him, according to the public broadcasting service, “the most important figure in th century music.” but his listeners may have overlooked his deliberate engagements with the bible. while his dreadlocks, colorful attire, and the revolutionary sound and lyrics of his music may have captured the hearts of many, his message of rastafari’s biblical identity has largely slipped under the radar. nevertheless, the bible was of central importance in marley’s life. in fact, he often carried a pocket-sized bible with him so that he could refer to it for inspiration. one music journalist and marley biographer described his intimacy with the bible while on the wailers’ tour: “bob would often consult and quote from the weathered bible he carried with him. . . . his personal bible was a jamaican printing of the king james version, with a photocopied portrait of the lion of judah in full regalia pasted on the cover, as well as other pictures of selassie glued on the inside cover and flyleaf.” and, journalist vivien goldman, who toured with the wailers in , notes marley’s propensity for “challenging his bredren to debate it as vigorously as if they were playing soccer.” he read passages from the bible before shows as a means of preparation, notably consulting psalm before a concert in santa barbara, california. the bible provided marley with a sense of his place in the world. within its pages, he unearthed messages of black divinity and of black royalty. through close readings and deep analysis, he located proof within biblical passages of african worth and of an african-born divine king in haile selassie. dean macneil recognizes that “marley’s active engagement with scripture (was) one of close reading, interpretation, and debate. . . . marley personalized his bible with images of selassie suggesting a serious reading and appropriation of scripture, a reading through the lens of selassie’s role and the pan african experience.” the bible ascertained for marley that the colonial system of jamaica, a system that denied black worth and proclaimed a white godhead, was wrong. reading the bible ensured for marley that the messages colonial forces derived from the bible were deceptive. he grew to know through studying its passages that in order to deduce the bible’s true message he and other rastafari would need to read the text for themselves. upon doing so, the ancient, holy, and royal roots of blackness became apparent to him, despite a reality of colonial redaction. within the pages of the bible, marley located messages that enabled the resistance and redemption of a once dominated people. through his unique reading of the holy text, marley resisted the racial schema of the colonial world and celebrated black people as worthy and divinely elect, thereby continuing “a tradition of scriptural resistance” with a rich history across the caribbean and the atlantic world. the experiences of biblical actors became his experience. his experience of domination in jamaica mirrored that of the israelites’ bondage, for example, and their quest homeward to zion seemed consistent with marley’s own pursuit of a return to africa. his music speaks of resistance and redemption in this time, while channeling the biblical realm as contemporarily significant. for, as macneil suggests, in marley’s canon, “experience and scripture are intertwined from composition through interpretation.” he envisioned himself as an israelite meant to endure the trials of jah’s chosen people and ultimately to achieve salvation in zion. marley’s interest in the bible is not unusual for rastafari; most rastas engage the bible with the same reverence and intrigue as the reggae superstar, though no other practitioner is as well known. and yet, despite the prominence of the bible in much rasta thought, negotiations of the movement tend not to delve deeply in to rasta reading strategies. this dissertation aims to fill that lacuna. a thorough analysis of rastafari biblical hermeneutics can serve as a venue through which to gain new understanding of the theological roots, the ritual behavior, and the production of knowledge in rasta communities. by examining a rasta claiming of a biblical identity and rasta interpretations of particular biblical themes, passages, and individuals, this work hopes to highlight the power of this assumption of israelite identity and its ability to extract the caribbean subject from the holds of the oppression and consequent self-dread manifested by the colonial project. further, this project contributes to discussions of the value of “livity” for rastafari by analyzing readings of samson and moses as exemplars of righteousness and purity. since the early ’s, rastafari has enjoyed public notoriety disproportionate to the movement’s size and humble origins in jamaica roughly forty years earlier. spreading largely due to reggae’s resounding rhythms, the allure of what many assume to be a laid back lifestyle and an interest in marijuana, rastafari has travelled across the globe, attracting attention and gaining adherents from mexico to japan. even before marley and the wailers launched rastafari on its worldwide journey in the late ’s and ’s, the movement attracted ample interest. and, at least since the publication of the jamaican government-sponsored document, “the rastafari movement in kingston, jamaica,” popularly known as “the university report,” rastafari has captured the interest of academics. yet, though numerous academics study the post-colonial movement, contemporary scholarship stands to benefit from a work such as this that focuses on its scriptural basis. while scholarly attempts often mention rastafari’s engagement with the bible, a need exists for deeper reflection on rasta reading and interpretive strategies as well as of the hebrew bible’s role in rasta practice and belief. this endeavor explores rastafari’s recovery of the hebrew bible and adoption of an israelite identity through a detailed consideration of rasta biblical hermeneutics. while scholars of rastafari have long acknowledged the importance of the bible in the movement, for the most part, works examining rastafari only offer surface level investigations of rasta reading strategies and their ramifications for practitioners. additionally, those scholarly texts that contend with the bible’s role in rastafari often minimize its importance in the lives of practitioners and/or offer patronizing analyses of rasta interpretive methods. scholarship that appreciates the production of knowledge in rastafari communities and offers a detailed analysis of the biblical hermeneutics of rastafari can expand the fields of caribbean studies and biblical studies while enabling a more nuanced understanding of thought, theory, and practice of rastafari. an investigation of the fundamental role of the bible in shaping rastafari practice and, in particular, rastas engagement with biblical actors as exemplars of “livity” offers a new perspective on the diverse movement. for this reason, this endeavor interrogates the manner in which rastafari claim the bible as their own text, utilize the bible to assert their chosenness and divinity, and shape a distinct virtuous path called “livity” based upon their approach to the hebrew bible in particular. the rasta practice of livity involves ascribing to ritualized practices aimed at purification and a healthful, clean life. these practices including an embrace of naturalness and jah’s law, the cultivation of dreadlocks, the usage of ganja, and the consumption of a specialized “ital” diet. each of these elements of livity has its roots in the hebrew bible and relates to commandments directed to the israelites as interpreted by rasta readers. for example, rasta elder ras sam brown exemplifies this belief, stating: “we are those who obey strict moral and divine laws based on the mosaic tenet.” by asserting an israelite identity and shaping a behavioral path based upon that assumption, rastafari extract themselves from the holds of self-dread and oppression imposed upon raced bodies by the colonial system, thereby determining themselves divinely elect. through a consideration of the particular biblical passages, themes, and tropes engaged by rasta interpreters and by paying particular attention to the ways in which rastas engage samson and moses as exemplars of livity, this endeavor shifts the dialogue about a rastafari biblical approach. rasta engagements with particular biblical passages, broader themes derived from popular tales involving biblical actors, and interpreted retellings of the bible including the kebra nagast, or the glory of the kings, an ethiopian text written in ge’ez during the fourteenth century are central to individual and communal definitions of self. the declaration of an israelite identity is fundamentally important for practitioners; rastas read in the hebrew bible messages of their chosenness, textually confirm their election through their unique biblical hermeneutic, and enact it through ritual practice. they further confirm the fittedness of the ritual practice of livity as a biblically ordained system in large part by turning to samson and moses as exemplars of livity and as prototypical rastamen. thus, a consideration of rasta readings of samson and moses as paragons of livity can provide new insight into the ritualized lifestyle of practitioners and rasta biblical hermeneutics in general. by highlighting the essential role of the bible and biblical motifs in rasta practice and belief, i additionally challenge a scholarly tradition of envisioning resistance as practitioners’ primary reading technique. while scholars of rastafari have long examined rastafari through the lens of class and politics, and thus recognized the ability of rastas to resist domination in part through their usage of the bible, this project asserts that the spiritual element of the movement is just as essential to practitioners. since most scholars of rastafari come from a sociological background, their analyses tend to centralize on the social, political, and economic realms. these interpretations indelibly focus on rastafari as a revolutionary movement for cultural change. while this revolutionary element of rastafari is essential to practitioners, rastafari also offers a spiritual path of livity through which rastas align their lives with jah. the revolutionary argument put forth by many scholars of rastafari also often overlooks rastafari biblical hermeneutics as a venue for revolution. through their interpretation of the bible and engagement with biblical themes, rastas participate in a form of revolution that has not yet been explored by the scholarly community, one that takes place by way of a personal hermeneutic with spiritual and existentially rejuvenating power. the biblical blinders in much contemporary scholarship of rastafari is surprising in light of the recent academic interest in minority biblical interpretation. while this dissertation benefits from those scholars who have previously addressed rastas’ relationship with the bible, it expands upon their efforts by addressing the particular biblical themes and nuanced reading strategies that rastafari employ when contending with what practitioners believe is a heavily redacted holy text. my work benefits from the wealth of scholarship on rastafari as well as the copious numbers of interviews that journalists and scholars have with conducted with practitioners. reggae lyrics, rasta poetry, and literature also serve as rich sources for the project, as do newspaper articles. my personal encounters with practitioners contribute to my findings as well. rasta reasoning and the scholarly approach elements of rastafari thought, including a denial of death, the concept that time does not proceed chronologically, and a belief that ganja usage leads to clarity, have long troubled scholars of rastafari. i attempt, in this endeavor, to address those aspects of the movement as well as the scholarly tendencies that misrepresent rastafari. for example, some scholars read rastafari biblical hermeneutics and ontological perspective as irrational and analyze rastafari through a christian framework. journalists and influential scholars of the caribbean have long characterized rasta biblical hermeneutics as “creative,” or “quirky” efforts applied to an appropriated text. for instance, leonard barrett suggests that the rasta hermeneutical approach amounts to “seeming madness” and “religious myth.” he does, however, acknowledge the importance of said “madness” for rastas and he questions whether rasta reason needs to be scientifically “right” to be useful. moreover, george eaton simpson critiques rasta hermeneutics as selectively attuned, claiming that rastas “read always with a view to finding passages that validated rastafari doctrines.” joseph owens suggests that even beyond rasta readings of the bible, “metaphysics, images and the non-rational figure prominently” in rastafari. “the university report” of captures a similar sentiment and yet it contends that “what people believe or assert cannot be disposed of merely by denial.” barrett, meanwhile, claims that rastas “are not interested in empirical truths, but rather in the certitude of the doctrine.” yet, rasta beliefs are, too, logical and empirically true according to rastafari. as the above quotes indicate, one of the foremost scholarly issues concerning rastafari is that of ontological sensitivity. rastafari embodies a system of thought that is distinctive, though even some of the most lauded scholars of the movement ask it to fit in to a particular schema of thought. as paget henry notes, the conceptual framework imposed upon rastafari by academia is representative of a eurocentric hegemonic grasp over philosophy as a discipline. this conceptual framework prizes provability, mathematics, and linear notions of time. but, in order to appropriately conceptualize rastafari rationality, the unique reason of practitioners must be appreciated. like henry, rex nettleford suggests the need for “taking the discourse (on rastafari) into intellectual landscapes beyond narrow theological hermeneutics and exegesis, whose methods of arguments are considered christian-specific and predetermined.” recently scholars have touted the genius of rasta thought and recognized the existential importance of rastafari hermeneutics. for example, ennis edmonds extols rasta thought’s “remarkable logic” and comments on the “genius of an anti-colonial intelligence married to a strong nationalist sensibility.” according to edmonds, rastafari effectively answers the psychological and societal needs of peoples grappling with the lingering effects of enslavement and colonial rule. rasta theology is therefore intellectual, valuable, and fitting. jack johnson-hill further contends that rastafari boasts a “distinctive form of consciousness,” one that enables practitioners to achieve existential change. contrary to early scholarly opinion of theological irrationality, barry chevannes too describes rastafari as a natural response to african enslavement and the larger colonial project, a belief system that effectively answers psychological and societal needs of those still grappling with the effects of colonial rule. yet, though scholars of rastafari have increasingly come to appreciate the individuality and suitedness of a rasta ontological approach, particular elements of rasta thought still problematize the acceptance of rasta rationality, in particular, rasta notions surrounding death, time, and ganja. rastafari is an acephalous movement; practitioners do hold differing opinions about death, especially in light of the fact that the movement’s founding generation has largely passed away. in general, however, rastas believe that true rastas cannot die for they house a divine spark. instead, a rasta progresses into a different bodily existence, taking residence in a new fleshy home as a part of their “life everlasting.” the biblical notion of “life everlasting” contributes to a rasta perception of history. history, for rasta brethren and sistren, is not chronological. instead, history is cyclical and time is fluid. for instance, sister sheila writes: “ihi stand in creation and ihi am not alone/ ihi am a mighty nation/ in time, out of time, with time and through all time/ ihi am timeless yet also full of time/ here, there and everywhere/ scattered through history and gathered through eternity/ ihi yahnh ihi am eternal.” as owens acknowledges, for rastas, “history is cumulative, in that each moment is seen as summing up the totality of the past.” thus, a linear, event-based historic overview of the movement does not confer with rastafari conceptions of time, but instead with a eurocentric hegemonic approach to the past. this reality complicates a scholarly acknowledgement of rasta rationality when the rubrics applied to gauge rationality are based upon an enlightenment-based framework. rasta receptions of the bible exemplifies practitioners’ notion of time; the bible describes the past, details the present day, and portends the future. as an unnamed rasta told chevannes, “they term it the ‘holy bible’ but is black man’s history, his present, and his future recorded in there.” the cyclical nature of time proves itself in the pages of the bible and in the text’s resonance in this age, as does the unending nature of a righteous life. as ras kelly notes, “haile selassie, jesus christ, solomon, david, moses, and aaron are all black and are all the same person.” in this sense, moses, jesus, and haile selassie are considered unified, as different spatio-temporal appearances of the same divine entity. popular rasta notions of time and life/death challenge the intellectual framework of many scholars who study the movement. and yet, when scholars are able to appreciate the particular rationality of rastafari, they gain a deeper understanding of the rasta sense of the fusion between the biblical realm and the contemporary world from their expanded perception of the movement’s capability for logic. as oral thomas notes, “what we have here in biblical hermeneutical practice within the caribbean context is a fluid reading strategy that moves from the universal (bible as the word of god) to the particular (socioeconomic and historical realities of the context) and vice versa.” the rasta celebration of ganja as a method for achieving heightened levels of consciousness puzzles scholars of rastafari as one of the movement’s most seemingly irrational outward practices. yet, ganja serves an integral element in reasoning for practitioners; ganja serves as a pathway towards “higher and higher i-ghts” from which one can gain clarity and a divine perspective. as one rasta leader puts it, “black man is basically god but this insight can come to man only with the use of the herb.” the usage of ganja also ensures purification and aids brethren and sistren as they strive for enlightenment, though it makes them seem irrational to the majority of jamaican culture. peter tosh’s conversation in “nah goa jail,” in which he says to a police officer who ostensibly approached him because of his use of ganja, “this yah spliff that you see me with, sir, i, / i just got it from a priest, sir,” proves that ganja is a ritual aid for rastafari, though its usage distances practitioners from jamaican society. the very concept that ganja can elevate consciousness stands counter to conceptions of scientific provability and sobriety emphasized by eurocentic philosophic endeavors. without a dependence on the “paradigms and methodologies of western intellectual history,” the very paradigms that subject rastafari to “mental slavery,” the movement is able to stand as a holistic and essential ontological approach to life. for this reason, scholars should attempt to comprehend rastafari and its complex intellectual system in terms of rasta consciousness’ cognitive framework. a self-affirming, invigorating force, rasta consciousness serves as a powerful weapon against the white colonial enterprise as well as against the hegemonic grasp of eurocentric philosophies. for rastas, it is the very act of “reasoning” that leads to clarity and to enlightenment. “reasoning,” an essential ritual activity for rastafari, occurs in the form of an interactive philosophizing session fueled by ganja and the inquisitiveness of creative minds. as nathaniel murrell and burchell taylor note, “the ongoing reasoning…is in itself a form of what paulo friere calls ‘conscientization’- arousing a people’s consciousness and sense of self-redemption from the bottom up with liberating significance.” when considered through a eurocentric theoretical lens, one that prioritizes white, male, protestant normativity, rastafari emerges as liminal and is made “other” through ontological difference. but, rastafari deserves to be appreciated on account of its unique ontology, not despite it. scholars must avoid the pitfall that adrian anthony mcfarlane claims occurs when “technical philosophical discussion imposes a western structure on rasta.” for, as nettleford notes, rasta discourse must be studied outside of the assumed intellectual framework of jamaica if its unique intellectual “genealogical pedigree” is to be recognized. rastafari from a christian perspective in addition to appreciating rasta logic and production of reason, scholars should also attempt to avoid analyzing rastafari in terms of its similarities and differences to/from christianity, assessing rasta reasoning as irrational because of its differences from christianity, or suggesting that rastas steal christians’ holy text, thereby disallowing practitioners from an authentic and unquestioned rasta ownership of the hebrew bible. this endeavor addresses these tendencies as well as the corresponding scholarly trend to label rastafari a millenarian-messianic movement. the scholarly application of a christian framework to traditions influenced by but not wholly defined by christianity and to non-christian traditions alike is not isolated to rastafari; it is a frequent and unfortunate practice in the study of biblical hermeneutics, religions, and cultures across the globe. perhaps the tendency of scholars, including owens, johnson-hill, and william lewis, each who are affiliated with a church, to evaluate rastafari through a christian lens lies in a desire to comprehend rastas in relation to oneself. for instance, johnson- hill posits that the linguistic concept of the self as “i-n-i” is the “basic premise of missionary christianity.” murrell echoes this sentiment, saying that “i-an-i is divine the same way the suffering christ was human and divine.” the concept of “i-n-i” involves a human embodiment of divinity, one that seems to correspond with jesus’ statement that “ye are gods” (john : ). each rasta owns a spark of divinity and thus is connected to jah and to each other as “i-n-i.” yet, the concept differs from a christian model of humanity’s inherent divinity because not all rastas believe in jesus as savior, or in any individual savior for that matter, and because as i-n-i, practitioners are connected with one another in a distinct way in addition to being connected to jah. assessing i-n-i from a christian framework limits the concept to the precise christian model it is asked to emulate. edmonds, however, challenges the sentiment expressed by murrell, owens, and johnson-hill. he envisions rastafari as counter to christianity, a concept that enables rastafari to stand on its own ontological ground but which leaves little room for manifestations of the movement that embrace elements of christianity. barrett concurs with edmonds, however, that rastas generally consider christianity a “missionary religion, which they view as the religious arm of colonial oppression.” and, chevannes rightly acknowledges that “rastas’ approach to the bible differs markedly from that of the christian church, with which they are always in conversation.” a scholarly tendency to portray all manifestations of rastafari as christian-like is misguided, as is one that effaces christian influences on the movement. indeed, many rastas incorporate christian beliefs and practice, the most well known being members of the twelve tribes of israel. furthermore, an emphasis on revelation as the most essential biblical text for all practitioners is misguided, though the book is certainly important for many practitioners. macneil supposes that “revelation is the source of a ‘selassian’ hermeneutic that allows (rastas) to read zion in the prophets as ethiopia.” as he points out, rastas believe that selassie fulfills the pronouncement of revelation : - . and, according to owens, revelation is rastas’ “primary scriptural inspiration,” especially regarding their conception of babylon. revelation and describe the onset of the apocalypse while : details the destruction of babylon, a message that is essential for rasta readers who envision babylon as the colonial complex of the west, an entity that they see themselves as removed from. revelation : reads: “with violence shall that great city babylon be thrown down, and shall be found no more at all.” while practitioners certainly emphasize the importance of revelation in their embrace of the bible and reference the new testament more largely, the new testament play a less instructional role in determining praxis and belief than the hebrew bible and its solomonic legacy. many rastas venerate jesus christ, but some do not. and, while the new testament remains valuable to many brethren and sistren, rastafari commonly look to the hebrew bible as an “original” source, one that describes their election and details the fitting system of livity and one that has been less dramatically redacted by babylon. while they know forces of babylon, the nefarious and corrupting white colonial project, of which rastas believe the pope is at the helm, edited the hebrew bible, a majority of practitioners, with the noted exception of twelve tribe members, believe the new testament was more egregiously edited and thus offers more heavily redacted truths. despite the fact that many practitioners envision the new testament as thus less valuable than the hebrew bible, scholars of rastafari often discuss the movement in christian terms and consequently grant christianity reign over rationality; for example, take those readings that assess rasta biblical hermeneutics as “quirky” or as “mad”. when christianity is assumed to be rational, a belief in haile selassie as jah incarnate is inevitably irrational, a presumption that detracts from a scholarly ability to fully comprehend rastafari. this reading strategy too grants ownership of the bible to christianity. for example, murrell and lewin williams suggest that “rastas hijacked christian theology and scripture and imbued them with new exegetical interpretation for their own self-definition and identity.” while rastas do indeed engage in a form of “hijacking,” i caution against the popular notion of seizure that murrell and williams express and question their implicit presumption of christian ownership of the bible. instead, i argue that rastas reclaim the bible, a foundational tool of the white colonialist project, and thus read from the text what they believe to be its original messages of black divinity and election. rastas enliven that divinity through a ritualized lifestyle that proves their righteousness and thereby disassembles the racial hierarchy of the caribbean. rastafari interpret holy texts that they believe they rightly own and that were once used to enforce subservience in african people, in a hermeneutical move that sanctions disengagement from the psychic hold of white supremacy, what marley famously calls “mental slavery.” reasoning ownership of the hebrew bible enables rastafari to “wrest” a powerful weapon from the hands of their oppressor, while their assertion of an israelite identity infuses practitioners with divinity. the trend to assign to rastafari the labels of “millenarian” and “messianic” stems from the same tendency to read rastafari through a christian lens, though millenarianism and messianism are not solely christian concepts. barrett, for example, defines rastafari as a millenarian-messianic movement in much of his work. he encouraged the adoption of this position by a generation of scholars of caribbean religion including murrell and taylor. however, that rastas recognize the divine spark within each human being and often do not believe in a messiah does not neatly fit with a messianic conception of the movement. the perspective that rastafari is messianic because haile selassie “shares bodily in shaping and leading the movement” is also problematic since not all rastas embrace the concept of him as messiah, though some certainly do. the idea that rastafari is millennial in many ways corresponds with the movement’s interest in ushering in a new zionic age. and, barrett asserts that though rastafari is a millennial movement, such a reality does not disallow the routinization of rastafari during the ’s because the routinization that was taking place was ambivalent. however, the idea of routinization challenges a millenarian perspective. furthermore, rastas believe it is their responsibility to wake people up so that they can recognize their nature as divine beings in this world. as carole yawney notes, “the rastafarians are not an encapsulated religious cult, a characteristic of millennial cults! but on the contrary, they have frequent and meaningful interchanges on a daily basis with non-rastas in the communities in which they live.” rastas aim to create a new order in this time, not to enter in to a new era. in his early work, chevannes conceives of “rastafari’s millenarianism, which served to place a sense of immediacy upon the affairs of black people. there was little time to waste, before redemption would take place, and before the terrible fall of babylon prophesied in isaiah and previewed in the mysterious book of revelation would descend on oppressors.” he came to challenge his initial perspective and question whether it is fitting to call rastafari messianic because, as he recognizes, rastas have only displayed mass millenarian activity three times in six decades with the last major millenarian activity occurring in conjunction with haile selassie’s visit to jamaica. in revising his earlier perspective on the popular millenarian-messianic perspective, chevannes challenges a leading scholarly paradigm, one that still holds credence for many scholars. because of millenarianism’s centralization on the end-of-days, a conception that resonates with rastas’ hope to conquer babylon and practitioner’s interest in the apocalyptic language within the book of revelation, scholars continue to define rastafari in millenarian terms, even as murrell warns that “to limit the still-evolving, afro- caribbean phenomenon only to christian ideas of an apocalyptic end of the world is, therefore, nearsighted and uninformed.” terminological choices though rastafari do not refer to their movement as a religion, scholars often do so. because rastas do not embrace the term, scholars should avoid its usage in conversations about rastafari. labeling rastafari as a religion imposes a structure upon the movement that practitioners do not acknowledge. for, as talal asad argues, religion is a category that emerged in the west and that is now applied as a universal concept. “from being a concrete set of practical rules attached to specific processes of power and knowledge, religion has come to be abstracted and universalized.” richard king concurs with asad that “the modern category of ‘religion’ itself is a western construction that owes a considerable debt to enlightenment presuppositions.” he continues: the search for the ‘essence’ of religion . . . is misguided since it is operating under the aegis of the essentialist fallacy that the phenomena included in the category of religion (for instance) must have something universally in common to be meaningfully classified as religious. if, as king suggests, “religion and culture are the field in which power relations operate,” the universalizing of the religious “essence” of the west allows the west to define what authentic religious practice looks like. asad notes that “while religion is integral to modern western history, there are dangers in employing it as a normalizing concept” for “its conceptual geology has profound implications for the ways in which non-western traditions are now able to grow and change.” when non-western religious traditions are measured against a system that is the very basis of the definition of “religion,” such traditions can be measured as inadequate or less than. and so, “the idea of a single nature for all humans appeared to conceive that some are evidently ‘more mature’ than others.” those traditions that developed directly out of the culture that defined the “essence” of religion inevitably become benchmarks by which to measure other traditions’ fittedness. one could easily argue that rastafari is a western religion both because christianity was a major influence on the movement and because it was founded in jamaica with roots in those african nations that are part of the western hemisphere. yet, rastas do not believe that they are a part of the west; they envision the west as babylon and see themselves as wholly separate from it. though some rastas use the term “religion,” rastafari also customarily deny that rastafari is a religion. for example, ky- mani marley proclaims that “rasta is not a religion. it is a way of life. we have no rules or rituals.” as barrett notes though, if rastafari is defined as a religion for some rastas, it is because “religion is a total involvement for (jamaicans), not a mental exercise. within one’s religion, one lives, moves, and has one’s being.” this definition of religion might be applicable, even for those rastas who claim that rastafari is not a religion and is instead a way of life. rastafari is indeed a total system of being for many practitioners, one that encompasses spirituality and one that serves as a movement for societal and personal change, a holistic way of being. but, “religion” still remains a problematic label because rastas actively reject it. rastas are not alone in their rejection of the label. jews, muslims, and even some christians, along with practitioners of other traditions join them in their pursuit of a more holistic way to describe their faith and way of life. according to ras brown, “you cannot join rastafari. it is not something you join. that is foolishness. it is something inside of you, an inspiration that come forward.” brown avoids using the term “religion” in an attempt to circumvent the western trappings of the term that asad recognizes. yet, while his intentions are noble, he mistakenly employs another term laden with western implications, and, in fact, one that is distinctly christian. the oxford dictionary defines “inspiration” as “the quality of being inspired, especially when evident in something, a person or thing that inspires, a sudden brilliant, creative, or timely idea, the divine influence believed to have led to the writing of the bible, the drawing in of breath; inhalation. origin-middle english (in the sense ‘divine guidance’).” both the terms “religion” and “inspiration” have western roots, and therefore, may cause discomfort for rasta practitioners. furthermore, rastas do not use the term “inspiration” in conversation, though they do use “movement.” in addition to frequently defining rastafari as a religion, scholars often refer to the movement as an “ism,” as in “rastafarianism.” barrett, for example, employs the term “rastafarianism” in his seminal work on rastafari, the rastafarians. but, as edmonds acknowledges, practitioners “oppose the description of rastafari as an ideology or system of beliefs. they would declare that rastafari is not an ‘ism’ but a way of life.” in order to avoid the pitfalls involved with describing rastafari as a religion or as an “ism,” many scholars, myself included, apply the term “movement” to rastafari. yet, charles price rightly argues that the term “movement” is limiting in that it infers that rastafari is inherently political in nature: “my view is that ‘movement’ describes only part of what some of the rastafari are involved in.” indeed, the term “movement” seems to correspond with a scholarly trend to analyze rastafari from a sociological standpoint. this perspective leads to conceptions of rastafari that are largely based upon evaluation of the social, political, and economic spheres. in order to avoid this pitfall, price instead employs the phrases “rasta identity,” “rasta people,” and “collectivity” in his attempt to sort out what terminology best suits rastafari. scholars should certainly attempt to promote terminology that best suits the ontology of the worldview they describe, all while acknowledging and assessing how practitioners define these worldviews. thus, while i acknowledge price’s critique of “movement” as valid and offer my own criticism of the term, because practitioners employ the term “movement,” i refer to rastafari as such throughout this endeavor. i also recognize that “movement” can relate to individuals’ and communities’ spiritual development as well as to cultural change. who is a rasta? the phrase “rasta movement” is misleading in some regards; it infers a rasta collectivity and communal commitment. yet, rastafari manifests in countless ways across the world. by the ’s, divergences in rastafari beliefs and practices became clear and informal groups called “houses,” “yards,” or “mansions” were clearly established in jamaica, the united states, and england. the twelve tribes of israel, founded in by vernon carrington, who took the name “prophet gad,” spread quickly in jamaica and internationally. the twelve tribes of israel believe that they are the descendants of jacob and advocate that haile selassie is christ returned. the mansion reached middle class jamaicans and new converts in part because it adopted some christian elements. the mansion is known as “the reggae house of rastafari” in part because members held frequent public performances on the last saturday of every month during the ’s in order to raise funds for repatriation and also because many reggae artists emerged from the mansion. initially, members of the twelve tribes were expected to contribute twenty cents a week to a repatriation fund, though this is no longer their practice; members now make voluntary donations instead. the mansion is also arguably the most “progressive”; it allows women to participate in reasoning ceremonies and nyabinghi celebrations. this reality also contributed to the group’s growth. practitioners and scholars generally consider the bobo shanti, or the ethiopian national congress, to be the most “orthodox” mansion. bobo dreads are generally not interested in reggae music; they claim that much of it is a bastardization of rasta ritual music, such as that created in nyabinghi ceremonies. they strictly guard themselves from babylonian culture and reject technology, though some have cell phones and use computers. women are excluded from ritual activity within bobo shanti communities. the house of nyabinghi, or the theocratic government of emperor haile selassie i, is the oldest of the rastafari mansions. the group takes their name from east africans who resisted domination by colonial forces during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. the term “nyabinghi,” which means “she who possesses many things,” memorializes a ruandiasie princess who took place in resistance efforts against colonial forces in the years leading up to . nyabinghi dreads conceptualize haile selassie as an ancestral leader, not as jah incarnate, an opinion that sharply contrasts with the attitude of bobo and twelve tribe members. the three mansions described above are the most established rasta collectives; however, some rastas are unaffiliated or practice in smaller “houses” as well. others consider themselves rasta and also belong to churches or other religious orders, most frequently the ethiopian orthodox church (eoc). as a rasta named ernie shares, “there are as many kinds of rastas as the reeds that grow on the riverbank. . . . but it all stem from the same thing, and it all go through the same place, the heart.” rastafari international on july , , on what would have been haile selassie’s th birthday, the first international rastafari conference and nyabinghi, coordinated by the house of nyabinghi, took place in toronto, ontario. the event is significant because it was the first major international gathering of rastas and thus, in a way, it marks the successful globalization of rastafari. indeed, rastafari has become a global movement, one that boasts practitioners around the globe. rasta communities exist in japan, mexico, africa, costa rica, spain, new zealand, and elsewhere. this project largely examines rastafari as it is lived in jamaica because of the sheer number of practitioners found there and because of the number of resources that focus on the island. however, although formed in jamaica, “rastafari in jamaica do not necessarily determine the form, character or ethos of rastafari as it is lived outside of jamaica.” nonetheless, as richard salter notes, there remains a “trend for jamaican rastafari to be normative for the movement as a whole, thus homogenizing what is really a diverse movement.” rastafari resonates with diverse individuals around the world because of its revolutionary message and adaptable nature. it boasts no official doctrine. it is up to individuals and communities to negotiate a relationship with the movement. in new zealand, for example, where “the rastafari interpretation of the bible as a prophetic text of emancipation continues the practice of resistant maori prophetic movements of the previous centuries,” practitioners sport tattoos on their foreheads in an attempt to assert their identity as the servants of jah spoken about in revelation : (“saying, hurt not the earth, neither the sea, nor the trees, till we have sealed the servants of our god in their foreheads”). other rastas would reject tattooing as unnatural. and, of the rastafari from bahia, brazil, “some express a desire to be politically active, while others refuse to participate in politics but use the system when it benefits their cause. all wear dreadlocks. most eat meat. some smoke ganja and others do not.” rastas in jamaica traditionally avoid any and all political involvement. as salter notes, “an exclusive focus on one account narrows our appreciation for how the movement’s characteristic ‘symbolic ambiguity’ allows it to take on and develop new meanings.” even within jamaica, rastafari crosses racial and socioeconomic boundaries, resonating with people of all races and classes. there is no one “rasta” voice. thus, to associate rastafari with just impoverished afro-jamaicans is to limit the scope of rasta belief and practice. constant currents tie together what are, in reality, diverse communities of rastafari. these currents include an emphasis on freedom, an appreciation for haile selassie as a righteous figure, and a pursuit of naturalness and spiritual growth. nonetheless, rastas and consequently rasta readers are diverse. rasta readers boast distinct economic, racial, and locational identities. and, these interpreters read the bible in numerous ways. some rasta readers read from the pages of the bible while others read truths from the biblical tales, motifs, and tropes with which they are familiar. reading itself, for many of them, is not just an act of engaging with the written word but an active assessment of messages found in biblical themes, personal experiences, reggae lyrics, and popular stories. the holy text, for these diverse readers, is not limited to what is written in the bible; it extends beyond the book’s binding into the contemporary world. redemption song rastas of diverse national origins celebrate haile selassie, share messages of freedom, and pursue revolution by means of reggae music. reggae is by no means synonymous with rastafari. nonetheless, the genre serves as a venue through which practitioners articulate their understanding of rastafari and by which profoundly powerful rasta messages of black chosenness, resistance against domination, and spiritual development reach the masses. thus, this project depends largely on reggae lyrics as its source material. in particular, i primarily cite roots reggae lyrics, a subgenre of reggae that commonly contains on spiritual and revolutionary messages. marley sings of the power of reggae to spread the message of rastafari: “me say, music you’re - music you’re the key, / talk to who? please talk to me, / bring the voice of - of the rastaman, / communicating to everyone.” by the late ’s, “the fusion of prophetic message, african drum, and ritual worship manifested itself in a genuine rastafari musical tradition.” reggae music developed from a synthesis of rasta sacred music, ska, mento, and r&b. most directly the product of ska, a genre that originated in jamaica in the ’s out of mento, a style of acoustic jamaican folk music popular during the ’s and ’s, calypso, a genre that originated in trinidad and tobago and featured harmonious vocals, jazz, and r&b, ska music topped the charts in in the period leading up to . at that time, rocksteady came into fashion. rocksteady slowed the pace of ska and began experimenting with the beat. while early reggae and rocksteady are difficult to distinguish, reggae’s “heavy backbeated rhythm” sets it apart. though the focus of rocksteady and reggae lyrics was also initially quite similar, with songs focusing on love, dancing, and having fun, reggae music took on a more political bent in the late ’s. in marley’s opinion, reggae is “a vehicle that is used to translate a message of redemption to the people upon earth today.” for, “we free the people with music.” reggae music serves both as a means of revolution and a method of empowerment. though, perhaps the most frequently addressed message of reggae is its message of resistance to domination. according to marley, “a reggae music, mek we chant down babylon; / with music, mek we chant down babylon.” the messages of resistance inherent in much reggae music, when joined with the rhythms and melodies of the genre, resonate in the souls of a wide audience and make reggae an effective tool to “chant down babylon.” reggae artists then become leaders in the fight against babylon system, the industrial, commercial system that divorces human beings from the natural world. marley notably proclaimed: “i see myself as a revolutionary, who don’t have no help, and i take no bribe from no one. i fight it singlehanded with music.” as diane austin-broos notes, “music is the embodiment of power.” this statement applies to its role in the bible as well. iqulah sings, “when king david plays his harp, / all the nation gather around. / then king saul fell to the ground, / and king david take his throne. / that’s the magic, in the music, rasta magic, in the music.” reggae has the ability to channel that power to conquer babylon: “rastafari rihddihmhzhs topple racist systems! / rastafari rihddihmhzhs pulsating! / to emancipate children of slavery,” describes poet durm ihi brooks. hausman concurs with marley and brooks that through the power of reggae, “the old world of babylon crumbles, beaten down by chant, rhythmic pounding, and exultation of the heart.” it is not only the lyrics that channel power. in reggae music, the drums play an especially central role in conducting energy. for instance, beenie man and determine describe the role of the kette drum in reggae’s goal of resistance: “when di kette beat/ oh when the kette beat/ di beast get defeat.” according to john homiak, “in the complex intertwining of religious and musical element that informs these ceremonies, the drum has retained its central and characteristically african role in spiritual communion, an instrument for summoning and controlling power.” through its dynamic lyrics and its powerful drumbeats, reggae serves as an effective venue through which to share social commentary on a grand scale. however, upbeat rhythms, methods of performance, and sometimes-indistinguishable linguistics often disguise the deeply revolutionary messages of rastafari. for instance, in “corner stone,” marley sings, “do you hear me? hear what i say. the stone that the builder refused will always be the head cornerstone.” he calls for listeners to acknowledge his message, one that seems to be, on the surface, about determination in the face of rejection. but, in the song, marley directly quotes psalm : . those who do not know the psalm or of acts : ’s declaration that that very stone is jesus himself will not comprehend that marley is drawing a comparison between himself and the christian savior. such a comparison makes marley jah incarnate. this message might prove more challenging for certain non-rasta audiences than a message of continued perseverance. in this song and others, reggae artists pose polyvalent messages; the messenger is not hidden while the song’s true significance may very well be. as james scott recognizes: ideological insubordination of subordinate groups . . . takes a quiet public form in elements of folk or popular culture… its public expression typically skirts the bounds of impropriety. the condition of its pubic expression is that it be sufficiently indirect and garbled that it is capable of two readings, one of which is innocuous. according to scott, power relations always affect discourse. and though rastafari has, for generations, rejected domination and attempted to resist the residual power dynamics of the colonial system, practitioners recognize that babylon still reigns. scott suggests that subjugated people “ordinarily dare not contest the terms of their subordination openly. behind the scenes, though, they are likely to create and defend a social space in which offstage dissent to the official transcript of power relations maybe voiced.” rastafari clearly engages in public acts of contestation. through their physical appearance and through their reggae music, even when its audience only comprehends particular levels of meaning, rastas publically challenge babylon’s control. moreover, scott’s suggestion that “every subordinate group creates, out of its ordeal, a “hidden transcript” that represents a critique of power spoken behind the back of the dominant” corresponds with the deeper messages sometimes shrouded in reggae music, including messages of black divinity. colonized people create both a public and a private discourse through which they communicate. the public discourse allows for some condemnation of the dominant culture where the hidden offers space for more profound critique. the “theatrical imperatives that normally prevail in situations of domination produce a public transcript in close conformity with how the dominant group would wish to have things appear. the dominant never control the stage absolutely, but their wishes normally prevail,” suggests scott. rastas’ public transcript centers on the bright red, gold, and green associated with the movement, the ganja smoking, the “quirky” hairstyle of rastas, and the one love ethos most frequently associated with the movement since to late ’s. this almost fanciful public transcript demonstrates, in some regards, a rasta rejection of european cultural norms but hides the ontological violence that takes place in their hidden discourse. in their hidden transcript, as coded and expressed in reggae music, in poetry, in dread talk, and through the very practice of livity, rastafari reject not only standards of beauty and appearance of the west, but also the entire system of logic on which the western world operates as well as the racial schema upon which it is structured. oral culture and linguistics are one of “the manifold strategies by which subordinate groups manage to insinuate their resistance, and disguised forms, into the public transcript.” dread talk, the particular linguistic pattern of rastafari, is thus especially effective at disguising ideological insubordination. for, words and euphemism have the ability to serve as “a veiled discourse of dignity and self-assertion within the public transcript.” music increases the communicability of that “veiled discourse” by energizing it and drawing in listeners. the ability to attract an audience is what makes music a strategic site for a hidden transcript and an “effective weapon” of resistance. “the whisper upon my lips is the roar of the lion of judah,” as sister sheila puts it. reggae as ritual and prayer victor turner envisions word and sound as elements of ritual drama. he additionally recognizes “the political dimension of rituals as both tools of social control and processes of emancipation.” music, then, in his opinion, is a potential route through which to escape domination. reggae, when viewed as a form of ritual also has transformative capabilities that go beyond emancipation. it is not merely a venue for messages of resistance. it is a means for personal expressions of devotion and an experience through which practitioners can reenvision themselves. through song, rastas activate their biblical identity, sing of chosenness, praise the divine, and celebrate the promise of zion. reggae can be “churchical expression.” it can be a prayer through which to communicate with jah, as it is when artists sing, in their interpretation of psalm : , “may the words of i mouth, the meditation of i heart, be accepted in thy site, oh fari.” reggae artists frequently channel the bible as a means of confirming their biblical identity for, as anand prahlad notes, using the bible in song contributes “rhetorical support, and to lend the voice of authority.” while employing the bible in reggae may do just that, rastas reference the bible in reggae music because they believe that reggae is the music of jah and that the bible contains his word. for example, ras ivan from bahia, brazil states, “we play reggae because we believe reggae is the song of the psalms, the song of the kings.” reading the bible and engaging with its words through song and otherwise is thus the responsibility of jah’s elect. steel pulse sings: chant, chant a psalm a day. / i’ve got to, chant, chant a psalm a day. . . . / moses he did chant, chant. / samson he did chant, chant. / elijah he did chant, chant. / i want the whole a we fe chant, chant. ziggy marley describes the process of composing reggae: “jah gives the inspiration and my music is based more upon a spiritual level than a physical one. the music comes from jah, but i use my own inner eye, my third eye, to make the music.” rastas, including ziggy marley, envision reggae as stemming directly from jah; musicians act as the conduit for his missive. for instance, for bunny wailer: the bible says that the singers went before, and the players of instruments followed after . . . so it’s a whole spiritual order, where angels sing, and then we carry out that message, so its something more than just bob marley . . . or the wailers. it’s the most high, ras tafari. capleton shares a similar message about his performances: “it’s not even me. it’s jah himself, jah works. . . . sometimes people tell me i make certain moves on stage and i don’t even remember. it is just the powers of the most high.” while not all reggae music expresses rasta sentiments, the music that does generally contains messages of resistance and of a spiritual connection with jah. not only is reggae a venue through which rastas proclaim their intimacy with jah, jah speaks through them musically. thus, reggae music that speaks of the israelite identity of rastafari is a divine assurance of rasta election and of rastas’ corresponding requirement of livity. dissertation structure the bible proves for a diversity of rasta readers chosenness and black dominance, for rastafari flip the manichean racial divide of colonial oppressors. it is a venue for personal and communal disengagement from the psychic hold of white superiority and a means for the reclamation of a positive sense of self. the bible validates rastas’ relationship with jah and allows individuals to define themselves as valuable, as pure, and as holy. in the hebrew bible in particular, rastas find proof of jah’s blackness, of the value of ethiopia, and of their own israelite identity. there is tremendous power inherent in claiming divine election. yet, there too lies tremendous responsibility, a responsibility to live according to jah’s order. the following chapters explore a rasta acceptance of an israelite identity and their consequent responsibility to uphold a divinely ordained path of livity through an examination of practitioners’ engagement with samson, delilah, and moses, each a transgressive and liminal character. samson and moses in particular function, for rasta readers, as exemplars of livity despite their indiscretions against jah’s order. moses disobeys and questions jah’s orders in his biblical narrative. and, samson disregards his nazirite vow. the transgressions of moses and samson stand in opposition to israelite rasta behavioral codes and yet these biblical actors retain their roles as exemplars of livity in a rasta hermeneutical approach because of the effects such a reading of them has for rastafari notions of selfhood. highlighting the rasta reception of these specific transgressive biblical actors as well as of delilah opens up conversations about rastafari biblical hermeneutics and the value of livity as a fundamental component of rasta belief. my first body chapter, “chapter : a linear history of rastafari,” examines the history of rastafari and of jamaica more largely, reaching back to africa and telling the story of a people displaced, of missionary efforts to draw them in to christianity, of their interactions with the bible, and of the profound jamaican tradition of rebellion. chapter , “rastafari and the bible,” gives an introduction to the ways in which rastas read the hebrew bible. in this section, i explore a rasta reasoning of jah’s blackness by examining the particular passages rastas read as proof of jah’s racial identity. i also consider a rasta centralization on ethiopia as zion and definition of the western world as babylon. lastly, this chapter describes the biblical passages that rastas identify as proving whiteness to be a curse and those that confirm that rastas and all african people are jah’s chosen people. in chapter , “livity: taking the zionic path of rastafari,” i describe the rasta system of livity and explore the ways in which a diversity of practitioners enact livity. livity is the rasta path of righteousness. rastas envision livity as a pure, natural, and original method to elevate oneself to divine status. it allows those who pursue it to eradicate the evils and unnaturalness associated with babylon through, for example, the cultivation of dreadlocks, the consumption of a particular diet, the usage of ganja, an avoidance of dead bodies, and the removal of impure individuals from the community. the proscriptions of livity that allow such transcendence are largely derived from priestly, nazirite, and israelite proscriptions of the hebrew bible, and this chapter analyzes the particular passages that contribute to the system. in chapter , “samson: purity, power, and the putrid,” i discuss samson’s reception by rasta readers. as a dreadlocked rastaman and nazirite, samson compellingly embodies the value of livity for rastas and stands as a paradigm of resistance. he offers much as a liberator-strongman and exemplar of livity. by applying their unique hermeneutic to his biblical narrative and to popular tales surrounding his life, practitioners embrace samson as a symbol of black strength, rasta purity and election by jah in spite of his defiling actions. judges : proclaims samson a nazirite from birth, and, according to rasta readers, he succeeds against babylon in judges : . yet, much of his behavior in judges challenges notions of samson as an unsullied nazirite, israelite, and rastaman. i contend that because of his hair, notorious strength, actions against the philistines, and nazirite identity, rastas obfuscate samson’s textual episodes of disregard for livity. with “i-n-i” as their goal, rastafari read samson as clean, both spiritually and physically, in an exegetical move that allows the male rasta body to remain untainted and divinely elect. chapter , “the gendering of livity: delilah, samson, and dangerous women,” carefully considers the biblical orientation of rasta gender roles and how they manifest in gendered paths of livity through an analysis of rasta readings of delilah. delilah’s relationship with samson proves, for male rasta reader, that women are inherently simple and generally malicious. males, on the other hand, are read as divine-like. however, the tale of samson and delilah warns brethren of the threat they face from persuasive and intriguing women. this chapter examines the gender-specific requirements of the behavioral system of livity and interrogates what such extrapolations mean in terms of the potential of male and female rastas to actualize livity in their own lives. chapter , “moses, the word, and the promise of zion,” centers on readings of moses as a paradigm of livity, ultimate prophet, and prototypical rastaman. as rastaman, moses inspires practitioners to seek justice and liberation and he substantiates the chosenness of practitioners, as well as the righteousness of livity. moses, too, proves for practitioners that they, like the biblical leader, can communicate with jah and speak on jah’s behalf. by reading moses not only as a revolutionary and a prophetic leader but also as a rastaman, practitioners define themselves as prophets, radicals, and guides, a strategy with significant existential ramifications. in chapter , “moses as redeemer and divine disappointment,” i consider moses’ leadership of the israelites from enslavement to redemption, as well as moses’ faults in the eyes of jah, as detailed in his biblical narrative, as well as his death on the outskirts of the promised land. when moses is a rastaman, zion becomes almost a guarantee for rastas. as marley sings in “exodus,” “we know where we’re going, uh! we know where we’re from. we’re leaving babylon, we’re going to our father land.” yet, moses’ punishment in numbers : complicates his relationship with jah and thus his role as ideal rastaman. in this chapter, i examine why, in a rasta hermeneutical approach, moses’ inability to enter the promised land does not take on profound meaning for a people who hope to repatriate to ethiopia, a place rastas conceive of as zion, suggesting that rastafari minimize moses’ punishment in numbers : in a hermeneutic move that evades what contending with his exile-status would means in terms of the potential for repatriation to ethiopia and additionally allows him to remain an exemplar of livity. brethren miakael kezehemohonenow notes, “the people of jah spoken of in the bible are africans and black people everywhere.” this dissertation reflects on how rastas read this truth and how practitioners enact an israelite identity by way of their unique biblical hermeneutic. a text that was used by colonial forces to declare africans justly enslaved, the appropriated, reclaimed bible proved to be a source of hope for african and african diasporic people, one that details the presence of a black jah and of ethiopians, and thus one that confirms rastas as israelites. instead of rejecting the bible as the text of the colonizer, rastas reassume its power, thereby denying colonial forces the ability to employ the bible as a means of social control. the bible is more than a tool used to resist domination, however. it is an instrument of empowerment and spiritual enlightenment, one that contains messages of black chosenness and divinity. as the elect israelites spoken of in the bible, rastas must uphold the responsibilities detailed within their system of livity. for rasta readers, moses and samson serve as ideals of livity through their righteous behavior, thereby proving rastas to be a chosen people, despite the transgressive nature of these biblical actors. by examining the manner in which rastas interpret the hebrew bible, and in particular, the way in which they contend with samson, delilah, and moses, this work offers new insight into the path of livity, enriches conversations about rastafari biblical hermeneutics, and emphasizes the fundamental role of the hebrew bible in the movement. ras ivi, quoted in charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university press, ), . born nesta robert marley, february , . born nesta robert marley, february , . roger steffens, “about bob marley,” american masters: pbs, accessed may , , http://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/bob-marley-about-bob-marley/ /. stephen davis, bob marley: the biography (worthing: littlehampton book services ltd., ), - . vivien goldman, the book of exodus: the making and meaning of bob marley and the wailers’ album of the century, (new york: three rivers press, ), - . “his foundation is in the holy mountains. the lord loveth the gates of zion more than all the dwellings of jacob. glorious things are spoken of thee, o city of god. selah. i will make mention of rahab and babylon to them that know me: behold philistia, and tyre, with ethiopia; this man was born there. and of zion it shall be said, this and that man was born in her: and the highest himself shall establish her. the lord shall count, when he writeth up the people, that this man was born there. selah. as well the singers as the players on instruments shall be there: all my springs are in thee.” bob marley and the wailers music video: live at santa barbara county bowl, directed by don gazzaniga (avalon attractions incorporated media aids limited, , vhs). dean macneil, the bible and bob marley: half the story has never been told (eugene: cascade books, ), . ibid., . ibid., . throughout my dissertation, i refer to rastafari as a movement, not as a religion. this semantic choice is based on feedback i received from practitioners after presenting a paper entitled “moses and rastafari biblical hermeneutics: reading revolution, repatriation, and righteousness” at the university of the west indies in kingston, jamaica on august , . written by a delegation of university of the west indies faculty members. rex nettleford, roy augier and m. g. smith, report on the rastafari movement in kingston jamaica, (kingston: university college of the west indies, ). see chapter of this dissertation. ras sam brown, quoted in leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . rasta readings of the bible take many forms, some of which are based on biblical text and others that are readings of cultural interpretations of biblical tropes, themes, and characters. leonard e. barrett and nathaniel samuel murrell are examples of scholars that determine rasta readings to be “creative.” sarah bentley, “boboshanti: st century rastas,” huck magazine, august , accessed april , , http://www.huckmagazine.com/perspectives/reportage- /boboshanti/. barrett, the rastafarians, . leonard e. barrett, quoted in jack a. johnson-hill, i sight: the word of the rastafari: an interpretive sociological account of rastafarian ethics (metuchen: the scarecrow press, ), . george eaton simpson, “personal reflections on rastafari in west kingston in the early ’s,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . joseph owens, quoted in william f. lewis, soul rebels: the rastafari (prospect heights: waveland press, ), x. barrett, the rastafarians, . barrett, the rastafarians, . paget henry, caliban’s reason: introducing afro-caribbean philosophy (new york: routledge, ), . rex nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . ennis barrington edmonds, rastafari: from outcast to culture bearers (new york: oxford university press, ), ix. johnson-hill, i sight, xi. barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), xi. this view was dominant through the late ’s. the new testament associates “everlasting life” with jesus christ and with righteous people. see john : , : , romans : , matthew : , john : , and thessalonians : - . sister sheila, “the covenant,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . chevannes, rastafari, kelly, quoted in owens, dread, . oral a. w. thomas, biblical resistance hermeneutics within a caribbean context (new york: routledge, ), . edmonds, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, . peter tosh, “nah goa jail,” no nuclear war, emi ( ). adrian anthony mcfarlane, “the epistemological significance of ‘i-n-i’ as a response to quashie and anancyism in jamaican culture,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . nathaniel samuel murrell and burchell k. taylor, “rastafari’s messianic ideology and caribbean theology of liberation” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . mcfarlane, “the epistemological significance of ‘i-n-i’ as a response to quashie and anancyism in jamaican culture,” . nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality”, . johnson-hill, i sight, . nathaniel samuel murrell, afro-caribbean religions: an introduction to their historical, cultural, and sacred traditions (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . barry chevannes, quoted in noel leo erskine, from garvey to marley: rastafari theology (gainesville: university press of florida, ), . macneil, the bible and bob marley, . owens, dread, . charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university: ), . nathaniel samuel murrell and lewin williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . the phrase “wresting the message from the messenger” was first used by jean comaroff in body of power, spirit of resistance: the culture and history of a south african people (chicago: university of chicago press, ). murrell and taylor, “rastafari’s messianic ideology and caribbean theology of liberation,” . some practitioners do believe in a messiah. ibid., . carole d. yawney, “remnants of all nations: rastafarian attitudes to race and nationality,” in ethnicity in the americas, ed. frances henry (chicago: mouton publishers, ), . chevannes, rastafari, . edmonds also critiques the millenarian-messianic perspective. edmonds, rastafari, . nathaniel samuel murrell, “introduction: the rastafari phenomenon,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . talal asad, genealogies of religion: discipline and reasons of power in christianity and islam (baltimore: the johns hopkins university press, ), . richard king, orientalism and religion: post-colonial theory, india, and “the mystic east” (london: routledge, ), . ibid., . ibid., . asad, genealogies of religion, . ibid., . ky-mani marley, interviewed by synapse for frank magazine: tuff gong/ jamaica, chapter , , . barrett, the rastafarians, . ras sam brown, quoted in price, becoming rasta, . “inspiration,” oxford dictionary, accessed april , , http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/us/definition/american_english/inspiration. edmonds, rastafari, . price, becoming rasta, . barry chevannes, “rastafari,” in encyclopedia of caribbean religions volume , ed. patrick taylor and frederick i. case (urbana: university of illinois press, ), . frank jan van dijk, “the twelve tribes of israel: rasta and the middle class,” new west indian guide ( ), . nyabinghi ceremonies are rasta rituals that involve drumming, chanting, and reasoning. obiagele lake, rastafari women: subordination in the midst of liberation theology (durham: carolina academic press, ), . though many practitioners would challenge whether such individuals are indeed rasta, this project assumes self-identification as the requirement for belonging. ernie, quoted in gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), - . richard salter, “rastafari in a global context: an introduction,” ideaz ( ): . richard c. salter, “sources and chronology in rastafari origins,” in nova religio: the journal of alternative and emergent religions : (august ): . edward te kohu douglas and ian boxhill, “the lantern and the light: rastafari in aotearoa (new zealand),” in rastafari in the new millennium: a rastafari reader, ed. michael barnett (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . janet l. decosmo, “‘a new christianity for the modern world’: rastafari fundamentalism in bahia, brazil,” in rastafari in the new millennium: a rastafari reader, ed. michael barnett (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . salter, “rastafari in a global context,” . each reggae artists cited in this dissertation claims an affiliation with rastafari unless otherwise noted. many roots reggae artists are affiliated with the twelve tribes of israel and the nyabinghi order. bob marley, “chant down babylon,” confrontation, island records ( ). john paul homiak, “churchical chants of the nyabinghi,” review of churchical chants of the nyabinghi, production arranged by elliot leib, anthropologist : ( ): . “history of reggae,” the reggaskas, accessed may , , http://thereggaskas.com/useful-information/history-of-reggae/. macneil, the bible and bob marley, . ibid., ix. bob marley, “chant down babylon,” confrontation, island records ( ). keisha lindsay and louis lindsay, “bob marley and the politics of subversion” in bob marley: the man and his music, ed. eleanor wint and carolyn cooper (kingston: arawak, ), . diane austin-broos, jamaica genesis: religion and the politics of moral orders (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . iqulah, “rasta magic,” rasta philosophy vol. , rasta international ( ). durm i brooks, “rastafari rihddihmhzhs,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. hausman, the kebra nagast, beenie man and determine, “kette drum,” digital b. ( ). homiak, “churchical chants of the nyabinghi,” . bob marley, “corner stone,” soul rebels, maroon ( ). james scott, domination and the art of resistance: hidden transcripts (new haven, yale university press, ), . scott, domination and the art of resistance, xi. ibid., xii. ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . frank e. manning, “the performance of politics: caribbean music and the anthropology of victor turner,” anthropologica : victor turner: un hommage canadien / a canadian tribute ( ): . sister sheila, “the covenant,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. manning, “the performance of politics,” . psalm : reads: “let the words of my mouth, and the meditation of my heart, be acceptable in thy sight, o lord, my strength, and my redeemer.” hausman, the kebra nagast, . anand prahlad, reggae wisdom: proverbs in jamaican music (jackson: university press of mississippi, ), . decosmo, “‘a new christianity for the modern world’,” . steel pulse, “chant a psalm a day,” true democracy, elektra ( ). hausman, the kebra nagast, . steffens, “bob marley,” . patricia meschino, “capleton- the prophet ‘pon tour,” reggae report : ( ): . bob marley, “exodus,” exodus, island records ( ). murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . chapter : a linear history of rastafari well, africa must wake up, the sleeping sons of jacob for what tomorrow may bring, may a better day come yesterday we were kings, can you tell me young ones who are we today? yeah, now the black oasis, ancient africa the sacred awaking, the sleeping giant, science, art is your creation i dreamed that we could visit old kemet your history is too complex and rigid, for some western critics they want the whole subject diminished but africa’s the origin of all the world’s religions -damian marley featuring nas, “africa must wake up,” ( ) rastafari developed in slums of kingston, jamaica during the early ’s in the wake of haile selassie’s coronation as emperor of ethiopia. yet, rasta roots reach back to west africa and tell the story of people displaced, stripped of cultural identity, and forced into enslavement by the european colonial endeavor. though slavery existed in jamaica as early as , the year of the spanish conquest of the island, when the british empire took control in the number of enslaved africans dramatically increased. in there were less than african slaves on the island; that number grew to almost , by . the island of jamaica was named “xaymaca,” or “land of wood and water” by taino arawaks, the indigenous inhabitants. by , however, the taino were all but wiped out by diseases brought over from europe and the hardships of slavery. in the years to follow, the importation of slaves grew into a thriving industry. under spanish control, the taino were enslaved alongside africans, as were spanish criminals; the british focused on the importation of enslaved africans once they took control. of the african people brought to the island, most were of ashanti-fanti heritage. british colonists also enslaved yoruba-ibo peoples, the akan people of ghana, akomfo, ewe, and kongolese peoples, among others, bringing them across the atlantic to the “land of wood and water.” according to colonial powers, as dennis forsythe notes, “africa, in terms of this white-constructed, symbolic imagery, was the dark continent inhabited by ape men.” african slaves were thus imagined as uncultured blank slates. for, as frantz fanon recognizes, “it is the colonist who fabricated and continues to fabricate the colonized subject.” melville herskovits corroborates that “eurocentric rationalists claim that (blacks throughout the americas) were a people without history and therefore a people without a culture.” as individuals imagined as devoid of culture, enslaved africans were thought of as ideal tools for the plantation system. thus, thrust upon displaced, enslaved africans was the imposing ideology of white supremacy, and they survived “by either appearing to, or actually internalizing these stereotypes.” however, the african peoples forced to make the journey across the atlantic brought their knowledge, cultures, and religions with them, passing them down from generation to generation, despite slavemasters’ efforts to distance the enslaved from kin and community. the interaction of distinct west african identities and practices in the new world led to the creation of a unique caribbean culture, one firmly entrenched in african heritages and influenced by the experience of slavery in jamaica. as jeanne christensen notes: the religious amalgamation between and the early s occurred among various west african religious traditions, not between african spirituality and western christianity. diverse ethnic groups with distinct spiritual practices commingled on jamaican plantations, but they shared broad patterns of belief and practice that allowed them to draw from all traditions in creating a pan african spiritual practice in the new world. these “shared broad patterns of belief and practice” were based upon the idea that: everything has essence – a force or energy which permeates the world – and all essence is sacred. infused into creation from god on high, spirit creates a fundamentally harmonious universe, and human beings have the responsibility to remain in right relation to this creator. human beings can access spirits and ancestors. moreover, in this shared “african worldview” the spirit is experienced “through rhythmic dancing, drumming, and singing. revitalization rather than salvation is the goal.” though rastafari do not believe in spirits (with the exception of a popular and yet often denied belief in duppies, malevolent spirits), their sense of the fluidity of time puts them in constant contact with ancestors, their conception of the power of the natural world accords with the above statement, and they believe that by upholding the requirements of livity, the world will fall in to harmonious order. drumming, song, and rhythmic dance are also essential forms of rasta spirituality. west african practice and belief contribute greatly to rastafari, as they did to the religious and cultural expressions of the slave community in colonial jamaica. but, enslaved people were also highly influenced by the christian missionaries who came to jamaica in the th and early th century. over the course of the first century of british rule of jamaica, the british did not teach christianity to their slaves for they reasoned that they had “amusements of their own.” despite the fact that the anglican church did not minister to the enslaved population until , the religious landscape of colonial jamaica was infused with christian elements. this mixture of african religious practice and belief with christianity manifested in uniquely “african-derived spiritual expression in the caribbean.” missionaries in jamaica notwithstanding an anglican disinterest in ministering to the enslaved community, other religious orders thought it imperative to offer some form of salvation to the victimized masses. german moravians were the first non-anglican protestant missionaries to arrive in jamaica in . methodists followed in , baptists in , and presbyterians in . exposing enslaved people to biblical passages, including genesis : - and leviticus : (“both thy bondmen, and thy bondmaids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye buy bondmen and bondmaids.”), moravians and other early missionaries to jamaica rationalized slavery by declaring black inferiority, encouraging meekness and obedience from slaves, and presenting messages of a white jah and a white jesus. thus, colonists and missionaries extracted a political message of control and ownership from a politically ambiguous book. a white godhead authenticated by means of biblical sanction the right of white jurisdiction over blacks. if jah was white, then whites were inherently divine and made in the image of jah. as fredrick douglass states, “fear, awe, and obedience became interwoven into the very nature of the slaves.” black submission to white slavemasters seemed only natural. according to forsythe, enslaved jamaicans became “cocained” by the colonialist interpretations, which left them “subservient to ancient superstition that rendered them unable to deal with present realities. . . . that was the point for the introduction of the bible to slaves in the first place.” furthermore, as leonard barrett recognizes, missionaries and colonists denied black dignity by “daily presenting to them (afro-jamaicans) a god who expects one to be humble and to bear suffering and shame in this life for an imaginary heaven somewhere in the sky after death.” as the moravian missionaries encouraged adherence to christianity, they attempted to strip away the african practices of enslaved people by declaring them evil. not surprisingly, their efforts did not resonate with many in the slave community. though the moravians did not effectively engage enslaved people, american baptist missionaries, including george gibbs, moses baker, george lewis, and george liele, enjoyed success in their mission with the forms of africanized baptist christianity that they preached. liele, an african-american who fled america to come to jamaica because he feared re-enslavement, established the first baptist church on the island, the ethiopian baptist church, in . the congregations started by him and the other baptist men mentioned above became known as “native baptist” or “ethiopian” churches. within these congregations, elements of an african worldview that were stifled by other missionary efforts were embraced, like an emphasis on the value of dreams and visions. these groups also showed an interest in the bodily wellbeing of enslaved african people. despite the africanized forms of christianity manifesting in jamaica in the late th and early th centuries, the colonial system’s employment of biblical symbolism to ensure black meekness continued well into the ’s, as demonstrated by the hymns taught to afro-jamaicans. afro-jamaicans sang in churches of various denominations: “my heart was black with sin until the savior came in,” “christ cleansed my heart from sin and made me white within,” and “whiter than snow, yes whiter than snow; lord wash me and i shall be whiter than snow.” perhaps without a conscious awareness of the racializing resonance of familiar hymnals, black jamaicans participated in the inculcation of black inferiority in the jamaican habitus as they sung. the racial stratification system that took shape in jamaica in large part because of a colonial reading of the bible as a text that sanctions white superiority became inculcated into the habitus of island; it remained prominent in jamaica after the emancipation of slaves in and even through independence from british colonial rule in . jamaican society, even today, prioritizes whiteness over blackness, europeanness over africanity. rex nettleford opines that: although the jamaican populace is mostly of african descent and tends to act according to the rhythms (modes of being and acting) of their african heritage, the people find themselves in a situation where african cultural mores and expressions are defined as crude and uncultured. for that reason, individuals attempt to become increasingly white-like. an examination of jamaican linguistic patterns offers examples of speakers’ desires to achieve a european, white ideal. jamaicans often use a british accent in a quest for a white aesthetic. for, “to copy england (in speech) is good; to speak jamaican is bad.” the common jamaican saying, “nothin’ black evah good” is also expressive of this cultural prioritization of whiteness. the desire to become white-like is not isolated to speech, however. the popularity of hair straightening and skin lightening procedures in contemporary jamaica, two beauty treatments meant to achieve a european aesthetic, is demonstrative of a predilection towards a european physical appearance, as is the persistent practice among jamaican mothers of pinching a child’s nose so that it will become narrow like an idealized european nose. as nettleford notes, there remains a continued jamaican societal dependence on: persistent elements of race, color, and class designations as effective determinants of ranking and status in a social structure akin to that of the middle ages. such a structure has given to the dynamics of social change a vaulting ascent of the entire jamaican complex, leaving those at the base to stagnate there. revolution in jamaica the infiltration of the psychologically damaging ideas of black inferiority posed during the colonial period and continues to pose today an existential dilemma for black men and women. for, retaining a positive sense of self as a black person living in a society that declares blackness worthless is a lofty goal. paget henry underscores how “the colonial situation created an ‘existential deviation’ in the psyche of the afro-caribbean” living in “an anti-black world from which he or she must be extricated.” according to bob marley, it is the responsibility of each afro-caribbean person to free his or herself from this anti-black mentality. marley advises his people: “emancipate yourself from mental slavery, / none but our self can free our minds.” frantz fanon suggests that in order for a controlled, beset upon people to reclaim a sense of worth and escape the grasp of “commanding bodies,” the controlled population must assert their humanity and freedom by means of political revolution. in order to free themselves from colonial society’s power structure then, afro-caribbean people must actively reshape culture through insurgency. like marley, fanon argues that, “liberation does not come as a gift from anybody; it is seized by the masses with their own hands.” fanon theorizes that in every scenario in which one culture dominates another, colonized subjects are pushed to violence. “to blow the colonial world to smithereens is henceforth a clear image within the grasp and imagination of every colonized subject. dislocate the colonial world… to destroy the colonists sector.” as fanon argues, the use of violence enables colonized subjects to recover an ontological claim to humanity. this desire for destruction took several forms as afro-jamaicans attempted to overthrow colonial powers. colonized people in jamaica rejected white domination through acts of physical violence and by actively restructuring their mental perspective. though these physical and mental efforts occurred from the very moment the first people were enslaved in africa and forced to make the tortuous journey across the atlantic to jamaica, during the later part of the colonial period the island was a hotbed for physical and mental revolutionary behavior. fanon claims that: in order to assimilate the culture of the oppressor and venture into his fold, the colonized subject has had to pawn some of his own intellectual possessions. for instance, one of the things he has had to assimilate is the way the colonialist bourgeoisie thinks. but, as human beings engage in revolution, they reject the colonial framework of thought, thereby restructuring their very culture and renegotiating notions of self-worth. fanon deems this process of the reclamation of agency the “reconversion of man.” he continues, at “the same time that the colonized man braces himself to reject oppression, a radical transformation takes place within him.” the colonized subject undergoes a radical transformation when he or she rejects the determination of worth assigned to his or her self by the colonizer and thus radically recovers the ability to determine his or her own future. for generations, enslaved people of african descent and freed blacks rebelled against slavemasters through personal and collective physical violence and other forms of resistance to colonial ideology. it was those people who banded together, however, that arguably encouraged the most dramatic shifts in jamaican society. many enslaved people revolted by escaping their masters’ grasps and fleeing into jamaica’s lush hillsides. for example, at the time the british took control of the island in , those who had been enslaved by the spanish were “freed” and made to fight. as the spanish began to depart for cuba, at least , of these afro-jamaicans, taino, and spanish prisoners took the opportunity to pursue their freedom and fled into the hills to join established maroon communities or create their own. that these maroon communities existed outside of the control of british forces was not lost on colonists in jamaica, especially when maroons began raiding plantations, stealing cattle, freeing slaves, and slaughtering whites. when the british authorities responded to the threat posed by maroons in , initiating the first maroon war, they met a fairly organized maroon counter-offensive. the skirmish ended with the creation of a treaty that granted semi-autonomy to the leeward and windward maroons, yet the treaty asked these communities to return any future runaways to their masters and for military assistance in times of need. in , jamaica was the site of another major revolt, tacky’s rebellion, which began in the northern windward parish of st. mary’s but which spread to inspire an island-wide rebellion. the british called upon their agreement with the maroons during the uprising, and thus maroons were instrumental in stifling the violence during both tacky’s rebellion and the sam sharpe rebellion of , which affected the western half of the island. the sam sharpe rebellion is widely considered one of the most violent and bloody rebellions in the history of the caribbean. led by baptist preacher sam sharpe and thus also known as the baptist war, the uprising helped accelerate the official end of slavery in jamaica in . an “end” to slavery in , the british officially prohibited slave trading in their colonies and on august , , the parliament of the united kingdom issued the slavery abolition act declaring the emancipation of all enslaved people in the british west indies. the act did not take effect in jamaica until , however, and when it finally did, slave owners were compensated for their loss of property. formerly enslaved individuals were afforded no compensation for their suffering and were denied access to land or job prospects. instead, colonial forces offered freed blacks a six-year internship wherein they would continue, essentially, to work the plantation system performing the same tasks asked of them during the years of enslavement while receiving little to no recompense. the six-year internship program made indentured servants of newly freed slaves who had little other opportunity. all the while, british colonial powers alleviated the financial loss of white slaveholders, offering land parcels and monetary sums for the loss of their valuable commodity. this reality left afro-caribbean jamaicans poor, homeless, and powerless to make changes in their lives. even after emancipation, the jamaican tradition of violent rebellion continued with the morant rebellion of , led by baptist deacon paul bogle. according to barry chevannes, “the morant bay rebellion was a sign of a more general political failure by the ruling class to effect an assimilation” of newly freed people into jamaican society. even in a post-slavery jamaica, freed afro-jamaicans had to negotiate their place in a society with little space or respect for them. physical violence was just one strategy by which this this segment of the population called attention to the issues plaguing the nation and attempted to carve out space for themselves. an intellectual rejection and the reevaluation of the ontological framework of the island was another. the bible in jamaica the bible served as a major source of this ontological rebellion and renegotiation. afro- jamaicans and african diasporic people across the atlantic world revolted against the colonial project and answered colonizers’ usage of the bible to declare black inferiority and meekness by rereading the bible as a text that described their inherent capabilities and even greatness. it also described their struggles. in particular, the hebrew bible’s message of redemption and the exodus from slavery to freedom led by moses resonated with enslaved africans and their descendants. as nettleford explains, “wresting the christian message from the messenger as a strategy of demarginalization helped bring slaves and the freed peasantry nearer a perceived mainstream as ‘children of god.’” african diasporic people rejected not only the biblical interpretation of colonial masters but also their ownership of the bible itself and of the very logic necessary to read the text, a refutation with a profoundly revolutionary impact. as joseph owens states, “the orthodoxy of the christian faith was to be fought by weapons out of its own armory- the old testament.” rasta poet mutabaruka’s words similarly exemplify the power of the rejection of colonial ownership of the bible and of jah: “de almighty creator belongs to no religion/ ideologies won’t bring about a solution/ now turn to yuh psalms in de bible/ and show me your a.k. .” the interpretation of the bible by afro-caribbeans dissolved the colonial project’s ownership of the holy text and also liberated once enslaved people to think creatively and to assign themselves divine favor. as dean macneil astutely recognizes, “it is not simply wresting the message, but posing a counter-message, a counter- interpretation that may very well be more accurate than the message as interpreted by the colonial authorities and their modern successors.” afro-jamaicans carved out new identities for themselves through a textual and intellectual form of revolution. afro-jamaican reading strategies were inherently infused with african ideals and indigenous jamaican thought, and shaped by the endurance of the brutal chattel slavery system; the experiences of african diasporic interpreters molded their relationship to the highly charged text. both after and “during the slave period africans viewed christianity as an additional tool, and they appropriated the symbols and story in ways and to the extent that served their survival and enrichment.” the native baptist church served as one space wherein an africanized approach to the bible and to christianity manifested. according to charles price, the native baptist church “became an exemplar of black radicalism” based upon its “moral economy of blackness.” within this church and in other spaces wherein black people interpreted the bible, readers began to question the justness of slavery itself. a growing emphasis on the bible in newly emancipated communities is demonstrative of the importance of the text in jamaica since colonial times. the bible was of principal importance in missionary efforts and in the spirituality of afro- jamaicans, both in its written form and in the stories told throughout jamaica that engaged biblical characters, themes, and tropes. while the churches of jamaica were and continue to be biblically oriented, the bible also holds a position of importance as a guidebook and talisman in myal, revivalism, obeah, and pukumina. the warner of the revivalist tradition can be seen even today on the streets jamaica preaching publically about society’s ills, often holding a bible. the centrality of the bible in these diverse traditions in their current manifestations is evidentiary of the continued prominence of the text across the island. as edmonds recognizes, during the colonial period, afro-jamaican’s “education was rooted in the bible, so much so that it was the only book with which the masses of jamaicans were acquainted. this resulted in a kind of “biblicism in which the bible became the source of authority in all discussions and disputations.” for this reason, afro-jamaicans demonstrated a fervent need to reclaim the bible and to read the text for themselves. as baptist missionary james phillippo describes, in the early ’s, afro- jamaicans had “an anxious, earnest desire … everywhere expressed for the possession of religious books and tracts, but especially to read, understand and possess the book of god.” many pursued literacy, generally with the assistance of a church, in their efforts to read the holy text for themselves. others benefitted from the oral tradition of jamaica through the spoken transmission of biblical stories. while the ability to read and to interpret the bible had revolutionary effects on afro-caribbeans’ sense of self-worth, the ability to access the bible did not rectify the grim social scenario that they contended with. for decades, afro-jamaicans lacked a public political voice and struggled against the societal constraints put in place by the colonial system. through the end of the nineteenth century into the early twentieth century, most jamaicans endured poverty, faced a lack of opportunity, and dealt with a continued sense of powerlessness in a nation that prioritized whiteness over blackness. post-emancipation jamaica for generations after emancipation, the jamaican peasantry squatted on government land, unable to purchase land for their own usage, as the economic system of the crown colony became increasingly dire. the price of the sugar beet, a major export of the island, dropped dramatically in the years following emancipation because of european competition. and, poverty spread in jamaica due to this price drop and years of poor banana crops. the resulting urbanization of the early th century brought about by falling prices of agricultural goods and the industrialization of the western world further acerbated the fiscal future of jamaica. until the ’s, the jamaican economy was structured in large part around small-scale agriculture. the ’s ushered in a capitalist infrastructure that island residents did not seem prepared for. jamaican peasants moved in large numbers to urban centers, leading to the creation of slums in kingston. increased taxation and an immigration standstill in the united states enforced in light of the great depression furthered the island’s financial crisis. rastafari would eventually offer jamaicans facing such hardship a venue for self-affirmation and empowerment, a way to reclaim self- worth, and a means to define oneself as holy. throughout the ’s and ’s, while jamaicans and other african diasporic people struggled financially and held little political voice, black nationalist sentiments percolated throughout the americas. as part of the larger black consciousness movement active in the late ’s and early ’s, marcus garvey promulgated value in blackness, articulated a pan-africanness that unites all people of african descent, and called for repatriation for all blacks. born in saint ann’s bay, jamaica, on august , , garvey left his homeland for america in , only to return in after being deported for mail fraud. while in america, he chartered the universal negro improvement association and african communities league in his efforts to radically change the experience of black people everywhere. garvey was by no means alone in his efforts to empower african diasporic people. alexander bedward, for example, a successful revivalist preacher who founded the bedwardite movement, otherwise known as the jamaican native baptist free church, was incredibly influential for jamaican people, whom he encouraged with his messages of black nobility. nonetheless, garvey holds a position of honor in the eyes of rastas and other jamaicans because of his international success as a spokesperson and advocate for the black nationalist movement. his centralization on the value of africa in particular resonates with rastafari and was a fundamental reason proto-rastas emphasized his message; ethiopia was for garvey, as it is for rastafari, the rightful home of black men and women. his command to black people to read the bible for themselves and his celebration of the presence of ethiopians in the bible was also of tremendous significance for the founders of the rasta movement. garvey notably instructed his followers: since the white people have seen their god through white spectacles, we have only now started out (late though it be) to see our god through our own spectacles. the god of isaac and of jacob let him exist for the race that believe in the god of ethiopia. . . . we shall worship him through the spectacles of ethiopia. proto-rastas, many of whom were garveyites, admired garvey’s centralization on ethiopia as zion, his message of pan-africanism, and his hope for a black repatriation to africa. however, the election of haile selassie as emperor of ethiopia in proved to be a crucible that engendered a general rasta divergence from the garveyite message. for garvey, haile selassie was king, while for rastas, he was jah. on october , benito mussolini led an italian invasion into ethiopia. at the behest of his advisors, haile selassie fled his country for england. for this reason, garvey decried selassie for abandoning ethiopia during the country’s time of need. this public defaming of selassie served as another major fissure between garveyites and early rastafari. intriguingly, rastafari do not often discuss whether selassie’s choice to leave ethiopia was a just one. instead, they critique mussolini and denounce his evils. practitioners also infrequently discuss that on september , , the coordinating committee of the ethiopian armed forces deposed selassie and executed many in his government. the formation of rastafari by the time that garvey died, on june , , in london, the rastafari movement was rapidly taking shape. this reality did not escape the jamaican populace. by , the “rasta squatter problem” was the focus of a government study, and in the same year longshoremen working on the kingston waterfront refused to work with “rasta.” in , rasta leader leonard howell formed the pinnacle community, a commune-like establishment located on an abandoned colonial estate in sligoville, st. catherine, jamaica. howell, who accepted the title “gangunguru maragh,” a combination of three hindi words, “gyan” (wisdom), “gun” (virtue), and “guru” (teacher), which he shortened to “gong,” whose name evidences the indian influence on the rasta movement, was the first individual to publically declare haile selassie’s divinity. he also wrote the influential rasta text the promised key, before he was arrested for sedition in and imprisoned for two years. his community housed between six hundred to two thousand people between and , when jamaican authorities destroyed pinnacle. though pinnacle had been demolished, other rasta groups were crystallizing, including the youth black faith organization (ybf), founded in by ras boanerges, bredda arthur, philip panhandle, kurukong, and others in the trenchtown neighborhood of west kingston. the members of ybf were young and enthusiastic. furthermore, they actively strove to eradicate revivalist practices and obeah, a west african tradition rastas envision as sorcery and folk magic, from rastafari. from through , ras boanerges and prince emmanuel edwards, who founded the bobo shanti order in , held annual conventions at back-o-wall, a rasta settlement in the west kingston neighborhood of tivoli gardens. moreover, the “rastafarian ‘universal convention’” which took place on march , and was described by a reporter for the star as a “gathering of the ‘bearded brethren’,” marked publically the commencement of the nyabinghi tradition. by , when norman manley, jamaican president and founder of the people’s national party (pnp) sent a rasta delegation to addis ababa, the movement had solidified its presence across the island. the mission sent nine people to africa to explore the possibility of rasta immigration to africa; the delegation considered nigeria, ghana, liberia, sierra leone, and ethiopia as potential places for resettlement. three of the individuals selected for the mission, mortimo planno, douglas mack, and samuel clayton, were self-proclaimed rastas. while in ethiopia, haile selassie attended a private meeting with the delegation. that manley included rastas on the mission speaks to the inroads practitioners made in the movement’s short history. as the rastafari movement grew and as jamaica attempted to eradicate evidence of its colonial past, larger jamaican culture comprehended the movement’s beliefs as “lunacy” and viewed rastas as violent, unruly “bearded hoodlums.” most jamaicans considered rastas maladjusted youths, as lawless escapists whose rejection of jamaican society rested on a laziness and a lack of patriotism. jamaican society in effect characterized rastafari as a dangerous criminal subculture. rastas faced significant repercussions for the criminal label attributed to them. despite manley’s apparent interest in the movement, police brutality against rastas frequently occurred, beginning in the ’s through the ’s. the police, envisioned by practitioners as babylon’s agents, frequently destroyed their settlements and cut many rastas’ dreadlocks, striking against a key source of their power and marker of their commitment to livity. on may , , for instance, the police clashed with rastas during the coronation market riot, an event that led to the destruction of back-o- wall. the raid on the nyabinghi camp at wareika hills similarly led to the community’s obliteration, while the massacre at coral gardens, which took place on april , , led to the death of eight brethren and two police officers. violence perpetrated by and against rastas ebbed and flowed over time. yet, after examining “more than pages of confidential police and u.s. customs service intelligence files,” dale van atta recognized a continued predilection to deem rastas as violent as late as . an article in the dispatch analyzes the report and comes to the conclusion that: while many religious rastafarians are peaceful citizens who do not believe in the use of violence . . . the distinct subculture and use of illegal drugs has enabled criminals, the mentally deranged and revolutionaries to penetrate the sect. . . . these factors make explosions of rastafarian violence not only possible, but probable. rastas fostered anxiety, anger and apprehension in the hearts of many jamaicans. in deeming them crazy, violent, and escapist, jamaicans attacked rastas with “classic weapons in the arsenal of social control: labeling.” the jamaican government acknowledged that rastafari was problematic, and deemed rastas to be a threat to society. “rastafari was something to be repressed, rehabilitated, or contained so that it would not disturb or corrupt the ‘civilized’ society.” a reporter for the daily gleaner, kingston’s leading newspaper, wrote, “if the problem of rastas is not faced now, it is liable to get so big that no one can deal with it.” in response to the “rastafari problem,” the university college of the west indies and the national institute of social and economic research conducted a three-week long “public policy” study in kingston in , the results of which comprised “the university report.” a jamaican government-sponsored investigation, the work examines rastafari as an urban phenomenon and analyzes rastafari theology, as well as its lack of institutionalism. the main thrust of this text examines the socio-economic conditions out of which rastafari developed and within which it flourished. the study reasons that rastafari thrived due to poverty and rampant unemployment in jamaica. authors roy augier, m. g. smith, and nettleford note that “in the dense slum areas the prevailing doctrine and ideology is now ras tafari; in the equally dense and better built lower-income residential areas . . . the doctrine is well represented.” in one sense a work of “public policy,” the text strategizes how best to remedy the deplorable situation of many jamaicans. also implicit in the report is a desire to resolve a “rastafari problem.” for, when understood as a direct result of abhorrent social conditions, rastafari can be interpreted as a psychological coping mechanism, one that channels the aggression and angst of a downtrodden people, and one that is inherently dangerous. this perspective is not limited to “the university report” though. jack johnson-hill deems rastafari, for instance, to be caused by “a collective pathology arising out of a psychological inability to cope with oppression.” furthermore, as barrett notes, “the rage of a deep psychic revenge may surface with unpredictable consequences.” rastafari violence, barrett admonishes, is mostly of a verbal variety. however, he recognizes rastafari’s “dysfunctional” realities and suggests that rastafari verbal violence has the propensity to bubble over into physical violence. to classify a movement predicated upon the reclamation of a positive sense of self as pathology or as wholly violent is to ignore the system of violence that rastafari hopes to eradicate, however. rastafari threatens a conception of european superiority by claiming black worth and even black holiness. as such, the movement was received in its infancy with hesitancy and fear by most of jamaican society. jamaican culture reacted negatively to rastas’ appearance and behavior. many lower class jamaicans joined the middle and upper class in recoiling from rastas out of fear and discomfort based upon practitioners’ rejection of european cultural mores. in order to curb the threat the government identified as posed by the movement, after “the university report” was published the jamaican government pursued a policy of “rehabilitation/accommodation” for early practitioners. manley’s mission to africa to find a new home for rastafari takes on another level of meaning in light of this element of the report. the jamaican government saw the benefit of relocating rastas, but practitioners themselves also saw their potential move to africa as an ideal prospect, one clearly initiated by jah. furthermore, rastas saw their mission as holy, even if it inspired distress in non-practitioners. rastafari embrace the dread their visible and auditory rejection of cultural norms inspires in babylon’s society, and they hope that by unsettling peoples’ perspective they can enlighten jah’s chosen people who have not yet recognized their true nature as i-n-i. while the dreadlocks and anti-establishment attitude of rastas raised concerns for non-practitioners during the early stages of the movement’s development, it was the anti- white stance of early rastafari that seemed to pose the greatest threat. as howell traveled across jamaica between and attempting to recruit new members to rastafari, he advocated six principles: ( ) hatred for the white race; ( ) the complete superiority of the black race; ( ) revenge on whites for their wickedness; ( ) the negation, persecution, and humiliation of the government and legal bodies of jamaica; ( ) preparation to go back top africa; and ( ) acknowledging emperor haile selassie as the supreme being and only ruler of black people. howell’s tenets are demonstrative of an overtly anti-white and anti-jamaica rhetoric employed by rastas in the movement’s formative years between the mid ’s through the ’s. practitioners looked to the bible to prove the justness of howell’s principles, finding within its pages proof of white evils and ineptitude. for example, daniel : - proved that blacks were destined to rule the world and that whites, as a “kingdom inferior to thee,” would destroy themselves because of their folly ( : ). whiteness itself became, for rasta interpreters, the result of jah’s castigation, as proven by genesis , , and numbers . the anti-white sentiment of early practitioners that manifested in interpretations of genesis , , and numbers , still is apparent today in some manifestations of rastafari, though the racial consciousness of rastas has diversified significantly since the movement’s origins. jamaican independence from england in corresponded with a growing identification of jamaicans with the united states on account of the civil rights movement. the spread of black nationalism and black consciousness in the ’s resonated with practitioners, as did the “peace and love ethics” of the time. consequently, in the ’s and ’s, rastafari sentiments regarding whiteness shifted dramatically, while a belief in respect across color lines came to the forefront of scholarly and non-scholarly conceptions of the movement, pushing to the wayside the reality of racially charged, violent initial messages. the shift in the definition of “nyabinghi,” a term used to refer to a holy rasta i-ssemby, from “death to white oppressors” to “death to black and white oppressors” is a clear exemplar of how the growing acceptance of white allies and even white rastafari impacted the movement. according to ras marques benjamin: there are no white rastas. there are none. period. there are rastas whose ancestors have been away from africa longer than others. therefore they have different skin complexions. a ‘white person’ is someone who has an imperialistic, domineering ‘european’ perspective. you cannot be rasta and be ‘white.’ every rasta has a black african soul, no matter their complexion. through the very declaration that one must have a black soul to be a rasta, more than a trace of anti-white racism presents. nonetheless, ras benjamin’s words allow space for rastas of a light complexion. not all rastas accept the message of racial inclusivity, meanwhile, though many do. the ’s was an active decade of engagement for rastafari; due to tourism in jamaica, the emigration of many jamaicans, and the popularization of reggae music, rastafari assumed a pubic presence it had yet to experience, especially in america and england. haile selassie’s visit to jamaica in also contributed to rastafari’s validation. as a result, rastas were accepted in an increasingly positive vein. “designer dreads,” or “cultural dreads,” emerged during this period, as individuals without ritual or theological roots in rastafari consumed the symbolic markers of the movement, namely dreadlocks and reggae music. in jamaica, the intelligencia and the middle class also became interested in the movement. as rastafari increasingly resonated with the jamaican populace, it took on a new identity, one of an established religious path. though the ’s were a decade filled with violence between rastas and police, the “rastafarianization” of jamaica became clear. rastafari became, in a sense, indelibly tied to jamaicanness. and, jamaicanness became synonymous with rastafari in the eyes of a global audience. nas is not affiliated with rastafari. “slaves and slavery in jamaica,” jamaican family search genealogy research library, accessed may , , http://www.jamaicanfamilysearch.com/samples /slavery.htm. dennis forsythe, “west indian culture through the prism of rastafari,” in caribbean quarterly monograph: rastafari, ed. rex nettleford (kingston: caribbean quarterly, university of the west indies, ), . frantz fanon, the wretched of the earth (new york: grove press, ), . melville herskovits, the myth of the negro past (boston: beacon hill press, ), . barry chevannes, “rastafari and the exorcism of the ideology of racism and classism in jamaica,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . jeanne christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman: gender constructions in the shaping of rastafari livity (lanham: lexington books, ), . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman, . jamaican slaveholders did not introduce african slaves to christianity until relatively late, although scholars debate the year, offering a range from the mid-eighteenth century, through the end of the century. roland boer, rescuing the bible (blackwell publishing: malden, ), . frederick douglas, quoted in jack a. johnson-hill, i sight: the word of the rastafari: an interpretive sociological account of rastafarian ethics (metuchen: the scarecrow press, ), . forsythe, “west indian culture through the prism of rastafari,” . leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman, . ibid., . ibid., . for more on the history of the christian denominations of jamaica, see barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ). clinton hutton and nathaniel samuel murrell, “rastas’ psychology of blackness, resistance, and somebodiness,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . rex nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . ibid., . ennis barrington edmonds, rastafari: from outcast to culture bearers (new york: oxford university press, ), . chevannes, “rastafari and the exorcism of the ideology of racism and classism in jamaica,” . nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” . paget henry, caliban’s reason: introducing afro-caribbean philosophy (new york: routledge, ), . bob marley, “redemption song,” uprising, island records ( ). henry, caliban’s reason, . fanon, the wretched of the earth, . ibid., . frantz fanon, a dying colonialism, (new york: grove press, ), . ibid., . nicholas j. saunders, the peoples of the caribbean: an encyclopedia of archeology and traditional culture (santa barbara: abc-clio, ), . saunders, the peoples of the caribbean, . in ’s second maroon war, the maroons of trelawny parish fought with the british. chevannes, rastafari, . ibid., . nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” . rex nettleford, “ introduction,” in owens, dread, xii. mutabaruka, “any which way/freedom,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. dean macneil, the bible and bob marley: half the story has never been told (eugene: cascade books, ), . christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman, . charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university: ), - . chevannes, rastafari, . ennis edmonds, quoted in nathaniel samuel murrell, “dangerous memories, underdevelopment, and the bible in colonial caribbean experience,” in religion, culture, and tradition in the caribbean, ed. hemchand gossai and nathaniel samuel murrell (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . james phillippo, quoted in diane austin-broos, jamaica genesis: religion and the politics of moral orders (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . the very anthem of the garveyite movement, “the universal ethiopian anthem,” includes the lyrics: “ethiopia, thou land of our fathers, / thou land where the gods loved to be, / as the storm cloud at night suddenly gathers our armies come rushing to thee. / we must in the fight be victorious/ when swords are thrust outward to gleam; for us will the victory be glorious.” barrett, the rastafarians, joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . “a rastafari chronology,” rasta ites, accessed may , , http://rastaites.com/news/hearticals/rasflako/chronologyofrastafari.pdf. robert a. hill, “dread history: leonard p. howell and millenarian visions in early rastafari religions in jamaica,” epoche ( ): . “a rastafari chronology.” barrett, the rastafarians, ibid., . “a rastafari chronology.” george eaton simpson, “the ras tafari movement in jamaica: a study of race and class conflict,” social forces , no. (december ): . “a rastafari chronology.” edmonds, rastafari, . jack anderson, “rastafarian element worries law enforcers,” the dispatch, june , , . anderson, “rastafarian element worries law enforcers,” . edmonds, rastafari, . ibid., . barrett, the rastafarians, . rex nettleford, roy augier and m. g. smith, report on the rastafari movement in kingston jamaica, (kingston: university college of the west indies, ), . augier, smith, and nettleford, report on the rastafari movement in kingston jamaica, . johnson-hill, i sight, . barrett, the rastafarians, . not all those who identify themselves as rastafari identify as black, however. edmonds, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, . johnson-hill, i sight, . ras marques benjamin, october , , comment on radiant light, “white rastas,” religious forums: rasta movement dir, http://www.religiousforums.com/threads/white-rastas. /. for more on the diffusion of rastafari into the middle class, see edmonds, rastafari. edmonds, rastafari, . chapter : rastafari and the bible hallelujah, hallelujah chapters in the old testament in the new, making it a total of chapters in the entire constitutional document hey, hey, hey no give me no argument stitchie deh ‘pon assignment. . . . hey genesis well a it fuss me bus dem tek off like bolt when me pop out exodus is like them hear news when me touch leviticus number, deuteronomy and joshua give them judges when them cuss. -stitchie, “assignment,” ( ) while rastafari is an acephalous movement, the hebrew bible holds great significance for many practitioners, some who read the text closely and others who benefit from a distant familiarity with particular biblical stories and themes. the bible became a central facet of rasta thought and practice in large part due to emperor haile selassie’s advocacy. selassie spoke of the importance of the holy text in : “it (the bible) transcends all boundaries of empire and all conceptions of race, it is eternal.” encouraged too by marcus garvey’s proclamation that each african person read a chapter of the bible each day, early rastafari engaged the text as they laid a foundation for their movement. the practice of reading a chapter a day remains popular today. some rastas also carry pocket-sized bibles at all times, which they refer to when “citing up” particular passages throughout their daily life. many read its pages alongside the newspaper, for they envision the biblical and contemporary realm as fused; the bible thus helps rastas make sense of current events. particular rastas envision the bible as talisman and/or refer to it as a source of judgment from which practitioners accused of wrongdoing pick a psalm to determine their guilt or innocence. others, even some who carry the bible at all times, depend on biblical motifs and tropes as their source material for their readings. though the bible is an essential guidebook and more for many practitioners, others reject it in its totality, reasoning that it is a relic from the colonial past. for instance, as maureen rowe told jeanne christensen: personally i felt long time ago that the bible done, was done in terms of its relevance in predicting. you would have people who would argue that at the point that his majesty came, the bible ended and we are now living in another dispensation. and, an unnamed sistren echoes rowe’s statement: “my personal opinion is that the bible done – it’s just done.” while some practitioners reject its relevance, most rastafari believe the bible was written specifically for them but that colonial forces strategically withheld the holy text from their ancestors. as bob marley notes: there was a time in jamaica when you couldn’t have the bible. i didn’t know that time. yeah, but them tell me that there was a time in jamaica when they see you with a bible you go to jail. because you know the bible, it got too much truth. and people read and people clean. a man read some and whole heap of things happen right way. brethren and sistren find in scripture realities that diverge from those truths taught by colonial powers as inherent to the bible, discovering in its pages messages of a black jah and of black israelites, messages of deliverance, and messages of their own divinity. while practitioners cannot ignore the legacy of the transatlantic slave trade, their ownership of the hebrew bible confirms that beyond a painful episode in history lies an original status of chosenness. malicious redactors of babylon have historically shrouded african election. but rastas attempt to derive true messages from a holy text laden with fallacies in order to arrive at an untainted version. we see this sentiment expressed in max romeo’s song “maccabee version”: “bring back the maccabee version that god gave to the black man, take back the king james version, it belong to the white man.” and, an unnamed rasta quoted in the seminal “university report” states that “the bible contains the word of god, but scripture shows that half of this has not been written, save in your hearts.” this dissertation contends with how practitioners arrive at truth and how they reason the “word of god.” musa dube and gerald west recognize that “extreme mistrust that has become a regular reading strategy for many african readers.” this mistrust resonates for rastafari as african diasporic readers. practitioners conceive of the bible as a sacred text that contains much inaccuracy for rastas maintain that babylon obfuscated the bible’s truths through “misphilosophy” and “politricks.” as marley told gil noble in september of , when marley and the wailers were in new york city to play madison square garden with the commodores, babylon’s extensive redactions are costly for black people: the bible, them say that king james edit the bible. now my understanding is that if king james edit the bible, i don’t think him edited for the benefit of black people. . . . we know inna dis world here when white man edited…when he edited in our behalf yah know, (he) edited it to make it look like england wan’ be the big big thing. when read correctly, however, the bible offers guidance, confirmation of self- worth, and a life path for rastas that is befitting their station as jah’s chosen people. practitioners must only know how to read it. as ras bassa rajah from namibia notes: the gospels as it stands reflects the philosophy of the slave master. it becomes a ‘magazine of falsehoods’ if accepted in the ‘dead’ letter interpretation. it has served as a means of securing power and of supporting the ambitious policy of an unscrupulous priesthood who are more interested in promoting superstition, making of god a bloodthirsty and damning fiend to be feared. . . . the text themselves are however minefields of universal truths, they just need to read daniel and overstand them. in order to deduce the hebrew bible’s original message, rastafari seek knowledge beyond babylon’s redactions. as barry chevannes notes, “false passages put in by the white man for his own purposes are easily detected.” yet, babylon’s agents also removed essential parts of the text. charles price reasons that white translators of the bible could not read amharic, so they deleted pieces of text they could not understand. it is up to rastafari to reestablish their presence. steel pulse highlights the movement’s method of biblical interpretation, singing in “chant a psalm”: “in your hands lie your destination. the book of true life you hold the key. mystical powers to you unfold. seek ye the half that has never been told.” each individual practitioner interprets the bible differently. yet while rastas have many ways of understanding the bible, nathaniel murrell and lewin williams “outlined several common characteristics of what they call rastafari’s “black biblical hermeneutic,” “ . an emphasis on experience, . the emphasis of garvey, . the importance of selassie, . an aspect of apocalypticism, and . a zion versus babylon duality.” while their analysis is quite thorough, it would benefit from two additional points: . a rasta claiming of an israelite identity, and . the significance of livity. this chapter discusses common beliefs in selassie as jah, jah’s blackness, a “zion versus babylon duality,” and the importance of an israelite identity for rastafari. burn babylon babylon is a site of confusion in the hebrew bible. it is a place where in genesis human beings tried to reach divine heights by building the tower of babel. their misguided efforts to reach divine heights and thus become jah-like angered jah and he consequently punished them in : . from that point on in the hebrew bible, babylon serves as a trope of wickedness and rebellion. for rastafari, the term “babylon” came to represent by the ’s not just the biblical land of jah’s punishment and the site of the exile and domination of the israelites, but also the contemporary land of exile from africa as well as all systems and structures of white, colonialist hegemony. rastas believe that the world lives in corruption, in the very clutches of babylon as a societal structure divorced from the rhythms of the natural world. conceptions of babylon depend less on its role in the bible and more on the motif of babylon’s wickedness. according to john homiak, babylon is contemporarily defined by rastas as: the entire post-colonial western power structure and its supporting ideology and political apparatus; the oppressive condition of ‘exile’ in the black diaspora; the cosmic domain presided over by the pope of rome . . . the source of death-dealing and destructive spiritual powers. rastas decry babylon’s tendency towards building massive structures, towards capitalist society, and towards sterility as being destructive and unhealthy. for, “if man allows the natural powers to be corrupted, then he himself will suffer as well.” in order to escape babylon, one needs to detach oneself from the culture of babylon and reject the ills of colonialist culture. thus, rastas actively “chant down” the “crucible of oppression that started in plantation slavery and that has persisted in post- emancipation and postcolonial jamaica” by opting out of jamaican society, claiming africanness and black holiness, and through the implementation of a new cultural system. it is in the bible and in their hearts that practitioners find the path that will set them free from babylon. as marcus jahn writes in his poem, “ashanti,” “my forefathers were kings/ they once ruled the world/ now look at me/ i am a prisoner/ because our history/ the half has never been told.” that half is available though to those who know how to find it. as pioneering rasta leader leonard howell states, in order to escape babylon and make strides towards zion, “all that ethiopians have to do now is build anew. get out a new dictionary and a new bible.” ethiopia as zion as howell’s above statement indicates, ethiopia is zion for rastas. proto-rastas were fundamentally inspired by the ethiopianism of the late th century, from which they borrowed the belief in ethiopia as homeland. joseph owens astutely notes that due to the ethiopianist movement, “africa, in a white racist colonial era, became…the possibility of black manhood.” in particular, the tradition’s reclamation of a worthy history for african people and its emphasis on a return to africa resonated with the founders of rastafari as they shaped the movement. ethiopia came to represent, for proto-rastas and other african diasporic people, all of africa; it stood as an ideological african homeland and represented a pan-african ideal, one that belonged to all african people who had been displaced during the transatlantic slave trade. according to marley, “one of the main thing is that . . . when you accept rasta, you become an ethiopian which is africa.” the bible also offered proof of the historic and religious value of ethiopia; ethiopians appear throughout the bible, including notably in psalms : , numbers : , jeremiah : , jeremiah : - , and acts : - . this reality proved for proto-rastas who envisioned themselves as the owners of the bible that ethiopia was their true home. catman announces, for example, “so let us love our continent, africa, for there is where nature loves more than any other dwelling for our forefathers. it belongs to us all – we are all the sons of jacob.” for practitioners like catman, ethiopia is a place synonymous with israel and jerusalem. each name is a representation of the promised land of zion. marley too proclaims, “someday gone be in africa. maybe ethiopia or jerusalem, yah know what i mean? them “bible land(s).” as leonard barrett notes, “to them israelite and ‘ethiopian’ are one and the same name- simply referring to a holy people.” this fusion enables rastas not only to claim the identity of those ethiopians mentioned as such in the bible but of all israelites and to assume the promise of zion as their own. as marley told noble, reggae music is a vehicle for a rasta message that encourages a sense of ownership of africa and empowers caribbean people to try to attempt repatriation to ethiopia: “people never wasn’t so conscious about africa and where them roots come from. since reggae come now, people start talk about africa, blackness . . . in a militant way.” influenced by the ethiopianism of the movement’s founders, rastas have been moving to ethiopia for over sixty years, settling on and around the land in shashamane, which haile selassie granted to the pan-african community in . however, their presence has not translated in to citizenship nor has their dedication to ethiopia guaranteed their acceptance in the country. as erin macleod contends, “for rastafari, ethiopia is the utopian promised land. rastafari consider themselves ethiopians. this singular self-definition is challenged by the reality of ethiopia as an incredibly diverse and contested nation-state.” despite this reality, rastafari still strive to enter ethiopia. like the israelites spoken of in the hebrew bible, rastafari believe they must endure for generations before reaching the promised land. yet, marley’s lyrics resonate with practitioners who look toward zion, understood as simultaneously jerusalem and ethiopia, as he urges rastas to pursue entry in to “bible lands”: come we go up a jerusalem one more time/ come we go up a jerusalem one more time/ we have go pray/ yes, we have a pray, / we have fe’ pray for the judgment day/ so, come we go up a jerusalem one more time. / them see their dreams and ispirations crumble in front of their face/ and all of their wicked intention to downstroy the human race. when they do finally enter zion, rastas believe that babylon’s reign will ultimately come to an end. reasoning jah’s blackness in its biblical approach and prioritization of african traditions, rastafari serves as an “ideological assault on the culture and institutions that have dominated the people of the african diaspora since the middle passage.” in crafting an elect biblical identity for african people, rastas invert conceptions of white/european superiority. a self- affirming, invigorating force, rasta consciousness thus serves as a powerful weapon against the colonial enterprise as well as against the hegemonic grasp of eurocentric philosophies. in large part through their biblical approach, rastas reclaim blackness as worthy, and furthermore holy, through what rex nettleford deems a “major strategy of demarginalization: religion.” rastafari recognize a story of their own chosenness, enslavement, and redemption in the pages of the heavily redacted bible. they know that the biblical journey of the israelites is their own journey because the text confirms that jah is black, and thus that black people are jah-like. if jah is black, rastas reason, the people spoken about in the bible are black and thus black people are the true inheritors of the venerable lineage of the israelites. further, rasta readers determine that if jah is black, that africa, blackness, and africanness are divine. in the quest to refurbish, or “build anew” the bible, rastas invalidate a colonial sanction of whiteness by imputing a black jah. for, a black jah means black holiness, black godliness. their frequent usage of the popular phrase “god come black” emphasizes the importance of this belief for rastas. to decipher jah’s color, all rastas must do is examine biblical passages and recognize the truths in their hearts. in particular, practitioners look to jeremiah : , : , psalms : , daniel : , job : , lamentations : , and : as proof of jah’s skin tone. according to owens, joel : is also central to rasta proclamations of the blackness of jah. the passage reads: “the earth shall quake before them: the heavens shall tremble: the sun and the moon shall be dark, and the stars shall withdraw their shining.” whereas biblical scholars like john d. holder contend that this passage depicts a plague of locusts in judah, rasta interpreters argue that it speaks of jah’s blackness. ras sam brown reasons for example that in this passage, “the scriptures declare god hangs in motionless space surrounded by thick darkness; hence a black man.” brethren also depend on daniel : to prove the true nature of jah. daniel : reads: i beheld till the thrones were cast down, and the ancient of days did sit, whose garment was white as snow, and the hair of his head like the pure wool: his throne was like the fiery flame, his wheels as burning fire. in this passage, rasta readers envision a black jah enthroned. brown interprets daniel : to read: “i behold until all the thrones of babylon were cast down and the ancient whose head was like unto wool, whose feet were like unto burning brass, and he treadeth the fierceness of the winepress of his wrath, to execute judgment on the gentiles.” and, sizzla channels this passage in song: “did behold/ until the proud was casted down yah / ‘ave di ancient of days is/ king haile selassie i jah! / you know, with his garments as white as snow/ his hair as pure as wool.” because his head is likened to wool, rastas know jah has the hair of a black man, and thus that jah is black. moreover, scholars of rastafari also note that rastas read psalm : as proof of jah’s skin tone. in the passage, a psalmist speaks, “for i am become like a bottle in the smoke: yet do i not forget thy statutes.” thus, rasta readers know that in this text, the psalmist becomes like a “bottle in the smoke,” and draws closer to jah because of his darkening. owens and erskine note that rasta interpreters also cite lamentations : , in which a reader encounters the anguish of jerusalemites after the babylonian conquest, as further proof of jah’s blackness and the blackness of biblical actors. lamentations : reads, “our skin was black like an oven because of the terrible famine.” rastas read job : similarly: “my skin is black upon me, and my bones are burned with heat.” here, job speaks of suffering at the hands of jah. but, according to owens and erskine, the burnt imagery and blackness described in the passage relates, for rasta readers, to jah’s skin color. here and in lamentations : , rastas assume a relationship between suffering, blackness, chosenness, and jah’s racial identity. according to owens, barrett, and noel erskine, rastas also cite jeremiah : as proving jah’s blackness. jeremiah : states, “for the hurt of the daughter of my people i am hurt; i am black; astonishment hath taken hold on me.” rastas know that jah is the speaker in this passage and that he announces his skin tone. because jah, the speaker of this passage, mentions blackness in conjunction with an expression of grief, owens and erskine assert that jeremiah : calls into question a connection between sorrow and blackness. the same notion of the connection between blackness and the suffering of jah’s chosen people is evident in jeremiah : , which rastas also assess as describing jah’s blackness. : reads, “judah mourneth, and the gates thereof languish: they are black unto the ground; and the cry of jerusalem is gone up.” lamentations : , which portrays people mourning the destruction of jerusalem by the babylonians in bce, functions similarly for rasta readers. the passage reads, “their visage is blacker than coal; they are not known in the streets: their skin cleaveth to their bones; it is withered, it is become like a stick.” rastas cite this passage as proof of jah’s blackness, even whilst the passage seems to relate to the blackness of mourning people who are “blacker than coal.” again, burnt imagery and messages of suffering feature in a passage that rastas read as proving jah’s racial identity. in the above passages, fire and burnt imagery not only relate to the suffering of jah’s chosen people but also to judgment and rebirth. ras chin notes that “fire, we know, is judgment.” and, as gerald hausman recognizes, “blood is the sacred element of life, and fire is the cleanser of blood.” he continues by suggesting that he who thus tames fire “has joined in judgment; and has anointed himself, as in isaiah, jeremiah, and daniel.” in the above passages, then, the blackness and burnt imagery both associated with jah and those speakers who appeal to jah can be read as indicating the fittedness of black people to serve as the anointed. for this reason, rastas adopt suffering as an essential component of black chosenness and accept the role of divinely ordained sufferer. we see this reality expressed by ijahman levi, who sings, “this heavy load that i carry personally/ it is for jah jah and i.” the very name of the band comprised of marley, peter tosh, and bunny wailer (livingston), the wailers, likewise exemplifies practitioners’ embrace of the role of divinely ordained sufferer. for, though the promise of zion looms for jah’s chosen people, the hebrew bible describes their struggles. the wailers sing of their own “weeping and wailing” as they continue to endure on the path to zion. as ras benji recognizes, however, “is the suffers find god.” for rastas, as jah’s chosen people, suffering is an inevitable part of being black and thus elect. their own suffering mirrors that of the israelites as detailed in the hebrew bible. thus, building an argument that proclaims the blackness of jah by employing biblical passages that describe bodily suffering allows rastas to thus emphasize black chosenness by way of black suffering while simultaneously asking white people to serve as those besetting the chosen “sufferahs.” jah bones reports that “god the father decided to populate the earth mankind; his sons and every son must be of the likeness and image of his father king alpha and his mother queen omega.” rastas employ a racialized notion of jah as verification of black worth. for, since jah is black, blacks are “god’s chosen race.” thus, black men and women carry the holy ancestral line of israel as actors made in jah’s image and are, as ennis edmonds states, “vehicular unit(s) for the carriage of god.” the popular passage psalm : reads: “i have said, ye are gods; and all of you are children of the most high.” by asserting that the above biblical passages prove jah’s race, rastas ensure that they are the “gods” spoken of in psalm : who are each “children of the most high.” rastas as i-n-i according to ras j, “every black man is a rasta! that rastafari is in every black man and all that man has to do is recognize it” is a profound reality. practitioners believe that a divine presence abides in all black people based upon the truth that jah is black. as an individual acknowledges this, he or she appreciates an intrinsic relationship with jah and with other rastas as “i-n-i.” “i-n-i” consciousness involves awareness of these connections. rastas refer to the self as i-n-i in a linguistic move that iterates each practitioner’s connectedness with jah and inherent divinity. as i-n-i, rastas are indelibly connected to the source of their own chosenness as “pieces of god.” instead of the isolated “i,” rastas are “i-n-i,” human beings fundamentally connected to jah and thus never alone. benji describes what his i-n-i nature means to him: “man and jah, together, in this flesh, in this moment. the only angel we’ll ever need.” furthermore, rastafari writer dennis forsythe states: the little i or me refers to the lower self of man, to his body and its ego, that part of him which is born and will die…the big i is the everlasting, immortal or “true” self that was never born and can never die. it is the spirit of divinity and holiness residing in the depth of each. rastas express their unique positionality as jah embodied through the notion of the self as “i-n-i.” by asserting the relationship between the self and jah, or, as jah, through referring to the self as “i-n-i,” rastas make a linguistic statement of self- righteousness. for, each rasta serves as an earthly manifestation of jah. as manifestations of jah, each rasta owns reason and can decipher a fitting path of livity. marley notably united himself with jah as i-n-i when he proclaimed, “i own the earth, you know, all things belong to i.” moreover, when rastas are i-n-i, each practitioner is holy and their bodies become temples to jah. “we burn our herbs in our temple, and our structure, for our structure is our church,” describes daniel. iverton echoes this sentiment as he says, “i-n-i who know the king from long time doesn’t need to join the church. for yet i-n-i art the spiritual church in i-n-i own self.” not only are rastas the elect spoken of in the bible. as i-n-i, they are jah incarnate. lansana oronde ketema of the central african republic speaks of his chosenness: “i am he who is full of favour and a blessed one of israel/ i am set free as the winds that blow.” and, marley further explains: “rasta mean head. fari mean creator. rastafari is head creator. head creator is god.” one black man in particular, though, serves for rastafari as the ultimate manifestation of jah. rastas believe that haile selassie, born tafari makonnen on july , , was the absolute embodiment of jah on earth. upon his coronation as emperor of ethiopia in st. george’s cathedral, addis ababa, on november , , he accepted the title “haile selassie,” an amharic designation that translates as “hail the trinity,” and the additional title of “king of kings, elect of god, and conquering lion of the tribe of judah.” haile selassie’s new titles in and of themselves indicated his holiness to proto-rastas. his coronation signified the revelation of a prophecy for proto-rastas, garveyites, and others in jamaica, one that foresaw the crowning of an african king. psalm : reads: “princes shall come out of egypt; ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hand unto god.” proto-rastas believed that haile selassie fulfilled the prophecy of psalm : as well as garvey’s pronouncement to “look to africa where a divine black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is near.” his emperorship and acceptance of the name “haile selassie” confirmed for proto-rastas that he was the black king they had been awaiting. but he was no ordinary king. according to a member of the rastafarian repatriation association, “we know before that when a king should be crowned in the land of david’s throne, that individual would be shiloh, the anointed one, the messiah, the christ returned in the personification of rastafari.” a small cohort, many of whom were disillusioned ex-garveyites, began claiming haile selassie was jah incarnate as soon as two years after his coronation as emperor. selassie was, for these individuals, “the black messiah who appeared in the flesh for the redemption of all blacks exiled in the world of the white oppressor.” he proved the truth in the prophecy of daniel : - , as read by proto-rastas, that one day black people would rule the world. many practitioners conceptualize haile selassie as the final manifestation of jesus christ. after seventy-one generations, haile selassie, crowned negus negast, or “king of kings,” was the returned messiah of king david’s lineage who would loose the seven seals of the book referenced in revelation : . in his “treatise on the rastafarian movement,” ras brown expresses such a belief: “we who are rastafarians are the disciples who have walked with god since the time when the foundation of creation was laid, through bodies, to behold the nd house of power which shall reign forever.” according to brethren and sistren, the bible proved haile selassie’s true nature. as ras daniel proclaims, “the bible itself shows in many different parts that rastafari is the almighty god.” and, in his notable interview with noble, marley shared: see, christ promised that he will return within years, yah know? and him say when him come, he will be the king of kings, the lord of lords, the conquering lion of judah, true lineage of king solomon and king david. now, my life have great meaning to me. so, i really search a find out if god is here. and i search, i look . . . lookin’ at ethiopia. i look all about. i looking at germany yah now because me not prejudice. me look for god. me looking at ethiopia and me see one man, stand up with these name: emperor haile-i selassie, name king of kings, the lord of lords, conquering lion of judah, true lineage of king solomon and king david, written in the bible. upon haile selassie’s coronation, the duke of gloucester, son of king george v, presented the emperor with a twenty-seven inch solid-gold scepter on which was inscribed “ethiopia shall make her hands reach unto god” and “king of kings of ethiopia.” according to ras joel lawson of the comoro islands, proto-rastas envisioned the gift as a “septre of righteousness” and as the very “iron scepter” mentioned in revelation : that many believed had been stolen from ethiopia. as the owner of the scepter, lawson argues that haile selassie “fulfilled hebrews chapter , verse , and manifested himself as shiloh (the genuine lion of judah) in genesis chapter , verse .” though the bible proves haile selassie’s divinity, an unnamed brethren suggests that, “we don’t have to read the bible to know that he is god. we read our bible carefully, but i true inspiration we know that he is god. we know he is god through inborn conception.” it is the unity envisioned between haile selassie as jah embodied and rastas as lesser incarnations of jah that enables this insight. ras jubie elaborates on this conception of self in relation to the emperor: “i an i extend tolerance and let the people know that i an i king and jah, haile selassie i, jah rastafari.” chosen israelites on march th, , the star reported on the first twenty-one day nyabinghi i-ssembly, convened by prince emmanuel edwards and ras boanerges, which took place at back- o-wall. though john homiak and verena reckford allude to large rastafari gatherings as early as in relative seclusion in wareika hills, the i-ssembly is significant because of its public nature and its large turnout. as the police advanced on the i-ssembly in an effort to subdue the group, a leader declared, “touch not the lord’s anointed.” in his words to the jamaican authorities, this unnamed leader claimed for himself and for his people a biblical title and an identity as jah’s elect. similarly, wallace proclaims proudly: we are the base things of the earth, that christ speak of in the bible. we shall confound the wise and prudent and shall set up a new world through the power of his majesty. for no one didn’t know him but those who were called by his dreadful and terrible name, rastafari. because of their unique biblical hermeneutic, rasta readers came to the realization that they were those biblical actors described in the bible. thus, as price recounts, “ordinary black men and women were calling themselves ethiopians, modern israelites, and contemporary manifestations of shadrach, meschach, and abednego (biblical figures who survived being cast into a burning fire by babylonian king nebuchadnezzar).” in strategically locating themselves in the pages of the bible, rastafari “tap the wellspring of religious mythology in the process of resurrecting pride and purpose in the formation of ‘black’ identity.” as c. eric lincoln recognizes, “the black nationalist revives history (or corrects it, as he would say) to establish that today’s black men are descended from glorious ancestors, from powerful and enlightened rulers and conquerors.” indeed, rastas understand themselves to be the offspring of righteous kings, prophets, and priests, and they thereby disavow the biblical teachings of the colonial project, teachings that promoted meekness and subservience among african people. according to j. richard middleton: it is by the conscious ‘indwelling’ of a larger story of meaning, a story larger than the individual self, and beyond the confines of the dehumanizing present, that we find meaning for our lives and come to a sense of identity, in a manner that enables us to resist the dehumanization of a world system undergirded by its own large story of meta-narrative. practitioners channel the power of holy ancestors by emulating and embodying biblical forefathers as contemporary versions of these holy biblical individuals in name, dress, and behavior. in particular, rastas look to samson, moses, david, and solomon as exemplars of livity and as ideal, prototypical rasta brethren. from bobo shanti, whose ritual robes, head wraps, and detailed grooming practices evoke biblical times, to sympathizers who wear a lion of judah logo emblazoned on their t-shirts, rastas employ biblical symbols and modes of behavior as means of self-definition. while rastas know their inherent relationship to jah, babylon’s deceit seeks to separate them from their election and i-n-i nature. one method of babylon’s trickery involved whitening biblical actors and jah, thereby shrouding their original blackness. such a redactive injustice denies africans a noble past. rastas know though, as rod taylor sings in “ethiopian kings,” “king david, he was a black man/king solomon, he was a black man/king moses, he was a black man/from africa, yeah!” as murrell and williams note, furthermore, “rastas found defending this thesis both psychologically and theologically necessary.” rasta reading strategies prove jah’s blackness and that all african people share an israelite heritage; rasta brethren stand as the elect of the elect, the priests, prophets and kings spoken of in the hebrew bible and new testament. in assigning themselves these biblical identities, rastas resist domination and designate worth to a once societally denigrated self, thereby casting off the ideological framework of colonial thought. early leader samuel brown wrote, “we the rastafarians who are the true prophets of this age, the reincarnated moseses, joshuas, isaiahs, jeremiahs who are the battle-axes and weapons of war (a jihad), we are those who are determined to be free.” as samson, moses, david, and solomon, rastas are jah’s chosen, the elect of the elect, while the evil pharisees and sadducees are white men of babylon. rastas believe that haile selassie is a direct descendant of biblical kings, a notion that they adopt from ethiopian lore as detailed in the kebra nagast, a text that follows the solomonic line and traces it to africa. they read an uninterrupted line from haile selassie, emperor of ethiopia and jah incarnate, all the way back to the union between king solomon and the queen of sheba mentioned in kings and detailed in the kebra nagast. marley explains his own quest to locate jah: me look for god. me looking at ethiopia and me see one man, stand up with these name: emperor haile-i selassie, name king of kings, the lord of lords, conquering lion of judah, true lineage of king solomon and king david, written in the bible. haile selassie proves, for rasta interpreters who envision him as their king and jah manifested in human form, that rastas are divinely elect. for, solomon and his grandfather david are both rastas and haile selassie is their direct descendant. in “fallen soldiers,” midnite confirms selassie’s direct connection to the biblical kings: “coronate ina addis abeba/ david descent ina linear root ya.” solomon proves rastas’ inherent rationality and wisdom, while david proves their rightful kingship as confirmed by selassie. according to owens, the first chapter of song of songs proves that solomon is black and thus jessie and david before him were black. and, tribal seeds, a reggae band from california, recognizes that solomon is a dreadlocked rasta: “you know say knotty dreads, / them grown on the top of (solomon’s) head, head, his head!” the royal lineage of david, solomon, and haile selassie proves to rastas that they are royal themselves. for instance, damien marley asserts the strength inherent in his pedigree: “solomonic linage whe dem still can’t defeat/ and them coulda never clone/ my spiritual dna that print in my soul/ and i will forever own, lord.” acknowledging this regal and noble lineage provides rastas with confirmation of their inherent worth. sizzla recognizes, “i and i and i are the royal son of king david, / so babylon, why you try to deny, / the ghetto youths loyal knowledge?” by accepting not only the solomonic line but also the lineage of moses and aaron as their own, rastas emphasize their election as jah’s priests and prophets. as i-n-i, rastas trust that they embody not only the royal lineage of david and solomon, but also jah’s divine spark, a spark that manifests, as in haile selassie, in prophetic and priestly capabilities. thus, can rastafari speak for jah and maintain individual and communal ritual purity. midnite sings of these many responsibilities of rastafari, crooning, “royal habits/ manifest your priestly/ your kingly/ your soldierly/ your royal habits/ your royal habits/ soldierly/ defender of perceptual faith.” because rastas believe that moses and aaron were brethren and exemplars of livity, all practitioners are able to accept their gifts as his prophets and priests. in exodus : , jah states to moses, “and ye shall be unto me a kingdom of priests, and an holy nation.” rasta practitioners explain that this passage assigns rastas the responsibility of sharing jah’s path of livity with non-practitioners. reggae artist stitchie, for example, takes this role seriously. he proclaims that: i am a royal priesthood/ i’m a holy nation/ i’m a peculiar person/ a chosen generation/ i am created here on earth to have dominion/ i am fashioned in his likeness and his image says god/ i’m made a little lower/ than the angels/ i am a king and a priest. rasta priests hold a responsibility to adhere to the rules of the hebrew bible as interpreted by the system of livity. furthermore, rasta priests assume leadership roles in communal ceremony and worship; prophecy associated with their stature. in the nyabinghi order in particular, in which seven priests including a high priest administer to the community: a priest . . . is ordained by jah ras tafari. . . . he must be a man of - ivine livity with the prophecy as a guideline. the priests administrate around the altar of the tabernacle and leads the congregation in prayer. . . . the nyahbinghi priest . . . must be one of ivine qualities, abiding by jar laws. the nyahbinghi priest must be one of justice who carries out his works without partiality. he must maintain an ‘ital livity’ making sure he does not defile the temple of the living jar with abominable flesh. in the twelve tribes of israel, priests must be similarly pure within the mansion. those members of the house of levi assume the role and minister over ritual and communal meetings. in the bobo shanti mansion, also known as the “priestical” mansion because of the intense purity-based regulations adhered to by all members, most every male adult is considered a priest or a prophet. prophets are responsible for reasoning while priests conduct ritual services and maintain personal and communal purity. interestingly, female bobo shanti cannot cook for bobo priests but may cook for prophets when they are ritually pure, a state that is determined by a woman’s menstrual cycle. within these three mansions and for those practitioners who do not belong to the aforementioned groups, priests must adhere to the strictures of livity as defined communally and personally. rasta interpreters find proof throughout the hebrew bible and by examining their history that they, as jah’s elect, can serve not only as kings but also as priests and prophets. sometimes these roles are envisioned as distinct but they are often merged. sizzla acknowledges rastafari’s many roles, singing, “umm, bless the prophet, bless the king, bless the priest/and bless up all the strifing youths inna the street/ oh rastafari love we show, yes rastafari words we know.” moreover, bongo j, a jamaican rastaman said to charles price, “me is a king, a priest, a prophet…me no come in with no frauding, no bowing, no begging. my word…is merciful and true to the man who can keep this covenant and testament!” german reggae artist gentleman further echoes this notion in “evolution”: “prophet, priests and kings, same song dem a sing.” israel vibration’s “prophet has arise” also exemplifies such a merger of these roles: see jah prophet has arise (prophet has arise)/ he’s got a dreadlock in his eye (for them to centralize)/ dreadlock in his eye (for them to organize)/ one has arise to judge and execute (jah youth) . . . . / moses was a seer (prophet)/ king david was a seer (prophet)/ so the people shall never run short/ of a king or a prophet. since all male rastafari are considered kings, prophets and/or priests, each has a responsibility to live a life of livity and to enlighten others, thereby ushering in a new age in this world. each rastaman has a role to play in conquering babylon, whether through denouncing the ills of babylon system, advocating a life of livity, or acting as a ritual guide. but it is nyabinghi drummers and rasta reggae artists that arguably prophesize most effectively to those peoples who have not yet recognized themselves as jah’s elect who are trapped in babylon system. as barrett notes, reggae artists are “prophets of a new day of jamaican creativity.” using their rhythmic beats and poetic lyrics to inspire listeners, reggae artists have the ability to initiate real cultural change. barrett further recognizes that: the rastafarians, who are living examples of jamaican social and cultural deprivation, are now the prophets preaching to the elite about the conditions of squalor. their songs carry the message to the living rooms of the rich; they are the social catalysts of the island; and no one can escape this message. iya karna sings a similar missive: the prophets, rastafari prophets/ prophets from an ancient time/ hear they are crying out from the mountain tops/ revealing the truth loud and clear/ many are called and a few are chosen/ so give thanks and praise when you hear/ the prophets, prophets of an ancient time/ they live fulfilling jah creation. both rastas and biblical scholars recognize ties between impassioned music and prophetic communication in the hebrew bible. for instance, biblical scholar j. gerald janzen notes that the relationship between prophecy, song, and jah in the hebrew bible is profound: “the song that arises in the throat is experienced by the singer as part of the very energy of deliverance that is the action of jah.” as inarguably the world’s most familiar rastafari and reggae artist, practitioners frequently describe bob marley as a prophet, both before his death and after his passing. mr. kelly, the accountant for the marley museum in kingston, explains that “we as rasta see him as a prophet. as an angel the almighty jah use him to put forth his word and sing praises to him.” his son ziggy marley confirms this perspective, noting that “what my father said, though, is prophecy.” the tendency to describe marley as a prophet is not limited to rastas, however. janet decosmo “positions him in a tradition of biblical and modern day prophets.” she does so not “to mystify bob marley, but to demystify religion.” because marley’s voice carries jah’s message around the world, rastafari envision him as a modern-day moses. ras adam explains: the biggest of all prophets - speaking directly with g-d instead of later prophets, who got their messages and prophecies through difficultly overstood parables in sights. i&i law, the iriginal law, contains over laws, and they were all given to moses by the almighty i jah. therefore, for i&i, moshe is the greatest prophet. marley carries moses’ profound abilities. massive dread explains, “bob marley is the spiritual chapter of this time, like moses. he lived amongst the people, helped the people, and told the story of the people like moses.” ranford willoughby, one of marley’s mother’s cousins, spoke of marley’s grandfather to timothy white. he compared marley to moses based on his life-story, not only on his ownership of the word of jah: when omeriah see nesta, him see a son who carry four strong winds in him chest. nesta come from de white man, from de black man, from bondage, an’ from de banks of de nile, where de word shone down upon de great pyramid. while marley, who himself asked jah to send his people “another moses from across the dead sea” is compared to the elect liberator, fans and rastafari too attribute him with the identities of jesus christ and john the baptist because of the same prophetic gift. as trinidadian r&b artist billy ocean explains, “bob marley for me, he came like john the baptist, before jesus christ. john the baptist came to warn us of the coming of the lord, basically of who jesus christ was.” moreover, both spreeboy and rita marley describe marley as having two scars on his palms. that people compared him jesus and john, however, does not mean that those that drew the comparisons did not simultaneously read him as an embodied moses. according to r. matthew charet, “many other figures recorded in the bible are believed to have been the embodiment of god in the flesh, including many of the hebrew prophets.” and, as an unnamed rasta told joseph owens, “haile selassie, jesus christ, solomon, david, moses and aaron are all black and are all the same person.” thus, marley is just one manifestation of this everlasting prophetic entity. countless other rastafari too envision themselves as fulfilling the role of divine deliverer and prophet of jah. the very name of peter tosh’s best of album, “scrolls of the prophet,” confirms his belief in his holy role. the musical message of the reggae prophet can encourage in listeners a reevaluation of self-worth and it can incite real social change. for this reason, according to anand prahlad, reggae musicians, including marley, take on a “warrior/priest” role in addition to that of prophet. the warrior-priest role prahlad assigns to rasta musicians encompasses prophetic voice. he contends that: the role of messenger was taken to another level . . . by . . . artists who, in keeping with rastafari philosophy, viewed themselves as prophets and priests. with the combined influences of liberation movements at home and abroad the priest became merged with the ‘warrior,’ resulting in a warrior/priest persona that dominates roots reggae. furthermore, the role of priest and prophet merge in song, though sometimes a priestly emphasis on healing and the spiritual realm take precedence, while other times a prophetic interest in foreseeing the future or analyzing the past is more prominent. nonetheless, these roles are generally fused and often indistinguishable. perhaps this is because, as prahlad notes, wisdom is one of the prominent elements of prophecy and also “is one of the most essential characteristics of the warrior/priest, who embodies rastafari worldview and accepts the role of contemporary social/spiritual guide.” moses and samson prove for practitioners, including reggae artists, that they are the prophets and priests described in the bible and that they are jah’s warriors. moses speaks for and with jah and outlines the requirements of livity in his biblical narrative, thereby determining the fitting path for rastas. and, samson’s dreadlocks and nazirite identity prove that he is an ultimate rastaman warrior. he is an exemplar of livity despite the defiling behavior that he engages in that is detailed in his biblical narrative. moses also disappoints jah by contradicting his law and failing to mention his greatness. solomon and david likewise err in the eyes of jah, solomon by marrying foreign woman and by being swayed to worship idols, and david through his lustful and murderous behavior. in their claim to these biblical actors, rastas celebrate and embody problematic and extremely powerful men. though their biblical narratives describe transgressive behavior, the rasta embrace of them enables practitioners to claim the identity of chosen israelites, a determination with profound psychological and practical effects. whiteness in the hebrew bible while rastas identify themselves as the warriors, prophets, priests, and kings of the bible, they assign biblical identities to white people as well. in his introduction to robert mais’ novel brother man, edward brathwaite astutely recognizes that: the very idea that these “sufferahs” equated themselves with the children of israel amounted to an audacious poetic act of rebellion but introduced a troubling consequence for the morality of slavery. it made the white people the demons, the pharisees, the philistines, the pharaoh people. rasta readers also locate the origins of whiteness itself in the bible, a strategy that makes whiteness the consequence of punishments doled out by jah. the curse of ham in genesis : - is one of the loci for whiteness recognized by rasta readers. genesis : reports that ham, “the father of canaan,” witnessed his father, noah, naked and drunk. he then reported his father’s condition to his brothers shem and japheth, who responded by covering their father without looking upon him in his shameful state ( : ). because of his disrespect and his mockery of his father, noah cursed ham’s lineage: “and he said, cursed be canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren” ( : ). the kebra nagast also reports that noah spoke to ham, “be servant to thy brother (shem).” rastas interpret the vignette, one deciphered frequently as proof of blacks’ natural servitude to whites by anti-black racists, as ascertaining the opposite racial dynamic. leonard howell suggests that in this episode ham is cursed with whiteness: “blacks who were cursed in the noah-ham story were afflicted with a disease that turned them white, thus giving birth to the white race.” however, rastas cannot fully disclaim the heritage of ham for the story of his grandson nimrod, to whom genesis : assigns the descriptor of “mighty,” is important to rasta claims of black superiority. nimrod, the son of cush and grandson of ham, has become a sex symbol in jamaica over the last thirty years. he is attributed with large genitals and an active libido. and, though not all rastas prize him on account of his “skillful wantonness,” “they are impresses with the power that nimrod adds to the argument for black superiority.” that nimrod was king of babel, as detailed in genesis : , complicates a rasta appreciation for him since nimrod is thus the ruler of an immoral civilization. an examination of rasta readings of ham and nimrod illustrates a unique rastafari hermeneutic at play, one that allows them to assess particular elements of the family’s narrative as essential truths and others as redacted falsities. this strategy ensures that while ham is cursed by whiteness, his progeny retains his original blackness, a reality that allows practitioners to claim nimrod’s might and sexual prowess, even whilst his rule over of babylon would seemingly confirm his whiteness in a schema without babylonian redactors who may have wanted to claim him for themselves. another rasta theory attributes whiteness to miriam’s questioning of moses in regards to his having married a cushite wife in numbers . jah struck miriam with a skin disease on account of her actions, rastas reason, thereby, turning her skin white. another popular perspective views eve not as the mother of humanity, but as the mother of all whites, thereby of evil. whiteness then becomes the original curse. by eating of the forbidden tree in eden, eve cursed herself and her descendants, thereby birthing the white race. howell addresses the sin of eve in eden: the adamic tree of knowledge and eve the mother of evil . . . the adamic apple tree, my dear leper your name is adam-abraham anglo saxon tree, that looks pretty and respectable to your eyes don’t it? yes indeed gross beauty is the queen in hell, and royal leper adam and eve and abraham and anglo saxon are all white people if you please. . . . king alpha and queen omega said that they are our parents, and the keeper of the tree of life. he and his wife are not any family at all to adam and eve and abraham and isaac and the anglo saxon slave owners; for that is exactly how his majesty king noah the black monarch was drowned at antediluvia by adam abraham the anarchy. as murrell and williams recognize, many rastas assess: whiteness (as) a european curse that dates back to creation and the eating of forbidden fruit. according to this hermeneutic, adam, abraham, and moses, from whom the europeans allegedly descended, are all cursed whites. but in another breath, abraham and moses are black and fathers of the black race. so although blacks are the true israelite descendants of abraham, they are not inheritors of the ‘white abrahamic curse.’ what a hermeneutical scandal! in rastas’ determination of whiteness as a punishment and in their assumption of the israelite identity of biblical actors, including samson, moses, david, and solomon, we see a distinctive and effective rasta biblical hermeneutic at play. conclusion in their assumption of an israelite identity, rastas claim the election of jah’s chosen people but they also accept the legacy of hardship and alienation from jah, a story that resonates profoundly with a once enslaved people who still must contend with the ramifications of their burden of servitude. though they know that the bible is a highly redacted text, rastas read in its pages of jah’s blackness, of haile selassie’s identity as jah incarnate, and of their true noble heritage. these truths present themselves as practitioners apply their unique hermeneutical approach, one that springs from their intimate relationship with jah, to the text, leading to the empowerment and spiritual confirmation of rastafari. this hermeneutic strategy also enables rasta interpreters to recognize moses and samson as brethren despite babylon’s redactions to their biblical narratives. leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . jeanne christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman: gender constructions in the shaping of rastafari livity (lanham: lexington books, ), . ibid., . bob marley, interviewed by anita waters, september , , bobmarley.com, accessesd may , , http://www.bobmarley.com/interview-anita-waters- - - /. chevannes, rastafari, . despite their belief that babylon’s redactors have edited the pages of the king james version of the bible, it remains the version most frequently used by rastas. nathaniel samuel murrell and lewin williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . musa a. dube and gerald o. west, the bible in africa: transactions, trajectories, and trends (leiden: brill, ), . bob marley, interviewed by gil noble for like it is, wabc-tv, september , . ras bassa rajah, quoted in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. chevannes, rastafari, . charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university: ), . steel pulse, “chant a psalm,” true democracy. elecktra records ( ). murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . rasta readers generally envision jah as male. william f. lewis, soul rebels: the rastafari (prospect heights: waveland press, ), . edmonds, rastafari, . joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . edmonds, rastafari, . marcus jahn, “ashanti,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. chevannes, rastafari, . owens, dread, . marley, interviewed by noble. clinton hutton and nathaniel samuel murrell, “rastas’ psychology of blackness, resistance, and somebodiness,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, eds. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane, - , (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . catman, quoted in owens, dread, . marley, interviewed by noble. barrett, the rastafarians, . marley, interviewed by noble. erin macleod, visions of zion: ethiopians & rastafari in the search for the promised land (new york: new york university press, ), . bob marley, “come we go up a jerusalem,” uprising demo, island records ( ). edmonds, rastafari, . rex nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . owens, dread, . barrett, the rastafarians, . ibid., . sizzla, “praise ye jah,” praise ye jah, xterminator records ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . anand prahlad, reggae wisdom: proverbs in jamaican music (jackson: university press of mississippi, ), . owens, dread, . noel leo erskine, from garvey to marley: rastafari theology (gainesville: university press of florida, ), . owens, dread . barrett, the rastafarians, . erskine, from garvey to marley: rastafari, . owens, dread, . murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . chin, quoted in gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . ibid., . ibid., . ijahman levi, “jah is no secret,” haile i hymn (chapter one), mango records ( ). the wailers, “burnin’ and lootin’,” burnin’, island records ( ). benji, quoted in gerald hausman, rastafarian children of solomon: the legacy of the kebra nagast and the path to peace and understanding (rochester: bear & company, ), . jah bones, “the god head of rastafari,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. chevannes, rastafari, . edmonds, rastafari, . nathaniel samuel murrell, “tuning hebrew psalms to reggae rhythms: rastas revolutionary lamentations for social change,” crosscurrents, accessed may , , http://www.crosscurrents.org/murrell.htm. ras j, quoted in owens, dread, . some practitioners believe this divine essence resides in all human beings regardless of race while others do not. nettleford, “discourse on rastafarian reality,” . benji, quoted in hausman, the kebra nagast, dennis forsythe, rastafari: for the healing of the nation (kingston: zaika publications, ), . bob marley, quoted in hausman, the kebra nagast, . daniel, quoted in owens, dread, . iverton, quoted in ibid., . lansana oronde ketema, “within ihi,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. bob marley, quoted in roger steffens, “bob marley: rasta warrior,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . kevin o’brien chang and wayne chen, reggae routes: the story of jamaican music (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . these ex-garveyites were disillusioned in large part because garvey left his homeland of jamaica. barrett, the rastafarians, xi. samuel e. brown, “treatise on the rastafarian movement” the journal of caribbean studies : ( ), . ras daniel, quoted in owens, dread, . marley, interviewed by noble. erskine, from garvey to marley, . joel lawson, “the armageddon world war ii,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. lawson, “the armageddon world war ii,” np. unnamed rasta, quoted in sheila kitzinger, “protest and mysticism: the rastafari cult in jamaica,” journal for the scientific study of religions ( ): . chevannes, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, edmonds, rastafari, - . barrett, the rastafarians, the term “anointed” is frequently used in the hebrew bible and is assigned to biblical actors including david. owens, dread, . price, becoming rasta, xv. aminah beverly mccloud, “blackness in the nation of islam,” in religion and the creation of race and ethnicity, ed. craig r. prentiss (new york: new york university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . j. richard middleton, “identity and subversion in babylon: strategies for ‘resisting against the system’ in the music of bob marley and the wailers” in religion, culture, and tradition in the caribbean, ed. hemchand gossai and nathaniel samuel murrell (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . rod taylor, “ethiopian kings,” freedom sounds ( ). murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . barrett, the rastafarians, . marley, interviewed by noble. midnite, “fallen soldiers,” in awe, i fifth son records ( ). this endeavor focuses on rasta engagement with samson and moses because the rasta assumption of them is less frequently the focus of scholarly efforts. however, because king david and solomon are of central importance for rastafari, i discuss them briefly. owens, dread, . tribal seeds, “herby,” the harvest, tribal seeds music ( ). damien marley featuring nas, “patience,” distant relatives, universal republic records ( ). sizzla, “as in the beginning,” royal sons of ethiopia, greensleeves records ( ). midnite, “royal habits,” jah grid, i grade records ( ). toshite, august , ( : p.m.), “the duty of the chosen people, rasta nick’s forum, http://forums.rasta-man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . . stitchie, “true identity,” real life story, drum & bass music ( ). women are not allowed to prophesize at the tabernacle in the nyabinghi order. “concerning the priesthood,” guidelines from the incients, accessed january , , http://www.nyahbinghi.com/files/guidelines.htm. frank van dijk, “the twelve tribes of israel: rasta and the middle class,” new west indian guide ( ): . for more, see barry chevannes, “the bobo dread: beliefs and rituals,” oneworld magazine, , accessed march , , http://www.oneworldmagazine.org/focus/etiopia/rasta.html. sizzla, “you’re better off,” jah knows best, sanctuary records ( ). price, becoming rasta, . gentleman, “evolution,” another intensity, four music ( ). israel vibration, “prophet has arise,” the same song, harvest ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . ibid., . iya karna, “the prophets,” revolution in dub, rub-a-dub records ( ). see jonathan l. friedman, music in biblical life: the roles of song in ancient israel (jefferson: mcfarland & company inc., ), . j. gerald janzen, “song of moses, song of miriam: who is seconding whom?,” the catholic biblical quarterly ( ): . mr. kelly, “mr. kelly,” frank magazine: tuff gong/ jamaica, chapter , , . hausman, the kebra nagast, . dean macneil, the bible and bob marley: half the story has never been told (eugene: cascade books, ), . janet l. decosmo, “bob marley: religious prophet?” in bob marley: the man and his music, ed. eleanor wint and carolyn cooper (kingston: arawak, ), . ras adam, june , ( : p.m.), comment on john, “moses,” rasta nick’s forum, june , , http://forums.rasta-man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . . massive dread, quoted in chris simunek, paradise burning: adventures of a high times journalist, (new york: st. martin’s griffin, ), . timothy white, catch a fire: the life of bob marley: the life of bob marley (london: omnibus press, ), . billy ocean, “hearts that beat as one,” frank magazine: tuff gong/ jamaica, chapter , , . spreeboy and rita marley, quoted in gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . r. matthew charet, “jesus was a dreadlocks: rastafarian images of divinity,” in this immense panorama: studies in honour of eric j. sharpe, ed. carole m. cusack and peter oldmeadow (sydney: school of studies in religion, university of sydney, ), . joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . anand prahlad, reggae wisdom: proverbs in jamaican music (jackson: university press of mississippi, ), . ibid., . ibid., . kwame dawes, “foreword” in robert mais, brother man (oxford: heinemann, ), . hausman, the kebra nagast, for specific examples of the dependence on the curse of ham to justify slavery, see david m. goldenberg, the curse of ham: race and slavery in early judaism, christianity, and islam (princeton: princeton university press, ). murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . g.g. maragh, the promised key, reproduced in william david spencer, “the first chant: leonard howell’s the promised key,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . murrell and williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” . chapter : livity: taking the zionic path of rastafari oh, it’s a life of a livity, lived by the fathers of our history, uphold the anciency and prophecy, trust in the power of the trinity, yeah, got to believe in his majesty, oh yes, his lineage an divinity, the first step is serenity, knowing one self’s true royalty, yeah. -morgan heritage, “don’t haffi dread,” ( ) as diane austin-broos contends, jamaicans often conflate the contemporary world with the biblical in a “symbolic mediation of jamaica through the bible. . . . the representation of jamaica through a biblical landscape and narrative becomes even more powerful with the intersection of biblical and jamaican myth.” in order to negotiate their world, jamaicans use a “dialectic of scripture and experience.” furthermore, rastafari readers in jamaica envision the island as a biblical land and themselves as a biblical people. in their biblical conception of the world, rastas serve as the true israelites while jamaica and all other societies of the west are wicked lands that exemplify the nefarious biblical trope of babylon. rastafari living outside of ethiopia then live in lands reigned by babylon. babylon, in this schema, is an immoral and corrupting society that alienates rastas, as true israelites, from their divine nature, thereby distancing them from jah. it is through the rejection of babylonian culture and through the pursuit of a pure and divinely determined lifestyle called livity that rastas draw ever closer to zion. this chapter examines a rastafari conception of purity, negotiating how a desire for purity factors into practitioners’ pursuance of livity. moreover, this chapter interrogates practitioners’ adoption of what rasta interpreters decipher as a priestly identity and consequent attempts to live according to the guidelines of “livity.” while shaped by african practices, indigenous caribbean traditions, and by colonial culture, rastafari conceptions of proper conduct and virtue are derived largely from the hebrew bible. rastafari adopt priestly codes and nazirite requirements from biblical sources and incorporate them in a lifeway that enables them to achieve purification and simultaneously defines them as divinely elect. surprisingly, scholars of rastafari, including barry chevannes, often minimize the essential role of the hebrew bible in shaping livity. for instance, chevannes contends that the bible offered a convenient source of validation for youth black faith members that began wearing dreadlocks, but he does not examine the biblical roots of the hairstyle. similarly, he admits that he does not know why rastas avoid eating pork, though he acknowledges that a jewish avoidance bolsters this choice. an examination of the dietary laws and hair- based proscriptions of the hebrew bible could have provided chevannes with answers. though some practitioners reject purity-based dictates derived from the hebrew bible, in differing ways and to varying degrees, rastafari accept their responsibility as jah’s elect priests and nazirites by pursuing purity befitting the chosen people as interpreted from the hebrew bible. for rastafari, purity relates to a state of naturalness. rastas believe that babylon system has alienated humanity from its natural state. in order to reclaim their original standing, they reject the artificial, and with it, babylon’s commercialism and technology. as toots and the maytals sing in “living in the ghetto” “know that it’s love and purity, that set us free/ that set us free from all this misery.” turning away from the material culture of babylon, rastas decontaminate their bodies of babylon’s ills through an active pursuit of the natural path of “livity.” rastas know that “nature is not essentially a force external to man; it works within his innermost being,” as joseph owens explains. “if man allows the natural powers to be corrupted, then he himself will suffer as well.” this sense of fluidity between individuals, divinity, and the natural world has roots in asante cosmology. as an unnatural force, babylon poses a threat not only to the individual but also to the natural world; both human beings and the environment are manifestations of jah’s greatness and thus stand in opposition to babylon’s goal of domination and familial estrangement. ras daniel argues that “god is in man, and god is man, because things are natural. we are a people that deal with naturality. we don’t deal with superstition about ‘god in sky’ and duppy and such thing.” in this scenario, the earth itself is jah. a jamaican rastaman named jimmy confirms that “god is nature.” as such, rastafari do not see the dust of the earth as dirty or defiling, for “they are not afraid of dirt and grime; they call others to ‘sit in the dust with them,” in a reference to isaiah : . purity and cleanliness corresponds to an organic level of existence for practitioners, one in accordance with the workings of the natural world. it is the industrial and commercial artificiality that corrupts, not the organic realm. according to mary douglas, what societies demarcate as dirty or taboo is culturally specific. douglas argues that “dirt” should be defined “as matter out of place.” for rastafari, dirt relates to the artificiality of babylon, not the soil of the earth, for that which is artificial is that which is “out of place.” reggae artist capleton decries “anything at all that try to defile the forces of nature (god),” for instance. that which jamaican society, and more generally, the west believe is organized and culturally advanced; i.e., technology, commercialism, political structures, and science, are for rastas out of place as dirt, elements that besmirch the divine natural plan. furthermore, douglas suggests that all societies identify dirt and demonstrate structures of taboo surrounding the management of said dirt, implying “two conditions: a set of ordered relations and a contravention of that order. dirt then, is never a unique, isolated event. where there is dirt there is a system.” the presence of dirt reflects the existence of an organizational structure that determines what is sanctioned and what is unclean or “taboo.” douglas further explains that “taboo is a spontaneous coding practice which sets up a vocabulary of spatial limits and physical and verbal signs to hedge around vulnerable relations.” in order to serve jah, rastafari decontaminate their bodies and lives of that which they consider taboo, including the technology, political system, economic system, and chemical dependency of babylon. this is done through physical removal and/or spiritual/mental removal from that which is wicked and dirty. rejecting babylon, seeking nature, returning to their roots as “rootsmen,” and harnessing the power inherent in the organic realm animates rastafari in the struggle against foreign forces. as “a rastaman” told owens, “lightening and thunder going to kill all the downpressors.” ritual chants are often punctuated with spontaneous outcries of “fire,” “lightening,” or “earthquake,” for each outcry is a natural occurrence that harnesses divine energy to conquer babylon. a chant of the nyabinghi order, for instance, exemplifies this belief: “what a woe pahnh babylon, what a woe, what a woe/ jah lightning and thunder/ jah jah brimstone and fire/ earthquake, hot lava!” gerald hausman suggests that “the natural man, rootsman, rastamon, unchained by technological civilization, is the ideal role of all rastas.” rastas believe that biblical actors like samson, joshua, and daniel fulfill that role; they stand apart from babylonian society and thus can channel the power of nature. seefari confirms the importance of this removal from babylon, as exemplified by biblical actors including samson, in his track entitled “rootsman”: “rootsman don’t give up! gotta live up! chant down babylon in this dreadful time. rootsman can do the heavy lifting. rasta strong like samson.” as with most elements of rasta thought and custom, though, there is considerable diversity as to how practitioners define, engage with, and remove themselves from babylon system. some rastafari move out of cities and seek respite in the wilderness. as ras teddy warns, “the power of man is most unsafe. man doeth nothing by himself, but the power of selassie-i works miracles.” ras teddy left behind babylonian cities for this reason. ras carlos from brazil speaks of a similar path: “to maintain this hair, i cannot invest in the system. not a cent. i live from the powers, like daniel, like joshua. i live like jesus christ. i live spirit because i am spirit.” many nyabinghi and bobo rastas avoid using electricity, while others do not use televisions or radios. some “rootical” rastas will not use utensils made of any “metals of babylon.” other practitioners live in urban areas, engage in commerce, and embrace the most contemporary technology, while living in accordance with other rasta principles in personal interpretations of “livity.” many of those rastas who embrace technology understand it as a vehicle for spreading the message of the sovereignty of haile selassie and the benefits of a “rootical” lifestyle. in his interview with bob marley, for example, dermot hussey asked the star if technology was among the “fruits of babylon.” marley replied: babylon no have no fruits. . . . jah fit to give de wisdom of technology, seen? and so right now, technology, we need technology now since really deal with what we got deal with, yah know? there is no way you can walk this earth. this earth here is not like when it was the beginning. it was once a trod all the earth. now we have a really cross a vast amount of water. i mean, no one can stop the development. the development is not the problem. it’s the flesh. however, some traditional members of the bobo shanti community, or the ethiopian international congress at bobo hill, widely considered by scholars and rasta practitioners to be the most “orthodox” group of rastas, would disagree with marley’s conception of the value of technology. in their rural community outside of kingston, the bobo shanti renounce technological advancements. because many bobo shanti see the outside world as polluting, they live a communal life as removed from the material world as possible. as chevannes notes of those bobo who live at bobo hill, “as bobo, they retreated further away from the world of the profane, cutting themselves off and maintaining the separation by a ritual distance.” other bobo dreads who do not live in the movement’s central community at bobo hill are recording artists, a creative path that requires the inevitable usage of technology, and some bobo use phones, computers, stereos, and more. this diversity is manifest in each “mansion,” or rasta “sect.” in unique ways, however, as sociologist randal hepner notes, all “rastas attempt to create ‘zionic’ conditions within their respective ‘exodus’ communities.” instead of waiting for an afterlife to find fulfillment, practitioners pursue satisfaction in the earthen realm. as bob marley reasons, “most people think, / great god will come from the skies, / take away everything/ and make everybody feel high.” he continues, “but if you know what life is worth, / you will look for yours on earth.” while the manner in which rastas avoid defilement and attempt to create “zionic” communities differs, livity offers a noble path to all practitioners. livity as an acephalous movement, rastafari manifests in countless ways. but, practitioners attempt to draw closer to jah and to achieve access to zion by following the path of livity. livity is the system of right living in accordance with one’s essential divine state. a life of livity in tune with the natural world is, for them, an ancient practice. “as the almighty say: i shall rise up a nation within this dispensation that will come and will do the ancient living and will not do anything out of the ancient living,” shared leon, a rasta interviewed at length by owens. livity stands as a marker of the covenant rastafari share with jah as his chosen people. the system of livity modifies and amalgamates israelite, nazirite, and priestly codes of conduct, as interpreted by rasta readers, into a methodical path for rasta behavior that delineates proper hairstyle, consumption, dress, and general comportment. according to another of owens’ contacts, teddy, “the scriptures is the oldest influence, and one must live by the scriptures.” livity draws upon ancient israelite societal proscriptions described in the hebrew bible in an attempt to restore their original form, even though redactors of babylon system have altered the bible. a commitment to livity bonds rastafari to jah in a contemporary iteration of a nazirite vow, one infused with priestly requirements of the hebrew bible. in “rastaman,” bunny wailer exclaims, “that’s the strangest man i’ve seen/ (that’s because he’s a rasta man)/ having the mark of a nazarine/ (that’s because he’s a rasta man).” in their nazirite vows, rastas generally adhere to a specific diet that excludes alcohol and meat, avoid contact with death, and grow out their hair. their assumption of a nazirite vow requires rastas to follow israelite guidelines and priestly purity requirements over and above the nazirite proscriptions of numbers . this amalgamated construal of a nazirite and priestly rasta path draws from specific biblical passages regarding priests, such as those describing the priestly vestments (exodus , , ), and passages, including leviticus : , which address priests’ behavior during mourning and detail fitting hairstyles. leviticus : , for instance, is used by rastas as proof that because they are priestly they should never cut their hair. rastas accept a priestly identity by interpreting biblical priesthood strategically and by merging facets of priestly behavior with nazirite requirements and israelite codes of conduct as well as with african and caribbean practices. the rites of livity determined by this fusion aim to secure the original status of jah’s chosen israelites. through a life of livity, nature is “ritualized.” ninja ras writes, “rastafari livity is a natural livity, so it really had to be here before any book was written . . . books are great to disseminate the ancient livity, yet man also used them to defile people.” livity enables rastafari to cultivate and restore what the colonial system stripped away. this process requires adherence to behavioral guidelines that foster a healthful and clean life that is oriented by scripture and derived from african practice. rastas engage in the continual purification of the self through livity. by consuming a particular diet, through the usage of ganja, through the cultivation of dreadlocks, and by avoiding death, rastafari ensure their worthiness and thus their divine capacity. healthfulness, as manifest by a life of livity, allows rasta bodies to channel holiness and ensures that jah’s vessels are strong. consciousness of election bestows rastafari with the obligations of god’s chosen people. when rastas are the chosen people who are spoken of in the hebrew bible, then the observance of rituals of purification becomes the responsibility of individual practitioners. though being tasked with the responsibilities of the elect is a privilege, taking on such a commitment can be a burden. living up to divine standards of thoroughness and dedication is a lofty goal. the task of satisfying a divinely ordained responsibility for purity inevitably inspires a certain dread of inadequacy and fear surrounding the loss of jah’s favor. and, this dread mingles with another form of dread, one that stems from the colonial project’s effort to diminish black people’s sense of worth. as frantz fanon notes, “there is, in the weltanschauung of a colonized people, an impurity, a defect that forbids any ontological explanation.” dread is furthermore “an experience: it is the awesome, fearful confrontation of a people with a primordial but historically denied racial selfhood,” as owens explains. for rastafari, the resulting sense of ineptness mingles with the dread associated with the alarm dreadlocked crowns inspire in others due to the racial determinations of the colonial project. rastafari thus use the term “dread” to describe both their subjective and objective condition. dread stems from a sense of unworthiness, a conception of the self as base and inherently flawed. and while rastafari engage in a radical and empowering inversion of the colonial project’s schema of racial worth, that project’s theories inevitably have lingering effects on afro-caribbean people. the colonial project defined black bodies as valuable commodities but as fundamentally unworthy; however, in defining blackness as jah-like, rastafari resist the dread such a determination of worth entails for black people. practitioners’ proclamation of black worth and adoption of the biblical motif of chosenness disrupts the reign of babylon system. rastafari embrace the dread their visible and auditory revolutionary rejection of cultural norms inspires in babylon’s society. neither the definition of blackness as divine nor the removal from babylon’s clutches, whether mental or physical, definitively makes individual bodies pure though. rastafari’s quest for purity by way of livity is aimed at fulfilling the goal of jah- like perfection. this perfection is multivocal; as i-n-i, each rasta has the ability to determine what perfection entails. because rastas envision themselves as israel, or as inheritors of jah’s divine spark, rasta bodies are potentially purified bodies. their i-n-i nature proves their likeness to jah. in order to realize their jah-like essence, rastafari continuously ensure their purity and assert their dedication to jah through ritualized practice. yet the body’s very functions provoke a sense of dread. menses, excreta, blood, and semen are amongst those bodily secretions considered to be potential contaminates by rastafari, who turn to the bible and ashanti-fanti beliefs for verification thereof. practitioners identify that which the body produces as dirty and polluting; a body can never be permanently purified when the source of impurity is internal. if what stems from the body is vile and base then the body is perpetually defiled and must be consistently purified. empress yuajah contends that “the purpose of rastafari is to guide one to live clean and pure that a person may be deemed ‘fit’ (by jah) to enter holy mount zion.” she reminds readers though that “it is easy for one to defile his temple.” in spite of the fact that even rasta bodies perpetually produce that which is unclean, rastas’ divine connection is affirmed by practitioners’ responsibility to live according to the guidelines of livity. these guidelines emphasize the importance of heeding jah’s commandments. practitioners’ desire for divinely bestowed responsibility manifests in an obligation that confirms their election. ritualized practice makes rasta election a consistently demonstrable reality. in their quest to build a spotless society and self, rastas engage in a continual process of self-definition, a process in which the committed, dreadlocked warrior, priest, and prophet resists babylon system. by locking their hair, eating a biblically ordained diet, smoking ganja, refraining from contact with death, and avoiding entanglement with babylon, rastafari ensure their capability to serve as jah’s elect people, as jah’s priests, prophets, and nazirites. dreadlocked hair demarcates a rasta as a chosen nazirite priest and bespeaks a rejection of babylon system. proper eating and drinking make a rastafari a fitting vessel and again marks the ingestor as an elect individual who is not polluted by babylon. avoiding death confirms with nazirite and priestly biblical restrictions, while the usage of ganja enables rastafari to reach higher levels of consciousness. through the system of livity, rastas rid their bodies of defilement and ready themselves for revolution. and by committing to livity, rastas manifest proof of their election. i-n-i and ital because rastafari are elect as i-n-i, they cannot die, for each rasta contains a divine spark that gives them eternal life. but, it is the responsibility of practitioners to avoid death on account of their nazirite vow (numbers forbids nazirites to come into contact with death). in addition to evading contact with death, rastas prevent their own death by eating “ital” in their quest for perpetual wellbeing and purity. by eating “ital,” rastas take an active role in staving off death and confirm their i-n-i status. the term “ital” derives from “vital.” rastas believe that ital food increases vitality. given that practitioners eat to generate wellness, they reject the term “diet” on the basis that it includes “die” and instead employ the term “livit,” which is rooted in “live.” a proper “livit” consists of foods that promote spiritual and physical wellbeing. rastafari consider ital the ancient dietary way of jah’s elect people, the natural “livit” of their ancestors. consuming a “livit” defined by african dietary practices, caribbean growing conditions and agricultural practices, and passages from the hebrew bible, including genesis : (“behold, i have given you every herb bearing seed, which is upon the face of all the earth, and every tree, in the which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed; to you it shall be for meat”), exodus : (“eat every herb of the land, even all that the hail hath left”), and leviticus (a chapter that details proper consumption for israelites) assures rastas a body capable of functioning as a deific vessel. sistren angela gunn explains that an “ital diet is based on the spiritual belief and interpretation from biblical references in genesis, leviticus and deuteronomy, that the body is a temple and must be kept clean and pure.” an ital livit is generally vegetarian and consists largely of fruits and vegetables. rastas eschew processed, canned, and unnatural foods in favor of that which comes directly from the earth. common ingredients include callaloo, coconut, tofu, breadfruit, and tamarind. coconut oil, herbs, spices, and hot peppers flavor popular dishes such as ital stew, tofu curry, and peas and rice. rastas eschew white flour, dairy, eggs, and most oils because they believe these ingredients prohibit wellness and hinder spiritual progress. practitioners associate salt with exile and a loss of spirit, and they reason a livit with no salt will lead to eminent repatriation. maureen warner-lewis describes the belief of enslaved africans during the colonial period “that slaves who had not eaten salt were able to fly back to guinea.” the popular jamaican colloquialism “yu salt” or “‘im salt,” used in cases of bad luck or misfortune, links salt to loss of spirit, a distinctly african and african diasporic concept. african and african diasporic notions of salt vary, however, and the concept that salt depletes individual’s spirit is particular to rastafari, its revivalist roots, and kumina within jamaica, though similar concerns endure throughout the caribbean, europe and africa. the rasta prohibition against alcohol is also noteworthy, since rum is a major export of jamaica. rastas believe alcohol dilutes a true sense of self, though some nyabinghi and twelve tribe members drink wine. as susan niditch notes, “to abstain from wine is to be removed from the social and the cultural.” though not specifically addressing rastafari in this statement, her theory resonates with rasta conceptions of alcohol, as a feature of babylonian culture, and rastas’ removal from that culture, as well as their notion of themselves as nazirites, who are set apart from general israelite society in part because of their avoidance of alcoholic beverages. most rastas avoid consuming alcohol because they read numbers : - as prohibiting its ingestion: he shall separate himself from wine and strong drink, and shall drink no vinegar of wine, or vinegar of strong drink, neither shall he drink any liquor of grapes, nor eat moist grapes, or dried. all the days of his separation shall he eat nothing that is made of the vine tree, from the kernels even to the husk. ila addis interrogates the passages and explains one rasta interpretation of this passage: one of the biggest taboos that causes debate is not eating anything from the vine - not just grapes, but all other foods as well. when i was introduced to this ideal i stopped eating vine, but it was after my research into scripture and israelite tradition that i realized that not eating anything from the vine at all, was not an ideal based on biblical reasoning - only the grapevine is tabooed for the nazirite. most rastas consume food that grows on vines, and, moreover, most also extend the prohibition of numbers to alcoholic beverages not derived from the grapevine. rastas believe that ital food is pure food. it makes the consuming body clean. ingesting dead flesh conversely pollutes the body; the animals leviticus prohibits are particularly offensive. lee scratch perry, a jamaican music producer and lyricist famous for working with bob marley and the wailers, shared in an interview with the guardian: when i was a man, i was a cannibal. i decide not to be a man, i want to be an angel, so i don’t eat what the man eat. . . . i stop eating what the man eat. i stop eat fish, i stop eat meat. i stop eat like an animal. and macka b details his livit in “wha me eat”: well me nu eat no meat no fish no cheese nor no egg/ nothing with no foot no eye no wing nor no head/ nothing with no lip no ears no toe nor no leg/ prefer fruit and vegetables instead/ me careful and me choosy about what i’m eating/ my medicines my food my food is my medicine. some rastas do eat meat however. members of the twelve tribes of israel most frequently indulge. some practitioners outside of the twelve tribes eat fish smaller than twelve inches in length (anything longer represents the cannibalistic forces of babylon). most who do eat fish nevertheless avoid shellfish, bottom feeders, and predators forbidden by leviticus . however, it is not unheard of for self-proclaimed rastafari to eat meat prohibited by leviticus. for instance, dain saint, a jamaican artist living in philadelphia, recalls witnessing a local rastaman order a “pound of the regular” every friday at a local butcher shop back home in his kingston neighborhood. though he purchased pork in each instance, this individual carefully avoided referring to the meat by its name. thus not all rastas follow a strict ital livit. however, most practitioners at least selectively follow ital guidelines. jamaican dancehall artist konshens critiques practitioners who do not strictly follow an ital livit, meanwhile, singing, “seh dem a rasta but rasta livity dem nah heist up/ wah kind food dat dem a bite up.” locks and livity douglas’ holiness-wholeness paradigm suggests that the hebrew bible articulates a dependency of holiness upon wholeness. she applies her theory to israelite dietary law and argues that what was fitting for consumption was determined on the basis of the ease of categorization of animals based upon their traits. those animals that did not wholly fit in to a category became taboo, as did those animals with physical imperfections. rastas, however, generally do not find any animals suitable for consumption. in her later work, douglas acknowledges the problematic nature of her claim, noting that she had not considered why this model of dietary differentiation would benefit israelites. douglas also does not comprehensively articulate what biblical wholeness entails, though she describes wholeness as requiring the physical completeness of the human body or animal body and disallowing blemishes. she explains that “to be holy is to be whole, to be one; holiness is unity, integrity, perfection of the individual and of the kind.” niditch extends douglas’ holiness-wholeness paradigm to a negotiation of hair, at once an element a part of the body and superfluous to its functioning. she describes the symbolic meaning of hair in society: “hair plays an integral and intricate role in the way human beings represent themselves. it is related to natural and cultural identity, to personal and group anxiety, and to private and public aspirations, aesthetics, and passages.” hair holds significance on the individual, communal, and political level. it “takes on meaning within cultural settings and within the framework of individual experience.” for ancient israelites, hair and hairstyle defined social standing, demonstrated societal gender roles, and evidenced holiness. as israelites pursuing the path of the ancients, hair has similar meaning for rastafari. according to niditch, ancient israelite culture valued hair and saw “it in context of male leadership, as a declaration of status and the source and symbol of power.” she explores a nexus of hairiness, maleness, unusual birth, warrior status, and divine favor and explains that long hair sometimes signaled power and leadership in israelite culture. longer hair often represented a removal from lay society. where long hair signaled distinctly israelite manliness, growing hair even longer allowed nazirites to sacrifice or bind themselves to god. in rasta communities, long locks signal both this manliness when worn by male practitioners and the commitment of a consecrated nazirite to jah. rastas look to biblical passages that describe both the hairiness of nazirites and priests to prove the value in growing locks and to define themselves as owners of these righteous roles. for rastas, a priestly identity merges with their conception of a nazirite vow on account of passages describing the hairiness of priests and those detailing the hairiness of nazirites. thus, they accept both identities as their own. dreadlocks are biblically mandated in popular rasta opinion, furthermore. rasta readers engage the biblical theme of hairiness while others turn to the pages of the bible for proof of the value of long hair, citing leviticus : - , : , and numbers : as textual proof of the importance of growing out their hair and leaving it untreated and uncombed. in leviticus : and : - , moses instructs priests not to shave parts of their beards as one would do in mourning; ancient israelites shaved during a period of mourning as a means of setting oneself apart, yet israelite priests were not to do as such. in ancient israel, priests avoided cutting their hair; to do so was to mirror mourners and to sever a part of the self, albeit an extra-somatic part, as niditch would argue, making the body less-than-whole. in leviticus : , jah instructed moses: “they shall not make baldness upon their head, neither shall they shave off the corner of their beard, nor make any cuttings in their flesh.” though these passages are not about long hair, but rather about shaving parts of one’s beard, rasta readers use them as proof that they should allow their hair to grow. rastas use hair-related biblical dictates to affirm that as longhaired individuals, they are priestly nazirites, and to associate shaving with mourning as well as with a loss of personal power. as nazirites and as priests, rastafari are bound to these dictates as well as those of numbers , and as dreadlocked social dissidents, they embrace them. the hebrew bible requires the hairiness of nazirites because hair is a “way in which the nazir offers himself or herself to the deity. the offered item is a substitute for the most valuable sacrifice of all, one’s own person.” allowing one’s hair to grow demarcated for biblical nazirites a new social role as a “consecrated one,” as it does for rastafari. just as hair in the hebrew bible can indicate cultural participation or estrangement, the removal of hair could reference a disengagement from or reentry into israelite society. biblical nazirites shaved their consecrated hair at the end of a temporary nazirite vow and presented their hair as a burnt offering at the tabernacle as a means of rejoining society (numbers : ). rastas, however, do not cut their locks unless their hair has become impure, perhaps through contact with a dangerous woman. according to niditch, since “woolly hair cannot remain on earth once the period of sacred status has passed, nor can it remain attached the now ordinary, wine-drinking person.” by removing hair and by growing hair longer than is socially acceptable, nazirites in ancient israel disturbed the status quo and renegotiated their space in society. when their hair grew past normative length, nazirites of ancient israel entered a period of liminality in “a culture in which hair marks normalcy and the loss of hair a potentially special or symbolically loaded situation.” when contemporary rastas grow their locks, they too enter a liminal space as actors on the edge of society, a society that they envision as an artificial and alienating babylon. their role then is a biblical one, a role of priestly nazirite destined to achieve purity and therefore closeness with jah in spite of the ills of society. for rastafari, hairiness enables a shift in awareness towards i-n-i consciousness. dreadlocks, otherwise referred to by practitioners as “precepts,” “zion wires,” or “knotty covenant(s)” unite a rasta with his or her original nature. they serve as a consecration to jah and proof of a covenant with jah. hairiness marks a commitment to their nazirite path and their priestly capabilities. as a jamaican rastaman named daniel told owens, “the locks and the beard is the fullness of our precepts, and keeping the covenant of god within ourselves. we are an ancient people, we are a nature people.” though not all rastafari wear locks, those that do view them as an instrumental part of livity. cultivating dreadlocks is a crucial element of the nazirite vow of most rastafari. massai confirms the centrality of dreadlocks to the nazirite vow of rastafari in “grow congo dread”: “grow your head locks, some say dread locks/ come on y’all congo natty/ you are the nazarite. grow your head lock/ you know you know you the rastaman i say/ congo dread locks, you are the igher one.” and, culture instructs practitioners, meanwhile, to “shake your natty locks and bow to be a nazirite. as a nazirite you just can’t be wrong.” the undertaking of a nazirite vow as interpreted in rasta communities ensures a connection to jah and the strength to conquer babylon system. dreads channel that force. the ethiopian national congress’ ten-point moral code, written by notorious rasta elder and political activist ras sam brown, echoes leviticus : - by forbidding “the desecration of the figure of man; e.g., trimming and shaving, tattooing of the skin, and cutting of the flesh.” though it is difficult to definitively identify the root of a rastafari adoption of dreadlocks, by the ’s proto-rastas wore beards and justified their facial hair by citing leviticus : - , : , numbers : , and samson’s nazirite vow. scholars generally attribute the popularization of dreadlocks in jamaica to the group of ascetics known as higes knots, who notoriously dressed in the “sackcloth tradition” or the youth black faith (ybf), founded in . higes knots alienated many rastas, who found their practices extreme or unbefitting of jah’s elect. as i-yawney recalls, “nuff bredrin fight de sackcloth-and-ashes tradition. dem seh we bring stigma ‘pon rasta. but i-n-i come wid de higes knots to purge out dis ‘big suit’ ting what some man wear.” the “matted locks” of “jamaican hindu holy men, east african galla, somali or masai tribesmen, and the mau mau of kenya” inspired the styles adoption as well; pictures of ethiopian monks on the cover of the a issue of national geographic garnered particular intrigue among proto-rastas. while both higes knots and ybf played an instrumental role in propagating the style, ybf’s influence was especially contributory. but not all members of the ybf initially embraced the natural style. after significant debate within the ybf, a group that would become the nyabinghi order, it was decided that combing one’s hair was unnecessary and, in fact, undesirable. on the occasion of the group’s decision, a representative of “the dreadful, the warriors, the bonogees” noted that dreadlocks differentiate a practitioner: it appears to i many a times that things that the man comb would go out and do, the man with the locks wouldn’t think of doing. the appearance to the people when you step out of the form is a outcast. when you are dreadlocks you come out like a outcast. for ybf and higes knots, that outcast role signaled a necessary rejection of babylon. from the movement’s inception, dreadlocks marked rastafari as distinct from other jamaicans, and that difference did not escape jamaican elites. the island’s government, both before and after independence from british colonial powers in , viewed rastafari as problematic and deemed rastas a threat to society. as leonard barrett notes, “rastafari was something to be repressed, rehabilitated, or contained so that it would not disturb or corrupt the ‘civilized’ society.” dreadlocks, more so than other outward signifiers of rastafari, pose a physical challenge to the aesthetics of the caribbean and specifically to accepted modes of conduct in jamaica. as recently as the ’s, locks generated fear, “hence dreadlocks.” as jamaican rastaman teddy notes, “they that don’t like the hair, its because they are afraid of nature themselves. hair play a very important part upon man.… anyone who fight against the hair fight against the self.” the jamaican government’s answer to the problem caused by seemingly unruly religious fanatics was to physically remove the dread-producing element. an unnamed brethren spoke to hausman of the climate in jamaica in the ’s and ’s: “babylon put up roadblocks and trim up a man’s locks.” by wearing socially accepted hairstyles, men and women actively cement their participation in culture. but, when an individual’s hair is styled differently or is unkempt, his or her place in society comes in to question. through the cultivation of locks, rastafari dispose of the concern for a european aesthetic, and with it, hegemonic culture, and call for a return to africanity as original. as the daily gleaner reported on june , , “the jamaicans who reacted against european aesthetics and grew their hair to resemble the jungles of their lost heritage rather than the straightened smooth gloss of england’s green fields, instinctively sought for a symbol of black pride.” for early rastas and for contemporary practitioners, wearing locks signals removal from the ills of babylon while additionally cementing a covenant with jah. dreadlocks disrupt babylon’s ability to dictate proper conduct. by growing dreadlocks, rastas physically dispel babylon’s control over their bodies and define blackness and naturalness as worthy. paulo, a rasta from cuba, states, “i wear my dreads so that i can be an example to others, to motivate people to think differently about what is right and wrong and beautiful and ugly, you know, because all of these things are relative.” “rastaman live up,” by bob marley, encourages listeners to “keep your culture/ don’t be afraid of no vulture/ grow your dreadlocks/ don’t be afraid of the wolf pack.” for owens, locks are representative of “man’s yearning to return to the unsophisticated ways of “creation living.” ras leon confirms that, “the significance of the locks is from i-cient living, creation-living- before the romans inhabited and used the scissor and razor.’” thus, according to most practitioners, sharp instruments should never cut a rasta’s hair. blackheart notes “my father, rastafari, selassie-i. he will not let man who use razor scissor and comb to represent i-n-i that take up the covenant of his.” to cut one’s hair is to accept the reign of babylon and to become ineligible for jah’s election. the nazirite commitment of rastafari is never-ending: there is never a juncture at which hair should be removed. tony rebel’s “nazerite vow” evinces the profound importance rastafari assign to their locks and expresses the real threat envisioned as posed by scissors: but when me see the scissors and me see the razor, / me always think the man going to commit murder. / why me never stop until me get me heart desire, / see de now me grow me dread as a real rasta. rastas conceive of scissors as an effective weapon of babylon system, one that has been historically brandished against dreadlocked brethren and sistren by police throughout jamaica from the ’s through the ’s. anthony b chants “fire ‘pon rome, / fi pope paul an’ him scissors an’ comb, / black people waan go home, / a mt. zion a di righteous throne.” for anthony b, dreadlocks make possible a return to zion. scissors threaten the possibility of repatriation. rastas know that babylon actively attempts to distance humanity from its true i- n-i nature. because of the potentiality of each dreadlock, shaven agents of babylon, or “baldheads,” try to indoctrinate others with messages of babylon’s supremacy. consider marley’s warning in “crazy baldheads”: “brainwash education to make us the fools. / hate is your reward for our love, / telling us of your god above.” he continues: “here comes the conman/ coming with his con plan. / we won’t take no bribe; / we’ve got to stay alive/ we gonna chase those crazy/ chase those crazy baldheads / chase those crazy baldheads out of the yown.” baldheads threaten the dreadlocked, not the other way around. dreadlocks instigate violence from baldheads because they invite baldheads to recognize the power of the natural world and of livity. as such, babylon promotes a shorthaired clean-cut image as normative, in spite of the fact that samson, jesus, and other holy figures reportedly wore long hair and beards as markers of their elect status. rastas believe that dreads enable individuals to the channel jah’s power for revolution. though “combsome” practitioners, often members of the twelve tribes of israel, do wear their hair short or combed, a stigma generally persists in rastafari against the exercise of that option. bobo shanti: a case study though some rastafari wear their hair short, for bobo shanti, that option is forbidden. bobo dreads take great care in cultivating long locks, which they wrap in cloth and wear high upon their heads. the bobo shanti name reflects the asante-akan roots of jamaicans and the african pride of the community. “bobo” translates from ashanti to mean “black,” while “shanti” references the asante people of ghana. the central bobo shanti community, bobo hill, lies nine miles from kingston at bull bay and sits on government land, where the bobo remain squatters in the eyes of the jamaican state, despite their claim that the land is their own. a large metal fence surrounds the compound. the fence is draped with flags in red, gold and green, the colors of the ethiopian flag, which demarcate the space as a unique cultural ground outside of the jurisdiction of jamaica. bobo dreads, like other rastafari, read themselves into the pages of the bible, transforming their contemporary environment in to a biblical world. for instance, bobo consider the places they lived before settling at bull bay as stops on the biblical journey to zion. their first settlement at ackee walk gained the moniker “nazareth,” their community at harris street became known as “galilee,” and their ninth street residence became “bethlehem.” bobo refer to bobo hill, their final destination in jamaica, as “the city on a hill,” as “mount zion,” or “mount temon,” the place habakkuk the prophet claimed that “god came from” (habakkuk : ). a guard stands at the gate of the community called “mount zion.” he maintains the ritual purity of the community by ensuring that visitors, who are generally welcome, are uncontaminated when they enter the compound. one should enter mount zion with “clean hands and a pure heart” (psalm : ). visitors must leave all “pollutants” at the entrance to the community. ras rupert notes, “when one comes to zion, one must first put off the outside ways, or else it can create disruption.” women are unwelcome if dressed improperly or if menstruating. permitted guests enter through an archway, beneath which residents utter a prayer to consecrate themselves. once passing through, one enters what is for bobo shanti an ancient, natural, and thus holy, zone. for bobo dreads, more so than other rastas, ordered cleanliness is an essential vehicle through which to define the body as god-like. bobo males, who either serve as prophets or priests, all pursue priestly virtue as interpreted in the system of livity as their model of ideal conduct. while other rasta practitioners accept priestly roles and responsibilities as determined by a selective and interpretive reading of the hebrew bible, a bobo emphasis on priestly purity is unique. as niditch reports: priests in ancient israel developed quite sophisticated notions of and rules pertaining to cleanness and uncleanness, purity and impurity, related ultimately to ritual roles in which the mediator between god and human had to be pure, approaching the purist of pure, which is the deity himself. bobo shanti embrace the ancient israelite conception of purity and impurity as a measure of an individual’s ability to communicate with and draw close to jah. they carefully craft regulations based upon an interpretation of the hebrew bible that ensure their divine-like purity. through their avoidance of babylonian goods and through a dedication to personal hygiene, cleanliness and naturalness, bobo shanti cultivate spotlessness as a means of attaining and expressing righteousness. as prophet abraham writes, “i&i are the spotless children of the father,” referencing the blemishes mentioned in leviticus - that render a priest unfit to make an offering to jah. while other rastas’ behaviors certainly echo this effort, the bobo emphasis on cleanliness and concern for a well- groomed appearance is distinct. bobo shanti dress in a way that anoints their bodies as consecrated vessels and that in turn effectively sanctifies them. male bobo wear long robes, often decorated with biblical symbolism like a star of david or a lion of judah, along with tightly wrapped turbans that cover their dreadlocks. bobo dreads adopt their robes and turbans from descriptions of priestly garb in exodus , , and . ras nicro writes, “the turban and robe come from exodus where the priests would wear a robe and turban. read exodus and for this.” bobos also look to the ethiopian orthodox church’s interpretation of these passages for inspiration. by opting for natural fibers, by covering their hair, and by choosing clothing that mirrors what practitioners imagine as the garb of priestly ancestors, male bobo claim the roles of priest, prophet, and israelite. women wear long skirts and sleeves in order to honor the biblical dictate of female modesty. proverbs : instructs that, “favour is deceitful, and beauty is vain: but a woman that feareth the lord, she shall be praised.” in a direct response to this passage, bongani benson dlepu writes, “let your beauty not be outward by painting yrself and showing of flesh coz this is an abomination.” bobos’ often brightly colored robes are inspired by assumptions about israelite fashion and descriptions of the priestly vestments, as are their ceremonial robes worn on saturdays and for special ritual occasions. on saturdays from noon to : p.m., a service is held in the temple. the whole community, excluding individuals deemed to be impure, is required to attend. practitioners dress in white for the service to demarcate their purity and their readiness to enter the tabernacle. the white color of practitioners’ dress for this sacred occasion is inspired not only by the hebrew bible but also by akan culture, wherein white is associated with purification, innocence, and sanctification. both the often-colorful robes of bobo dreads and their saturday dress sanctify and consecrate bobo bodies as pure and divine. the tightly wrapped turban of the bobo shanti contrasts with the wild locks publically associated with rastafari. when asked why bobo shanti wrap their locks, a bobo responded, “it is a form of anciency today. them says it’s a form of anciency.” bobos’ groomed appearance extends past their wrapped locks to their general comportment and grooming practices. chevannes notes that non-rasta jamaicans acknowledge “bobo meticulousness in appearing neat and clean at all times with shirts tucked in, feet washed, sandals wiped or polished, and hair concealed beneath a tightly wrapped turban.” as a female bus driver told barrett, meanwhile, “i always find it a pleasure to pick them up at the bus stop where they congregate. they are so well- groomed and pleasant. . . . they are not like the rest of those rowdies who call themselves rastafarians.” as chevannes writes, bobos’ “observance of the norms of ‘decency’ and ‘good manners,’ which by and large referred to the neatness in appearance and gentleness and affability in speech was in direct contrast to the dreadlocks’ display of their hair,” which, from the movement’s inception, caribbean society has associated with aggression and violence. mento music of the ’s, for instance, often referenced the fear and resulting hostility dreadlocks inspired in many jamaicans. mento artists slim and sam warn listeners, for instance, “run, man-without-beard/ beard man back o’ you.” bobo shanti avoid causing the discomfort that untamed dreadlocks inspire in caribbean people by refining those elements associated with rastafari that produce dread. but, bobo practitioners do not wrap their locks and engage in particular grooming methods in order to avoid agitating babylon’s citizens. in fact, many speak out against the evils of babylon on a global scale: reggae artists including capleton, anthony b., and sizzla are affiliated with the mansion and they frequently rail against babylon. by growing their locks, bobo, like other rastafari, define themselves as elect and as free of colonial control. in wrapping their locks, bobo consecrate themselves as priests. bobos cultivate a “kempt” priestly identity by engaging in detailed grooming practices. a bobo shanti interest in cleanliness as it relates to immaculateness is exceptional, yet their pursuit of cleanliness as it pertains to spotlessness does not displace an interest in an organic existence as expressed by “rootical” rastas outside of the mansion. ordered cleanliness is another venue through which they achieve original, natural purity. as one believer puts it, “the earthly here (is) going to be restored to a state of one order: straight, divine, clean.” bobo shanti ensure their priesthood though personal and communal efforts of purification and the simultaneous rejection of babylon system, both practices being essential to their cultivation of livity. rastawoman and the threat of the female body in rasta thought, women are believed to pose an unintentional monthly threat of contamination to brethren; rastafari commonly view menstruation as polluting. other mansions also police women’s menstruating bodies, for womanhood itself “is regarded as contaminating.” in order to monitor potential contamination and thus ensure the livity of the community, women are set apart on a monthly basis in bobo communities. ennis edmonds explains the history of this practice: the patriarchy that now characterizes rastafari can be traced to the house of youth black faith and other radical rastas of the late s and s. these rastas developed a doctrine of female impurity around the menstrual cycle and emphasized the threat of feminine seduction to a man’s piety and moral rectitude. in the ybf, as in later rasta mansions, the biblical ideology of female impurity and corresponding ritual practices define and reflect the movement’s dialogue about gender. as a fabricator of dirt, the human body becomes the site of social discourse on purity and impurity. as douglas argues: we cannot possibly interpret rituals concerning excreta, breast milk, saliva, and the rest until we are prepared to see in the body a symbol of society, and to see the powers and dangers credited to social structure reproduced in small on the human body. many practitioners believe that women pose a continual threat of contamination to those they come into contact with because women are not aligned directly with jah, except through their allegiance with a male, and because they, like eve, deter males from the path of livity. mannabis recounts: “when this strange woman touched my locs i became depressed and very different and ‘impure.’ that is why i cut them to start anew. the feeling would not leave me.” the threat of female contamination is greater on a monthly basis because of the natural menstrual cycle of a woman. rastas confirm the hazard of womanhood by accepting the biblical motif of female pollution and/or by looking to the hebrew bible, in which they read in leviticus and numbers : - of a recommended period of separation to ensure community wellbeing. asante taboos surrounding menstrual blood corroborate the bible’s for rastas in the caribbean, furthermore. historically, when asante women menstruated they were excluded from entering sacred spaces including the room of the ancestral stools, marching on the battlefront, or engaging with the general population. but they were not separated because they were considered dirty. they were separated, according to lawrence mbogoni, in order to “avoid ‘interfering powers.’” in asante religious culture, menstrual blood poses a pollutant threat to ancestral altars and makes men vulnerable to dangerous spiritual forces. blood has the ability to disable the mystical protection from nsuman (charm, amulet, or talisman). but it can offer protection too. priests apply menstrual blood to brooms to make kunkuma (particularly potent nsuman) for protection. according to robert sutherland rattray, moreover, asante consider menstrual blood polluting, as subject to “one of the greatest and deadliest taboos in ashanti.” but, as thomas buckley and alma gottlieb recognize, “they also celebrate menarche” and channel the power of menstrual blood. douglas recognizes that “ambiguous things can seem very threatening. taboo confronts the ambiguous and shunts it into the category of the secret.” that which is taboo holds a symbolic, dangerous power, though, one that asante priests harnessed in making kunkuma. together, biblical and asante approaches to the ambiguity of menstruation contribute to a rasta conception of this natural occurrence. rastafari interpret leviticus : as confirming woman’s polluted and polluting nature: “and if a woman have an issue, and her issue in her flesh be blood, she shall be put apart seven days: and whosoever toucheth her shall be unclean until the even.” for this reason, members of mansions, including bobo shanti, set women apart from the community during her menses. a similar injunction to that of leviticus : applies to men. in leviticus : , jah instructed moses and aaron: “when any man hath a running issue out of his flesh, because of his issue he is unclean.” bobo shanti readers that accept that men are subject to this dictate as well as that of deuteronomy : (“if there be among you any man, that is not clean by reason of uncleanness that chanceth him by night, then shall he go abroad out of the camp, he shall not come within the camp.”) contend that men are unable to enter the tabernacle or cook for seven days if they have a bruise or if they have experienced nocturnal emissions. blood and semen, in these scenarios, are envisioned as materials that are out of place, and thus as dirt. however, male rasta readers approach the emission of bodily fluids from a cultural perspective in which women are understood as inherently contaminated. for this reason, a taboo on menstrual blood is more severe than those regarding other bodily emissions. correspondingly, the period of separation for men and women who emit particular fluids differs drastically. in jamaica, “bumbaclot” is popular derogatory slang meaning “butt cloth,” or “toilet paper.” “bloodclot” is a considerably more offensive phrase though. this exceptionally offensive curse word refers to a menstrual pad or tampon. according to elizabeth faithorn, “(pollution) is used in the context of sex and gender and refers to the capacity that women have to endanger men through their bodily substances and through their overall femaleness.” that women bleed on a monthly basis is culturally more problematic than any leakage issuing from the male body. because she bleeds monthly and is a perpetual threat, traditional brethren reason she cannot enter ritual spaces, nor lead the community in a ceremonial or pragmatic sense. as obiagele lake concludes, “to deem women as polluted based on regularly occurring biological functions is to insult their very existence.” according to jeanne christensen, the ybf were the first rasta group to adopt the levitical proscription of “ritual avoidance of women” during their menses, a practice that was previously characteristic of protestant revivalism in jamaica. but, the bobo shanti take the regulation of the female body to the extreme. as c.a. newland, a bobo shanti empress, acknowledges that: perhaps one of the most controversial of all the principles of livity of the bobo shanti is the operationalization of the ancient judaic principle governing the separation of man from woman (or, more accurately, woman from the rest of the congregation) at the time of their menstrual flow. women of the bobo shanti spend up to twenty-one days a month in a “sick bay,” a house set apart from other structures to prevent the contamination of the community by its menstruating residents. at least twelve days are added to the time of a woman’s menses, a schema that has women spending up to three weeks out of a month in seclusion. during this period, a woman is considered “free” from her communal and marital duties. sizzla addresses this period of separation in “princess black”: “by reason of the truth just let her free/ days fi you purity.” on the first day of a woman’s menses, she raises a red flag at the gate of the “sick bay.” all windows to the structure must be closed. while in seclusion, women must not touch food, clothing, or other possessions of men or “free women.” during her sequestered time, a woman’s “kingman” might pass food to her through a small opening in the “sick house” structure. after giving birth, meanwhile, a bobo empress remains isolated for three months. even when “free,” women generally do not cook or serve food at mount zion, a measure taken to avoid potential contamination. during menstruation and after giving birth, women are kept at even greater lengths from ritual spaces and the food supply of the community. this alienating and dread-producing exercise, called a “monthly vacation,” or the “twenty one-day purification principle,” presumes women to be impure on the basis of that which naturally occurs. bobo shanti males pronounce women of their community as tainted on a monthly basis and thus place restrictions not only on the time they are able to participate in public life, but also, because of menstruation, on their access to ritual leadership, to food preparation, and to cleanliness. practitioners contend that this period of separation is a desirable respite and a meditative period. as rastafari prophet fisher told the jamaica observer, “during that time, she is on a journey. it’s a purification.” arthur newland, a lecturer at the university of the west indies, kingston and bobo practitioner, recognizes why outsiders would observe the practice as an instance of male dominance of women, but he claims that the period of separation actually empowers women. many bobo women embrace this monthly period of seclusion. for instance, empress sharon, who lives at bobo hill, advocates that the limitations placed on contact with men elevate a male-female relationship to a spiritual plane: “she only sees her ‘kingman’ for seven days - the number of god.” empresses must also come to terms with their periodic separation from male children as young as three years of age. empress sharon describes women’s monthly offering: “the (menstrual) blood is a holy sacrifice which goes back to the earth.” furthermore, barrett suggests that over and above the sacrifice of menstrual blood which returns to the earth, bobo shanti perform communal ritual sacrifice of women by confining their sistren for lengthy periods of up to three weeks a month. though perhaps their practices are not as restrictive as those of the bobo shanti, other rasta communities that require monthly separation for women also engage in ritual sacrifice. in this act of sacrifice, women, as sacrifice, are designated dirty and destined for death, thereby absolving the defilement of all practitioners. as richard fenn argues, “scapegoating mobilized the public desire for a purified body politic and satisfied it with the obligatory death of some victim chosen for his or her specific characteristics, imperfections, stigmas, or particular offense.” at mount zion and in other zionic communities, “women become scapegoats,” insuring through their sacrifice the sustained virtue of their communities. conclusion rasta mansions and individual practitioners enact livity in distinct ways. but all rastas attempt to create zionic communities or conditions in which to thrive. fostering zion requires the rejection of babylon system, spiritually, mentally, and/or physically and the pursuit of purity. adoption of nazirite, priestly, and israelite practices, as detailed in the hebrew bible and interpreted by rasta readers, enables rastafari to define and thus pursue a fitting path of livity. through ritualized acts of purification derived from an interrogation of the hebrew bible, male rastas proclaim themselves priests and nazirites, thereby defining themselves elect by jah, even when particular elements of their reading strategy disable rastawomen from full election and priestly responsibility. livity offers all rastafari a natural path for purification and a means of achieving intimacy with jah achieved through the cultivation of dreadlocks, the consumption of an ital livit, the avoidance of death, the usage of ganja, and taking precautions surrounding menstruating women. however, the majority of rasta readers, or at least outspoken male rasta readers, interpret certain natural bodily functions of women to be corrupting, especially menstruation. while livity enables rastafari to enact zionic practices and thereby escape babylon’s clutches, the unique reading strategy of the majority of rastafari enables only a portion of practitioners to enjoy the fullness of jah’s election. diane austin-broos, jamaica genesis: religion and the politics of moral orders (chicago: university of chicago press, ), . james cone, god of the oppressed (maryknoll: orbis, ), . barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), - . ibid., . toots and the maytals, “living in the ghetto,” reggae got soul, island records ( ). joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . ibid., . see peter k. sarpong, “asante religion (ghana)” in encyclopedia of religion and nature, vol. , ed. bron taylor et al. (bristol: thoemmes continuum, ). ras daniel, quoted in owens, dread, . jimmy, quoted in ibid., . ibid., . seon lewis, from mythology to reality: moving beyond rastafari (raleigh, lulu enterprises, ) . mary douglas, purity and danger: an analysis of concept of pollution and taboo (london: routledge, ), . ibid., xiii. chemicals are defined as unnatural and manmade and thus the category does not include ganja. an unnamed rastaman, quoted by owens, dread, . “nyabinghi chants” rasta ites, accessed april , , http://rastaites.com/livity/chants.htm. gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . seefari, “rootsman,” rasta italist, upful sounds ( ). ras teddy, quoted in owens, dread, . ras carlos, quoted in janet l. decosmo, “a new christianity for the modern world’: rastafari fundamentalism in bahia, brazil,” in rastafari in the new millennium: a rastafari reader (syracuse: syracuse university press,), . hausman, the kebra nagast . bob marley, interviewed by dermot hussey, jamaica broadcasting corporation radio network, jbc, . chevannes, rastafari, . randal l. hepner, “chanting down babylon in the belly of the beast: the rastafarian movement in the metropolitan united states,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . bob marley, “get up, stand up,” burnin’, island records ( ). leon, quoted in owens, dread, . teddy, quoted in ibid., . bunny wailer, “rastaman,” blackheart man, island records ( ). robert roskind, rasta heart: a journey into one love (blowing rock: one love press, ), . ibid., . ninja ras, december , ( : p.m.), comment on selassielive, “question,” rastafari speaks, december , , http://www.rastafarispeaks.com/cgi- bin/forum/archive /config.pl?md=read;id= . frantz fanon, black skin, white masks, (new york: grove press, ), - . owens, dread, . paget henry, “rastafarianism and the reality of dread” in existence in black: an anthology of black existential philosophy, ed. lewis gordon (new york: routledge, ), . for more on ashanti-fanti beliefs regarding excreta and menses, see melissa meyer, thicker than water: origins of blood as symbol and ritual (new york: routledge, ). empress yuajah, rasta way of life: rastafari livity book (usa: empress yuajah books, ), . ibid., . obiagele lake, rastafari women: subordination in the midst of liberation theology (durham: carolina academic press, ), . owens, dread, . nathaniel samuel murrell and lewin williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . angela gunn, “how to eat the ital way: the rastafarian diet,” inity weekly, march , , accessed may , , http://www.chicagomanualofstyle.org/tools_citationguide.html. chevannes, rastafari, . maureen warner-lewis, guinea’s other suns: the african dynamic in trinidad culture (dover: the majority press, ), . chevannes, rastafari, . in the kongo, for instance, salt was once considered baptismal, while in haiti salt is a means to dezombify. jason r. young, rituals of resistance: african atlantic religion in kongo and the lowcountry south in the era of slavery (baton rouge: louisiana state university press, ). alessandra benedicty-kokken, spirit possession in french, haitian, and vodou thought: an intellectual history (lanham: lexington books, ), , note . susan niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man”: hair and identity in ancient israel (new york: oxford university press, ), . ila addis, february , , “on eating grapes and foods from the vine,” rastawifeline, http://rastawifeline.blogspot.com/ / /on-eating-grapes-and-foods- from-vine.html. lee scratch perry, quoted in paul macinnes, “lee ‘scratch’ perry: ‘when i was a man, i was a cannibal,’” the guardian, january , . macka b., “wha me eat,” more knowledge, united reggae ( ). dain saint, interviewed by author, digital recording, philadelphia, october , . konshens, “rasta imposter- real rasta,” mental maintenance, subkonshus music ( ). douglas, purity and danger, . niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . ibid., . ibid., . leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . barry chevannes, rastafari & other african-caribbean worldviews, (new brunswick: rutgers university press, ), . roskind, rasta heart, . as well as ezekiel : , isaiah : : , amos : , job : , jeremiah : , : , and : . niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . mannabis, august , ( : pm), comment on aiber, “touching of hair,” november , , rasta nicks forum, http://forums.rasta- man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . . ibid., . ibid., . chevannes, rastafari, . charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university press, ), . daniel, quoted in owens, dread, . maasai, “grow congo dread,” babylon x/ no mystery, maasai & i productions ( ). ziggy marley and the melody makers, “day by day,” fallen is babylon, elektra records ( ). hausman, the kebra nagast, chevannes, rastafari, . i-yawney, quoted in chevannes, rastafari and other african-caribbean worldviews, . nathaniel samuel murrell, afro-caribbean religions: an introduction to their historical, cultural, and sacred traditions (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . unnamed rasta, quoted in chevannes, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, . ennis barrington edmonds, rastafari: from outcast to culture bearers (new york: oxford university press, ), . teddy, quoted in owens, dread, . unnamed rasta, quoted in hausman, the kebra nagast, . the jamaican daily gleaner, june , , . paulo, quoted in katrin hansing, rasta, race and revolution: the emergence and development of the rastafari movement in socialist cuba (new brunswick: transaction publishers, ), . bob marley, “rastaman live up,” confrontation, island records ( ). owens, dread, . ras leon, quoted in ibid., . ibid., . tony rebel, “nazerite vow,” vibes of the times, columbia records ( ). anthony b, “fire pon rome,” real revolutionary, greensleeves records ( ). bob marley, “crazy baldhead,” rastaman vibration, island records ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . chevannes, rastafari, . spelled “teman” in habakkuk : . barrett, the rastafarians, . ibid., . ibid., . chevannes, rastafari, . niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . prophet abraham, august , ( : a.m), comment on burningbush, “nyah,” jah- rastafari.com, august , , http://jah-rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &start_row= . ras nicro, may , ( : p.m.), comment on pheonix tears , “rasta school,” rasta nicks forum, http://forums.rasta- man.co.uk/smf/index.php/topic, .msg .html#msg . barrett, the rastafarians, . bongani benson dlepu, june , , comment on rastafari tv network’s facebook page, accessed march , , https://m.facebook.com/iam.rastafari.tv/photos/a. . . / /. chevannes, rastafari, . as described in “akan kente cloths and motifs, ” marshall university, accessed / / , http://www.marshall.edu/akanart/kentecloth_samples.html. lloyd, quoted in owens, dread, . chevannes, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, . chevannes, rastafari, . ibid., . eccleston, quoted in owens, dread, . chevannes, rastafari, . ennis barrington edmonds, rastafari: a very short introduction (london: oxford university press, ), . douglas, purity and danger, . mannabis, august , ( : pm), comment on aiber, “touching of hair,” november , , rasta nicks forum, http://forums.rasta- man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . . imani m. tafari-ama, “rastawoman as rebel: case studies in jamaica,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . lawrence e. y. mbogoni, human sacrifice and the supernatural in african history, (dar es salaam: mkuki na nyota publishers ltd., ), . ibid., . ibid., . thomas buckley and alma gottlieb, “a critical appraisal of theories of menstrual symbolism,” in blood magic: the anthology of menstruation, ed. thomas buckley and alma gottlieb (berkeley: university of california press, ), . robert sutherland rattray, religion and art in ashanti (new york: ams press, ), . buckley and gottlieb, “introduction,” . douglas, purity and danger, xi. tafari-ama, “rastawoman as rebel: case studies in jamaica,” . elizabeth faithorn, “the concept of pollution among the kafe of the papua new guinea highlands,” in toward an anthropology of women, ed. rayna r. reiter (new york: monthly review press, ), . lake, rastafari women, . jeanne christensen, rastafari reasoning and the rastawoman: gender constructions in the shaping of rastafari livity (lanham: lexington books, ), . c.a. newland, quoted in tafari-ama, “rastawoman as rebel,” . ibid., . sizzla, “princess black,” black woman & child, brickwall records ( ). lake, rastafari women, . tafari-ama, “rastawoman as rebel,” . this is not the case in all bobo shanti practice. chevannes, rastafari, . roland henry, “female biology dictates family life in rasta camp,” jamaica observer, july , . roland henry, “female biology dictates family life in rasta camp.” arthur newland, quoted in ibid. empress sharon, quoted in ibid. ibid. ibid. barrett, the rastafarians, . richard k. fenn, the secularization of sin: an investigation of the daedalus complex (louisville: westminster/john knox press, ), . chevannes, rastafari, . chapter : samson: purity, power, and the putrid give i the old time religion. give i the old time religion. ‘cause it is good enough for i. if it was good for moses and aaron. if it was good for david and solomon, daniel, shadrach, meshach and abednego. then it is good enough for i. hey! study numbers chapter six and tell i what you’ve seen. ‘cause it was written in the bible of the dreadlock nazarene. now don’t you put away the old for the new, ‘cause if you do jah will turn his back on you. -bunny wailer, “bald head jesus” ( ) scholarly analyses of samson’s saga include interpretations of him as hero, as instrument of jah, as a model of israelite chosenness, and as an embodiment of israel’s shortcomings. popular readings focus on his notorious strength and hair, but often also bestow upon him attributes and experiences divorced from his textual representations, deeming him to be, for example, part of one of the greatest love affairs of all time or a black power activist. the relationship between what is written in the hebrew bible and samson’s interpretive legacy is dynamic and culturally dependent; comprehensions evidence the desires, needs, and societal scenario of readers. for rastafari interpreters who carefully analyze his biblical narrative and for those who know his extra-biblical cultural identity, samson is an exemplary rastaman who proves rasta election and the value of livity. because of his relationship with jah and his physical attributes, especially his hair and successes against the philistines, rastafari readings construe samson as an unsullied individual living in a corrupt world. samson is a model of strength against oppressors; his election by jah confirms rastafari’s election and revolutionary power. he is a divinely ordained warrior-liberator who wears his hair in locks. yet, throughout his biblical narrative samson violates purity regulations of the israelite people and of rastafari. that samson overlooks dietary and death-based dictates of nazirites and israelites does not diminish his importance for rasta readers even as the directives samson breaks are essential to the movement. though in his biblical narrative he disregards elements of his israelite and nazirite identity, by employing a unique hermeneutic that proves his untainted virtue, rasta interpreters contend that samson remains pure until death. this chapter considers samson’s notorious strength, remarkable locks, and nazirite identity, arguing that despite his violent behavior and impure conduct, rasta analyses of samson represent him as a rastaman and an exemplar of livity because he thus confirms rasta righteousness. through a reading of judges - that acknowledges samson’s physical attributes, chosenness, and violence against the philistines, while sanctioning his actions as jah’s work, or by minimizing or rationalizing his defiling behavior as indicative of babylonian redaction, rastas employ samson as liberator and dreadlocked rastaman in order to affirm the worth of the afro-caribbean or otherwise-dominated self. rastafari interpret samson as clean, both spiritually and physically, in a hermeneutic move that defines the male rasta body as untainted and divinely elect. a rasta concern for ritual purity necessitates a reading of samson that obviates his disregard for his israelite identity and nazirite vow. though samson is a transgressive biblical actor, rasta readers claim him because when samson is a rastaman, all rastafari are elect warrior-nazirites. practitioners acknowledge samson as an original rasta. for example, rastafari israelite author rabbi simon altaf refers to him as “the first rastafarian.” he writes “samson was black with dreadlocks just like rastafarians today.” rastas envision themselves to be like samson, as embodied samsons, and thus as consecrated nazirite warriors fighting against babylon system. but, such a designation by jah comes with a price. election by jah requires a commitment to codes of conduct befitting the chosen. samson’s nazirite vow sets such restrictions on his actions, as does his israelite identity. however, in judges, samson continually disregards the requirements of his nazirite vow and the traditions of his people, an element of his biblical journey that is not essential to a rasta hermeneutical approach, even for those readers who know judges through intimately and for whom his nazirite status and corresponding purity requirements are essential. though in his biblical narrative samson’s questionable behavior and eventual death can be read as signaling a shift in israelite leadership away from a pre-monarchic warrior-judge model, his divine appointment is of central interest for rastafari, for his election mirrors their own. samson’s story situates his life during the period of the judges. in the forty years leading up to samson’s birth, the israelites lived under philistine rule, for “the children of israel did evil again in the sight of the lord; and the lord delivered them into the hands of the philistines forty years” (judges : ). as rasta author malahkee jeanba writes, “the israelites were subdued and faced tribulation by the philistines; for disobeying the teachings of the most high lord of all host, creator and worshipping idols and giving their children to baal da shaton (satan).” samson’s birth portends the end of philistine dominance. jeanba interprets the words of “the angel of the lord” who spoke to samson’s mother in judges : : the cries of the israelites have reached the heavens and has been heard in zion. behold the most high, lord of all host creator shall bring salvation through your son, for though you bare no child. you shall conceive a son and the strength of the most high, lord of all host, creator shall be in him. in his biblical narrative and in rasta negotiations thereof, jah sanctified samson as unique before his birth, doubly elect as a nazirite and as a vessel through which jah would conquer the philistines. the “angel of the lord” who appeared to samson’s unnamed mother in judges : further informed her: thou shalt conceive, and bear a son; and no razor shall come to his head; for the child shall be a nazarite unto god from the womb; and he shall begin to deliver israel out of the hands of the philistines. jeanba embellishes this passage, translating it to read: no razor or comb shall come on his head, his locks is his crown, for overstand (comprehend) the child shall be a nazarite onto the most high, lord of all host, king creator from the womb; and he shall begin to deliver the sons and daughters of jacob, the israelites out of the hand of the philistines. samson is one of the last judges and his reign as warrior-judge paved the way for the israelite monarchy. susan niditch describes the judges of the pre-monarchic period as military leaders who were touched by jah and unique, marginal figures. for instance, deborah was marginal because she was a woman, jephthah was an exiled legitimate son, ehud was left-handed, and samson was a nazirite-warrior, each one of them being thus marginal on their own account. eric hobsbawm describes the judges as “social bandits” meanwhile, and gregory mobley underscores the judges’ solitude. like niditch, mobley determines that samson was a liminal character who existed on the border between nature and culture. the readings of these biblical scholars illuminate what makes samson such a viable cultural model for anti-babylonian actors: samson is a social dissident and a champion of the downtrodden who is set apart by his nazirite identity, hence an ideal role model for rastafari. he is a leader and nazirite warrior who eschews the culture of the dominator along with the rules of his people. samson is the ultimate transgressive character, and yet he is jah’s elect weapon. samson as chosen nazirite samson’s nazirite status frames his biblical narrative; it is paramount in rastas’ adoption of him and assumption of his character, though his textual behavior often does not adhere to his nazirite commitment. the hebrew “nazir” translates as “separated one,” or “consecrated one.” central to rasta readings of samson is that jah sets him apart from the very moment of his conception. born “a nazirite to god from birth,” jah chose samson as a divine vessel capable of persisting in his service ( : ). samson shares a unique relationship with jah, one that conforms for rastafari to a notion of self as “i-n-i.” as “i-n-i,” rastafari are never alone, for they are ultimately united with jah and other practitioners. their positionality as i-n-i unites rastas with jah while simultaneously establishing the requirement of submission to jah. that the dreadlocked samson is a nazirite from birth is evidentiary of his i-n-i status and confirms that rastafari are similarly anointed. richard runyararo mahomva writes that: the nazarene is not only confined to growing locks, separation from dead bodies and other demands of his vow. the rasta is to be devoted to a life of submission to jah. this is through prayer (matt v ), keeping jah’s laws ( tim v ). today’s rastas are inspired by early nazarites like samson (judges v - ). this vow states that the rasta must separate himself unto the lord; in simple terms he must live in a way that does not please world standards. most people wonder what rasta devouts mean when they talk about rastafari. rasta readers like mahomva understand samson to be an exemplar of the nazirite vow required of rastafari. furthermore, white dread writes that “samson the only person in the bible, which perfectly fit the definition of a rasta. his faith is strong. he has locks. judges : . and he is ital.” both mahomva and white dread thus see samson as fulfilling the requirements of jah’s elect rastafari on account of his nazirite identity. like samson’s, the nazirite oath of rastafari is life-long. in his biblical narrative though, samson disregards his nazirite vow and israelite identity, thus his responsibility as i-n-i. however, rastafari reason as redaction and/or minimize his breaches in a reading strategy that answers their need for a dreadlocked nazirite exemplar. though judges only requires that samson not cut his hair, rasta readers ask samson to honor the elements of the later iteration of the nazirite vow described in numbers , additionally assigning to him requirements of livity as befits a rasta-nazirite. jeanba describes these requirements: only the herb no meat, the crown of lox no razor, fruits and the water of life no strong drink, living in the light of the almighty creator h.i.m. no other! that is the vow of the nazarite rasta. from then to now for i-ver n i-ver selah. because practitioners assume samson’s responsibility for elements of the commitment described in numbers , his vow entails two additional elements, a proscription against “wine and strong drink,” “vinegar of wine, or vinegar of strong drink,” “liquor of grapes” and “grapes” ( : ), and a proscription against contact with dead bodies ( : ). rastas accept these prohibitions as foundations of livity in their personal enactments of a nazirite vow. though the nazirite prohibitions of numbers prove difficult for samson as an adult, he had begun his life in jah’s favor. judges : instructs that “the boy grew, and the lord blessed him”( : ). jeanba informs readers that as a young boy, he fulfilled these requirements as well as those of livity derived from israelite proscriptions and thus essential to a rasta nazirite vow: samson’s mother never stopped observing what was commanded her by the cherub, conserning her son. for she gave him no wine, no strong drink, neither did she give him any flesh with blood as it’s life source, nor did she let any razor or comb come upon his head. for this was the vow of the nazarite of the most high. jeanba continues, “and the boy grew and his hair grew in such a way that there were seven sealed locks as the crown of his head.” rasta interpreters including jeanba believe that because samson was raised according to the strictures of livity, he grew strong and ever closer to jah. in his interpretation of judges : , jeanba writes ““the i-rite (spirit) of the most high, lord of all host, king creator began to move samson at times in the camp of dan between zorah and eshtaol.” jah remained with samson when he met a young lion on his way to timnath. “the spirit of the lord rushed on him, and he tore the lion apart barehanded as one might tear apart a kid.”( : ) jeanba interprets the passage and expounds upon it: and behold, a young lion met him in the vine yard, with paws and teeth thirsty for blood. and the strength and glory of the most high, lord of all host, king creator filled samson and soon as the lion was about to pounce samson, he grabbed hold of it’s head and with the might of the most high, lord of all host, king creator he split the lion’s jaw ear to ear, with his bare hands, rending it to pieces, as he would a kid goat. samson thus killed a lion with his hands, decimating the symbol of the house of david and haile selassie, the conquering lion of judah. rasta readers do not actively address this messy aspect of samson’s narrative or negotiate its ramifications for a movement that envisions the lion as its predominant symbol. to do so would raise questions about his suitability as a rasta patriarch. thus, a rastafari hermeneutical approach does not require such a negotiation. jah also remained with samson after he consumed honey from a questionable source on a subsequent trip to timnath to “take” his philistine bride.” samson used the dead lion as a literal honey pot in : , eating the spoils of his act of rage against the symbol of the solomonic line. bunny wailer proclaims “rasta man a lion.” but, in spite of the significance of the lion in rastafari, this element of samson’s narrative does not problematize rasta readers’ adoption of him as a prototypical rasta warrior-nazirite, nor does that he comes into contact with a lion’s carcass. as he killed one thousand philistines with a jawbone of a donkey, a task that obviously entailed contact with dead bodies, “the spirit of the lord rushed on him” ( : ). jah stayed with samson through deadly rampages and defiling moments. jah remained with samson as he broke elements of a nazirite vow as interpreted by rasta readers, and though his familiarity with corpses should nullify his anointed status according to the requirements of livity, rasta assessments of his biblical narrative are not troubled by these instances. his choices to eat honey out of an animal distinguished by leviticus : and numbers : (and by the system of ital) as unclean, potentially drink and probably serve alcoholic beverages, further compromise his nazirite status. moreover, samson’s engagements with three dangerous women raise questions about his participation among the israelite people as a layman and as a nazirite. nevertheless, samson stands as a pillar of livity and resistance to babylon for rastafari who embrace him and embody him. samson as liberator because samson slaughtered philistines and tore down their temple, rastas read him as a strongman, a liberator who saved the chosen people from domination. judges finds the israelites under the control of the philistines after “the children of israel did evil again in the sight of the lord” (judges : ). yet, an angel of jah spoke to samson’s mother before his birth in : to inform her: “it is he who shall begin to deliver israel from the hand of the philistines”( : ). jah bestowed upon samson the ability to vanquish the philistines, thus his attempts against philistine culture are fundamental to his nazirite status and his rasta identity. though later iterations of the nazirite vow prohibit contact with death, samson’s divinely inspired violence is of central importance to his oath. for rasta readers, though, his allowance for contact with death is based not upon such dealings being sanctioned for early nazirites, but instead is an exception because he is a warrior. ras saadon writes: accourding to the vow you are not allowed to be near the dead, but samson was a warrior and had to fight and kill other in order to protect his people, so warriors are allowed to be near the dead… thats the only exception ini know of in the nazarite vow. as a holy man elect by jah, samson’s violent behavior is nonetheless transgressive and complicates his nazirite identity. as gregory mobley notes, the early iron age israelite warrior held a position of extreme importance in ancient israel, as did the biblical “motif of the satiation of a bloodthirsty, flesh – hungry divine warrior.” samson fulfills that role. he massacred philistines in judges : , : , : , and : . in : he spoke of retribution: “as they did to me, so i have done to them.” even when blinded and bound by philistines in judges : , samson focused on killing his enemy. while assigning samson the label “bloodthirsty” would not be unreasonable, mobley calls for “a temporary suspension of the moralistic voices at the boundaries of the stories and in the religious imagination of the readers.” moreover, “the oldest literary stratum of judges . . . celebrates, for the most part, iron age martial heroism.” samson accomplishes his life’s purpose through his heroic, often gory violence that is inspired by jah. samson’s name translates as “sunny” or “man of great strength;” beyond that, as ras ekowa writes, “the name sampson is very interesting and i believe it relates to anu/on or the greek heliopolis. derived probably from shemesh, ‘sun’ with the diminutive ending -on, meaning ‘little sun’ or ‘sunny,’ or perhaps ‘sun-man.’” as a man of the sun, samson is a vessel of nature and thus of jah’s power. his physical strength is notorious, but his real power comes from his ability to house jah and to carry out jah’s will. samson’s forceful revolutionary behavior resonates with rasta readers’ conception of a nazirite vow as well. as nazirites, rastas have both a responsibility to pursue livity and to strive for freedom from babylon system. brother woks declares that “we are warriors . . . we take on the vow of the nazirites. . . . when people them look on i n i, them see i n i art dreadful and awesome, and them tremble in them boots,” a quote that inarguably references samson’s biblical station as the only nazirite warrior in the hebrew bible. for brother woks, a nazirite identity involves not only closeness with jah but also an embrace of the warrior-status demonstrated by samson. personal purity as ensured through livity enables effective efforts against babylon. rastas read samson’s violence as holy aggression channeled against oppressors, as acts of resistance against babylon manifest as the philistines. because babylon system is the embodiment of evil and corruption, practitioners reason that in order to defeat it, the righteous will need to channel the power of jah, or the “spirit of the lord,” just as samson did in his biblical narrative. according to frantz fanon, “colonialism is not a machine capable of thinking, a body endowed with reason. it is naked violence and only gives in when confronted with greater violence.” rastafari generally relegate their violence against babylon to the ideological realm. but, rasta readers can rationalize samson’s acts of physical violence as being necessary in order to stop the oppression of the israelites. practitioners confirm the righteousness of their revolutionary behavior through their affiliation with samson and their dreadlocks, which mirror samson’s pleated hair. nonetheless, identifying samson as a warrior remains problematic for certain rasta readers, including jeanba. the author refers to samson as a “worrior” instead of as a “warrior” in his book’s title in a hermeneutic move that enables jeanba to acknowledge samson’s aggressive feats while avoiding the violent connotations of the term “warrior.” jeanba notes that: even as a young boy, samson was seen to be destined for greatness, and his strength like the relentless flowing of the nile. . . . he could plow twice as fast as an ox, and carry double the load of a mule. samson was a strongman, a deliverer who fought for freedom. not surprisingly, therefore, his strength against babylon is a familiar theme in “roots and culture” reggae. bob marley embraces samson as a paradigm of resistance in “rastaman live up,” singing “david slew goliath/ with a sling and a stone/ samson slew the philistines with a donkey jawbone. / iyaman, live up! / rastaman, don’t give up!” samson’s might is admirable and worthy of emulation, and because samson was a robust liberator, rastafari are encouraged to be the same. as peter tosh notes in “creation,” jah will guide these efforts toward freedom. he sings, “jah is my guide when philistines come down upon me, / so whom shall i fear? / he’s my guide when my enemies come before i.” because samson’s strength enabled him to make strides against the philistines as babylon, rastas have that same potential. reggae artist black-am-i envisions his capabilities as even greater than samson’s in “samson strength” in which he claims, “samson strength, me double dat.” samson also makes cameos as a tough, sexually potent man in dancehall music; a genre popular in nightclubs that evolved from reggae roots. vybz kartel brags in “a.k.a.” for example, “mi badda dan joshua, samson & di philistine” after stating “we don’t play/ fuck all night/ smoke all day/ claat ak/ still dj/ we play music we don’t play.” when samson is a rastaman, practitioners can adopt his potency and thereby empower african diasporic people. furthermore, he offers practitioners the role of a dreadlocked liberator who retains purity on account of his nazirite status. marley’s son ziggy epitomizes a rasta adoption of samson’s characteristics in his lyrics: “like the nazarene samson we have a lot of strength. bigging up jah jah, blowing breath like a vent.” but samson kills philistines. in slaughtering philistines, three hundred foxes and a young lion, the very symbol of haile selassie and the solomonic line, samson breaks his nazirite vow and challenges rasta proscriptions against contact with death, even though much of his contact with corpses occurred under of “the spirit of the lord.” in spite of his killings, “he judged israel twenty years” (judges : , : ). because the biblical text notes that he ruled over jah’s chosen people for a period of time, because rasta interpreters understand the current version of the bible to be redacted, and because they know samson’s true nature in their hearts, rastas read him as unsullied and as the ultimate warrior (or worrior) against babylon. rasta readers know, however, that his reign as judge extends beyond the twenty years the bible allots him since true rastafari cannot die. in rasta opinion, as jah’s elect, nazirite samson should avoid touching, let alone eating from, corpses. rastafari consider association with death highly defiling because of biblical injunctions against nazirite and priestly contact with corpses (numbers : , leviticus : ). to deal with the reality of death, even if no physical contact is made, is to sully oneself with the reality of humanness, an awareness that challenges conceptions of i-n-i’s permanence in the current plane. practitioners have gone so far as to move when a close relative dies so as to avoid contact with the dead body. yet, though samson inevitably touches dead bodies, rastas celebrate him, reasoning that samson’s violence is justified and his contact with death pardonable. a rasta hermeneutical approach ensures that his handling of dying and decaying flesh, in particular in his encounter with the young lion, does not affect samson’s eligibility as the prototypical rastaman. samson as impure eater for rasta readers, eating and drinking are essential mediums for the expression of faith. in his biblical narrative, though, samson egregiously disregards the consumption-based prohibitions of an ital livit, of nazirites, and of israelites. when on his way to timnath, samson finds the carcass of the lion he killed on a previous trip, and: behold, there was a swarm of bees and honey in the carcase of the lion. and he took thereof in his hands, and went on eating, and came to his father and mother, and he gave them, and they did eat: but he told not them that he had taken the honey out of the carcase of the lion” (judges : - ). his biblical narrative makes clear that samson was cognizant of his breach, as : specifies that samson withheld the honey’s origin from his parents even as he shared the dubious treat with them because ostensibly they would disapprove. jeanba echoes : ’s message in noting that “samson did give them honey which they did eat, but he never told them of its origins.” though israelites are prohibited to consume lion, both by the hebrew bible and according to livity, samson ate of it and gave the fetid honey to his parents in an act of deception. according to mervin stoddart, bob marley channels samson’s sweet snack in “easy skanking” in which he sings “herb for my wine/ honey for my strong drink.” in these lyrics, herb and honey act as substitutes for wine and liquor, both which are prohibited by numbers . the question thus arises as to whether honey derived from a rotting and unkosher corpse is a fitting replacement for samson. niditch argues that “without searching beyond judges - it is not certain that the food and uncleanness rules apply to him.” though judges through does not assume for samson any dietary, and additionally, death-based guidelines, he is an israelite. thus, he is held to israelite cultural and religious proscriptions. that his mother’s nazirite vow involved an avoidance of alcoholic beverages and grape-derived beverages contributes to a rasta reading of samson that bestows him with the same set of vow-based guidelines. and, because he did not tell his parents about the origin of the honey, judges : - seems to confirm that he was indeed bound to dietary restrictions of the israelite people. here he also betrayed his parents by lying to them, breaking exodus : ’s commandment to “honor thy father and thy mother.” over and above any of these reasons to bestow samson with the dietary restrictions of israelites and nazirites is that rasta readers view him as a rasta. rastas assume that samson is compelled to practice livity, to keep nazirite dietary restrictions, to adhere to nazirite death-based restrictions, and to grow his hair, because he is a brethren. mahomva acknowledges that “the bible gives an account of prominent nazarites like samson.” however, though rasta readers assume that he is bound to the laws pertaining to nazirites and the guidelines of livity, jah remains with samson after he eats honey tainted by its encasement in a putrid carcass. his desecration is self-inflicted in this instance, yet rasta readers who engage the biblical text directly conceive of samson as remaining pure and eligible for election by applying their unique biblical hermeneutic. when the philistines lop off samson’s locks in : , he is not responsible for the breach of his nazirite vow. however, in : samson chooses to ignore the death-based restrictions of numbers and livity, as well as dietary limitations required of his israelite-rasta identity. samson’s non-kosher, non-ital snack in : has little impact on practitioners’ evaluation of his character, though if babylonian redaction were not a factor, the incident might problematize claims of samson as a prototypical rastafari, as might the fact that he likely served and potentially consumed alcohol at his feast in : . when samson eats questionable honey and hosts a feast, potentially consuming fermented beverages, he defiles his body according to israelite, nazirite, and rasta standards, thereby challenging his capability for connection with jah according to livity. rastas obfuscate the need for consideration of these acts of questionable consumption because jah does not abandon samson at these junctures and/or they attribute difficult episodes to grotesque editors of babylon. because for rastafari “livitary” proscription is a venue for purification, that readings do not contend with samson’s sugary snack and boozy bash points towards a reading strategy with a prerogative of existential reification. samson as dreadlocked rasta in samson’s narrative, hair communicates information about the world he lived in and his place in it. samson’s hair indicates his closeness with jah when it is long and worn in seven locks. when he is shaven, his loss of hair demarcates a loss of the “spirit of the lord.” samson’s hair, or lack thereof, indicates when he is holy in the eyes of israelites and when he is not. in judges through and in rasta vernacular readings of samson, his locks distinguish him as unique, just as the circumstance surrounding his birth does. while samson was in utero, his previously barren mother took on a nazirite vow of her own. jeanba notes that the angel that appeared to samson’s mother said to manoah that “she should drink no strong drink, or fruit of the vine, neither let her eat any flesh with blood as it’s life source.” so, jeanba continues, she “ate only fruits and vegetables and drunk only water and juices.” assuming that samson’s mother followed each element of her nazirite vow, samson grew from conception in a consecrated hairy vessel. though, as niditch recognizes, judges does not require samson to fulfill dietary or death-based nazirite requirements, the text does specify that that samson is not to cut his hair. his biblical narrative does not detail much about samson’s appearance, but the text references his hair five times, in judges : , : , : , : , and : . samson’s uncut hair, styled in seven locks, signals his election, his strength, and his role within (or removed from) israelite society as warrior-nazirite-judge. for rasta readers, samson’s hair is the element that allows him to channel jah’s strength. because “his countenance was good to look upon and the crown of his head was very hairy; and the child grew and the most high, lord of all host blessed him,” his chronicle resonates with rasta conceptions of locks as markers of divinity and as conduits for jah’s greatness. in a essay entitled “simson,” hermann gunkel describes samson as a natural man. moreover, according to david e. bynum and niditch, samson adheres to elements of a wild man archetype. mobley embraces this idea and expands upon it, arguing that samson, as a liminal character, is an ancient near eastern, hairy, wild man on the border of nature and culture. niditch also contends that “samson is indeed a mediator between the ‘raw and cooked’” and that his hair verifies his liminal status “betwixt and between the positions assigned and arrayed by law, custom, convention, and ceremonial.” as a hairy nazirite warrior and liberator, samson is of culture and yet removed from culture, a positionality that resonates with rasta readers who envision themselves as removed from the world in which they live, a world dominated by babylon system, from which rastafari must extricate themselves through acts of purification, including the practice of growing locks. judges : details that samson’s notoriously long hair was styled in seven locks. biblical scholars, including niditch, argue that his pleated locks demarcate his participation in culture; she reads those pleats as braids and envisions the style as the result of artificial modification. but rastas interpret his hair as naturally dreadlocked. because of the potency of his seven pleated locks, envisioned as dreadlocks, rastas employ samson to prove the power of naturalness inherent to letting one’s hair dread. in this vein, reggae artist tony rebel looks to biblical actors as exemplars of hairy purity: the first time me know say rastafari legit, is when me tek a little prip in a number chapter six. . . . me check samson and john the baptist, / them grow them natty dread, mek it long like wiffs. / who, me start fi grow fi me dread some more. because he is infamous for his locks, markers both of his chosenness and of his warrior status, rastafari celebrate samson as an exemplary rastaman. they acknowledge in samson and themselves the virility, potency and election that accompany hairiness. reading samson as a rasta allows practitioners to own his characteristics, including those attributed to his mane. they celebrate him and his highly charged locks, reasoning that if samson’s hair illustrates his strength and relationship with jah, their own locks furnish them with similar attributes. the members of the reggae group culture celebrate the power inherent in their locks, a power that allows them to resist domination by babylon: like samson to delilah and the philistines/ they wan’ take over but dread, dread take over in this hear time/ long along along along along/ to zion on trod on i say/ jah know is true/ babylon a burn up him back so? / fe keep a hope on i natty dread. the members of culture acknowledge that since they “bowed” to jah, they gained the strength of a warrior-liberator. their strength comes from the marker of their fittedness to serve as instruments of jah, their locks. the role of hair in samson’s narrative confirms its potency for rastafari. though unspoken of from judges : to : , his hair remained a marker of strength until the dramatic denouement of samson’s tale. in : , samson admitted to delilah, a woman that he “loved,” that his power was linked to his hair. he informed her, “if my head were shaved, then my strength would leave me.” when samson revealed the value of his hair, “delilah and the philistines attempt(ed) to devalue it and yet (were) afraid of it.” the “spirit of the lord” remained with samson through problematic episodes and sticky situations, until the philistines sheared him. at that juncture, “his strength went from him” ( : ) and “the lord was departed from him” ( : ). he was subsequently imprisoned, blinded, and brought by philistines to the temple of dagon, where he was made to entertain his captors. his loss of power at this moment affirms for rasta readers the essentiality of growing locks and more largely of livity. as hausman explains, “for many rastafarians, the lesson here is that a man must remain true to his roots- hair and spirit entwined- and watch out for the wicked.” rastas understand from samson’s biblical narrative and from the motifs derived from his biblical presence that the wicked aim to cut the hair of the righteous as a method of separating them from jah and their divinely bestowed power. in samson’s narrative, that threat of the wicked manifests in the form of dangerous women and unnamed philistine men. though maintaining dreads is of utmost concern for many brethren and sistren, the cutting of samson’s locks does not compromise his stature in rasta mythology and symbolism. rasta interpretations of samson’s shearing in : focus on his betrayal by delilah and secondarily by male philistines, not on his loss of jah’s “spirit,” nor on his unsavory behaviors. samson’s haircut at the hands of the philistines did not deter his efforts against them. like those rastas who have been shorn by jamaican authorities who still strive for freedom from babylon, samson remained focused on conquering the philistines after his shave. jah abandoned samson when the philistines sheared his hair, though. however, samson’s violations of his nazirite identity and his temporary alienation from jah are not central to rasta dialogue because, when samson is not a dutiful nazirite with a close relationship to jah, rastas’ role as contemporary samsons elect by jah comes into question. those rasta readers who do contend with his shearing and subsequent distance from jah reason that when the philistines cut samson’s hair in : , he lost his relationship with jah due to the editing hand of babylon. as voodooruutz recognizes, “bible washing is real.” other rasta readers claim that though jah left him in : , jah did not abandon samson permanently since the philistines were responsible for his shearing and his hair did regrow. jeanba stresses that samson’s hair sprouted again and that jah too filled him with “spirit” for his final act against the philistines. in each case, rasta readers minimize or do not acknowledge jah’s departure from samson, a hermeneutic move that ensures his rastaman status. the outward signifier of his relationship with jah, his hair, “began to grow again after it had been shaved”( : ), a reality that suggests that jah returned to samson after his defamation. his shearing also led directly to his greatest blow to babylon: the philistines were able to capture samson and bring him to the temple of dagon, in : , because they removed his locks and, thus, his strength, in : , but because he regained his strength inside of the temple, he was able to kill three thousand of the enemy. he channeled jah’s strength to topple the temple of dagon in : , an architectural destruction that grievously damages philistine culture. “so those he killed at his death were more than those he had killed during his life” ( : ). niditch proposes that when hair is the source of divine favor, maleness, and virility, and when that hair is removed, the shorn becomes emasculated and divine favor is lost. in samson’s case however, divine favor returned and allowed the committed warrior of jah to execute a final revolutionary act. his resilience and divine favor urge rastafari to fight babylon’s reign in the face of adversity. as mark mohr recognizes in song, “samson was a man on a mission / a purpose driven dread / a warrior with seven natty (kinky) locks upon his head.” because jah returns to him for his final act, because of his seven locks, and because samson commits violent revolutionary acts against babylon system, he remains an exemplary rastaman for rasta readers despite his shortcomings. conclusion for rastafari, samson stands as a brethren and as a moral exemplar, a patriarch of livity. practitioners employ samson to articulate their strength and election while sharing concerns over the threats that faced samson and celebrations of his triumphs over babylon through poetry and song. rastas perceive of samson as an elect rastaman whose dreadlocks and violence against the philistines bespeak rastafari’s righteousness. he is a complex figure to claim as prototypical rastaman, however. reading samson as uncompromised allows rastas to adopt his election and strength against oppressors. thus, rasta readers approach samson’s unsavory behaviors with a hermeneutical approach that proves conceptions of him as an unsullied rastaman. rasta readers’ engagements with samson center on his strength, election, hair, and relationships with dangerous women. however, samson violates several purity regulations of the hebrew bible and of livity. in his brief textual appearances, samson eats honey out of the carcass of a lion ( : - ), hosts a feast ( : ), touches dead bodies, ( : , : , : , : ), and gets a haircut ( : ). a diversity of rasta readers overlook or rationalize as redaction samson’s disregard for israelite and nazirite codes of conduct. and one could argue that samson frequently engaged in offensive behaviors because the “spirit of the lord rushed upon him.” rasta readings of samson that hedge consideration of his desecration and of jah’s potential role in his questionable behavior allow for an empowering existential shift, in a way that readings that take into account his missteps cannot. as rastaman, samson offers rasta readers the space to assert themselves as dreadlocked nazirite-warriors. he promises practitioners the resiliency to keep striving against babylon’s reign. thus, samson’s hairstyle, election, and successful rebellion against the philistines override the need to assess his questionable behavior, for jah inspired it. gregory mobley, samson and the liminal hero in the ancient near east (new york: t & t clark, ), - . susan niditch, “historiography, ‘hazards’ and the study of ancient israel,” interpretation ( ): - . james a. wharton, “the secrets of yahweh: story and affirmation in judges - ,” interpretation ( ): - . cheryl exum, “the theological dimension of the samson saga,” vetus testamentum ( ): - . see david l. cook, the greatest love poems ever written (bloomington: authorhouse, ). see elijah muhammad, the god-science of black power (phoenix: secretarius memps publications, ). long before the rastafari movement emerged, samson served as a model of power against oppressors for african diasporic people throughout the americas. “black samson” freed enslaved africans in numerous folktales of the colonial era. samson was also a frequent metaphor during the great migration through the harlem renaissance and even through the black power movement. marcus garvey notably embraced samson as a vehicle through which to inspire hope and strength, as did elijah muhammad, who wrote of samson: “they have a parable there in the bible of us under the name samson. this is all referring to you and me. samson was the strongest man. the black man is the strongest man.” lawrence w. levine, black culture and black consciousness: afro-american folk thought from slavery to freedom (new york: oxford university press, ), , . elijah muhammad, the god-science of black power (phoenix: secretarius memps publications, ), . rabbi simon altaf, yahushua: the black messiah (london: african-israel international union of qahalim, ), . malahkee jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson: a rasta story (xlibris: bloomington, ), . ibid., . ibid., . eric hobsbawm, bandits (new york: pantheon books, ). anand prahlad interrogates a similar concept in reggae wisdom: proverbs in jamaican music (jackson: university press of mississippi, ), . niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . i recognize the historic shifts in the nazirite vow as it is described in the hebrew bible. yet, this dissertation does not contend with these changes because rasta readers do not distinguish between the vows of samson, samuel, absolom, and the vow of numbers . scholar marc zvi brettler discounts that the nazirite vow serves as a unifying theme for the samson cycle. this chapter proves the centrality of the vow in rastafari readings of samson. marc zvi brettler, the book of judges (london: routledge, ), - . richard runyararo mahomva, march , , “rastalk: seperation of the dread man from the rasta man,” voice of the ras, http://voiceoftheras.blogspot.com/ / /separation-of-dread-man-from-rasta- man.html. white dread, january , ( : p.m.), jah-rastafari.com, http://www.jah- rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &word_search=samson&searchtype=phrase&searchwh at=messages&search_user=white% dread. jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . scholars debate whether or not samson imbibes wine or fermented liquor. because judges does not specify, this chapter will not make a claim either way. for more on this debate, see gregory mobley’s the empty men: the heroic tradition of ancient israel (new york: doubleday, ), . jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . a reference to the seven seals of the book of revelation. mobley, the empty men, . ibid., . ibid., . bunny wailer, “rastaman,” blackheart man, island records ( ). unless he shaved seven days after he came into contact with death (numbers : ). mobley, the empty men, - . ras saadon, july , ( : a.m.), comment on nazirite vow, “new rasta,” july , , rasta nick’s forum, http://forums.rasta- man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . . mobley, the empty men, . ibid., . ibid., . ekowa, , “locking, plaiting and braiding: symbols of an ancient rulership and priesthood,” essays by ekowa, http://www.essaysbyekowa.com/locks% and% the% priesthood.htm. brother woks, quoted in charles price, becoming rasta: origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university press, ), . frantz fanon, the wretched of the earth (new york: grove press, ), . jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . bob marley, “rastaman live up,” confrontation, island records ( ). peter tosh, “creation,” bush doctor, rolling stones records ( ). black-am-i, “samson strength,” ghetto youths international presents: set up shop volume (anthology), ghetto youths international ( ). a genre of music derived from reggae but with a faster tempo and a focus on partying, ego and sexuality. vybz kartel, “a.k.a.,” up di time, greensleeves records ( ). ziggy marley and the melody makers, “day by day,” fallen is babylon, elektra records ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . mervin stoddart, “bob marley’s lyrics: understanding and explaining their pedagogical value” (phd diss., capella university, ). niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . richard runyararo mahomva, march , , “separation of the dread man from the rasta man,” “separation of the dread man from the rasta man,” rastalk, http://voiceoftheras.blogspot.com/ / /separation-of-dread-man-from-rasta- man.html. jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . ibid., . ibid., . hermann gunkel, “simson” in reden und aussätze (göttingen: vandenhoeck & ruprecht, ), . ibid., . susan niditch, “samson as cultural hero, trickster, and bandit: the empowerment of the weak,” catholic biblical quarterly ( ): . victor turner, the ritual process: structure and anti-structure (new brunswick: aldinetransaction, ), . see niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man” for more on the significance of his pleats. tony rebel, “nazerite vow,” vibes of the times, columbia records ( ). culture, “trod on,” trod on, heartbeat records ( ). niditch, “my brother esau is a hairy man,” . gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . voodooruutz, october , ( : p.m.), comment on john israel, “murder in the bible,” jah-rastafari.com, october , , jah-rastafari.com, http://jah- rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &start_row= &word_search=bible% washing&search type=phrase&search_user=voodooruutz. jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, , . christafari, “dreadlocked samson,” reggae sunday school, lion of zion entertainment ( ). chapter : the gendering of livity: delilah, samson, and dangerous women every time me sight you, your presence is a delight too a nuh delilah inside ah you despite them other guys weh a try with you hold your space beside me, i invite you to . . . woman tek care of di family provide an’ cook di rice an’ chicken fi di pickney me work every day fi get money to support dem give dem education, strength an’ school dem woman give me life, so please accept my seed we affi stick together, we nah go loose just succeed unity an’ love in da name of di most high jah. -protoje, “come my way,” ( ) samson’s narrative confirms for rasta readers the inherent strength of the rastaman, the value of cultivating dreadlocks, and the election of rastas by jah, crucial foundations of livity. but judges - contains another valuable lesson. the chapters warn rastafari males of the threat of dangerous women. in particular, samson’s dalliance with delilah affirms the male body as being untainted while demonstrating the threat of women to the true rastaman. this chapter explores the ways in which male rasta readers interpret delilah’s character and her interactions with samson. delilah’s relationship with samson exemplifies for male rasta interpreters both male potentiality and female baseness. rasta readers envision samson as the ultimate strongman-rasta and delilah as a prototypical woman: a deceitful and self-centered being who has the ability to beguile even jah’s most elect nazirite warrior, a reading that has profound negative repercussions for rasta women and rastafari as a whole. before he encountered delilah in judges : , samson engaged with at least three other women, his unnamed mother, his wife from timnath, and a harlot in gaza. the second and third women he encounters are, like delilah, potential sexual partners for him. in judges , samson “saw” a woman from timnath that intrigued him, a woman who would become his wife, though their union would be brief. his parents replied to his announcement of intent to marry her in : as follows: “is there never a woman among the daughters of thy brethren, or among all of my people, that thou goest to take a wife of the uncircumcised philistines?” rasta author malakhee jeanba refers to the philistines as “wicked” instead of uncircumcised in his interpretation of the passage. both jeanba’s account and the biblical text infer that their union is disagreeable to his parents. the kebra nagast also denounces samson’s marriage to this foreign woman: “and how god gave him strength ye have heard in the book of judges. but he transgressed the commandment of god, and came and married a daughter of the uncircumcised philistines.” however, judges : explicates: “but his father and mother knew not that it was of the lord, that he sought an occasion against the philistines; for at that time the philistines had dominion over israel.” : makes clear that samson’s interest in the woman from timnath is of jah’s design; their union gave samson the opportunity to slaughter philistines. nonetheless, his marriage to his foreign bride was not without its problems. in judges : , samson posed a riddle to thirty of the woman’s father’s “companions;” samson taunted: “out of the eater came forth meat, and out of the strong came forth sweetness.” the answer to his riddle is esoteric. he had not shared information about the lion he killed ( : ) and later found filled with honey ( : ) with any of these “companions.” the philistines, stumped by samson’s riddle, threatened his wife by stating their plans to burn down her father’s’ house if she did not oblige them by “entic(ing) thy husband” to share the riddle’s answer ( : ). samson initially ignored his wife’s inquiries about the riddle, until she persuaded him after weeping for seven days. she then betrayed samson by sharing the unknowable answer to his riddle with those who threatened her in an act that foreshadowed samson’s great betrayal by delilah. samson became enraged after she gave the answer to her countrymen. “and the spirit of the lord came upon him, and he went down to ashkelon, and slew thirty men of them, and took their spoil” ( : ). jeanba reinterprets the wording of this passage, offering this reiteration: that night the i-rite of the most high, lord of all host, king creator came upon him and he left for ashkelon, a philistine village nearby; and slew thirty men of them, and took their spoil and paid his debt with the blood of the philistines for their treachery. as jeanba’s interpretation demonstrates, rasta readers must recognize her treason and learn a lesson from it that advises against trusting foreign women. after this episode, samson’s father-in-law gave his wife to his “companion” in : ; he discovers this development when he returns to timnath, in : . his father-in- law would not allow him to visit his wife’s chamber, which angered samson. jeanba explains that “samson’s anger was kindled against the philistines once more.” in an act of vengeance, samson caught three hundred “foxes,” tied them together by the tail, ignited them, and used them to burn philistine fields ( : ). according to jeanba, as a result, “the philistines with their cold and barbaric heart, came up and burnt her and her father with fire.” samson then “smote them hip and thigh with a great slaughter” ( : ). afterward, according to jeanba, “he then said a prayer for his wife and father-in- law and buried what was left of their remains.” regardless of her treachery, according to jeanba, samson honors his late wife’s life in prayer. his union with the woman from timnath upset his parents and ended in death and destruction that was not inspired by the “spirit of the lord.” nonetheless, samson’s union with the women from timnath concluded in the demise of numerous philistines. even though the bible does not attribute samson with jah’s strength at these junctures, jeanba notes that “the philistines could not over power him, for the strength of the most high, lord of all host, king creator rests on his shoulders.” the first time that a woman betrayed samson, he prevailed over his enemy and she ended up dead. the next woman samson encountered was a harlot in gaza. his meeting with her in judges ended with samson leaving gaza, stalked by murderous locals, with the doors and posts of the gate to the city upon his shoulders in the dark of night ( : ). but it was delilah, a woman of the valley of sorek whom he “loved,” that would ultimately lead to samson’s disgrace and death. in judges : : lords of the philistines came up to her and said unto her, entice him, and see wherein his great strength lies, and by what means we may prevail against him and we will give thee every one of us eleven hundred pieces of silver. jeanba recounts, “with the thought of all the money delilah said, ‘pay half now!’ and so they did.” after her several attempts to sway samson to share his secret: his soul was vexed unto death; that he told her all his heart, and said unto her, there hath not come a razor upon mine head; for i have been a nazarite unto god from my mother’s womb: if i be shaven, then my strength will go from me ( : - ). jeanba retells this biblical scene to read: “now i speak truths to you, i was to be clean shaven like the baldheads do, then my strength will leave me and i shall become weak as another man.” according to the author, upon learning his truth, delilah then requested the rest of her silver and later “that night she made love to him as she had never done before and put him to sleep on her knees.” she then coaxed him to sleep before calling in a “man” to shave him. ostensibly, the philistine lords that contracted delilah to help tame samson’s strength were male, as was the “man” who cut his hair. but, rasta readings of samson’s shearing center on delilah’s actions as representative of the moral failing and treachery of women. as gerald hausman notes: some rastas refer to the myth of samson, blind, baldheaded, and chained to the pillars of the philistine palace as an example of what can happen when one loses the locks under the hand of artifice; when one trusts a wicked woman; and when one refuses to honor the will of jah. while hausman is correct in recognizing that rastas read samson’s tale as an admonishment of artifice and a disclaimer against the threat of women, he misses that jah remains with samson, except for a momentary departure when the philistines cut the outward signifier of jah’s presence. this is essential to many rasta readings of his tale. samson does lose his locks, but they regrow, in : . and though samson does succumb to delilah, his binding leads to his opportunity to orchestrate a crushing blow to the philistines. as an unnamed rasta comments, “even after his head had been shaved by his deceitful wife delilah and had only a small amount of hair, he was able to topple the two pillars of the house and destroy the philistines.” this reality does not diminish the importance of the lesson that samson’s tale offers rasta males regarding dangerous women. jeanba confirms hausman’s rasta interpretation of the biblical tale’s warning against wicked women, noting that while a blinded samson was imprisoned, delilah visited him to taunt him. jeanba writes of the scene: ‘you witch you shall die today,’ said samson and reached for her in the direction of her voice, for he could not see, but was held back by the chains which bond him. . . . she laughed and said, ‘you fool, look at you now samson, no longer mighty but a sport unto your enemy. know now that i have not come here for forgiveness or cause of pity, nor because of love but to see you suffer for the wrongs you have done to my people; oh and thank you for the wealth you have given to me for my families house.’ even while samson “loved” delilah, she stood with the philistines as representatives of babylon and pursued financial gains over gains of the spirit, a truth that instructs rastamen about the nature of women. some of the women samson encounters are dangerous because they manipulate him, because they betray him, and because they are foreign, sexual, and assertive. his engagements with dangerous women move samson along his predestined path of retribution against the philistines, yet rasta readers still envision these dangerous women as being primarily threatening to samson’s spiritual growth and incurring his downfall. samson’s engagements with these dangerous women, especially delilah, sanction rasta misogyny as rational for male practitioners. samson engaged with three sexually active, and thus and consequently potentially dangerous, women in his narrative. while samson retained his hair and thus his virility throughout his engagement with the first two dangerous women, the third woman, who was the true object of his “love,” led to his conquer. as hausman writes, “once delilah was done with him, samson suffered the fate of the archetypal man whose weakness is women. this is a paradigm all rastas understand.” for rasta readers, samson’s tale is a warning of the threat of female sexuality and a word of caution about the dangers of trusting women. his narrative clarifies that lust can cloud the judgment of even jah’s mightiest warrior. by taking advantage of the intimacy that accompanies lovemaking, women like delilah can ensnare the holiest of rastamen. pato banton sings of this risk in “settle satan”: “samson was the strongest ever pon’ the land/ delilah took his hair because of temptation.” samson faced the risk of the loss of his manhood at the hands of dangerous women with whom he was intimate, not only during coitus, but in the aftermath of the act. however, the resulting relationships with delilah and with his wife from timnath threatened him further. rasta readers believe that after engaging with samson sexually, two of the three dangerous women he encountered make demands of him that disturb the expected male-dominated gender dynamic of pre-monarchic israel and of rastafari. by overtly employing their sexuality, all three women shift the power scenario of their relationship with samson. delilah and samson’s wife from timnath then convey the resulting transferal of power into verbal demands. delilah and his wife use their intimacy with the nazirite-warrior to gain his trust and then use the information they acquire from a “conquered” samson to empower the philistines as babylon. this deception and the corresponding reversal of an expected gendered power dynamic is a frequent theme in roots reggae. for instance, the jolly brothers, reminds listeners that: samson was strong and deceived, oh yes/ by a woman, oh yes can’t you see/ look into yourself my friend, try to get wise/ don’t let a woman, get you down/ just be a conscious man, when you fall in love. samson’s tale reminds rastamen that because they amalgamate the roles of priests and nazirites, and accept both elect positions as their own, “they shall not take a wife that is a whore, or profane” (leviticus : ). the ability to channel a man’s lust affords such women the opportunity to beguile and derail brethren from jah’s path. steel pulse describes what lies beyond a veil of sexuality: leggo beast lips of flattery eyes of lust/ leggo beast she says carnal love is a must/ leggo beast feet abide not a home/ leggo beast loves to play while her husband gone/ i know a lady lady of easy virtue/ i know a lady lady of easy virtue/ uptown living living is all she knew/ and at her door step door step/ traps she would lay for you/ to lead men lead men astray. taking cues from samson and his missteps with delilah, brethren must tread carefully to avoid being snared by a dangerous woman. though opinions about women’s nature vary within and between mansions, rastafari is inherently patriarchal. males are thus generally referred to as “kingman” or “godman” and women are respectively referred to as “daughter,” “sister,” or “empress.” rasta interpreters look to biblical passages including ephesians : - and corinthians : to describe the proper relationship between rastaman, rastawoman, and jah: “wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands, as unto the lord.” in addition to assigning sistren a subservient role to rastamen, most rastafari texts and teachings depict women as simple in nature, unable to grasp the true nature of i-n-i without guidance from men: women “could only see fari through men.” the bobo shanti phrase “to grow a dawta” echoes this popular sentiment. as gregory isaacs instructs in “not the way,” “the dawtas always take a little longer/ to sight up the father/ ‘cause the dawtas always take a little longer/ never let her go astray/ try to show her the right way.” similarly, ras fitz elliot explains to darren middleton that “whereas men have ‘overstanding,’ women have understanding only; the insights and ideologies associated with rasta women are inferior. all women are evil.” the conception that good women, if they do indeed exist, await indoctrination by a rastaman and are only sexually active within the bonds of marriage, while dangerous women live autonomously and are promiscuous, still prevails in many rootical communities. since good women do not innately “sight i-n-i,” they need the guidance of a man. in general, male practitioners set guidelines for female rastas and assure those guidelines are adhered to. maureen rowe notes that “women who ‘sight rastafari,’ have … an attraction for this structured and disciplined way of life.” mansions offer particular guidelines pertaining to female presentation, behavior, and community participation. even the twelve tribes of israel, the most flexible mansion in terms of their proscriptions regarding dress, diet, and hairstyle, asks women to attire themselves modestly and cover their hair. practitioners utilize the bible to authorize women’s subordination, citing passages and emphasizing biblical tropes that they believe prove women’s vapidity, moral failings, and pollution. as leonard barrett writes, “rastafarian biblical doctrine does not provide comfort for woman; her knowledge of the scripture is a direct copy of man’s.” furthermore, as obiagele lake observes, “rastafarian women in jamaica have internalized their own oppression” and accepted naturalized gender-relations that involve women’s submissiveness. rasta readers often turn to the bible for proof that a woman should be subservient, just as the colonial project employed the bible to sanction the enslavement of african peoples. rastafari’s misogynist ideology, a philosophy that presents to varying degrees throughout rasta communities, allows males to take center stage and contributes to rasta sistrens’ silencing in the ritual and public spheres. the bobo shanti are especially misogynist. to become bobo is “to bow” to jah and to the moral authority of a male leader elected by jah. the most notable of these exclusively male leaders, prince emmanuel of the order of melchizedek, the same order as jesus christ, whose nickname, “dada,” is demonstrative of the paternalistic nature of bobo culture, led the bobo shanti community from through , when he “transcended” this plane. since then, most rasta communities have continued a tradition of male leadership in the ritual and communal realms. shifting gender roles repatriation and women’s participation were primary focuses of the inaugural and second rastafari studies conference and general assembly, held by the university of the west indies, kingston, jamaica. the and conferences featured panel discussions addressing woman’s role in rastafari. in those conference sessions, the generational divide was distinct. certain younger brethren and many sistren of all ages spoke in support of women’s ritual and political leadership. however, numerous authoritative, older rastamen still touted the meekness and modesty of proper womanhood, citing the bible as proof. those in the “traditional” camp also cited custom and the requirements of livity as the primary reasons women must remain excluded from ceremonial and communal leadership. empowered sistren challenged this notion, suggesting the need for dramatic change and negotiating the transformations that had already occurred in various mansions. at the second conference and general assembly, women played a more public role and less “traditional” voices contributed to discussions of women’s place in rastafari. women served as conference facilitators, moderators, clergy members, and speakers in significantly higher numbers: jamaican prime minister portia simpson-miller even delivered the keynote speech to a room filled with practitioners and academics. queen mother moses and sister mitzie williams welcomed her to the stage along with ras ivi. during her talk, several rastafari addressed her as “empress,” though one male rasta asked her why she straightened her hair. she quickly dismissed his suggestion that she cultivate natural locks with a brief laugh. women’s increased presence and leadership at the conference from to is demonstrative of gender-based shifts within rastafari. women have thus taken on increasingly visible leadership roles not only at the rastafari studies conference and general assembly; over the past ten years in particular, rasta sistren have also progressively become communal leaders. though the ritual realm is still male dominated, as are many rootical communities, rastawomen are more frequently asserting themselves as capable leaders. the twelve tribes of israel is arguably the most egalitarian mansion of rastafari, due in part to the efforts of middle class women who joined the group in the ’s at the same time the rastafari movement began to face feminist critique. queen mother moses, for instance, a member of the twelve tribes, founded empress of zion, an organization dedicated to giving sistren a voice, in . at their inaugural conference, held in washington d.c. in , sister carol explained the organization’s purpose as: emphasizing the reality of our feministic side and how important it is in terms of the whole creation of civilization and motherhood and all that comes with it ... again asking for that respect, or to rectify or remind or reeducate the society that all man came through the womb. sister makeda hannah, a longtime rasta and activist claims that “rasta woman is the other half of the creation union that is god jah. jah is both male and female, two halves united in one whole as creation and creator.” the concept that haile selassie’s wife, empress mennen, completes him as the omega to his alpha, an idea that stems from revelation : , is prevalent in rasta thought. nonetheless, the concept that jah is both male and female is highly controversial in rasta theology. sistren ila addis refers to empress mennen in a more traditional light as “the goddess of the god-head jah rastafari,” illuminating the difference in status between the “goddess of the god-head” and the “god-head” himself. nonetheless, though this perspective is more prevalent than sister hannah’s, rastawomen are increasingly rejecting a subservient role and affirming their individual power. for example, sista faybiene miranda, poet and wife of steel pulse’s cliff “moonie” pusey, writes: my name is not eve. i offer you no temptation i am not your concubine by night transformed to memory by day i am not the milk you thirst for now dry in your mother’s breast nor could you call me queen for i have no dominion over beast, earth, or man i am not a receptacle for the seed you indiscriminately cast in the wind i ask no sacrifice of lamb’s blood for the stain would be mine do not toss gold trinkets at my feet they do not shine for me i am no slave to a promise written in ink where there is no master there are no chains to be broken bondage is no glory i am woman. some sistren and brethren are thus actively pursuing congregational and liturgical change. warrior king sings of his ideal rastawoman in “virtuous woman”: “woman could never cause sin, so listen as i sing. / mother woman of the earth, them ah joy bell ring ring ring/ equality inna zion, by nature’s law, that’s where we should go.” but, the change and eventual equality warrior king envisions can only be achieved slowly. while women’s ceremonial and communal control remains limited in most mansions, the gendered dynamic of particular communities are shifting as a new generation of practitioners assumes authority. sizzla describes his perfect woman in “princess black,” meanwhile: she’s a precious, precious, precious woman/ princess black/ she always, always, always say no/ she tougher than an rut/ she don’t like to stay at home, living on dependency/ she say she have to strive out dey yah, just like a man you see/ anything that is progressive, she always inna that. he follows up his powerful declaration of support for “progressive” women with a statement that portrays women as infantile, however: “me love them as how black woman them love them little child.” like sizzla, many practitioners still accept the notion that women are childlike and in need of male guidance in order to “sight ‘fari” and grasp the value of livity. in this schema, when women claim power, either in a communal setting or in personal relationships, they are potential threats. women can deter a rastaman or a whole community from the righteous path of livity not only because they are malicious but also because they are simple. for rastafari interpreters, samson’s story counsels that women are dangerous, even to jah’s elect. they are likely morally weak and liars or manipulators. the story of adam and eve is frequently called upon to support this premise. bob marley, for instance, emphasizes eve’s faults in “adam and eve,” singing: the lord named adam and eve, / to live a happy life. / in the garden of eden, / but they disobeyed. / i wanna know, / why they sin, / in the garden of eden. / it’s a devilman’s affair, / in the shake of a surfband. / and they broke the fruit of life/ and every one of us is living in sin. / any anywhere you go, / woman is the root of all evil. furthermore, leonard howell wrote in the promised key, a rastafari tract published under his chosen name, g.g. maragh, of “eve the mother of evil.” eve and delilah are two manifestations of dangerous women who did not accept woman’s rightful subservient role. and eve is the original woman, a truth that proves women’s inherent nature, for brethren, as being evil. these misogynistic notions are also on parade in the blogosphere. rubadubstyle, for instance, opines: adam and eve’s experience is in the garden of eden where she gets him to eat the apple. this story is used as an example of what is in store for men when they allow the woman to take charge. samson and delilah’s story is another example of why women should not be trusted. delilah marries samson, gets him to tell her the secret of his strength, then she uses the secret against him. furthermore, seshatasefekht writes in a similar vein that “the samson and delilah sindrome is just to obvious. delilah never severed her ties with the enemies of samson. she only severed the locks from his head.” because of their sinful and deceitful nature, rastas believe women remain aligned with and embroiled in babylon system, despite occasional dedication from those chosen as fitting partners by jah’s elect nazirite warriors. only women who defer to a rastaman and embrace the expected role of wife and mother transcend their inherent baseness, though not completely. even as he sings of the value of pursuing equality in “virtuous woman,” in the very same track, warrior king praises women who embrace a supportive and subsidiary role, chanting: now a real man cant live without a woman/ like night and day, is a woman to her man. / she’s essential to his purpose and his mission/ a good woman is a glory to her man/ she never take the power, she just make him a better man. in popular rasta opinion, a righteous woman must accept an israelite-inspired model of proper femininity as defined by the system of livity. women who do not fulfill this model align with babylon. this schema problematically asks women to either be a submissive wife who fulfills her african-israelite role or a manipulative whore. william david spencer reads racial commentary into delilah’s domination of samson. he argues “that the samson story is used to indicate blacks (male) emasculated by white (female) culture is clear enough” unfortunately spencer does not expand on his comparison of whiteness to the female and blackness to the male, though he fittingly recognizes that for rastafari the greatest threat in samson’s tale is that of emasculation at the hands of women. such emasculating women, like those who engaged in carnal contact with samson (with the exception of the harlot in gaza), are perhaps babylon’s most effective weapons. in the kebra nagast, for instance, delilah is with child when samson dies. she named their son “menahem,” or “seed of the strong man.” after he killed his cousin, the king of the philistines, his aunt maksaba tells delilah “this youth has sprung from a bad root which cannot bear good fruit.” menahem then took his cousin’s throne. while the text seemingly infers that samson is that “bad root,” it is delilah who cursed menahem with immorality, a trait that manifests in his murder of his own cousin and his rule over babylon. the kebra nagast recounts that he served as king of the philistines for fifteen years. in rasta interpretations, delilah and other deceitful, dangerous women are believed to be the embodiment of babylon and thus can birth babylonians like menahem. correspondingly, babylon frequently takes the female form of a whore in poetry, song, and literature, a form derived from revelation . kunnguh pihdowh depicts babylon as the “mother of harlots” in his track by that name, for instance, as he sings: all through the years you case ihi yahnh ihi to trod/ through blood, sweat and tears/ babylon you hang us in your prisons/ you slave us on the streets/ ihi yahnh ihi had to walk barefoot. / now look, your face is like a ripe apple/ your mind is like a sore/ mother of harlots you dress so pretty and yet you are just a whore. the feminization of a total system of evil and alienation in and of itself prohibits rastawomen from positions of authority or respect. when male rastafari are modern-day samsons, women who threaten their spiritual progression as i-n-i are delilahs. according to facebook user house of david, for example: women is delilah, and the first delilah that i know, was my mother, cause she was the first women to cut my hair. the queen of england are the same as delilah, that you read about in the bible. and samson was the head rasta man, in africa. samson kingdom was overthrow by delilah, aka queen of england. samson was the strongest man, and the strongest man was rasta man, but because delilah know that samson hair was his strength, and if she cut his dreadlocks, his kingdom will fall, and when delilah cut samson hair, the black kingdom fall, and babylon carry us into slavery. few women are like samson’s unnamed mother, who sacrificed herself to jah to ensure samson’s chosenness. even those that seem innocuous can pose a risk. ras brenton recounts to charles price an experience with his friend’s mother, who he “love(d)”: the woman pressure me to comb out the locks . . . me have to stop her part of the way you know, and see how me a give this woman her heart’s desire. . . . when she done comb it out rasta, the whole of my scalp in a fire. so, me take an oath and say, me would never make a woman do that again because she come like delilah upon me. delilah’s untrustworthiness, as representative of the unreliable nature of most women, is a constant theme in reggae music. tyrone taylor’s track “delilah” hit the airwaves in jamaica in , for instance. in the track, taylor croons, “ delilah is her name/ no no girl, no more of your lying/ my girl is driving me mad/ because i love her.” decades later in , wyclef jean and barrington levy’s “delilah” gained praise from critics. jean cautions, “never trust a girl named delilah/ she made me cut my dreadlocks.” jean warns listeners that she will “do whatever it takes to get you in the bed, then cut off your dreads and leave you a bald head.” here, delilah uses her sexuality and powers of persuasion to lead to the heroic nazirite’s downfall. in may of , dancehall artist mavado performed at rebel salute , at port kaiser sports club in saint elizabeth, jamaica, under his birth name, david brooks, a choice he made to indicate the “spiritual” nature of the concert. that evening, he premiered his new track, “delilah,” in which he admits his passion for a dangerous and deceitful woman: “love you to my heart, love you to my soul (delilah)/ i thought you were for real but you playin’ a role (delilah)/ lying to me, dat is all yuh do.” the song continues: “she seh man a wicked but woman a delilah (oh oh oh)/ she seh you nuh trust mi but mi nuh trust you neither.” mavado’s “caribbean girls” shares a similar message about females: “jamaican gal take all a mi money/ yet still leave me lonely.” mavado is another example of a rastaman in search of love who is taken advantage of by a serpentine woman. conclusion in songs like “is this love” and “waiting in vain,” marley pines for women, while cautioning in “adam and eve” that “woman is the root of all evil.” rastafari reggae artists like marley employ eve and delilah as tropes that exemplify this truth; women are manipulative liars and threats to holy men. the centralization of reggae artists and rasta thinkers on delilah’s betrayal of samson speaks both to the patriarchal nature of the movement and to the biblical orientation of gender roles. rastas read of treacherous females in the hebrew bible and the kebra nagast; eve led to human beings’ expulsion from the garden of eden, miriam questioned moses’ marriage to his cushite wife in numbers , and delilah attempted to conquer jah’s elect nazirite. the consequent assignment of moral vapidity to women and the projection of impurity onto menstruation contribute to the current patriarchal culture of rastafari as a whole. because of this general conception of women as a threat to a rastaman’s livity on account of women’s biological functions and because of the treachery of particular biblical women, including delilah, rastawomen contend with a societal assumption of their impurity. it is as helpmate, mother, and monthly communal sacrifice that women fulfill their requirements of livity. livity is thus gendered; the system ensures females fulfill a particular submissive and often set apart role and thus protects males from female corruption. when rasta reggae artists sing of samson, they sing of his dreadlocks, devotion, and strength against babylon or they portray him as betrayed by delilah. samson is a role model for rastafari in much reggae music, while delilah is the antithesis of that. she deceived samson in order to get eleven hundred pieces of silver promised to her from each philistine lord. but samson was determined to conquer the philistines, in spite of his anguish after being shorn, blinded, and imprisoned. samson’s perseverance matched delilah’s superficiality, in spite of the hardships he encountered as a philistine prisoner. conquering babylon system is not an easy task. as jah’s elect warrior-nazirites, rastafari must be ready for an arduous journey on the long road to freedom. the ownership of biblical text, biblical tropes, characters, and themes, and the ability to express that ownership through song, enable that difficult journey, even while women, as delilah incarnate, try to reroute it. jean and levy share samson’s struggle in “delilah”: and if the enemy was to take my eyesight and my vision was gone/ as long as i had voice, i would sing one last song/ pick up the guitar and strum one last time/ tell the children the tale of the dread that fell under delilah’s spell. levy follows up this verse with the exclamation, “ancestor!” the struggle against babylon, especially in its most treacherous form, the feminine, is not a new one, but rastas, as biblical actors and as warriors against babylon, must trod on. music is the venue through which rastafari can do the work of the divinely elect liberator. brethren can overthrow babylon and claim the power of ancestors (including samson) through song when their music is divinely inspired. though jean and levy’s samson is injured and broken, he sings to conquer babylon. for rasta readers, samson’s tale teaches that dangerous women should be avoided, despite that his engagement with women in fact ultimately led to victories over babylon. though dangerous women threaten samson’s spiritual progression in his biblical narrative, he achieves his purpose as a warrior and nazirite. the risk of contamination, domination, and confusion from engagements with them is great. yet, disloyalties of foreign and sexual and thus dangerous women incur samson’s wrath against the philistines, helping to achieve jah’s purpose for him. nonetheless, because samson falters in delilah’s hands, rastas should avoid dangerous women. samson’s relationship with delilah cautions rastamen about the dangers of trusting women who are assigned an inherent morally vapid character, a reading strategy that emphasizes male spirituality and reinforces the misogynistic gender dynamics of rastafari. malahkee jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson: a rasta story (xlibris: bloomington, ), . e. a. wallis budge, kebra nagast: the queen of sheba and her only son menyelek (loschberg: jazzybee verlag, ), . jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . ibid., - . ibid., ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . ibid., . gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . “dreadlocks,” james madison university, accessed february , , http://educ.jmu.edu/~klemmjd/rastafari/dreadlocks.htm jeanba, rastafari nazarite worrior samson, . whiles delilah’s ethnicity is not clear in the biblical text, since sorek was located on the border of philistine and israelite territory, rastas read her as non-rasta and thus non- israelite. hausman, the kebra nagast, . pato banton, “settle satan,” never give in, greensleeves records ( ). the jolly brothers, “conscious man,” conscious man, roots records ( ). ila addis, october , , “scripture on what defiles a man?,” rastawifeline, http://rastawifeline.blogspot.com/ _ _ _archive.html. steel pulse, “leggo beast,” true democracy, elecktra records ( ). ephesians : - , cited by ark i, april , ( : p.m.), comment on ras i- tom , “man and woman,” jah-rastafari.com, april , , http://jah- rastafari.com/forum/message-view.asp?message_group= &start_row= . seon m. lewis, from mythology to reality: moving beyond rastafari (raleigh: lulu enterprises, inc., ), . horace campbell, rasta and resistance: from marcus garvey to walter rodney (trenton: africa world press, ), . obiagele lake, rastafari women: subordination in the midst of liberation theology (durham: carolina academic press, ), . gregory isaacs, “not the way,” night nurse, island records ( ). darren j. n. middleton, rastafari and the arts: an introduction (new york: routledge, ), . maureen rowe, “the woman in rastafari,” in rastafari in the new millennium: a rastafari reader, ed. michael barnett (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . barrett, the rastafarians, . lake, rastafari women, . barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . bobo dreads view prince emmanuel as an incarnation of jesus. as jesus, dada fulfilled a bobo conception of the trinity wherein marcus garvey was prophet, prince emmanuel priest, and haile selassie jah incarnate. chevannes, rastafari, . barry chevannes, “rastafari” in encyclopedia of caribbean religions volume a-l, ed. patrick taylor and frederick i. case (urbana: university of illinois press, ), . basil walters, “empress of zion giving voice to rastafarian women launches an anthology of the sisters in the faith,” jamaica observer, april , . lisa-anne julien, “great black warrior queens: an examination of the gender currents within rastafari thought and the adoption of a feminist agenda in the rasta women’s movement,” agenda: empowering women for gender equity ( ): accessed december , , doi: . / . . . “i am alpha and omega, the beginning and the ending, saith the lord, which is, and which was, and which is to come, the almighty.” ila addis, “queen omega livity principles of the rasta empress,” rastawifeline, accessed november , . sista faybiene miranda, “i am that i am,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. warrior king, “virtuous woman,” virtuous woman, vp records ( ). sizzla, “princess black,” ( ). bob marley, “adam and eve,” the essential bob marley and the wailers, sanctuary records ( ). g.g. maragh, the promised key, reproduced in william david spencer, “the first chant: leonard howell’s the promised key,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . rubadubstyle, february , , “rasta lionesses,” knowledge overthrow them! the real thing about rasta culture and conscious reggae and dancehall,” http://knowearth.blogspot.com/ / /rasta-lionesses.html. seshatasefekht, august , ( : p.m.), “removed the locks from his head, delilah,” comment on rasi, august , , “ras marcus- is bob marley racist?,” rastafari speaks, http://www.rastafarispeaks.com/cgi- bin/forum/archive /config.pl?md=read;id= . maureen rowe, “the woman in rastafari,” in caribbean quarterly monograph: rastafari, ed. rex nettleford (kingston: caribbean quarterly, university of the west indies, ), . warrior king, “virtuous woman,” virtuous woman, vp records ( ). spencer, “the first chant: leonard howell’s promised key,” . hausman, the kebra nagast, . ibid., . kunnguh pihdowh, “mother of harlots,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. house of david’s facebook page, accessed march , , https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid= &id= . charles price, becoming rasta; origins of rastafari identity in jamaica (new york: new york university press, ), . tyrone taylor, “delilah,” blue cat skin reggae ( ). wyclef jean and barrington levy, “delilah,” if i were president: my haitian experience, columbia records ( ). wyclef is not a rasta, nor is he jamaican. however, he performs the reggae song “delilah” with barrington levy, a well-known practitioner. david brooks, “delilah,” mansion records ( ). mavado, “caribbean girls,” overtime riddim (anthology), ja productions ( ). bob marley, “adam and eve,” the essential bob marley and the wailers, sanctuary records ( ). jean and levy, “delilah.” chapter : moses, the word, and the promise of zion he carries a prophetical message (that’s because he’s a rastaman) borning out of time and out of age (that’s because he’s a rastaman) the rasta come from zion, rastaman a lion! dread dread (the rastaman) the rasta come from zion, rastaman a lion! him irie (the rastaman). -bunny wailer, “rastaman,” ( ) because the israelites’ exodus from egypt resonates for many rasta readers with personal experiences of domination and hopes for emancipation, vernacular readings of moses often center on his liberation of the israelites and leadership of the chosen people to zion. moses offers such readers hope and the promise of freedom. for rastafari who are familiar with moses’ biblical narrative and for those who employ his culturally defined character without a profound knowledge of biblical text alike, moses provides the possibility of redemption; the bondage of the israelites in egypt and their journey toward zion is for them a personal and endured experience. rasta practitioners read in the hebrew bible of their own domination by pharaoh and in the story of the exodus they recognize their own quest from enslavement toward deliverance in zion. moses enables that journey. in addition to praising moses because he delivers the israelites out of the hands of the oppressors, rastas hone in on moses’ ability to speak with jah and on jah’s behalf as jah’s greatest prophet. moses speaks for and with jah because, rasta interpreters reason, he exemplifies livity as a righteous man who rejects babylon system. rastafari with a thorough familiarity with biblical text and those who know moses’ extrabiblical character celebrate him as savior and prototypical rastaman because of his rebellion against babylon in the guise of the egyptians, his direct communication with jah, and his liberation of the israelites from slavery. as rastaman and exemplar of livity, moses inspires practitioners to seek justice and proves rastafari to be righteous. furthermore, because moses lives according to the righteous path of livity, he enjoys a uniquely intimate relationship with jah. perhaps most importantly, when moses is a rastaman, zion becomes a possibility within reach for african diasporic people and others who suffer from cultural domination. rastafari adopt his name and wear israelite-inspired garments in their embrace of moses. his election proves their own. as moseses, rasta practitioners become agents of freedom from babylon. and as incarnations of moses, rastas are jah’s conversation partners and ordained liberators for whom zion lies almost within grasp. this chapter investigates the value rastas assign to moses’ livity, his words, experiences of jah, and redemption of the israelites despite his shortcomings as detailed in his biblical narrative. by deeming moses a rasta who lives a life of livity, by emphasizing moses’ election as jah’s mouthpiece and conversation partner, and by celebrating his guidance of the israelites toward zion, rasta readers empower the rasta body, define it as divine, and reinforce the promise of repatriation to ethiopia as zion. moses as survivor moses’s biblical narrative details his lengthy and impressive life and implies that he died at one hundred and twenty years of age, though rasta readers believe that he lives on for he is a true rastaman. peter tosh asks, for instance: do you remember moses? / him no dead, him no dead, / i say him no dead. / the man ‘dep on earth still. / the man a trod earth still. / the man ‘dep on earth still. / watch it now, / the wicked them a gwan. in egypt, before his birth, “the children of israel were fruitful, and increased abundantly, and multiplied, and waxed exceedingly mighty; and the land was filled with them” (exodus : ). when a new pharaoh took power over egypt, he determined that the israelites were a threat: and he said unto his people, behold, the people of the children of israel are more and mightier than we: come on, let us deal wisely with them; lest they multiply, and it come to pass, that, when there falleth out any war, they join also unto our enemies, and fight against us, and so get them up out of the land (exodus : - ). moses was born at a time when the descendants of jacob had been forced in to slavery at the hand of this new pharaoh who “set over them taskmasters to afflict them with their burdens. and they built for pharaoh treasure cities, pithom and raamses” (exodus : ). reggae artist anthony b. equates this scenario with his experience living in jamaica, conflating in song a contemporary and historical pharaoh’s interest in keeping rastafari israelites “downpressed”: “working for the pharaoh doing overtime for his pleasure/ want the ras to be a victim/ want the ras to face the boys of the system.” in anthony b’s track, the correctional system of jamaica is associated with the enslavement that is an essential part of pharaoh’s rule in exodus . exodus : continues: “but the more they afflicted them, the more they multiplied and grew. and they were grieved because of the children of israel.” hence, when his attempts to subdue the israelites did not have the desired effect, pharaoh issued an edict to kill every male child born to an israelite (exodus : ). exodus : - further informs readers that during this precarious time: there went a man of the house of levi, and took to wife a daughter of levi. and the woman conceived, and bare a son: and when she saw him that he was a goodly child, she hid him three months. after raising her son for three months, his mother made the difficult and insubordinate choice to place her baby in a basket and to set that basket into the nile near where the egyptian princess bathed. because both moses’ mother and the egyptian midwives shiphrah and puah, who ignored pharaoh’s decree for fear of jah’s retribution, rebelled against pharaoh, moses was able to become the emancipator he was destined to be. the rebelliousness that surrounds moses from birth is meaningful for rasta readers, for whom moses is the ultimate revolutionary. in judy mowatt’s “black woman,” the rasta sister describes a historic tradition of biblical women disobeying orders and pursuing a righteous path, one that allows the rastaman to prosper. she commemorates the actions of moses’ mother: when you’re fighting stand up for the right thing/ and not that which is wrong/ i heard rachel mourning for her children/ when herod and pharaoh took their little heads/ but just like mary and joseph/ mother of moses too/ overcame its evil devices/ i dedicate my song for you. this celebration of biblical women differs drastically from a more prevalent rasta theorization of biblical women, including eve, miriam, and delilah, as representatives of womanhood’s baseness. pharaoh’s daughter too disobeyed her father when she accepted the baby she found on the bank of the nile as her son. the daughter of the pharaoh named her adopted son “moses,” whom she ostensibly knew was an israelite, “because i drew him out of the water” (exodus : ). according to theologians and linguistic scholars, including gerard gertoux and george rawlinson, “moses” derives from the egyptian “mes,” which translates as “child” or “son.” rasta readers concur that when the pharaoh’s daughter bestowed her new son with the name “moses,” she drew upon “mes.” and, ras ekowa states, “m is the prefix for son in many african cultures. the great and mighty meru of kenya use a prefixed m to represent ‘son’ or ‘son of’, just as the egyptians used m or ms or mose.” and abba yahudah berhan sellasie notes that moses’ name references his adoption as an egyptian: moses is not a hebrew name; it is egyptian for son of. moses was actually named for one of the egyptian gods, and after he converted to belief in the god of israel, the god of his forefathers, he slashed off the prefix and became just moses. the strategic dissidence of the women in moses’ narrative does not end there. in exodus : , moses’ sister, unnamed in the bible at this juncture, asked the daughter of the pharaoh, “shall i go and call to thee a nurse of the hebrew women, that she may nurse the child for thee?” the pharaoh’s daughter responded, “go. and the maid went and called the child’s mother” (exodus : ). thus, moses’ own mother was given the opportunity to wean her child. because of the defiant behavior of five women, moses’ mother, sister, adoptive mother, and two midwives, moses survived death. indeed, moses thrived on account of these women’s actions. after moses’ birth mother returned her weaned child to pharaoh’s daughter in exodus : , “pharaoh’s daughter took him up, and nourished him for her own son. and moses was learned in all the wisdom of the egyptians, and was mighty in words and in deeds” (acts : - ). for rasta readers, that pharaoh did not ask about moses’ origin does not raise questions surrounding the verity of his narrative, which brethren and sistren understand to be true. just as rastafari subsist within babylon, moses similarly passed part of his life in his royal egyptian home. moses grew from boyhood in the heart of the egyptian kingdom, amongst egyptian royals. rasta readers believe that though he was raised in the heart of babylon, represented by the egyptians during his lifetime, he was not of babylon. because his adoptive mother most likely recognized him as a hebrew, in exodus : , because his very name references the scenario surrounding his adoption, and because his birth mother influenced his early years since she raised him until he was weaned, moses might well have been aware of his israelite nationality from an early age. however, his biblical narrative does not assert that he had this knowledge. yet, when moses saw an egyptian “smiting an hebrew,” in exodus : , he identified the victim as his “brethren.” whether his mothers informed him of his origin or the truth lay in his heart, moses recognized his allegiance with israelites even from his comfortable position of power as an egyptian royal. moses survived certain death as an infant, thrived in pharaoh’s society, understood by rastafari to be the seat of babylon during his lifetime, and survived another significant obstacle by not being swayed by the comforts of his royal life and by babylon’s charms. moses as rastaman according to rasta readers, moses was a black man. brethren and sistren aim to prove this claim by both analyzing his biblical narrative and/or by looking towards cultural conceptions of him. sellasie, for example, suggests that he was dark like an egyptian: “the scriptural book of exodus declares that some hebrews in egypt did not know that moses, who was brought up in the house of pharaoh, was a hebrew. they thought that he was an egyptian.” in his reasoning, sellasie makes the assumption that israelites and egyptians would have different skin pigmentation. he continues, “they assumed moses an egyptian based upon his skin color.” this reading makes the assumption that israelites had light skin, and thus it would be considered faulty by many rasta interpreters. rastas inherently know moses was black; that moses married an ethiopian is taken as irrefutable evidence of his race (numbers ). his sister’s curse of whiteness similarly points to his blackness. because miriam questioned moses, in numbers : , jah afflicted her with a skin disease that rasta readers recognize as a curse of whiteness. rastaman p. napti describes the importance of the passage: being inspired and enlightened, our forefathers read on and came upon a story of moses and his marriage to an ethiopian woman, (see num.ch ). aaron and miriam, (moses’ brother and sister) were upset and spoke against moses’ marriage because his wife was an ethiopian. jahovah punished and afflicted miriam with leprosy for criticizing moses. numbers : states: “miriam became leprous, white as snow.” as nathaniel samuel murrell and lewin williams note, “in rasta’s view, not only does the punishment for that criticism fit the crime, but it also shows that god is on the side of black people.” miriam was stricken with whiteness, and thus rasta readers ascribe to her original blackness, thereby reversing the racial schema of readers who assume that she rejected moses’ ethiopian wife on behalf of the darkness of her skin. since miriam was moses’ sister, rasta readers imagine that he had the same original skin color, a rationalization that ignores that family members often demonstrate differences in skin pigmentation. intriguingly, rastafari are not disturbed by the seemingly most problematic element of this vignette from the perspective of livity: that miriam critiqued him for marrying an ethiopian, an aspect of this tale that practitioners for whom ethiopia and israel are fused as zionic spaces could rationalize as redaction. a article by an unnamed minister from ohio, who himself was not a rasta, engages another text that proves that moses was indeed black: moses, according to the coptic or ethiopian bible, was the illegitimate son of one of the princes of egypt, the cause for the pharaoh to issue an edict placing all hebrew children in the water. he was a brown man and put his hand in his bosom and it became white or leprous (read exodus : ). and you can prove from the context he was brown. this approach to moses’ biblical narrative resonates with a rasta hermeneutic. for rasta readers, moses’ biblical narrative proves on numerous occasions moses’ blackness, which ensures his eligibility as an original rastaman while his election by jah and his rebellion against oppressors cement his role as a prototypical brethren. bunny wailer confirms his identity in his powerful track “rastaman”: remember… moses in the pit of mud (he was a rastaman)/ trodding from buzrak, with his garments dipped in blood/ (he was a rastaman)/ oh what a dread, dread, dreadlock one/ the rastaman come from zion/ what a strange, what a dread, what a righteous man. though the redacted bible denies his dreadlocked identity, rastafari believe that moses is a righteous rastaman who ushered the chosen people towards the realization of repatriation. however, babylonian redactors conceal his identity to damage a rasta claim to zion and adoption of a chosen status. musicians, including frankie jones, instruct practitioners to remember their true identity, as well as the identity of biblical actors including samson and moses who are exemplars of livity despite what the bible says in its redacted form. “remember when moses went up on the hill/ and then he come forward was dreadlocks man. now you want to tell, i and i see, / that moses wasn’t a dreadlocks man. / moses a dreadlock,” sings jones. because rastas read moses to be a rastaman, all rastas are elect leaders who can communicate directly with jah and who have a great responsibility to lead rastafari, as the chosen people, to zion. both brethren and sistren embrace him as exemplary and claim his attributes. rastafari assumptions of moses’ name and characteristics are not unique to the rasta movement, though, and in fact are one manifestation of a longstanding african diasporic tradition of the claiming of and embodiment of moses. this tradition has firm roots in jamaica, where moses and his brother aaron symbolically played significant roles in revivalism and appeared as elements of the warner tradition. sister dixon, a bedwardite who kept a written account of her life, recalled that in , on the day that a monumental earthquake struck jamaica, an “obeahman,” whom barry chevannes describes as a prophet in the warner tradition, walked through august town chanting “aaron and moses, mi lord/ aaron and moses/ aaron and moses, mi lord/ aaron and moses/ fire da bun generation.” this “obeahman” channeled the power of these biblical actors, just as alexander bedward, the revivalist preacher, did. bedwardites believed marcus garvey was a contemporary incarnation of moses the prophet and that bedward was himself aaron the priest. both men spoke for jah and pursued freedom in the promised land, and so they were believed by bedwardites to be modern-day incarnations of the biblical duo. similarly, reverend claudius henry, who founded the african reformed church in kingston in the late ’s, referred to himself as the “moses of the blacks” and promised to lead displaced africans to the promised land. moreover, members of the twelve tribes of israel envision prophet gad, born vernon carrington, to be moses, even after his death. they further believe that he was responsible for finding the dispersed twelve tribes of israel and that he acted as a mediator between jah and humanity. moses was also of extreme importance for marcus mosiah garvey, who channeled him and became, in his own eyes and in those of garveyites, an incarnation of the biblical actor who adopted the biblical moses’ purpose and divinely inspired perspective. bedwardites joined: thousands of black men in america and africa (who) believed . . . that garvey, as the “moses” of their race, had the magic rod of the prophet of israel and that, therefore, there would be no difficulties for him to establish an african utopia. rastafari, which in part developed out of the garveyite movement and drew significantly in its inception from revivalism, adopted this assessment of marcus garvey as moses’ contemporary embodiment. chevannes asserts that rastas did not assume garvey to be a moses, instead arguing that they understood him to be a john the baptist. however, that some rastas might also envision garvey as a john the baptist resonates with the theory that each biblical actor exists as a manifestation of the ultimate incarnation of jah, haile selassie. as leonard barrett explains, “to the hebrews, god revealed himself in the person of moses, who was the first avatar or savior, speaking god’s word because he was actually god revealed in the shape and form as man.” john the baptist here is another “avatar” of jah. moses offered and continues to offer african diasporic people fighting for freedom in and outside of jamaica the authority of the great liberator of the hebrew bible. he was a frequent element of negro spirituals, the inspired music of another downpressed african people. for example, the popular spiritual “go down moses” includes the lyrics “go down moses/ way down in egypt land/ tell ole pharaoh/ to let my people go.” furthermore, moses continued to play an instrumental role for civil rights activists of the ’s who embraced his ability to free enslaved people from their bondage. martin luther king employed the story of moses and the exodus in an attempt to engage and rally his audiences. in his famous speech from april , , delivered in memphis, tennessee at the masonic temple, king channeled moses’ identity as he spoke: i just want to do god’s will. and he’s allowed me to go up to the mountain. and i’ve looked over. and i’ve seen the promised land. i may not get there with you. but i want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the promised land! elijah muhammad, leader of the nation of islam from until his death in , also referred to himself as moses and spoke of louis farrakhan as aaron because he envisioned himself as liberating african american people with farrakhan’s assistance. but it was not just significant leaders of the african diasporic struggle for liberation that adopted moses’ name and identity. a journalist writing under the pseudonym “rambler” published an article in the sierra leone weekly news on may , , noting that in africa “infants were named after the black moses, and learned to lisp his name on their mothers’ knees.” the practice of adopting his name and his identity continues today in jamaica and elsewhere where rastafari honor jah and seek freedom from babylon. for instance, afro moses, an award winning reggae artist from ghana, accepts the responsibility that accompanies adopting moses’ name and personhood. queen mother moses too, a member of the twelve tribes of israel and the founder of empress of zion, a rasta women’s organization based in kingston, derives strength from her name, a name that expresses her capability as a modern day incarnation of jah’s great prophet. she took moses’ name after visiting ethiopia, where her faith in haile selassie’s divinity grew exponentially. upon her return to jamaica, her husband at the time, reggae artist stafford “fred locks” elliot, experienced a vision in which he recognized that the initials of her given name, marcia olive stewart, with the addition of the two names she received as a member of the twelve tribes of israel, elliott simeon, spelled out moses. she then took her determined moniker. the acceptance of such a powerful name inspired her to work for the greater good of all african people. all rastafari are capable of channeling the power of moses, whether through the assumption of his name or through other means. rastas reason that once people understand their true identity as jah’s elect, just as queen mother moses did, that they will recognize themselves as biblical people according to the principles of livity. frankie jones calls attention to people’s ignorance of their own worth, stating: look how long you’ve been around, / and you don’t know yourself/ all those great prophet, priest and king, / in those times were dreadlocks man. / solomon a dreadlock, / moses a dreadlock. / david a dreadlock, aaron a natty dread.” as jones suggests, practitioners believe that all rastas are biblical heroes and all biblical heroes are rastas, even those who are imperfect, transgressive individuals who sometimes breach the dictates of livity. moses as violent rebel in addition to identifying moses as a rasta, practitioners declare moses to be a divinely elect revolutionary who leads the way toward the promised land. from birth, rebellion shaped moses’ existence, making him a born dread. thanks to his mothers and sister, he evaded a death warrant issued for all israelite male babies (exodus : ). and, though he was raised by the daughter of the pharaoh in the heart of egypt and the manifestation of babylon that it was, moses rejected egyptian dominance and opposed their mistreatment of israelites. from early in his life, moses recognized the struggle of his people who suffered under the reign of his adoptive culture. his actions in exodus : - prove his empathetic and rebellious spirit: and it came to pass in those days, when moses was grown, that he went out unto his brethren, and looked on their burdens: and he spied an egyptian smiting an hebrew, one of his brethren. and he looked this way and that way, and when he saw that there was no man, he slew the egyptian, and hid him in the sand. acts : - reiterates this scene: and when he was full forty years old, it came into his heart to visit his brethren the children of israel. and seeing one of them suffer wrong, he defended him, and avenged him that was oppressed, and smote the egyptian. because rastafari, as lifelong nazirites, are forbidden to touch corpses, moses’ act of violence and his contact with a dead body raise questions about his rasta status and observance of livity. however, since moses’ violence is perpetrated against babylon system and since moses is elect as jah’s mouthpiece and vehicle, rasta readers rationalize his actions as necessary violence against babylon. in the blogosphere, we read from a rasta named ten, for example: in exodus moses does kill an egyptian but that is in retaliation to how the egyptian had treated one of his brethren. . . . but moses did immediately realize his actions were wrong so i wouldn’t say he was a murderer, but he did commit the act. the bible does not call him as such neither does it condemn him. the law of the land does say it is wrong but god still placed his trust in moses. he gave moses the ability to lead the jews and performed holy miracles because god saw moses as his prophet and leader of the chosen people. i feeling is that calling moses a murderer is a moral judgment, one that can be made by they themselves who have no sin and can be called upon by the most high to perform his works. ark i responds to ten’s comment, arguing that: purposely killing somebody is considered murder, so with that definition, then moses did murder. there are several people in the bible that killed others. for example, king david killed a man because he wanted the man’s wife. sometimes people killed in defense and other times with malice and other times for various other reasons. ark i then admits that even biblical actors elect by jah are flawed, noting: “anybody who reads the bible can see that nobody walked perfectly except christ. it was never meant to be a book only about perfect people.” ten acknowledges in response that even moses, much like samson, is a transgressive character and yet still elect by jah. as ten reasons, though rastafari are forbidden from contact with dead bodies, moses’ act was a response to injustice. this act thus proves him to be a revolutionary “soul rebel” for some rasta readers. according to pauline vetuna, an australian writer of tolai (indigenous papua new guinean) descent who draws on rastafari and the concept of the “soul rebel” in her own spiritual quest, a “soul rebel” is “someone who sees the right thing to do is hard, but does it anyway…. it’s someone who refuses to dismiss or ignore the suffering of others.” in bob marley’s song by that name, he claims the identity of a “soul rebel,” singing, “i’m a rebel, soul rebel/ i’m a capturer, soul adventurer.” and in slaying the egyptian on account of his mistreatment of human beings, let alone jah’s elect israelites, moses confirmed his soul rebel rastaman status. moses’ singular act of defiance in exodus : portends that he will be charged with bringing the israelites out from egypt and points to his eventual defeat of pharaoh. that moses defeats pharaoh with jah’s assistance ensures for rasta readers that they too will vanquish babylon system by the grace of jah. reggae artist tony rebel puts forth a warning to contemporary pharaohs: this is a warning to all pharaoh/ all false leader, all the downpressor/ them have the whole world under severe pressure/ and them don’t love people, them only love more power/ but your days are numbered, massa god nah sleep/ and if you follow we through the red sea/ then you must get defeat. though moses’ behavior in exodus : foreshadows the damage that he, as a mouthpiece and bodily vessel for jah, would cause to pharaoh and the egyptian people the immediate results of his actions do not significantly effect the status of the israelites. they continue to endure hardship. bunny wailer compares that suffering to that which is endured by afro-caribbean people and others beset upon by contemporary manifestations of babylon in “moses children”: it’s just work, work, work and get no pay. slave driver! / sledgehammer in my hand and the pain in my chest. slave driver! / dry bone crying in the wilderness. slave driver! / only muscle and blood can stand the test. slave driver! / for moses children! / i know, was in the shadows of death, the shadows a death. wailer is hopeful, though, as he continues, “but moses children! / they rose from strength to strength.” when pharaoh learned of his act of vengeance against the egyptian slaver, “he sought to slay moses” (exodus : ). in order to escape punishment for his behavior in : , moses fled to midian, where he married one of the seven daughters of jethro, or reuel, the priest of midian. he settled in midian and tended to his father-in-law’s flock. this period in moses’ life is of the upmost importance for rasta interpreters. according to an unnamed author writing for rastafari tv: the bible tells us that after moses fled from egypt, he fled into midian, a kingdom of ethiopia. there he sought the family of jethro, the ethiopian priest of midian, in whose sight, after a short residence, he found favor, and married his daughter zipporah. zipporah, was a shepherdess and priestess, as all priests were shepherds. you know the rest of the story of moses. his children are thus ethiopians. god bless our country. abba yehuyda reads this passage as proof that moses “married an ethiopian princess, one whose father, jethro, was a midianite priest-king.” for rasta readers like yehuda, his union with jethro’s daughter proves that he married an ethiopian and married into a priestly family, thereby ensuring that his children would also be priestly. some biblical scholars, including karen strand winslow, question whether zipporah is the same wife as that ethiopian wife miriam and aaron criticize moses for marrying in numbers . this debate is insignificant for rasta readers, however, since both episodes prove moses’ priestly lineage and african linkages. though moses became a shepherd in midian, he was destined to free the israelites from bondage. his slaughter of the egyptian slave master portended his future actions against evil israelites, egypt and other foreign nations, each a manifestation of babylon. moses did not personally execute human beings in the following episodes, yet he was undoubtedly partially responsible for deaths of members of neighboring tribes and unruly israelites. however, because his actions against human beings stemmed directly from jah’s instructions, rasta readers can rationalize these acts of violence as being divinely destined and necessary for the wellbeing of obedient israelite people. rasta readers understand that as jah’s servant and medium, moses played an instrumental role in the “the wars of the lord” (numbers : ). moses instructed the israelites of jah’s plan to destroy seven foreign nations in deuteronomy : - : when the lord thy god shall bring thee into the land whither thou goest to possess it, and hath cast out many nations before thee, the hittites, and the girgashites, and the amorites, and the canaanites, and the perizzites, and the hivites, and the jebusites, seven nations greater and mightier than thou; and when the lord thy god shall deliver them before thee; thou shalt smite them, and utterly destroy them; thou shalt make no covenant with them, nor shew mercy unto them. exodus describes moses’ role in the israelite’s war with the amalekite people in particular. though moses did not physically come into contact with dead bodies or engage in physical combat, he played a noteworthy role in the skirmish. according to exodus : - : moses said unto joshua, choose us out men, and go out, fight with amalek: to morrow i will stand on the top of the hill with the rod of god in mine hand. so joshua did as moses had said to him, and fought with amalek . . . and it came to pass, when moses held up his hand, that israel prevailed. israel fought and prevailed against the amorites, in numbers : , under moses’ leadership. in numbers : - , jah instructed moses to slay the midianites in an act of tribal warfare, but to spare the unsullied “women children.” moses commanded the israelites to do as jah asked. moses also led an attack on the kingdom of og, in bashan, in deuteronomy : - , at jah’s behest. because these hostilities were “the wars of the lord,” rasta readers recognize them as necessary actions against babylon system. in “send another moses,” for example, lopez walker highlights the strength necessary to defeat babylon, a strength owned by moses and inspired by jah: seventy thousand heathens coming down/ we’ll throw them on the ground/ oh lord, give i the power to stand up and fight, yeah-eh/ fight for i right, yeah-eh/ with all i might, yeah-eh/ send another moses (to free his children). in terms of livity, more difficult to rationalize for rasta readers, for whom moses is an untainted rastaman, is that moses was also responsible for killing israelites who had sinned in the eyes of jah. in exodus , moses instructed the levites to kill three thousand idolaters who worshipped the golden calf that aaron had fashioned for them, while moses sat atop mount sinai. ras zion mountain critiques jah’s violent tendencies as executed by moses: obviously this god isn’t god of ithiopia, this god of israel isnt god haile selassie i. ini can see the example set by haile selassie i. how him forgive the italians after all the atrocities against ini. how him never want anymore bloodshed than the god of israel. zion mountain continues: “by the way, the israel are also slave masters, look how they invade a nation and their land, the land of canaan but it was justified.” melchezidek responds: the god written in the bible isn’t wicked. it’s the people that are wicked, that sins against the god. it’s the people that make fake gods and goddesses and it’s the people that praises these idols. god cannot be wicked. it’s the people that believe god to be wicked. it’s the wicked people that goes against jah. jah told moses to treat them as enemies because they treat jah and his chosen and faithful as enemies. it’s the wicked people that don’t like jah and the same wicked people calls jah wicked. according to this blogger, moses acts on jah’s behalf, and his actions as well as jah’s actions are justified because of the wickedness of the israelites who were the object of jah’s retribution. melchezidek continues by acknowledging that moses demonstrated compassion by begging jah’s forgiveness on behalf of the israelite people who had repented. while some rasta readers struggle with moses’ involvement in deaths of foreign people and israelites, others like melchezidek reason that jah dictated moses’s role in such violent episodes, and thus they assign responsibility to jah for determining his course of action. allowing moses to remain blameless in spite of these bloody acts of violence enables rasta readers to embrace him as a role model of strength against oppressors, and thus as an exemplar of livity. moses’ encounters with jah and ganja rasta readers who are familiar with moses’ biblical narrative and those who embrace his extra-textual character celebrate and claim his intimacy with jah. after all, jah spoke directly to moses and revealed his majesty to him in a unique way. jah first communicated with moses in exodus : - : the angel of the lord appeared unto him in a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush: and he looked, and, behold, the bush burned with fire, and the bush was not consumed... and when the lord saw that he turned aside to see, god called unto him out of the midst of the bush, and said, moses, moses. and he said, here am i. jah then instructed moses to remove his shoes and specified that “the place whereon thou standest is holy ground” (exodus : ). priest ras menelik, of accra, channeled this interaction and similarly sanctified his home when he asked scholar darren middleton to remove his shoes upon entering his compound. he cited jah’s instructions to moses in front of the burning bush, for he “was on holy ground” (exodus : ). by employing jah’s instructions to moses in this passage, priest ras menelik adopts the unique sanctification that jah’s direct interactions with moses offered the prophet and identifies jah’s presence in his home. moses recognized the burning bush as a manifestation of jah and jah communicated directly with moses from this point in his life until his death in the land of moab. for rasta readers, the scene in front of the burning bush not only cements moses’ relationship with jah but also confirms ganja usage as a divinely inspired act. rastafari believe that ganja elevates practitioners to “higher heights” of consciousness from which they can communicate directly with jah, as moses did in exodus . as joseph owens notes, smoking ganja serves for rastafari as the “purest and most natural form of attaining communion with god.” iyah binghi negus natty describes the connection between the burning bush, rastas’ relationship with jah, and practitioner’s usage of ganja: “here, a direct connection, a dialogue between man and god is associated with the burning bush. rastafari ritually recreate this connection by burning the bush, or herb, cannabis sativa.” and, ras mandito further contends that the “uniqueness of a certain ‘burning bush’ (and not being consumed) had been established with moses. the burning of this special herb became established among the elders of the tribes of israel, whenever they sought the council of the almighty.” this is not the only instance in moses’ narrative in which rasta readers recognize ganja’s presence. ras mandito sees evidence of the usage of ganja as a spiritual tool throughout the journeying of the israelites, for instance: it is the same holy herb that moses and the elders of the tribes of israel used to take with them to the hills, there to burn in praise and honour the almighty god, and to seek his counsel on special occasions. moreover, ila addis shares that: the holy sacrament really is a ‘tool’ to hearing and overstanding the word of jah. israel relied on it for direction and hope. moses believed in it and listened to it. his whole mission for israel was founded in the voice from the burning fire. where the hebrew bible describes israelites as venerating jah with smoke, and where smoke or clouds appear in general, rasta readers recognize ganja as the source of holy fumes. in exodus : - , for example: moses brought forth the people out of the camp to meet with god; and they stood at the nether part of the mount. and mount sinai was altogether on a smoke, because the lord descended upon it in fire: and the smoke thereof ascended as the smoke of a furnace, and the whole mount quaked greatly. in her commentary on the passage, addis spoke of clouds of smoke and their linkage with the israelites’ usage of ganja as a sacrament: the clouds of the fire were likened to the shining glory of the creator, it surrounded the ark of the covenant - the seat of truth and way of life. this is why it is an abomination for people to use the sacrament as part of their “get high” routine. . . . let those clouds raise and bring jah glory! jah rastafari! moses’ encounter with the burning bush is essential to rastafari because it is an example of ancients’ usage of the holy herb. but, as mentioned above, the potent scene also describes the first physical encounter of moses and jah, though jah did not fully reveal his greatness to moses at this juncture. jah manifested physically in moses’ presence numerous times throughout his biblical narrative, often as a cloud or as smoke. as the israelites escaped their trials in the red sea, exodus : explains that “the lord went before them by day in a pillar of a cloud, to lead them the way; and by night in a pillar of fire.” in exodus : - , moses begged of jah, “i beseech thee, shew me thy glory.” but, as ras iadonis tafari notes of this passage, jah did not want to be seen in his true form. jah responded: i will make all my goodness pass before thee, and i will proclaim the name of the lord before thee; and will be gracious to whom i will be gracious, and will shew mercy on whom i will shew mercy. and he said, thou canst not see my face: for there shall no man see me, and live. . . . thou shalt see my back parts: but my face shall not be seen. though jah spoke to moses as if face-to-face, moses does not see jah’s face. instead, moses witnessed jah in natural form (as lightening, cloud, and fire) and from behind while the majority of israelites only saw his natural manifestations. however, for rasta readers, that moses saw jah’s “back parts” without beholding jah’s face (exodus : ) and observed jah in the form of a thick cloud and as lightening, as in exodus : , and : , did not preclude him from seeing jah’s fullness. it is in nature that moses experienced jah’s true greatness and saw his fullness. and, because jah manifested as a cloud, jah’s appearance proves for rasta readers that ganja is a holy herb. clouds, however, are found in the sky. the idea that jah would reside in the sky contradicts rastafari arguments against a sky-based god and for a god on earth that is inherent in man. poet mutabaruka contends that: the rastas don’t believe in the sky god. their redemption lies within the human character. when the europeans came and say, ‘jesus in the sky,’ the rasta man reject that totally. the man says, ‘when you see i, you see god.’ there is no god in the sky. man is god, africa is the promised land. moreover, marley sings, “most people think, / great god will come from the skies, / take away everything/ and make everybody feel high. / but if you know what life is worth, / you will look for yours on earth.” this element of rasta argumentation locates jah in biblical references to clouds and yet denies that jah is a sky god. nonetheless, a denial of a sky god does not eliminate rasta interpretations of such passages that prove jah’s presence in nature or confirm ganja’s value as a holy sacrament. once he had spent a significant amount of time in close proximity to jah and received the divine law, moses had to shield his own face from the israelites. after descending from mount sinai following forty days and forty nights on its peak receiving jah’s covenant, moses’ face frightened his people. exodus : - describes his ethereal glow and the israelite’s reception of him: and it came to pass, when moses came down from mount sinai with the two tables of testimony in moses’ hand, when he came down from the mount, that moses wist not that the skin of his face shone while he talked with him. and when aaron and all the children of israel saw moses, behold, the skin of his face shone; and they were afraid to come nigh him. and moses called unto them; and aaron and all the rulers of the congregation returned unto him: and moses talked with them. and afterward all the children of israel came nigh: and he gave them in commandment all that the lord had spoken with him in mount sinai. and till moses had done speaking with them, he put a vail on his face. after this interaction, moses avoided showing the israelites his face because in his intimacy with the supreme he accrued jah’s characteristics, some of which alienated him from the israelites, such as his luminous and sparkling face. ras iadonis tafari suggests that because moses did not look upon jah’s face, he is rewarded with an incandescent glow. and, peter tosh adopts moses’ lineage and then defines himself as a “firm ripe diamond,” in an acknowledgement of the prophet’s alighted visage. moses’ closeness with jah resonates for rastafari with a sense of self as i-n-i, a role that intertwines an individual with all of humanity but that simultaneously can differentiate jah’s elect. as i- n-i and as moses, rasta brethren and sistren are pieces of jah who must strive to achieve divine directives, to live in accordance with livity. their intimacy with jah distinguishes them as unique, perhaps lending them a bit of the shine of moses’ face. moses and the word rasta readers find intrinsic to his biblical narrative that moses spoke on behalf of jah, a concept that resonates with the importance that rastafari ascribe to language. however, moses did not initially see himself as capable of speaking for jah, of embodying jah’s divine spark, or acting on jah’s behalf. ultimately, though, moses did become jah’s great prophet. in deuteronomy : , jah states, “i will raise them up a prophet from among their brethren, like unto thee, and will put my words in his mouth; and he shall speak unto them all that i shall command him.” this echoes exodus : , in which jah informs moses, “i will help you speak and will teach you what to say.” according to max weber, spirits are “concealed ‘behind’ and responsible for the activity of the charismatically endowed natural objects, artifacts, animals, or persons.” rasta readers adopt that which is “concealed behind” moses, the ultimate charismatic leader of israel and jah’s great prophet, as they assume his identity. during their first intimate conversation, jah informed moses that “i will send thee unto pharaoh, that thou mayest bring forth my people the children of israel out of egypt,” a task moses accomplished largely by channeling control over nature (exodus : ). moses commanded the red sea to split, he issued plagues on the egyptians, he fed israelites in the desert, and he brought forth water from stone on multiple occasions through his command of jah’s power. but moses initially resisted jah’s election and his call to free the israelites. he asked, in exodus : , “who am i, that i should go unto pharaoh, and that i should bring forth the children of israel out of egypt?” jah responded, “certainly i will be with thee; and this shall be a token unto thee, that i have sent thee: when thou hast brought forth the people out of egypt, ye shall serve god upon this mountain” ( : ). in exodus : - , jah shared his name with moses in a central passage that confirmed moses’ closeness with him: god said unto moses, i am that i am: and he said, thus shalt thou say unto the children of israel, i am hath sent me unto you. and god said moreover unto moses, thus shalt thou say unto the children of israel, the lord god of your fathers, the god of abraham, the god of isaac, and the god of jacob, hath sent me unto you: this is my name for ever. here, jah instructed moses to prove their intimate relationship by using the power of his name. peter tosh not only assumes this closeness with jah but also claims to be like jah in “i am that i am,” in which he announces: “don’t belittle my authority/ it is time you recognized my quality/ i said, "i am that i am, i am, i am, i am.” he continues by sharing jah’s commandments, singing, “learn to love to love your brother/ don’t covet your neighbor.” to rastafari, moses is the ultimate vessel for the word of god, the truest human source of livity. exodus : notes that “the lord spake unto moses face to face, as a man speaketh unto his friend.” this passage confirms for rastas including ras jimmy that he is an exemplar of livity. after leading the israelites out of enslavement in egypt, moses ascended mount sinai to communicate with jah. he alone could survive climbing mount zion’s peak, thereby coming into contact with jah. this physical and conversational closeness is central to rasta celebrations of moses and to practitioners’ assumptions of that same intimacy. ras jimmy explains, for instance, that “those who dwell in his theocratic realm are privileged to encounter god just as moses did: face to face.” rasta readers celebrate moses because he encountered jah physically and because jah employed him to speak as his prophet. in exodus : , jah commanded: “you shall speak all that i command you.” and in : , jah informed moses that he would speak so that all israelites could hear and learn of moses’ election as jah’s voice. jah told moses, “lo, i come unto thee in a thick cloud, that the people may hear when i speak with thee, and believe thee for ever.” on the third day after jah informed moses that he would descend from mount sinai, “there were thunders and lightnings, and a thick cloud upon the mount, and the voice of the trumpet exceeding loud; so that all the people that was in the camp trembled” ( : ). the trumpet marked jah’s presence in moses’ biblical narrative, and connotes for rasta readers the presence of divinity, as well. to illustrate, reggae band culture sing of the importance of the instrument: “sound ye the trumpet of zion/ that the inhabitants of earth may tremble/ just to see when the rastaman a come.” when jah spoke the ten commandments to the israelites: all the people saw the thunderings, and the lightnings, and the noise of the trumpet, and the mountain smoking: and when the people saw it, they removed, and stood afar off. and they said unto moses, speak thou with us, and we will hear: but let not god speak with us, lest we die (exodus : - ). empress yuajah details this biblical scene in her instructional text for new rastas, before describing a true rasta’s intimacy with jah and then explaining the importance of living by the ten commandments as fundamental aspects of livity. moses could handle the gravity of communicating directly with jah, and thus, according to empress yuajah, so can rastas. once jah ensured that the israelites recognized moses as jah’s delegate, his chosen prophet and liberator spoke on jah’s behalf. rastas take on a similar role as prophets whose mission it is to spread a message of livity to a world of people who may not be able to communicate with jah directly. during much of his leadership of the israelites, however, aaron spoke for moses. in exodus : - , for example, jah directed moses to utilize his articulate brother aaron as his mouthpiece: and thou shalt speak unto him, and put words in his mouth: and i will be with thy mouth, and with his mouth, and will teach you what ye shall do. and he shall be thy spokesman unto the people: and he shall be, even he shall be to thee instead of a mouth, and thou shalt be to him instead of god. this divine command situates moses in a godlike position before aaron, the great priest. jah’s command follow’s moses’ questioning in exodus : : “moses said unto the lord, o my lord, i am not eloquent, neither heretofore, nor since thou hast spoken unto thy servant: but i am slow of speech, and of a slow tongue.” while aaron may have spoken because of moses’ inability to communicate effectively, because he is jah’s chosen mouthpiece, aaron may have also spoken on behalf of jah because moses is too divine to effectively communicate with jah’s chosen people, a man liminal in his positionality betwixt and between jah and the masses. in this reading, moses’ voice could not be heard directly by his people. just as moses shielded his face from the israelites to prevent disturbing them after he descended from mount zion in exodus : , so may he have safeguarded the israelites by speaking through a mediator. that aaron delivered jah’s messages for moses is a textual reality that, for rastafari, does not challenge moses’ role as divine voice. though moses doubted his capabilities, rasta readers focus not on his questioning of jah’s designation but on his righteousness as the elect conversation partner and mouthpiece of jah. as contemporary moseses, rastafari embrace this role. to illustrate this point, pablo moses proclaims in song, “moses of the past said it/ therefore i, pablo moses declare it.” aaron’s role only confirms the holiness of moses’ voice and the ability of practitioners to remove themselves from babylon system. for, though babylon attempts to dominate rastafari and distance jah’s chosen people from their true nature, because moses spoke for jah and aaron spoke for moses, rastas know that they have ownership of the word. “well i and i say these be the words of his majesty,” announces sizzla in “babylon a listen.” the conception that rastafari speak for jah as contemporary moseses sanctions the unique linguistic system of rastas, as reflected in the very word “livity” itself. rastas accept their role as jah’s mouthpiece and their election as divine conversation partners as they employ terminology that restructures their world to suit their chosenness and shape linguistic determinations of self-righteousness. by, for example, using the term “overstand” instead of “understand” because “understand” includes the word “under,” and by referring to the bible as the “ible” as a way to emphasize brethren and sistrens’ ability to read the holy text successfully in spite of babylonian redaction, rastas use language to structure the world around them and elevate their experience to a zionic level. as clinton hutton and nathaniel samuel murrell note, language creation: not only demonstrate(s) rastas’ determination to free themselves completely from the culture of babylon but also make a statement to the primacy of the black presence and reality in social and cultural discourse that is fundamental to the rasta psychology of somebodiness. an anonymous rasta stated in similarly that: rasta must a free dumb fe talk freedom. the british slave master a beat out your own tongue and put in the king’s tongue. what if me say you’re dumb and you can’t talk and you’re free? your tongue glued. a jamaican rasta told john pulis that it is “jus words-sounds-paawa, bradda, dat wha i-n-i a-deal wit.” dub poet bongo jerry’s “mabrak” echoes the words of both of the unnamed brethren quoted above: every tongue confess/ every language express/ word works/ you must come to ras/ mabrak/ enlightening is black/ hands writing/ the words of/ black message/ for black hearts to feel/ mabrak is righting the wrongs and brain whitening/ how? /not just by washing out the straitening and wearing dashiki ting:/ mostofthestraiteningisinthetongue/ so how? / save the young/ from the language that men teach, / the doctrine pope preach/ skin bleach/ how else? / man must use men language/ to carry dis message: / silence babel tongues; recall and / recollect black speech. as moseses, rastas speak for jah and communicate authentically as chosen people, channeling true power through word and sound. moreover, according to ras poley, language connects practitioners to jah. he states, “the word is god, because the greatest weapon is the creation of words. words! words is the greatest weapon that man ever have within.” it is in their ability to speak the word of jah that rastas know their true nature as i-n-i. as jah bones describes, “jah the father is in his people through words, the sound of the words make ihi yahnh ihi realize the ‘power and the glory’ (in a very real and conscious way) of jah rastafari.” in his biblical narrative, moses spoke “face to face” with jah and was given the responsibility to talk on jah’s behalf. he communicated jah’s word and, furthermore, he sang jah’s glory. after parting the red sea, moses led the israelites in prophetic song giving thanks to jah: i will sing unto the lord, for he hath triumphed gloriously: the horse and his rider hath he thrown into the sea. the lord is my strength and song, and he is become my salvation: he is my god, and i will prepare him an habitation; my father’s god, and i will exalt him (exodus : - ). moses’ song prophesied the defeat of canaan: the people shall hear, and be afraid: sorrow shall take hold on the inhabitants of palestina. then the dukes of edom shall be amazed; the mighty men of moab, trembling shall take hold upon them; all the inhabitants of canaan shall melt away (exodus : - ). here, moses offers rastas who chant down babylon a model for their behavior and confirms that song can be a great prophetic act. reggae artists and nyabinghi drummers join moses in prophecy as they spread messages of babylon’s fall and the promise of rastafari’s redemption. as marley chants in “redemption song,” “won’t you help to sing/ these songs of freedom? / ‘cause all i ever have, / redemption songs, / redemption songs.” according to rasta readers, aaron, too, conveyed moses’ message in song, as reflected in garnett silk’s “the rod: “music is the voice of his brother aaron, yes/ preaching and comforting at the father’s command.” meanwhile, the french reggae band tu shung peng sing: make a joyful noise unto the lord, all ye lands. / come before him with thanksgiving and praise. / jah, how good and how pleasant it is/ when brethren and brethren can dwell together. / for it is like the precious ointment that runneth from aaron’s beard/ that went down to the skirts of his garments. the musicality of the two biblical brothers resonates for a people for whom music is a weapon against babylon, a tool of prophecy and the most powerful manifestation of the word. for a people who envision their songs to be of divine origin, the concept that moses spoke and sang jah’s words as jah’s prophet resonates profoundly. moses and the law neil savishinsky describes dread talk as a linguistic path “created by rastas to express their heightened consciousness and profound awareness of the true nature and power of the spoken word.” i would extend his analysis to the written word, which also holds the power to shift consciousness, as evidenced by rasta readers’ approach to the hebrew bible. thus, of primary importance for rasta readers is that jah tasked moses with receiving and scribing his word “upon this mountain” (exodus : ). that moses received the ten commandments is central to his identity as jah’s ultimate rastaman prophet (exodus : ). as jah’s prophet, moses performed the scribal task of divine transcription, for he wrote the pentateuch and brought the israelites the tangible word of jah. as biblical scholar david s. sperling suggests, moses’ prophetic supremacy indicates a shift in israelite culture towards an emphasis on scriptural authority: “the author of the pericope was, in fact, claiming that scripture, which contained the divine word in its clearest form, was far more reliable than prophecy orally delivered.” likewise, karel van der toorn recognizes in moses’ transcription movement toward a preference for written prophecy, further acknowledging scribes and scholars as “the successors of moses in his prophetic office.” scribes and scholars are also indispensable for rastas, for whom the written word holds extraordinary value, even when redacted by babylon, as is the case in the current version of the bible. the significance of moses’ transcription pertains to his ability to channel and disseminate the word of jah, a task impossible for all others; for moses, as the elect of jah’s elect, could hear and honor jah’s word. rastafari, as contemporary moseses, can do the same, an ability that allows practitioners to speak as divine beings, decipher a fitting linguistic path, read the bible with clarity despite its inaccuracies, and write jah’s truths. through their divinely inspired prophetic words and actions, rastafari seek to reorder their world in what weber would recognize as an attempt to structure their lives in accordance with “ultimate ethical principles,” a phrase that conjures images of prophetic moses bring jah’s covenant to the israelites. this ability to reorder their worlds extends to the interpretation of biblical text and to the definition of the path of livity, which itself is an extension of the laws transcribed by moses. for, as ras baba tells william lewis, “the law of the rastas is the righteous law of the governments, the laws of moses.” as mouthpiece and conversation partner for jah, moses alone was capable of receiving jah’s law and transmitting it to rastas as a cornerstone of righteousness and livity. in “deliver us,” prince malachi reminds listeners that “brother moses stand up on mount zion high/ and get the book of rules mankind should know/ you’ve got to give thanks and praise/ to the almighty, in everything that you do.” prince fari also sings of moses sharing jah’s commandments to the israelites: “prophet, prophet, prophecy! / moses gathered all the congregation of the children of israel together/ and said unto them: there are the word which the lord hath commanded, that ye shall do them.” similarly, reggae artist prince buster hails the importance of jah’s commandments and instructs brethren and sistren as follows: “god son, take heed to the laws of thy father/ as moses, did in the days, of yore.” he then sings the ten commandments to his audience. that moses delivered to the israelites jah’s law is fundamental for rasta readers and this transmission is a frequent element of roots reggae. nonetheless, the israelites betrayed jah’s commandment against making graven images by sculpting a golden calf under aaron’s direction (exodus : - ). rasta readers, however, do not generally focus on aaron’s and the israelites’ breach of jah’s commandments, instead reading “aaron a natty dread,” a prophet of moses, and israel’s high priest. as practitioner alfredo johnson confirms, “aaron was a rasta man and a priest through his bloodline, with oil on his beard running down to the skirt of his garment as the dew of hermon (psalm : - ).” however, abba yahudah acknowledges the fallibility of aaron and the levites, noting that: the levitical priesthood was destined to fall short of the true glory that was reserved for the most high. . . . the carnal nature of the levitical priesthood under aaron the levite, brother of moses, was a crude stage. . . . but, the carnality and corruption of this priesthood was only matched by the level of spiritual development of the whole people called israel. even most of those rasta readers who, like abba yehuda berhan sellasie, read aaron and his lineage as flawed, recognize him as a holy individual. thus, many practitioners still identify as members of the levitical priesthood. reggae group tu shung peng express this stance and echo psalm as they sing: for it is like the precious ointment that runneth from aaron’s beard/ that went down to the skirts of his garments; / even so the lord commanding his blessing forever more. / rastafari - yeah you know, for god is with us. others reject the levitical priesthood and envision a rasta priesthood differently. psalm : states, “the lord hath sworn, and will not repent, thou art a priest for ever after the order of melchizedek.” this passage proves for rasta readers their priesthood, just as moses’ lineage does, but assigns rasta priests a different heritage, that of jesus christ. a post on rastafari tv network’s facebook page reads: “psalm : the lord has sworn and will not change his mind.” hebrews : - recognizes jesus as a high priest of the order of melchizedek, an assignment essential to a rasta adoption of melchizedek’s priestly lineage. prince fari celebrates melchizedek in song, proclaiming, “melchezedek the high priest of salem/ and the king of thief honors the priest of the most high god.” while some rastas critique the levitical priesthood because of aaron’s problematic actions, for example his critique of moses in numbers and his role in the construction a golden calf, these practitioners prize melchezedek’s order because his priesthood is envisioned as perfecting the priestly role. midnite shares this perspective in “rasta man stand”: “levitical priesthood sell out our nation/ peter and paul sell out our nation/ them play them hand and that the vatican build upon/ ina the order of melchi zadok/ selassie stand.” this critique of levitical priests is unusual and yet notable. generally, both the levitical priesthood and the priesthood of melchizedek are honored. because of his close relationship with jah, moses was able to mitigate his wrath over the israelites actions, including aaron’s. in exodus : - , moses interceded on the israelites behalf, asking jah to remember his covenant. and, in : , “the lord repented of the evil which he thought to do unto his people.” but when moses initially descended from mount sinai, “he saw the calf, and the dancing: and moses’ anger waxed hot, and he cast the tables out of his hands, and brake them beneath the mount” ( : ). though moses carved replacement “tables,” he transcribed jah’s laws, whereas the original tables were “written with the finger of god” ( : ). for rasta readers, however, because moses spoke for jah as his instrument, the second set is also of jah’s authorship. prince far i tells the story of moses and the ten commandments, for instance: and the lord said unto moses: / ‘hew thee two tables of stone, like unto first/ and i will write upon them the table of words/ that were the first table of words, which thou art brakest/ and be ready in the morning/ and come up in the morning unto mount sinai.’ moses broke the first set because the israelites disobeyed jah, but this was not the first or the last time the chosen people disappointed their creator and moses as jah’s elect mouthpiece and instrument. for some rastafari, residency in babylon is the result of this insubordination. sister missis, a founding member of rastafari recalls: mi mother said those africans that are in africa, they don’t come out in no slavery. they remain saints. they don’t know what we know in the outer world. we are a sort of disobedient people, that’s why we are cast out into the hands of our enemies; because we were disobedient to god. we would not hear what he say. and he said he don’t want to discard the whole land of israel, so he would just cast us into the hands of our enemies and let we feel their hand. he will stretch his hand out the second time to take us back to his land. this conception of exile and oppression resonates with younger generations as well. in his track “send another moses, “ lopez walker references proverbs : , psalm : , and isaiah : , channeling particular biblical passages that describe israelites who sin against jah. walker cries out, “send another moses (to free his children)/ to whip them with the rod of correction/ to throw them in a pit of destruction/ i sing unto the conquering lion/ forward i children, onward to zion.” but jah’s chosen people can mend their wicked ways. as walker continues, “forward i children, onward to zion, yeah-eh-eh.” jah’s children progress towards zion when they turn to the laws of jah as recorded and instructed to them by moses. as barrett recognizes, however, “they have long since been pardoned and should have returned to ethiopia long ago, but because of the slavemasters’ trickery have been unable to return.” conclusion though rastafari is an acephalous movement devoid of a unifying doctrine, rastas generally observe behavioral guidelines of livity largely derived from their engagement with the hebrew bible. the adherence to biblically oriented restrictions ensures rastafari success in their struggles against babylon system; moses’ journey informs rasta notions of correct practice. by living according to the strictures of livity determined in part through negotiations with moses’ story and, more largely, the laws he brought to the israelites, rastafari believe that they are ensuring “life-everlasting” and paving the way towards zion in africa. as the rastaman keeper and transmitter of jah’s word, moses confirms for rastafari that they know jah intimately, that they can channel the power of jah’s word as prophets, and that the path of livity is one befitting jah’s elect, for practitioners believe it was revealed to moses on mount sinai. moses’ biblical narrative also promises that when jah’s guidelines of livity are followed, babylon will fall. however, jah’s elect may have to use divinely sanctioned force to achieve that goal. bounty killer emphasizes this concept, in “hip-hopera,” featuring the fugees, as he encourages brethren and sistren to “keep the path straight and narrow, while we bombin’ on pharaoh.” when jah determined that the israelites had suffered enough, he elected moses to redeem them from their suffering. in order to achieve his divinely ordained mission, moses sometimes acted violently on jah’s behalf. but, rastas reason that his forcefulness was needed in order to achieve freedom from the grasp of pharaoh. moses remains, for rasta interpreters, an exemplar of proper conduct. because he spoke for jah, moses was able to bring jah’s law to the israelites. and as a rastaman, moses proves that rastas, too, channel jah’s word and inherently know jah’s way, the way of livity. because moses experienced jah intimately and communicated with and for jah throughout his biblical narrative, rastas, as his brethren and sistren, reserve the personal experience of jah as an indelible right ensured by a life of livity. peter tosh “‘moses’ the prophet,” bush doctor, rolling stones records ( ). anthony b., “stranger,” seven seals. vp records ( ). judy mowatt, “black woman,” black woman, island records . ekowa, , “locking, plaiting and braiding: symbols of an ancient rulership and priesthood,” essays by ekowa, http://www.essaysbyekowa.com/locks% and% the% priesthood.htm. abba yahuda berhan sellasie, a journey to the roots of rastafari: the essene nazarite link (usa: trafford, ), . ibid., . ibid., . though he could have married someone of another race, rastas do not generally consider this possibility. p. napti, “jamaicans of ethiopian origin and the rastafarian faith,” zhurnal.ru, accessed december , , http://www.zhurnal.ru/music/rasta/napti.htm. nathaniel samuel murrell and lewin williams, “the black biblical hermeneutics of rastafari,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, eds. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian mcfarlane, (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . see cain hope felder, troubling biblical waters: race, class, and family (maryknoll: orbis books, ), . pittsburgh courier, october , . bunny wailer, “rastaman,” blackheart man, island records ( ). frankie jones,” jessy black,” satta an praise jah, third world ( ). sister dixon, quoted in barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . chevannes, rastafari, . leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . nnamdi azikiwe, “obituary in the bantu world,” in the marcus garvey and unia papers: africa for the africans - volume x, ed. robert a. hill (berkeley: university of california press, ), . chevannes, rastafari, . barrett, the rastafarians, . martin luther king, jr., “i’ve been to the mountaintop” (speech presented at the church of god in christ headquarters in the mason temple, memphis, tennessee, april , ). mattias gardell, in the name of elijah muhammad: louis farrakhan and the nation of islam (durham: duke university press, ), . rambler, untitled editorial, sierra leone weekly news, may , . “our team: marcia o. stewart, msw, msed,” reflective waters transformation center, accessed december , , http://jah.reflectivewaters.com/homepage/our- team/marcia-o-stewart-msw-msed/. frankie jones,” jessy black,” satta an praise jah, third world ( ). ten, february , ( : p.m.), comment on bigginer, “was moses a murderer?,” jah-rastafari.com, february , , http://jah-rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &word_search=moses&searchtype=all&searchwhat= messages&search_user=ten. ark i, february , ( : p.m.), comment on bigginer, “was moses a murderer?,” jah-rastafari.com, february , , http://jah- rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &word_search=moses&searchtype=all&searchwhat= messages&search_user=ten. a rasta proscription against contact with corpses is explored in the samson chapter of this endeavor. pauline vetuna, october , , “soul rebel,” just the messenger: the middle way, october , , https://paulinevetuna.wordpress.com/ / / /soul-rebel/. bob marley, “soul rebel,” soul rebels, maroon ( ). tony rebel, “the voice and the pen,” vibes of the times, columbia records ( ). reference to ezekiel . bunny wailer, “moses children,” protest, island records ( ). “quick fact: zipporah ethiopian wife of moses,” rastafari tv: the parallel connection between prophecy and history, accessed december , , http://rastafari.tv/quick-fact-zipporah-ethiopian-wife-of-moses/. karen strand winslow, framing zipporah: early jewish and christian memories of moses’ wife (seattle: university of washington, ). lopez walker, “send another moses,” phase one records ( ). ras zion mountain, january , ( : p.m.), comment on garveys africa, “moses and the medianites,” jah-rastafari.com, january , , http://jah- rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &start_row= &word_search=slave% master&searchty pe=all&search_user=zion% mountain. melchezidek, january , ( : p.m.), comment on garveys africa, “moses and the medianites,” jah-rastafari.com, january , , http://jah- rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &start_row= &word_search=slave% master&searchty pe=all&search_user=zion% mountain.. darren j. n. middleton, rastafari and the arts: an introduction (new york: routledge, ), . joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica (kingston: sangster, ), . “the holy herb,” greenfaith ministry, accessed december , , http://greenfaithministry.com/archives/theholyherb.html. ras mandito, the testament of rastafari: unlocking the kjv (raleigh: johnson & sinclair publishers, ), . ibid., . ila addis, february , , “the burning fire of jah,” rastawifeline, http://rastawifeline.blogspot.com/ _ _ _archive.html. ibid. as described in clifton tulloch, rasta bible: for success and prosperity (lakeland: rastullo, inc., ), np. ras iadonis tafari, shemot: exodus torah portion vol. , introduction & compilation (united states of america: lion of judah society publishers & iyobelyu printing press, ), . tulloch, rasta bible, np. mandito, the testament of rastafari, . mutabaruka, quoted by adam nicolson, “the king james bible,” national geographic, december, , . bob marley, “get up, stand up,” burnin’, island records ( ). tafari, shemot, . peter tosh, “i am that i am,” equal rights, columbia records ( ). max weber, the sociology of religion (boston: beacon press, ), . peter tosh, “i am that i am,” equal rights, columbia records ( ). owens, dread, . ibid., . culture, “rastaman a come,” one stone, sanctuary records ( ). empress yuajah, rasta way of life: rastafari livity book (toronto: empress yuajah books, ), . pablo moses, “i love i bring,” i love i bring, united artists records ( ). sizzla, “babylon a listen,” reggae gold compilation (anthology), vp records ( ). clinton hutton and nathaniel samuel murrell, “rastas’ psychology of blackness, resistance, and somebodiness,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, eds. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane, - , (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . anonymous rasta , quoted in carole d. yawney, “remnants of all nations: rastafarian attitudes to race and nationality,” in ethnicity in the americas, ed. frances henry (the netherlands: mouton publishers, ), . john w. pulis, “‘up-full sounds’: language, identity, and the world-view of rastafari,” ethnic groups ( ): . bongo jerry, “mabrak,” in the penguin book of caribbean verse in english, ed. paula burnett (london: penguin books, ), - . poley, quoted in joseph owens, dread: the rastafarians of jamaica, . jah bones, “the god head of rastafari,” in itations of jamaica and i rastafari: the second itation, the revelation, ed. mihlawhdh faristzaddi (san francisco: judah anbesa, ), np. bob marley, “redemption song,” uprising, island records ( ). garnett silk, “music is the rod,” music is the rod: reggae anthology, vp records ( ). tu shung peng, “zion feeling,” trouble time, ku shung ( ). a member of the band says that they derived their name from jamaican creole. neil j. savishinsky, “rastafari in the promised land: the spread of a jamaican socioreligious movement among the youth of west africa,” african studies review ( ): . david s. sperling, “miriam, aaron and moses: sibling rivalry,” hebrew union college annual / ( ): . karel van der toorn, family religion in babylonia, syria, and israel: continuity and change in the forms of religious life (new york: e. j. brill, ), . weber, the sociology of religion, . baba in william f. lewis, soul rebels: the rastafari (long grove: waveland press, ), . prince malachi, “deliver us,” jah light, mount arat/ ras/ heartbeat ( ). prince far i, “every time i hear the word,” voice of thunder, trojan records ( ). prince buster, “god son,” jet star records ( ). frankie jones,” jessy black,” satta an praise jah, third world ( ). alfredo johnson, behold the six point star of king david spelled and symbolize haile selassie i yahweh elohim: crowned king of kings and lord of lords conquering lion of the tribe of judah the root and offspring of david the bright and morning star! (bloomington: authorhouse, ), . sellasie, a journey to the roots of rastafari, . tu shung peng, “zion feeling,” trouble time, ku shung ( ). rastafari tv network’s facebook page, accessed may , , https://www.facebook.com/iam.rastafari.tv/photos/a. . . / /?type= &theater. prince far i, “foggy road,” message from the king, front line ( ). midnite, “rasta man stand,” live , rastafaria ( ). prince far i, “every time i hear the word,” voice of thunder, trojan records ( ). sister missis, quoted in chevannes, rastafari, . lopez walker, “send another moses,” phase one records ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . bounty killer featuring the fugees, “hip-hopera,” my xperience, tvt records ( ). the fugees are not rastas and bounty killer is a dancehall artist who, while deeply inspired by reggae music and rastafari, has received significant amounts of critique from rasta reggae artists, including capleton, luciano, and anthony b. he enjoys immense popularity in certain rasta circles though. norman c. stolzoff, wake the town & tell the people: dancehall culture in jamaica (durham: duke university press, ), . chapter : moses as redeemer and divine disappointment by the rivers of babylon where we sat down and there we wept when we remembered zion but the wicked carried us away in captivity required from us a song how can we sing king alpha song in a strange land? -the melodians, “by the rivers of babylon,” ( ) moses is the ultimate rastaman for rasta readers because he not only spoke as jah’s prophet and brought to the israelites jah’s laws, he also delivered jah’s people from slavery in egypt to freedom in the promised land, using miraculous acts to accomplish the feat. his leadership from egypt, as a manifestation of babylon, to zion is perhaps the most essential element of rastas’ ownership of him as a rastaman and exemplar of livity. yet despite moses’ election by jah and guidance of the israelites, his biblical narrative concludes with jah’s ultimate prophet finding himself to be an outcast sentenced to die within view of the promised land. while moses guided the israelites to freedom and channeled jah, he also questioned and even disobeyed jah, clearly in breach of the dictates of livity. because of his indiscretions, jah prohibited moses from entering zion in numbers : . nonetheless, though he could not enter, moses’ efforts enabled the israelites to escape bondage in egypt. because of this, rasta readings that acknowledge his eventual outsider status consider his inability to enter to be a necessary act of martyrdom or read his fate as the result of babylon’s redaction. however, rasta readers that engage his biblical narrative and those that draw on other exegetical sources and biblical motifs generally do not directly contend with moses’ exclusion from zion, while those readings that do often suggest that his exclusion from zion stemmed from his distrust in and lack of obedience to jah. rasta interpreters adopt moses as an ideal brethren and see themselves as manifestations of him, emphasizing his redemption of jah’s chosen people and his leadership to the promised land. yet a comprehensive investigation of his narrative must consider how practitioners contend with the tricky elements of his textual presence. asking such questions can provide insight into the ontological framework of rastafari and the movement’s objective of repatriation to ethiopia. this chapter investigates the value rastafari assign to moses’ divinely inspired miraculous acts and asks what moses’ exile-status means in terms of the rasta goal of repatriation, interrogating how moses’ questioning of jah and consequent inability to enter the promised land factors in to the biblical hermeneutic of a people who hope to return to ethiopia as zion. in minimizing moses’ doubt and his contravening of jah, while celebrating his ability to perform miracles, rasta readers confirm moses as a paradigm of the practice of livity who freed the israelites from babylon and who channeled jah’s might, thereby offering themselves the same capabilities and ensuring that freedom from babylon system remains a possibility for them. i-n-i in babylon while practitioners do not live exclusively in the caribbean, the region is the site of the origins of the movement and remains the center of practice for rastafari. for rastas from the region and for those living elsewhere, the conception of babylon looms as a primary site of connectivity that resonates for people facing situations of domination and colonization. rastas traditionally aim to leave a space they believe to be controlled by babylon system, the morally bankrupt, commercial, political, and technological system that alienates human beings from their election and the natural world. bob marley reminds practitioners that they are prisoners of babylon as he chants, “think you’re in heaven, but you’re living in hell.” and, the melodians express a similar message in their chart-topping track “rivers of babylon,” which adapts psalms and in which they question, “how shall we sing king alpha’s song in a strange land?” desire to return to ethiopia, imagined as an idyllic space untainted by babylon’s corruption, is paramount. practitioners reason that in ethiopia all brethren and sistren will be united and will finally be free of domination. for instance, a popular rasta hymn promises: when we asunder part/ it gives us inward pain/ but we shall still be joined in heart/ and we hope to meet again. / and hope to meet again/ in mount zion/ with king alpha and queen omega / father and mother of creation/ hallelujah. the situation of israelites enslaved in ancient egypt resonates with rastafari who envision themselves as being analogously beset upon as residents in babylon. thus, reggae artists often channel the biblical themes of israelite bondage and exodus. for instance, in “nah look back,” raging fyah describes the anguish of rastas induced by pharaoh’s hand: “pharaoh river is blood/ and my bed is stone/ and while they sit ‘pon throne/ we have to struggle for our own, my people.” similarly, dicky burton compares the caribbean to ancient egypt, singing “four hundred years/ i and i left africa shore/ and brought to pharaoh’s land.” furthermore, freddie mcgregor describes the dangers true rastas face while living under pharaoh’s control: “there was pharaohs standing, peeping over/ trying to capture rastaman bredren/ them want fi carry i name inna them mix-up, now jah/ but, oh father, will you hear my cry? / and deliver i and i.” mcgregor, burton, and fyah each equate jamaica to egypt, as both are sites of babylon’s rule. as biblical scholar allen dwight callahan notes, because moses led the exodus out of egypt, he “is the proper point of figural reference for … protests against slavery” for african diasporic people. and, author and literary critic albert murray concurs that “no one can deny to moses, the great emancipator that he was, his position as epic hero of anti-slavery movements.” this is true for rastas, many of whom still struggle within a dominant and degrading society. reggae artist i wayne warns, “babylon waan smear and tear out,” but he suggests that in order to counter that threat, rastafari “bun dem sodomy and pharaoh.” because moses is a rasta-liberator, all rastas are moses imbued with the powers to rebel against babylon system and eventually achieve their objectives. moses’ attempts to sway pharaoh to allow the israelites passage out of egypt are mirrored in the efforts of rastafari, as contemporary moseses, to escape the colonial world in which they dwell. like the biblical pharaoh though, babylon does not easily submit to modern-day moseses’ requests. moses resolves the pain of rasta israelites and lends strength to those who embody him. when moses is read as a rastaman, the reign of babylon system, or “shitstem,” as anthony b. calls it, can only be temporary. and yet the pain endured is real. steel pulse’s “biko’s kindred lament,” a song that honors the life of steve bantu biko, a south african anti-apartheid activist who spearheaded the country’s black consciousness movement and who died in police custody in , beseeches jah for a contemporary moses who can remove the agony of black people: “o jah jah, /take them where life sweeter, send a moses to set them free. / pharaoh’s army won’t let them be.” and, the congos sing, in “children crying,” meanwhile, “send us another moses, to lead the nation/ the hungry must be fed, so there’ll be no more sufferation/ all the people that you see/ will be the children of the most high.” when he is read as a contemporary actor, his biblical narrative informs readers that moses of today will conquer babylon and achieve liberation for his people in their true motherland. as damian marley croons, for example, “jah gave moses ten commandments upon two tables of stone. led israel out of egypt an’ den promise them a home.” rastafari understand that moses is their exemplar of livity and brother in the struggle against downpression, and thus they own his virtues and aptitudes. as such, jah stands with them, and they too can escape the terrors of pharaoh’s land to return to ethiopia as zion. though pharaoh, as a representative of babylon, may not recognize the authority inherent in jah’s prophet, rastafari know their power as contemporary moseses, who also claim a solomonic legacy. sizzla sings of their power that derives from this holy lineage: “old pharaoh, me sey that you nuh know me, / remember that a king solomon grow we.” in “i am that i am,” likewise, peter tosh affirms his worth in song: “i am the son of moses, you cannot move i at all. i am the son of david, you cannot move i at all. i am a firm ripe diamond, no you cannot move i at all.” moses offers rastafari who embrace and embody him the strength to conquer babylon and the possibility of freedom. in order to gain that freedom, however, rastafari must persevere, just as moses had to endure forty years in the desert after he struggled to convince pharaoh to free his people from bondage. and, in order to gain liberation, rastas must use their power over the word. bob marley and the wailers echo moses’ vocal efforts to sway pharaoh in their version of the african american spiritual dating back to the middle of the th century, “go tell it on the mountain,” in which they chant, “go tell it on the mountain, / over the hills and everywhere. / go tell it on the mountain, to set my people free.” furthermore, “zion gate,” by yabby you, reiterates moses’ recurring demand of pharaoh to “let my people go”: “king pharaoh open the gate, let us repatriate/ and set jah children free/ king pharaoh open the gate, the time has come/ to set jah children free.” just as moses had to continually confront pharaoh to ensure that he ultimately agreed to free the israelites, rastafari repetitively chant for their freedom. this chant is heard worldwide, particularly in reggae artists’ rejection of babylon system. in , five years after the wailers’ burnin’, an album that featured one of his most popular tracks of the era, “get up, stand up,” was released by island records, marley asked “how long must i protest the same thing? i sing ‘get up stand up’, and up ‘til now, people don’t get up.” and yet, marley kept on singing, paving the path towards freedom with his voice, just as moses continually requested liberation from pharaoh despite his resistance. moses eventually achieved the liberation of the israelites, in exodus : . working as an agent of jah, he drowned the egyptians who were pursuing his people on their way out of egypt after he parted the red sea for the israelites. thus: the lord saved israel that day out of the hand of the egyptians; and israel saw the egyptians dead upon the sea shore. and israel saw that great work which the lord did upon the egyptians: and the people feared the lord, and believed the lord, and his servant moses ( : - ). as the representative of jah on earth, moses used the power of the word to temporarily convince the pharaoh to free the israelites, though jah hardened pharaoh’s heart, as he warned moses he would in exodus : , causing him to pursue the israelites. nonetheless, moses eventually prevailed in his efforts because of his ability to channel jah’s greatness into a miraculous act. just as moses ultimately achieved freedom for the israelites in his biblical narrative, contemporary moseses use their control over language, their reasoning skills, their livity, and their song to gain mental and physical freedom from babylon. they, too, like moses, may have to use the power of wonders as granted by jah. in the end, as midnite explains in his track, “blaze up,” “it’s fari not pharaoh.” moses and miracles early in his biblical narrative, moses experienced the miraculous. in exodus , jah spoke to moses from a burning bush, assuring him that the israelites would have solace in the promised land. jah said: i have surely seen the affliction of my people which are in egypt, and have heard their cry by reason of their taskmasters; for i know their sorrows; and i am come down to deliver them out of the hand of the egyptians, and to bring them up out of that land unto a good land and a large, unto a land flowing with milk and honey ( : - ). jah tasked moses with leading that journey to freedom in a scene in which the value of jah’s word is amplified by the miraculous scenario out of which it was delivered. as early b confirms in “take up your bible,” despite moses’ modest origins, he was destined for greatness. he sings, “moses was born in a poor man city/ the man them in the river from pharaoh’s army/ but he free the israelites from captivity.” jah instructed moses at this juncture “i will send thee unto pharaoh, thou mayest bring forth my people the children of israel out of egypt” (exodus : ). though moses questioned his abilities despite his unique experience, he led the exodus of the israelite people, but not before proving his divine connection and the supremacy of the israelite god to pharaoh, as the ultimate representation of babylon system. because moses was elect above all other israelites, he spoke with and on behalf of jah. though he admitted, in exodus : , that he was “slow of speech, and of a slow tongue,” moses’ ownership of jah’s word enabled him to sway pharaoh to release the israelites from captivity, if only temporarily. but, moses’ speech was accompanied by his performance of miracles. when moses doubted his ability to speak for jah and receive the respect of the israelites, jah assured him of his capabilities by showing moses that he had the ability to perform great wonders. in exodus : - , jah enabled moses to turn his rod in to a serpent and then back into a rod. and in exodus : - : the lord said furthermore unto him, put now thine hand into thy bosom. and he put his hand into his bosom: and when he took it out, behold, his hand was leprous as snow. and he said, put thine hand into thy bosom again. and he put his hand into his bosom again; and plucked it out of his bosom, and, behold, it was turned again as his other flesh. far from being mere party tricks, these miracles ensured that moses could prove himself as jah’s chosen vessel. yet, as callahan recognizes, “what is missing from moses’ wizardry is the very thing that makes magic so desirable- the promise of mastery. moses is not the master of his own magic.” this aspect of his biblical narrative is of the upmost import for rastafari who generally do not believe in magic, but only in miracles performed by jah. for rastafari, moses’ second wondrous act does more than prove that he was jah’s elect of the elect. that moses’ hand turned “leprous as snow” proves that he was black. both moses’ ability to turn his hand leprous and then healthy (i.e. black), as well as his ability to change his rod in to a snake and then back in to a rod, demonstrate his unity with jah and his i-n-i nature. wade bailey, whose writings aim to prove rastafari theology faulty and to persuade young rastas to commit to jesus christ as the only savior, recognizes that moses “always worked miracles in the name or under the authority of god, it was never a trick or gimmick these miracles were always meant to demonstrate the superior power of yhvh over the other so called gods.” the miracles of exodus are the first of many that moses performed on jah’s behalf and through jah’s hand in his quest to deliver the israelites from bondage in egypt. achieving that liberation did not prove an easy task. jah informed moses in exodus : that “i will harden pharaoh’s heart, and multiply my signs and my wonders in the land of egypt.” jah instructed moses in exodus : , saying: “when pharaoh shall speak unto you, saying, shew a miracle for you: then thou shalt say unto aaron, take thy rod, and cast it before pharaoh, and it shall become a serpent.” and, in : - : aaron cast down his rod before pharaoh, and before his servants, and it became a serpent. then pharaoh also called the wise men and the sorcerers: now the magicians of egypt, they also did in like manner with their enchantments. for they cast down every man his rod, and they became serpents: but aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods. ras oskar interprets the passage as follows: my overstanding of that exodus passage is like this: the rod is the rod of righteousness as righteousness is like a rod unto man. aaron went up before the pharaoh and displayed his righteousness and it was clever like a serpent. the pharaoh called upon his wise and learned and they too came, each one, with their rod of righteousness, clever like serpents: but aaron’s rod swallowed up their rods. righteousness is like the higher power of jah. it doesn’t matter what name you call it or what god you worship or not. if you reason, righteousness is king as righteousness abides by the very rules of creation that the most high himself establish. in this passage, ras oskar highlights the virtue and miraculous acts of aaron that stems from his relationship with jah. the magic of jah overshadowed and consumed that of the egyptian magicians because it was more righteous than theirs, yet pharaoh was not persuaded to free the israelites. from exodus : through : , moses plagued the egyptians through miraculous acts of jah. these acts involved channeling the powers of the natural world. raging fyah engages these deeds as he relates his experience of life in jamaica to that of the israelites who await freedom while the plagues of jah befall the egyptians: “pharaoh river is blood.” and sizzla similarly sings, “run go tell pharaoh him city dey go blaze.” for rasta readers including sizzla and raging fyah, the plagues beset upon their captors are a stage in their inevitable journey toward freedom from babylon. in exodus , moses parted the red sea by jah’s will by stretching forth his hand to enable the israelites to walk through the body of water. the sea then returned to its normal state, consuming the egyptians and causing grave harm. sizzla reminds reggae fans of this act in “azanldo”: “in a the red sea pharaoh and his squad, he, them drown/ pharaoh watch him pretty city going down ayy/ who a who run the zone, hey.” rasta readers thus celebrate moses’ miraculous acts mentioned above because they enabled the israelite journey to freedom. according to empress yuajah, though, it is essential that brethren and sistren remember that jah is behind these deeds: “rasta ‘know’ that jah created heaven and earth, the first man and woman, adam and eve, and he parted the red sea for the israelites.” while rastafari often reference moses’ plagues, or rightfully jah’s plagues, against the egyptians and the parting of the red sea in song and poetry, practitioners also focus on moses’ other miracles, such as his providing food and water for the israelites during their lengthy period of wandering, in exodus : - , : , : - , : - , numbers : , and : - . by way of illustration, garnett silk addresses moses’ ability to coax water from rock, in his song “the rod”: “striking the rock, making true love flow/ oh, that flowing love is what we need to go/ with this, things can only be better/ setting the foundation for the future.” scholar janet decosmo reports that in salvador, brazil, meanwhile, a: fundamentalist rastafari informant spoke of the ghetto in pelourinho in which he lives: ‘we survive by miracles. we evoke the all-powerful god and we use the positive, supernatural powers. like the people were fed for forty years in the desert, like our patriarch moses, the leader of our people invoked the all-powerful god and the all-powerful god sent food to us’. a rasta embrace of moses’ ability to perform miracles at jah’s behest contrasts with a general trepidation in rastafari about false magic. but, his are jah’s works. steel pulse instructs listeners, in “chant a psalm,” to “remember the magic of moses, so: dash away your bluesy feeling.” it is because of jah’s ordination that moses had the ability to perform miracles. and, as modern-day moseses, rastas are similarly able to conduct miraculous acts. moses and the rod the most visible sign of rastas’ embodiment of moses is the rod, something that many practitioners carry at all times. they do so because of the importance of the rod in moses’ biblical narrative and because of the extreme cultural significance assigned to the item in jamaican society, as originally derived from biblical sources. though moses is not the only actor in the hebrew bible to carry a rod, his is instrumental in liberating the israelites from enslavement and thus takes on great value for rasta readers. as mentioned above, the assumption of moses’ identity betroths the embodying individual with his divinely inspired abilities. in order to assume his facilities, many of those who seek to embody moses may carry a “rod of correction”(proverbs : ), representative of his staff and its ability to perform wonders. by carrying a rod, rastafari also unite with aaron and joshua, though it is moses whose identity is paramount, as his relationship with jah was unlike any other biblical actor. by emulating him and embodying him, practitioners claim such closeness to jah and define themselves as jah’s priests and prophets. rasta moses of curacao, for instance, explains, “either you are born a pastor or not. i believe that i was born to be a pastor. that’s why i carry the staff; it represents power.” and, stephen marley describes “the peaceful, righteous, rastaman/ rod of correction, inna him hand/ preachin’ out to man and woman.” the biblical moses carried a rod with him as a shepherd in midian. the same rod became representative of his leadership of the israelites and his divine election. in his biblical narrative, many of moses’ miracles involved this rod, which he often lifted up or used otherwise to initiate divine action. jah even proved to moses his worthiness to free the israelites, in exodus : - , by commanding him to use his rod. jah said to moses: what is that in thine hand? and he said, a rod. and he said, cast it on the ground. and he cast it on the ground, and it became a serpent; and moses fled from before it. and the lord said unto moses, put forth thine hand, and take it by the tail. and he put forth his hand, and caught it, and it became a rod in his hand: that they may believe that the lord god of their fathers. in exodus : , moses lifted his rod in order to part the red sea for the israelites, in : - , moses struck a rock twice with his rod in order to procure water for thirsting israelites, and in : - , moses lifted his rod to aid the israelites in battle against amalek, esau’s grandson. in numbers : - , moses again struck a rock twice to procure water for his people, though jah instructed him only to “speak ye unto the rock,” a mistake that numbers : infers cost moses entry into the promised land. in exodus : , jah identified moses’ hand as his own and the rod as his instrument: “thus saith the lord, in this thou shalt know that i am the lord: behold, i will smite with the rod that is in mine hand.” because of the importance of the rod in these biblical episodes and because of the cultural significance attached to the rod by rasta readers, moses’ rod symbolizes for practitioners the ability to issue divine commands and perform divine actions. both moses and aaron carried rods, though biblical scholars debate whether they shared a rod or each held his own. rasta readers do not interrogate the number of rods in moses’ narrative, but they do emphasize these instruments’ tremendous significance. just as aaron spoke for moses, aaron’s rod is central to many of moses’ divinely inspired actions. in exodus : , for instance, when moses and aaron first spoke to pharaoh about freeing the israelites, “aaron cast down his rod before pharaoh, and before his servants, and it became a serpent.” again in numbers , the budding of aaron’s rod evinced it’s miraculous qualities and confirmed priesthood to house of levi, though in this scenario, as in exodus , his rod was miraculous without contact with aaron’s flesh. in : , after korah challenged the levite’s right to priesthood, jah commanded moses to: speak unto the children of israel, and take of every one of them a rod according to the house of their fathers, of all their princes according to the house of their fathers twelve rods: write thou every man’s name upon his rod. moses did as jah commanded him and thus he: laid up the rods before the lord in the tabernacle of witness. and it came to pass, that on the morrow moses went into the tabernacle of witness; and, behold, the rod of aaron for the house of levi was budded, and brought forth buds, and bloomed blossoms, and yielded almonds (numbers : - ). this experiment cemented the house of levi as that of the priesthood. the kebra nagast, too, identifies “the rod of aaron that sprouted after it withered, though no one watered it with water.” in his interpretation of this text, e.a. wallis budge describes aaron’s priesthood and explores his rod’s behavior in numbers as being representative of jesus’ cross and mary’s womb: “the rod which without water burst into bloom indicateth mary, from whom was born, without the seed of man, the word of god.” rastas accept the message of aaron’s rod’s power as well as of his priestly reign. for instance, the twelve tribes of israel, wherein each member is assigned to one of the tribes, or houses, of israel, dependent upon their month of birth, elevates levites above all other rastas as priests, and those members assigned to the house of levi leads meetings because of their priestly capacity. as the era of his leadership concluded, moses passed on to joshua the responsibility for ushering jah’s chosen people into zion. joshua accepted moses’ ability to perform godly feats by lifting his “rod,” though joshua lifted a “spear” in his own biblical narrative. for rasta readers, moses’s rod, the rod of aaron, and spear of joshua, whether envisioned as one instrument or many, represent divinely sanctioned authority and miraculous power. in jamaica, the association of authority with ownership of a rod carries over into the political arena. while campaigning to become prime minister of the island nation in , rasta sympathizer michael manley, the people’s national party candidate (pnp), tapped rasta mythology by notably proclaiming himself a “sufferah’s man” and exploited the symbolic power of the “rod of correction” by carrying a staff he supposedly received from haile selassie during the emperor’s visit to jamaica on april , . in doing so, manley aligned himself with moses’ as well as with joshua’s leadership and charisma. according to olive senior, “thousands of jamaicans came to believe that the rod was imbued with supernatural powers, and everywhere (manley) appeared people wanted to touch this potent source of power, a few even ascribing to it healing properties.” in fact, manley represented himself as moses’ successor, joshua, by adopting his name and his inheritance of moses’ rod. manley’s father, norman washington manley, was known throughout jamaica as “moses” because of his contributing role in achieving jamaican independence in . in aligning himself with joshua, who led the israelites to the promised land, not as moses, who would perish on mount moriah, never having set foot in zion, michael manley accepted leadership from moses and looked towards the future. inherent in his acceptance of joshua’s name seems to be a promise to personally deliver the jamaican people to the promised land. though rastas generally focus on moses’ ability to free the israelites, readers too acknowledge joshua’s potential to lead the journey begun by moses. in his song “new generation,” featuring micah stampley, prodigal son embraces joshua as the leader who will move rastafari as jah’s elect forward: “new york, london, canada, caribbean people, / one the joshua’s generation they, yo, yo yeah! /we’re a new generation, call to the nation.” early rasta revolutionary reverend claudius henry “proposed a trinity of henry (moses), manley (joshua), and selassie (‘lord of lords’)” during manley’s campaign to become prime minister in . and, in his quest to sway rastafari support (though rastas generally avoid any and all involvement with politics) and to tap into a nationwide, not to mention worldwide, interest in rasta ideology, symbology, and reggae music, manley appointed clancy eccles, a ska and reggae singer, producer, and songwriter, as an advisor. eccles organized popular reggae artists of the era, including marley and the wailers, max romeo, inner circle, dennis brown, and delroy wilson in a musical “bandwagon” in support of manley’s efforts. artists involved in his political effort traveled around the island playing concerts to support manley’s campaign. eccles himself wrote and performed several songs in support of manley and the pnp, including “joshua’s rod of correction.” the song includes the lyrics “king pharaoh was grounded/ down in the bottom of the ocean/ lead ‘em with the rod of correction.” in the same period, romeo wrote and recorded “press along joshua,” which served as manley’s campaign song. romeo’s track includes the following lyrics: “press along joshua, press along/ in god’s own name/press along joshua, press along/in god’s own name/for persecutions we must bear/ trials and crosses in our way.” after manley was elected prime minister in , rastas, rasta sympathizers, and those very artists involved in eccles’ “bandwagon” became frustrated with manley’s leadership. romeo even recorded and released “no joshua no,” in which he detailed manley’s unfulfilled promises. in it, he sings: you took them out of bondage and they thank you for it/ you sung them songs of love and they try to sing with it/but now in the desert, are you battered and bruised? / they think they are forsaken, they think they have been used/ since you are my friend, joshua/ i think you should know, joshua/ rasta is watching and blaming you/ since you are my friend, joshua/ i think you should know, joshua/ they say, you must forward and start anew/ you know those who fought for you, you thank them for it/ you led them across the red sea when fear of drown in it/ but now in the jungle, you man, shout out, lion/ older men are patient but they long for zion. “no, joshua, no” conflates joshua’s biblical activity with moses’, speaking of issuing jah’s chosen people out of bondage and the parting of the red sea. moses performed those duties romeo references, and, in both scenarios, moses used his rod. because both moses and joshua worked towards the goal of delivering jah’s people into zion, manley and romeo conflated their biblical roles, thereby enabling manley to claim the great feats of moses while retaining the promise of access to zion ensured by taking joshua’s name. moses used his rod to perform jah’s miracles. he also channeled the word of jah throughout his biblical narrative. and though rasta practitioners still carry rods as representations of moses’ miraculous ability and authority, most rastas value the word over physical objects and particular miracles as a source of guidance and fortification. as tony rebel explains in “the voice and the pen,” “moses was protected because him have a rod/ now we use a chapter a day run the devil away method.” furthermore, garnett silk suggests that the word and music as its vehicle cause miraculous change and act like moses’ rod: “music, music is the rod and we are moses/ leading god’s children to the promised land.” here, silk acclaims music to be capable of miracles. just like moses’ rod; music has the ability to change the world and free rastas from domination in babylon. moses approaches zion though most rastas have never visited ethiopia, nor will they in their lifetimes, ethiopia serves as their mythologized homeland, as the divinely promised zion. but a resulting disengagement from caribbean society, envisioned as babylon, can cause brethren and sistren to struggle financially. economic security often requires engagement with babylon system, however ironically, such that involvement with babylon might facilitate physical repatriation to ethiopia, as the for-profit public musical performances of the twelve tribes of israel did for members of the group in the ’s and ’s. the economic benefit of engagement with babylon system was a major theme of the second rastafari conference and general assembly held in kingston in august, . over a three-day period at the university of the west indies’ campus, a younger generation almost unanimously advocated the shaping of a zionic world in jamaica. according to nigerian reggae artist majek fashek, who shares this perspective of creating zion wherever one lives, “promised land is a state of mind.” this message was seemingly well received by several older dreads, however, some brethren and sistren in attendance disputed the value in making zion in jamaica. for these conference attendees, jamaica remains firmly entrenched in babylon system and offers no opportunity for redemption. this particular dialogue surrounding repatriation is representative of a larger discord within rasta communities and between generations of practitioners. this major point of contention is not a new one for rastas. the issue of the conception of jamaica as unsalvageable babylon was foremost on the minds of many rastas on april , , when emperor haile selassie visited the island. upon his arrival, one to two hundred thousand jamaicans met selassie at the airport. the emperor selassie suggested, in a highly publicized speech during that trip and during a private meeting with rasta leaders, including mortimo planno, that jamaicans should attempt to better their situation in the caribbean before aiming for repatriation to ethiopia. he advocated that rastas should involve themselves in shaping the jamaica they envisioned as fitting and hope for “liberation before repatriation.” reverend henry accepted this message wholeheartedly and started advocating for “building africa in jamaica,” as did other significant religious figures in jamaica at the time. politician ras sam brown likewise encouraged brethren and sistren to better their situation in jamaica. for him, “repatriation consisted of erasing one interpretation (of the bible) . . . the babylonian one--and restoring another--the african and/or ethiopian one.” the conception of an ideological repatriation, as advocated by selassie, henry, and brown, resonated with many practitioners at the time, as it did for attendees of the conference, while others disregarded the notion and still aimed toward physical repatriation to africa. the idea of physical repatriation entailed, both at the time of emperor selassie’s visit and contemporarily, significant logistical challenges. moreover, those who have repatriated to shashamane, ethiopia and elsewhere in africa are not always well received. as henok semaegzer fente notes: those who repatriate from the caribbean and the west assume that, going back to africa, they would be accepted as african brothers and they would be welcomed into a community. the reality is that once they get on the ground they find out that they are treated as foreigners. as horace campbell notes, when marley visited shashamane in november of he recognized “the problems of translating a dream (of repatriation) into reality.” his experience in ethiopia, and more specifically with the rasta settlement in shashamane “led marley to see repatriation as more of symbolic attempt at refocusing (or repatriating) the mind to an understanding and valuation of africa.” as a result, marley’s music shifted in focus from physical repatriation, a central element of his music in the era leading up to his release of exodus, towards freedom for african nations, as evidenced by his track “zimbabwe.” interestingly, the twelve tribes of israel, the mansion with which bob marley was affiliated for many years and who are represented in great numbers in shashamane, initially embraced the concept of a physical return to africa. but, since the group’s leadership visited ethiopia in the ’s, the mansion has historically emphasized the benefit of a mental return. the mansion has since focused its resources on developing jamaica’s economy and establishing rastas place within it. the twelve tribes of israel are not alone in this perspective. for instance, the rastafarian manifesto eatup (ethiopian-african theocracy union policy), written by ras jubie and bongo floyd, focuses on the transformation of jamaica’s political, economic, and cultural systems. some practitioners’ desire to physically leave jamaica as babylon, and others’ yearning for a better jamaica through an eradication of babylon, is a prevalent debate amongst rastas. though haile selassie’s words resonated with some practitioners, while undoubtedly disappointing others, repatriation remained an essential prospect of many practitioners in the wake of his momentous visit to jamaica. rastas’ hope to return to ethiopia as zion has roots in the garveyite movement and the ethiopianism of the early ’s. but, the origin of the quest for home in africa stretches back to the forceful capture and enslavement of african peoples during the transatlantic slave trade. the garveyite movement, a major influence on rastafari, mobilized african diasporic people to actively attempt the return journey to a continent they envisioned as home. in order to facilitate the return of black people to africa and to ensure their economic independence, garvey and the universal negro improvement association organized the black star line, a black-owned and managed steamship company that was in operation from to , whose goal was to transport goods and to eventually take people of african descent back to their mother continent. on the occasion of the incorporation of the black star line, garvey proudly spoke to a crowd of eager listeners: they said that the negro had no initiative; that he was not a business man, but a laborer; that he had not the brain to engineer a corporation, to own and run ships; that he had no knowledge of navigation, therefore the proposition was impossible. oh! ye of little faith. the eternal has happened. he continued, “sons and daughters of ethiopia, i say unto you, arise! the hour has struck and ethiopia is now calling you to achievements and to glory.” though garvey’s black star line was a financial failure, the effect of the business on the psyche of african americans and afro-caribbean people cannot be overstated. the excitement surrounding the black star line and garvey’s larger mission of repatriation for all black people energized proto-rastas and early rastafari who aimed to leave jamaica in their lifetime. in august of , rasta pioneer leonard howell picked up on the power of the promise of a ship that would return african diasporic people home. he told his followers to await that ship. for howell, moses’ biblical narrative ensured that a ship would indeed bring black people back to their rightful home in africa; marcus garvey would, howell believed, be that moses who led a downtrodden and once enslaved people to freedom in zion. howell’s followers expected the sea to part to enable this journey, as it had for moses, though this time they believed the sea would only permit the transport of people with beards. for rastafari, the economic solvency that the black star line offered to black people was secondary to the opportunity for repatriation that the steamship company promised african people whose ancestors had been ripped from their homeland. yet, garvey’s shipping line never successfully transported black people to africa and garvey and his associates were consistently taken advantage of in their business dealings; they drastically overpaid for the boats they purchased for example. yet, early rastafari remained hopeful in the promise of some iteration of a successful black star line. and in , when an official of the ethiopian world federation visited jamaica to announce that haile selassie had granted land in shashamane, ethiopia to africans living throughout the diaspora, the enthusiasm and optimism surrounding the promise of a return by boat resumed. the “mass agitation” of the ’s, ’s and mid ’s was recaptured in the late ’s and early ’s as a reaction to the immigration of west indians to britain and a garveyite belief in the increased possibility of repatriation to liberia and other west africa countries. the black star line remains for rastafari a symbolic vehicle for achieving the goal of repatriation. it has, for generations, retained its symbolic potency and therefore is a consistent element of roots and culture reggae. in his song “black star liner,” for instance, fred locks chants hopefully: i can see them coming/ i can see i-drens running/ i can hear the elders saying/ ‘these are the days for which we been praying’/ seven miles of black star liners/ coming in the harbor/ seven miles of black star liners/ coming in the harbor/ it’s repatriation/ black liberation/ yes, the time has come/ black man, you’re going home. in , culture released the track, “black starliner must come” which includes the lyrics: “so long jah jah, jah jah so long/ we are waiting on the black star liner”; they rereleased the song in with slightly modified lyrics. the release by black roots entitled “far over” challenges black people to “get on the black star liner/ and follow the sound of the drums/ african people unite.” even in , british reggae artist gideon jah rubbaal’s “get ready rasta children” engaged the black star line and the promise of zion it holds for rastafari. rubbaal sings: mother africa, here i come/ stepping out of babylon/ no more sorrows, no more pain/ no more shall i live in vain/ get ready rasta children, get ready/ get ready rasta children, get ready/ black starliner is in the harbor. thus, the black star line remains a powerful symbol of rasta perseverance, one that ensures that zion is a possibility, one that resonates with moses’ promised deliverance of jah’s chosen people. blogger garveys africa employs its authority, noting that: moses, lead his people out of slavery and into their promised land (by way of canaanite genocide). . . . marcus garvey was about to lead probably a greater number of people out of slavery to their promised land in africa with the black star liner. it was only the usurping european and his negropean counterparts which prevented this. what garvey did do was successfully lead millions out of the mentality of slavery, and many physically into africa as a result of their liberated mindset. marcus works still perpetuate today. for me, if your a bible follower and if selassie is jesus reincarnate then marcus garvey is the reincarnation (and upgrade) of moses, in this time. garvey is but one modern-day moses. all rastafari are capable of leading rastas to zion. because moses issued the israelites out of bondage in egypt (exodus ) and brought them to the promised land, the possibility of zion remains for jah’s displaced elect. and when rastas become moses, they lead this righteous journey, drawing the movement ever closer to their goal of repatriation. though countless rastas identify with moses, whether through their adoption of his name or through their assumption of his physical connection to jah as demarcated by the carrying of a rod, practitioners still await “another moses,” just as they await the black star line. for example, marley, who practitioners often identify as a moses, himself asks for a contemporary moses in “exodus”: “movement of jah people! send us another brother moses! /movement of jah people! from across the red sea!” before marley asked for another moses, the mellow cats released “another moses,” a song in which they too plead: “send another moses, master/ to kill foes with your hand.” because all rastas are potentially embodiments of moses’ identity, that another moses is necessary to usher in a return to zion raises questions about the effectiveness of personal identifications with moses and adoptions of the role of jah’s prophet and liberator of the israelites. in spite of this paradoxical need for another moses whilst countless moseses trod the earth, the promise of moses’ deliverance, like the promise of the black star line’s departure for africa, invigorates rastafari with hope. like moses and as moseses, rastafari strive against babylon system because in conquering babylon, practitioners can actualize a journey to zion. in “can’t cool cant quench,” for example, sizzla details his actions against babylon and his intentions for accessing ethiopia as zion: “ah lick down babylon like a power drill/ well pharaoh them ya fire cyar chill/ repatriation babylon me melt yuh will.” here, the promise of zion ensures pharaoh and babylon cannot triumph. th street orchestra echoes this belief in “run dem out,” in which they confirm that actions against babylon lead to the triumph of jah’s elect in zion: the loyal brothers of the tribe of moses/ and all man who is black/ we shall reign africa forever/ we shall fight and take it back/ ah-huh-huh, yeah/ jah a go run dem out, ohhhh/ jah a go wipe dem out, lord/ god a go run dem out. though rastafari await another moses to free the israelites, each practitioner, as a potential moses, has a responsibility to strive towards the defeat of babylon, practice livity, and attempt to pave the way to zion. moses misbehaves for rasta readers, moses’ liberation of the israelites and his ushering of them to zion prove him a rastaman and exemplar of livity. but, according to his biblical narrative, moses erred in the eyes of jah. after receiving notice of his divine appointment, moses articulated skepticism that he was capable of leading the israelites out of bondage. in exodus : , moses said to jah, “who am i, that i should go unto pharaoh, and that i should bring forth the children of israel out of egypt?” even is spite of jah’s assurance he was capable of serving as jah’s vessel, moses continued to doubt his ability to effectively lead the israelites or sway the pharaoh. he questioned his abilities again in exodus : , furthermore, and vocalized concern in : , stating “they will not believe me, nor hearken unto my voice: for they will say, the lord hath not appeared unto thee.” in : , moses angered jah due to his persistent distrust: moses said unto the lord, o my lord, i am not eloquent, neither heretofore, nor since thou hast spoken unto thy servant: but i am slow of speech, and of a slow tongue. and the lord said unto him, who hath made man’s mouth? or who maketh the dumb, or deaf, or the seeing, or the blind? have not i the lord? now therefore go, and i will be with thy mouth, and teach thee what thou shalt say. and he said, o my lord, send, i pray thee, by the hand of him whom thou wilt send. and the anger of the lord was kindled against moses (exodus : - : ). even after accepting his new role as jah’s mouthpiece and vessel, moses still complained about his responsibility for the israelites. in exodus : , moses cried out, “what shall i do unto this people? they be almost ready to stone me.” in numbers : , he asked jah, “wherefore hast thou afflicted thy servant? and wherefore have i not found favour in thy sight, that thou layest the burden of all this people upon me?” in these passages, moses questions and complains, instead of accepting jah’s direction and persevering in faith. in his textual narrative, moses also accepts the blame for all of israel’s missteps. in exodus : - , for example, the israelites gathered manna on the sabbath, a behavior forbidden by jah and communicated to the israelites as such by moses. “the lord said to moses, how long will you refuse to keep my commandments and instructions?” in deuteronomy : , moses asks the israelites, “how can i myself alone bear your cumbrance, and your burden, and your strife?” and, in deuteronomy : , he states “the lord was angry with me for your sakes, saying, thou also shalt not go in thither.” he repeats similar messages in deuteronomy and . moses also made egregious errors in behavior before jah, most significantly in numbers : - : moses and aaron gathered the congregation together before the rock, and he said unto them, hear now, ye rebels; must we fetch you water out of this rock? and moses lifted up his hand, and with his rod he smote the rock twice: and the water came out abundantly, and the congregation drank, and their beasts also. moses procured water in this manner before in exodus : - . however, in this case, as rasta author clinton tulloch recognizes, jah instructed moses to “speak ye unto the rock before their eyes; and it shall give forth water.” moses did not heed jah and neglected to mention jah’s greatness when he addressed the israelites, thus inciting jah’s fury. in numbers : , “the lord spake unto moses and aaron, because ye believed me not, to sanctify me in the eyes of the children of israel, therefore ye shall not bring this congregation into the land which i have given them.” throughout his biblical narrative, moses doubted jah’s decision to elect him above all others and he continually complained to jah. and moses accepted the repercussions for the ills of his people. but it was in this instance, when he did not listen to jah’s specific orders or acknowledge jah’s greatness when addressing the israelites, that jah issued the ultimate punishment, one that may have reflected not only moses’ misstep in numbers but also his acceptance of the repercussions for his peoples’ behavior. because he and, more frequently, his people did not heed jah’s command, and thus, strayed from the path of livity, jah forbid moses from entering zion. in numbers : , jah explained his castigation to moses. “for ye rebelled against my commandment in the desert of zin, in the strife of the congregation, to sanctify me at the water before their eyes: that is the water of meribah in kadesh in the wilderness of zin.” moses must undergo punishment for both his missteps in the eyes of jah and for the doubts and the indiscretions of the israelite people. though in his biblical narrative moses hesitated to accept jah’s election and exhibited questionable behavior, thereby disabling himself from leading the israelites into the promised land, for rasta readers, he remains infallible. luciano confirms his retained rastaman status: “jah send jonah and elijah, / moses and noah, martin luther king and marcus too, / them never falter, the man them do them works and them move on/ i and i must carry on jah works.” jah elected moses above all others. and, moses ushered in a new age of rootedness in a promised homeland. yet, moses behaved insubordinately in his textual narrative. because rastas benefit when moses is a chosen liberator and prophet who retained jah’s favor, readers consequently address his narrative with prerogatives of empowerment, divine unification, and repatriation in mind. rasta readers prioritize moses’ leadership to zion and his role as instrument of jah over his missteps and moodiness, thereby ensuring reception of moses as an ideal rastaman and exemplar of livity. moses’ inability to enter the promised land poses hermeneutic questions for rasta readers, for whom a return to the promised land, whether envisioned as a physical, spiritual, or ideological repatriation, stands as an essential tenet of rastafari. moses beseeched jah to allow him entrance, in deuteronomy : - , yet jah did not acquiesce. jah showed moses the promised land in deuteronomy : : and the lord said unto him, this is the land which i sware unto abraham, unto isaac, and unto jacob, saying, i will give it unto thy seed: i have caused thee to see it with thine eyes, but thou shalt not go over thither. for rasta readers, moses achieved the goal of bringing the israelites out of bondage and to zion when he views canaan. “and moses behold and joshua say behold/ this a promise land” sing the groundations in “glory to the kings.” however, he cannot enter zion. a rasta hermeneutical approach enables the adoption of moses’ identity in spite of this textual element, for in claiming him and embodying him, rasta readers ensure their deliverance from enslavement in babylon to freedom in ethiopia as zion. if moses cannot enter zion, however, then rastafari, as contemporary moseses, may not be able to achieve their goal of repatriation unless his inability to enter is rationalized as redaction. most rasta interpreters do not contend with this element of his narrative, though some do indeed wrestle with moses’ inability to enter. prince alla tries to assure himself that he will not face the same scenario the biblical text dictates for moses, the aging prophet-priest, in “i don’t want to be late”: moses saw the land (yes he saw the land)/ yet he never reach (yet he never reach)/ to that land where that milk and honey flow/ i don’t wanna be late/ i don’t wanna be late/ time is at hand/ we must seek that promised land/ yes, i will be there/ yes, i must be there/ the time is at hand/ we must seek to repatriate. “moses the servant of the lord died there in the land of moab, according to the word of the lord” (deuteronomy : ). “and moses was an hundred and twenty years old when he died: his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated” (deuteronomy : ). but before his death, moses entrusted his leadership of the israelites to joshua. “and joshua the son of nun was full of the spirit of wisdom; for moses had laid his hands upon him: and the children of israel hearkened unto him, and did as the lord commanded moses” (deuteronomy : ). many rasta readers know, however, that moses did not perish, but transitioned into another role and/or another bodily incarnation. according to leonard barrett, rasta readers envision moses as the first earthen avatar of jah who was “actually god revealed in the shape and form as man. his mission fulfilled, moses disappeared from the earthly scene,” leaving joshua to actually bring jah’s elect in to the promised land. similarly, ras mandito reasons: in the king james version, the thread of the ‘christ order in the earth’ seem to have enveloped melchizzdeck, enoch, moses, and elijah and (the man called) jesus. there are crucial and significant similarities between all these; the most crucial and significant of all being that “their flesh did not see corruption! he continues to substantiate his perspective, arguing that: moses, like jesus, just went missing off of the top of a hill! only, they did not see moses leaving, and so they reported and recorded that ‘god had buried him’! . . . all these men had a conscious timing of their mission in earth, and knew when the time for completion of their mission had arrived. while some rasta readers might recognize this generational shift and celebrate joshua as that leader that would achieve entry into the promised land for the jah’s chosen people, moses largely remains that figure that rastafari celebrate above all others as liberator and deliverer to zion. many rasta interpreters attribute moses’ inability to enter zion to babylonian redactors. as agents of babylon, they deny moses entry because doing so might convince modern moseses that they too are unable to achieve access to zion. from this perspective, moses’ eventual status in his biblical narrative denies rastafari a homeland. other rasta readers rationalize his prohibition as a requirement for israelite entry, as a personal sacrifice in the name of liberation meant to pave the way for a new generation of rastafari. tony rebel channels the classic negro spiritual “go down moses” as he sings, for example: when israel was in egypt’s land/ oppressed so hard they could not stand/ the more things change a the more they remain the same/ and god said, go down moses/ way down in egypt’s tend/ we say pharaoh but you know them name/ ‘cause i will be the voice, i will be the pen/ i will be the moses weh come back again/ and if it cost me me wealth, cost me me fame/ i will wear the next x behind my name. in rebel’s words, moses’ inability to enter proves the patience and sacrifice needed of brethren and sistren in order to achieve eventual repatriation. from this perspective, when marley calls for “another moses,” he does not deny that he is a moses. instead, he recognizes that generations of moseses many have to serve as martyrs to ensure the freedom of future generations. though “there arose not a prophet since in israel like unto moses, whom the lord knew face to face,” according to his biblical narrative, moses died alone on top of mount moriah (deuteronomy : ). rebel acknowledges moses’ outsider status by the end of his life. but most rastafari readings center on other aspects of moses’s tale. such readings do not emphasize the end of moses’ life, because his death in exile too poignantly speaks to potential fears surrounding the possibility of physical, and even mental and spiritual repatriation, especially since many practitioners believe that true rastas do not die. if all rastafari claim the identity of biblical actors, including moses, they face the potential martyrdom required of the elect of the elect and the promise of personal repatriation expires even as ethiopia seems within reach. conclusion in his biblical narrative, moses succeeded in bringing forth the israelites from enslavement in egypt towards freedom in zion, using his capabilities to speak and act on jah’s behalf to accomplish the lofty task. rastas celebrate moses as the ultimate leader and paragon of livity, for he is a liberator, a guide, a teacher and a divine channel. he offers rasta readers the promise of redemption and demonstrates rasta righteousness through his own election. yet, jah punished moses in a most drastic manner on account of his and his peoples’ missteps. rastas benefit from reading moses as a virtuous, revolutionary rastaman who ushered jah’s people to their destined homeland through his command of the word and through his miraculous acts. and, rastas reason his inability to enter zion as redaction or an act of martyrdom in a hermeneutic strategy that ensures the movement’s potential for repatriation. in spite of his misbehaviors and consequent prohibition from zion, rastafari read moses to be the ideal rastaman, thus they assume intimacy with jah and ensure entry to the promised land, determining themselves to be elect leaders destined to fight and win against babylon system. in reasoning moses’ questionable behaviors as redaction or by not actively negotiating with them, rastafari articulate their ambiguity towards and dependence upon the bible, as well as their fears and hopes surrounding repatriation. moses was a flawed hero, though he was elect over all others. and human beings, even jah’s chosen people, are similarly imperfect. but when moses retains his role as rastaman-liberator and as prophet-warrior who ushers in a new age in zion, rastafari remain sanctioned and brethren and sistren become jah’s prophets and agents of freedom. an interpretation of psalm : . bob marley, “time will tell,” kaya, island records ( ). the melodians, “rivers of babylon,” beverly’s records ( ). frank van dijk, “the twelve tribes of israel: rasta and the middle class,” new west indian guide ( ): . raging fyah, “nah look back,” destiny, soulbeats records ( ). freddie mcgregor, “rasta man camp,” bobby bobylon, studio one ( ). allen dwight callahan, the talking book: african americans and the bible (new haven: yale university press, ), . albert murray, the hero and the blues (new york: vintage, ), . i wayne, “book of life,” book of life, vp records ( ). steel pulse, “biko’s kindred lament,” tribute to the martyrs, island records ( ). congos, “children crying,” heart of the congos, black ark studio ( ). damian marley, “one loaf of bread,” gang war (anthology), ghetto youths international ( ). sizzla, “babylon homework,” royal sons of ethiopia, greensleeves records ( ). peter tosh, “i am that i am,” equal rights, columbia records ( ). bob marley and the wailers, “go tell it on the mountain,” the best of bob marley and the wailers, beverly’s ( ). yabby you, “zion gate,” deliver me from my enemies, blood and fire ( ). ian mccann, bob marley: in his own words (new york: omnibus press, ), . midnite, “blaze up,” assini, i grade records ( ). early b, “take up your bible,” history of jamaica: early b at midnight rock, roots records ( ). callahan, the talking book, . see barry chevannes, rastafari: roots and ideology (syracuse, syracuse university press, ). wade bailey, rastafari and it’s shamanist origin’s: the new age movement in the caribbean (usa: lulu, ), . oskar, , rasta nick’ forum, http://forums.rasta- man.co.uk/smf/index.php?topic= . ;wap . sizzla, “can’t cool cant quench,” good ways, charm ( ). sizzla, “azanldo,” good ways, charm ( ). empress yuajah, rasta way of life: rastafari livity book (toronto: empress yuajah books, ), . garnett silk, “music is the rod,” music is the rod: reggae anthology, vp records ( ). janet l. decosmo, “rastafari fundamentalism in bahia brazil” in rastafari in the new millennium: a rastafari reader, ed. michael barnett (syracuse: syracuse university press, ), . steel pulse, “chant a psalm,” true democracy. elecktra records ( ). shardinouska schoop, “rasta moses ‘living a mission,’” amigoe, september , , accessed december , , http://jah.amigoe.com/amigoe- express/interviews/ -rasta-moses-living-a-mission. stephen marley featuring capleton and sizzla, “rock stone,” republic records ( ). gerald hausman, ed., the kebra nagast: the lost bible of rastafarian wisdom and faith from ethiopia and jamaica (new york: st. martin’s press, ), . e. a. wallis budge, kebra nagast: the queen of sheba and her only son menyelek (loschberg: jazzybee verlag, ), . joshua : . william f. lewis, soul rebels: the rastafari (long grove: waveland press, ), . olive senior, quoted in rachel lara mordecai, “narrative wars with my cousin: the ’s in jamaican literature” (phd diss., university of minnesota, ). prodigal son featuring michah stampley, “new generation,” genesis, prodigal son records ( ). carole d. yawney, “remnant of all nations: rastafarian attitudes to race and nationality,” in ethnicity in the americas, ed. francis henry (the hague: mouton ), . basil walters, “remembering clancy eccles,” jamaica observer, july , . clancy eccles, “joshua’s rod of correction,” joshua’s rod of correction, jamaican gold ( ). max romeo, “no joshua no,” jaguar ( ). tony rebel, “the voice and the pen,” vibes of the times, columbia records ( ). garnett silk, “music is the rod,” music is the rod: reggae anthology, vp records ( ). majek fashek, “promised land,” rainmaker, light year ( ). ennis b. edmonds and michelle a. gonzalez, caribbean religious history: an introduction (new york: new york university press, ), . frank van dijk, “chanting down babylon outernational: the rise of rastafari in europe, the caribbean, and the pacific,” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane, (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . rex nettleford, mirror, mirror: identity, race and protest in jamaica (kingston: sangster and collins, ), . leonard e. barrett, the rastafarians (boston: beacon press, ), . henok semaegzer fente, quoted in erin c. macleod, visions of zion: ethiopians and rastafari in the search for the promised land (new york: new york university press, ), vi. horace campbell, rasta and resistance: from marcus garvey to walter rodney (trenton: africa world press, ), . ibid., . wolfgang bender, “the way to shashamane: the rastafari return to a fictive ethiopia” in creating and crossing boundaries in ethiopia: dynamics of social categorization and differentiation, ed. susanne epple (zurich: lit verlag, ), . nathaniel samuel murrell and burchell k. taylor, “rastafari’s messianic ideology and caribbean theology of liberation” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . murrell and taylor, “rastafari’s messianic ideology and caribbean theology of liberation,” . marcus garvey, “negroes of the world the eternal has happened: the new negro has made history for himself and ethiopia shall be redeemed,” negro world, december , . barry chevannes, “rastafari and the exorcism of racism and classism” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, ed. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian anthony mcfarlane, (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . rupert lewis, “marcus garvey and the early rastafarians: continuity and discontinuity” in chanting down babylon: the rastafari reader, eds. clinton chisholm, nathaniel samuel murrell, william david spencer, and adrian mcfarlane, (philadelphia: temple university press, ), . chevannes, “rastafari and the exorcism of racism and classism,” . ibid., . fred locks, “black star liner,” black star liner, vp records ( ). culture, “black starliner must come,” two sevens clash, shanachie records ( ). black roots, “far over,” the frontline, bbc records ( ). gideon jah rubbaal and the revolutionaries, “get ready rasta children,” free us now, reggae retro ( ). garveys africa, november , ( : p.m.), “marcus moses,” jah- rastafari.com, http://jah-rastafari.com/forum/message- view.asp?message_group= &word_search=liberated+mindset&searchtype=all&s earchwhat=messages&search_user=garveys% africa. bob marley, “exodus,” exodus, island records ( ). the mellow cats with count ossie and his warickers, “another moses,” blue beat ( ). sizzla, “can’t cool cant quench,” good ways, charm ( ). clifton tulloch, rasta bible: for success and prosperity (lakeland: rastullo, inc., ), np. groundations, “glory to the kings,” young tree, young tree records ( ). prince alla, “i don’t want to be late,” only love can conquer, blood and fire ( ). barrett, the rastafarians, . ras mandito, the testament of rastafari: unlocking the kjv (raleigh: johnson & sinclair publishers, ), . ras mandito, the testament of rastafari, . tony rebel, “the voice and the pen,” vibes of the times, columbia records ( ). . conclusion: reading rastafari in the st century a dis ya version, a no king james version. ‘cause out of africa, came the garden of eden. hidden from me i was never told, no way! ancient prophets black and gold. like daniel, king david and abraham; israel were all black men. -steel pulse, “not king james version,” ( ) “every village in jamaica has a samson. every town has a david. every heart has a solomon.” gerald hausman here speaks of a tendency for certain jamaicans to adopt the identity of characters of the hebrew bible. doing so lends their voices authority and allows them to channel the virtues of the biblical actors they personify. this trend resonates for rastafari who embody individual actors, becoming modern-day incarnations of moses, samson, solomon, and david. in turning into manifestations of samson and moses in particular, rastas accept the personal relationships each biblical figure enjoys with jah, embrace their revolutionary status as their own, and espouse their distinct election as jah’s prophets and nazirite warriors. by becoming embodiments of samson and moses, rastas define themselves as credible and assert their chosenness by jah, thus establishing their inherent divine worth. practitioners read in the biblical narratives of samson and moses proof of jah’s prophet and his nazirite warrior as exemplars of livity. because samson is notoriously dreadlocked and because he is a nazirite from birth, he represents the epitome of righteousness. and because moses is born to a priestly family and brings jah’s law to the israelites, rasta interpreters reason that he too exemplifies livity in every facet of his life. delilah, on the other hand, is proof both that non-israelites, women, and especially foreign women pose a threat to the livity of the ideal rastaman. an analysis of the ways in which rasta readers assess the biblical tales of samson, moses, and delilah illuminates the essentiality of livity to rasta practice, to exclamations of rastafari righteousness, and to rasta biblical hermeneutics. because rastas read samson and moses as brethren, when the duo stand as exemplars of livity, rastas also own the purity and discipline they associate with a successful life of livity. through an assumption of the identities of these biblical actors, envisioned as pillars of livity, practitioners identify male rastas as the elect of the elect and as uncontaminated by babylon. because of the positive existential ramifications of this reading strategy, moses and samson remain unblemished, notwithstanding their occasional transgressive behaviors. despite samson’s dalliances with foreign women, for instance, contact with dead bodies, ingestion of non-ital food, and potential consumption of fermented beverages, he serves a rasta objective of empowerment and ablution as a dreadlocked exemplar of livity. and, moses offers rastas proof of their revolutionary nature, as well as their capability to communicate with and for jah. because he offers rasta interpreters so much, his disobedience and his inability to enter zion do not factor significantly in to rasta readings of him. the transgressive behavior of these biblical actors does not problematize rasta interpretations of them, both because practitioners rationalize their questionable behavior as sanctioned by jah and because of a rasta belief in babylonian redaction. the oppressor, in other words, has nefariously altered the bible, but the word of jah still echoes therein; it just has to be read with a hermeneutic of suspicion. rastafari assess babylonian redaction as the primary reason for the bible’s misinformation. this reality resonates in rasta approaches to moses and samson. it allows them to remain untainted despite their questionable behavior. additionally, however, that rastas themselves are transgressive must be considered. although practitioners generally pursue livity to some degree, many participate in behaviors that challenge elements of the life path. for example, some rastas eat meat and others drink alcohol. some use technology, while other practitioners decry the usage of technology as an engagement with babylon. some rastas involve themselves with women who are deemed dangerous because of their race and/or non-involvement with rastafari; these elements also make them foreign. though rastas commonly attempt to manifest livity in their lives, they, like moses and samson, sometimes err. representing moses and samson as perfect then not only heals the aberrations of the biblical actors but also of rastafari as contemporary manifestations of them. though rasta interpreters read samson to be jah’s chosen nazirite warrior without investigating his defiling behaviors, they do recognize that he falters in his relationship with delilah. her narrative proves that women, especially foreign women, are persuasive and incredibly dangerous. delilah’s tale warns rastafari that women pose a real hazard to the elect of jah, even to his strongman nazirite. the story of delilah and her subjugation of samson should pose enough of a warning to prevent jah’s elect rastas from dallying with dangerous women and yet reggae artists frequently sing of and rasta writers compose works that describe their experiences with modern-day delilahs who strip them of their livity and betray their love. even a seemingly good woman has delilah’s nature at her core, according to many brethren. often, even when a rastaman finds a woman that he thinks is a suitable mate, she is shrouding corrupting and malicious tendencies. according to most male practitioners, and thus according to most governing bodies of rastafari, in order to be a good woman, a rastawoman must be under the guidance of a rastaman. even so, her ability to actualize livity in her own life is limited by her own biological functions as well as her delilah-like tendencies; i.e. her innate womanly, immoral nature. thus, livity is gendered. rastawomen live lives of livity by cultivating dreads, eating ital, avoiding contact with death, educating their youth, heeding the word of their male partner, and avoiding communal contact during menstruation. men participate in several elements of a woman’s path towards livity; generally, raising children is primarily a woman’s responsibility and men are not required to observe monthly purity regulations. men often also assume a regulatory role over women and over the ritual sphere, one that includes regulations over livity. in their unique ways, both brethren and sistren pursue livity, a path defined by jah as befitting his chosen people and detailed in the hebrew bible. the manners by which sistren enact livity are changing, however. in progressive rasta mansions and smaller groups of practitioners, women are taking on more active roles in the ritual arena and assuming positions of community leadership. these shifts in gendered practice raise concerns for many older and traditional practitioners who envision a woman’s rightful role as a supportive one. contemporary debates surrounding a woman’s place in rasta culture are frequent. but they are far from the only site of cultural disagreement in contemporary rastafari communities. as practitioners age and as more founding members of rastafari die (or, as some rastas believe, transition to the next bodily incarnation), the movement must wrestle with its foundational stance on the denial of death. similarly, the notion of jamaica as an unsalvageable island of babylon is a contested one, with a diversity of rastas assuming wide-ranging perspectives on the topic. generations after the originators of the movement promoted repatriation back to africa as a primary goal of rastafari, practitioners still live in jamaica and throughout the caribbean, and indeed the world. some younger rastas are now centering their anti-babylon efforts on creating zion in the caribbean, while other contingents still vehemently deny the possibility of creating an ideal homeland in what was once the colonial world. and while some rastas embrace technological advances, others decry technology as a tool of babylon, one that distances practitioners from their i-n-i status. those that embrace it contend that technology is a vehicle to spread messages of black election and of the importance of livity to a global audience. as rastafari spreads across the globe, definitions of proper rasta practice diffuse and modify. and yet, the goal of livity, though defined variously by a diversity of practitioners, is an ultimate goal of rastafari. the guidelines of livity are largely derived from the pages of the hebrew bible. in particular, they are based upon the laws that moses brought to the israelites by way of jah. in the very act of bringing jah’s law to the israelites, practitioners recognize that moses, a rastaman, spoke as a conduit for jah, thus as his ultimate prophet. rastas adopt his prophetic legacy for themselves, as well as the priestly legacy of moses’ family. and, they assume the nazirite identity of samson as their own. while accepting these birthrights, rastas do not shoulder moses’ breaches of jah’s commandments or samson’s unbefitting behavior. instead, they accept the positive legacy of these transgressive biblical actors by applying to their narratives their distinctive biblical hermeneutic. whether rasta interpreters contend directly with biblical text or derive their knowledge from other sources, including extra-biblical tales and oral communication, they ask moses and samson, as complex biblical actors, to retain their purity, obedience, and loyalty to jah, because when moses and samson are flawless, rastas too are perfected subjects of jah. though not all rastas live in once-colonized locales, and though not all practitioners are african diasporic people, the majority of rastafari and/or their ancestors have experienced some form of domination, whether as a result of the transatlantic slave trade or other instances of colonial rule, or due to racialized schemas of worth that reign in different regions of the world. for individuals who have experienced domination in some form, rastafari serves as means of revolution and empowerment, as a method for extricating oneself from the psychological hold of determinations of worth imposed by controlling forces. through their interpretation of the bible in particular, rastas reject messages of black inferiority and corresponding notions of white supremacy and authority. rasta readers replace such theories with knowledge they derive by reading the bible for themselves and by employing their existentially rejuvenating biblical hermeneutic. by applying their hermeneutical approach to the text, rastas identify black biblical actors in its pages and confirm jah’s blackness. they acknowledge ethiopia as zion and the west as babylon. and, they reason their own chosenness by assuming an israelite identity. such rejuvenating readings have radical ramifications. in concentrating my argument on the ways in which rasta readers contend with samson and moses, in particular the reading strategy that they employ in order to claim samson and moses as pillars of livity, however, i hoped to shift the scholarly dialogue surrounding rastafari biblical hermeneutics, which generally centralizes on the revolutionary element of rasta interpretations. by drawing attention to readings of specific biblical actors as rastas themselves and, further, as exemplars of livity, i argue that the hebrew bible is more than a source of empowerment for practitioners. it is a ritual and behavioral guide, one that offers rastafari a path toward spiritual growth and intimacy with jah. in this dissertation, i have aimed to expand scholarly conversations about rastafari biblical hermeneutics by examining a rasta adoption of an israelite identity and declaration of jah’s blackness. furthermore, by focusing on rasta engagement with samson, delilah, and moses, i have highlighted the essentiality of livity in rasta reading strategies, ritual, and declarations of self-worth. by examining samson and moses as prototypes of livity and delilah as a threat to that very livity, this work negotiates gendered notion of righteousness in rasta practice and draws attention to the relationship between rasta approaches to the hebrew bible and practitioners’ emphasis on livity. biblical actors, including moses and samson, are powerful and complex characters to claim as exemplars of livity. and in order to fully comprehend the rastafari movement, scholars must investigate the interpretive techniques rastafari apply to their narratives to deduce rastas’ unwavering dedication to jah and to livity. by interrogating how rastafari read the complicated pieces of samson’s and moses’ textual presence, and by examining the hermeneutical strategies and rationality behind the existentially rejuvenating reading methodologies of rastafari in jamaica and across the world, scholars can cultivate a deeper understanding of the movement, practitioners’ dedication to the path of livity, and rastafari’s particular ontological perspectives on life. gerald hausman, rastafarian children of solomon: the legacy of the kebra nagast and the path to peace and understanding (rochester: bear & company, ), . see chapter of this dissertation. as described to the author by several rasta practitioners at the inaugural and second rastafari conference and general assembly held at the university of the west indies in kingston. glossary arawak: indigenous people native to the caribbean and south america prior to european colonization of the area. the arawaks were largely wiped out during the colonial period both due to the harsh treatment they endured as a result of colonization and because f their lack of immunity to illnesses brought over from europe. babylon: the nefarious and corrupting white colonial project, of which rastas believe the pope is at the helm. baldhead: non-rasta. bobo shanti: widely considered by scholars and rasta practitioners as the most “orthodox” group of rastas. bobo shanti generally assess technology as polluting and therefore they often avoid it. brethren: male rasta practitioner(s). can refer to multiple or to individual rastas. the term infers the connectivity enjoyed between rastas. dancehall: a musical genre that is popular in nightclubs around the world. it evolved from reggae in the ’s, but it boasts a faster tempo and songs often focus on partying, violence, money, and sexuality. downpression: rastas believe that the term “downpression” more accurately describes the experience of domination than “oppression” because “oppression” sounds like it includes the word “up” while domination brings down individuals and communities. dreadlocks: the natural result of leaving hair uncombed and untreated. the cultivation of dreadlocks is a fundamental aspect of livity and a means by which rastas prove their devotion to jah. duppies: ghosts or spirits of caribbean folklore. ganja: rasta term for marijuana or cannabis. rastas envision ganja as a sacred herb that enables practitioners to access a meditative state and achieve divine-like insight. grounation: rasta assembly celebrating haile selassie’s visit to jamaica on april , . during a grounation, practitioners play music, chant, smoke ganja, and reason together in communal celebration of selassie and jah. i-n-i: a term utilized by rastafari to refer to themselves in the first person. practitioners believe that a divine presence abides in all rastas. as an individual acknowledges this, he or she appreciates an intrinsic relationship with jah and with other rastas. thus, rastas refer to the self as i-n-i in a linguistic move that iterates each practitioner’s connectedness with jah and inherent divinity. i-ssembly: an assembly of rastafari. incients: a rasta interpretation of the term “ancients” that bestows ancestors with an i-n- i identity. irie: a jamaican patois term for a positive feeling or state of being. ital: natural and suitable. the term “ital” derives from “vital.” rastas believe that ital food increases vitality. itation: a form of meditation that stems from rastas’ relationship with jah as i-n-i. jah: the rastafari name for god. stems from the biblical yhwh. kette drum: a large hand drum played during rasta rituals. african origins unclear. kumina: an afro-jamaican religion influenced greatly by kongolese practice. kumina is focused on the veneration of deities and ancestors. drumming, dancing, and spirit possession are major elements of ritual. livit: given that practitioners eat to generate wellness, they reject the term “diet” on the basis that it includes “die” and instead employ the term “livit,” which is rooted in “live.” a proper “livit” consists of foods that promote spiritual and physical wellbeing. livity: the rasta practice of livity involves ascribing to ritualized practices aimed at purification and a healthful, clean life. these practices including an embrace of naturalness and jah’s law, the cultivation of dreadlocks, the usage of ganja, and the consumption of a specialized “ital” diet. livity has its roots in the hebrew bible and relates to commandments directed to the israelites as interpreted by rasta readers. maroons: once enslaved individuals who escaped slavery in the americas and formed sovereign communities during the colonial period. mento: a style of acoustic jamaican folk music popular during the ’s and ’s. misphilosophy: the mistaken philosophy of babylon. myal: an afro-jamaican practice that is focused on healing. this healing takes place through the channeling of the powers of ancestors. myal-men, or spiritual leaders and healers, focus on alleviating physical pain and mental anguish. the practice of myal also involves divination and spirit possession. nyabinghi: the holiest of rasta i-semmblies during which practitioners sing, drum, and use ganja as methods for chanting down babylon and celebrating jah and haile selassie. practitioners adopted the term “nyabinghi” from a resistance group active in kongo and rwanda during the late th century. obeah: a popular tradition in west africa and throughout the caribbean. though the spiritual path is largely focused on healing and protection, it has a negative reputation in jamaica. practitioners are believed to have the ability to channel spiritual powers, often considered malevolent, and direct them at enemies. overstand: because the term “understand” includes the word “under,” rastas replace it with “overstand” which they believe more suitably signals comprehension because it includes “over.” politricks: babylon’s employment of politics to fool black people. pukumina: a form of jamaican revivalism that borrows the deities, dependence on spirit possession, and emphasis on drumming and dancing of kumina and fuses them with christian elements. ras: an amaharic title of honor that has been adopted by rastafari. in amharic, the term signifies rulership. reggae: a musical genre that took shape in jamaica in the ’s and is now performed across the globe. reggae developed out of rasta ritual music, ska, mento, and r&b. its accent on the second and fourth beat in every measure makes it distinct. riddim: jamaican patois for “rhythm.” rocksteady: a musical style that developed in jamaica in the early ’s that emphasizes the bass instead of percussion. sistren: female rasta practitioner(s). can refer to multiple or to individual rastas. the term infers the connectivity enjoyed between rastas. ska: a musical genre that developed in jamaica in the ’s. ska was influenced by mento, calypso from trinidad and tobago, jazz, and r&b. spliff: ganja rolled in paper or a in leaf and sometimes mixed with tobacco. taino: an arawak people with a distinct language. they lived throughout the caribbean prior to european colonization. trod: to join or participate in the rasta effort to disarm babylon. zion: paradise. rastas envision zion as the promised land. references cited altaf, rabbi simon. yahushua: the black messiah. london: african-israel international union of qahalim, . anderson, jack. “rastafarian element worries law enforcers.” the dispatch, june , . asad, talal. genealogies of religion: discipline and reasons of power in christianity and islam. baltimore: the johns hopkins university press, . austin-broos, diane. jamaica genesis: religion and the politics of moral orders. chicago: university of chicago press, . 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enemies. blood and fire, . the beautiful struggle: an analysis of hip-hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics ________________________________________________________________________ a dissertation submitted to the temple university graduate board ________________________________________________________________________ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree doctor of philosophy ________________________________________________________________________ by william edward boone august, ii © william edward boone all rights reserved iii abstract the beautiful struggle: an analysis of hip-hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics william edward boone doctor of philosophy temple university, doctoral advisory committee chair: nathaniel norment, ph.d. hip hop reached its thirty-fifth year of existence in . hip hop has indeed evolved into a global phenomenon. this dissertation is grounded in afro-modern, afrocentric and african-centered theory and utilizes textual and content analysis. this dissertation offers a panoramic view of pre-hip hop era and hip hop era icons, iconology, archetypes and aesthetics and teases out their influence on hip hop aesthetics. i identify specific figures, movements and events within the context of african american and american folk and popular culture traditions and link them to developments within hip hop culture, iconography, and aesthetics. chapter provides an introduction, which includes a definition of terms, statement of the problem and literature review. it also offers a perfunctory discussion of hip hop as culture. chapter examines pre-hip hop american popular culture in the twentieth century such as america’s world’s fairs, superhero mythology, popular culture iconography, etc. and illustrate the ways in which they served as cultural, social and historical precursors to hip hop aesthetics. lastly, this chapter identifies afrocentric cross-currents within hip hop culture, which i describe as the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop culture, and illustrate the ways in which hip hop culture grappled with the efficacy and viability of afrocentric motifs, theory and aesthetics chapter offers a iv comparative analysis of blues and hip hop aesthetics. i explore gender dynamics within the context of inter-genre, call-and-response between male emcees and female neo-soul artists. chapter traces the development of hip-hop aesthetics and draws on african, american and african-american cultural practices and aesthetics to analyze its development. i focus on early characteristics of hip-hop culture, which are foundational components of hip-hop expression such as the influence of comic book super hero narratives. hip-hop aesthetics are an amalgamation of post-modern, post-industrial, urban blues sensibilities filtered through african-american musical traditions. i utilize bakari kitwana’s conceptualization of the hip hop worldview as a basis for highlighting hip hop attitudes, aesthetics, and expectations. lastly, chapter expands upon previous socio- economic discussions on hip hop culture with a focus on hip hop aesthetics and expression. in chapter , i explore hip-hop iconography, iconology and archetypes. i identify specific pre-hip hop icons and explore their influence on hip-hop aesthetics. i examine african american iconology and its relevance to hip-hop aesthetics. i also identify more recent hip hop icons and archetypes (e.g. the hater and gold digger), which operate as signifiers in hip hop narratives and aesthetics. chapter identifies specific characteristics of hip hop expression. i examine hip-hop aesthetics and archetypal influences, particularly notions of ‘bad” and “cool” within hip- hop culture. perhaps more than any other african-american archetype, the badman/bad nigga archetype has survived within african-american male narratives. i explore the evolution of bad within hip hop aesthetics and offer a socio-cultural analysis of , identifying specific icons (e.g. run-dmc and mr. t), attitudes, values and trends that v shaped both hip-hop culture and american popular culture. i examine specific cross- currents within s american popular media and explore the ways in which hip hop narratives and aesthetics reappropriate and engage specific popular culture texts. i assert that not the framework for hip-hop aesthetics was solidified during . i identify key figures, icons, archetypes, and popular media, circa , and their influence on hip hop aesthetics and discourse. vi acknowledgements first, i must give thanks and praise to the creator. of course, i would like to thank my mother (loretta boone,) my father (bill boone sr.), my sister (sheresa blanchard), my nephew (lil’ will), and brother-in-law (mario blanchard). your financial, spiritual, and emotional support made all this possible. without your love and prayers, i am sure i would not have been able to complete this ph.d process. i would also like to thank my afro blew media inc. family, daniel fitch, andre lusane, bryon turmon and david lusane. it’s time to rock out!! i would like to thank tanya walker, marcus johnson, christopher norwood, dr. james peterson, thomas ware, decouteau irby, devon, anthony dandridge, yaba blay, kaila story, kia m.q. hall, dr. paula quick-hall, daud watts, dr. donnetrice allison, dee brown, scott smith, antwan “twon” ross, and dr. kelton edmonds. this process has been intellectually, financially, emotionally, and spiritually draining. i encountered many obstacles along the way. systemic racism and classism is alive and well in america. i have experienced first-hand the many challenges facing poor, african american men in academia and in society at-large. as evidenced by my experiences during the ph.d process, i am convinced that for many african americans, the american dream is just that: a dream. i would like to thank all the folks from my hometown orange, new jersey. it was on the streets, courts, backyards and ball fields of orange (e.g. metcalf park, the valley, seven oaks) that i was equipped with the hard-nosed, aggressive, no-nonsense approach to obstacles which served as a constant reminder to never give up and never back down. to marcus johnson, emmanuel “manuel” harris, navarr montgomery, trevor and tarik vii stevens, dr. vernon thompson, eric white, jason smalls my uncle dean wilson and my uncle richard wilson, his daughters (my cousins) staci and stephanie wilson, aunt gwen, tenelle rainey, ingrid austin, my aunt dean, barshay and andre kelley. thanks i would like to thank all my students from north carolina a & t, winston-salem state university, princeton university, temple university, and upward bound. an additional thank you goes out to my hip hop and black culture students at temple univerity. your input, prodding, and encouragement kept me going. dr. greg carr, dr. nathaniel norment, dr. abu abarry, dr. marc hill, dr. molefi k. asante, dr. sonja peterson-lewis, dr. anthony montiero, dr. noliwe rooks, dr. cornel west, dr. eddie glaude, and dr. elwanda ingram. i cannot forget all of my professors at delaware state university—dr. kenyjatta, dr. blakey, dr. breasure, and dr. innis, and dr. mcneal, as well as all of my academic peers at temple university. an additional thank you goes out to my committee: dr. abu abarry, dr. marc hill, dr. nathaniel norment, and dr. james peterson. i also would like to thank my landlord at cumberland suites, steve marrone. even though we have had our “differences,” at the end of the day, you have been more than fair. lastly, i would like to thank all my haters. your hate, envy, jealousy, and overall bad vibes have served as motivation and introspection through this doctoral process. as the great white supremacist woodrow wilson declared: “if you want to make enemies, try to change something.” i would like to thank the ancestors. without your blood, sweat, and tears, my academic journey would not have been possible. i have finally secured what was denied to black folk for over years: education. viii this dissertation is dedicated to my maternal grandmother, juanita wilson, who was the family matriarch and leader. her declaration, “once you get education ‘they’ can never take it away from you” echoed in my head throughout this process. she has undoubtedly guided me along my spiritual and academic journey. she was a woman of grace, dedication, and brutal honesty…walk with me… ix dedication to the ancestors for keeping going when the end appeared as if were eons away to my grandma mookie, juanita wilson, whose spiritual guidance served as a beacon of hope to my parents and sister, whose love and prayers kept me on track to the “folk” of north philadelphia, who kept me focused and inspired and showed me mad love when i felt discouraged to all the hip hop artists and lovers of the culture, to all the african american and latina men, who have been victims of american racism, hold ya head!!! this is for you x table of contents page abstract ...................................................................................................................... iii list of illustrations ........................................................................................... xii list of tables .......................................................................................................... xiv acknowledgements ............................................................................................... vi dedication .................................................................................................................. ix chapter . introduction ........................................................................................................ statement of the problem ..................................................................................... purpose of study ................................................................................................... significance of study ......................................................................................... theory and method ............................................................................................. review of the literature .................................................................................... definition of terms ........................................................................................... hip hop as culture ............................................................................................. . amerikkas most wanted: an iconographic examination of pre-hip hop american popular cultural practices and their impact on hip hop. ............................................................................................ twentieth century african american manhood, american popular culture and the formation of pre-hip hop aesthetics ....................................... post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop .............................................................. . yo blues ain’t like mine: the hip-hop as post-modern blues ....................................................................................... the urban north................................................................................................ let’s talk about sex: an analysis of gendered discourse in hip-hop and neo-soul call-and-response ...................................................... . hip-hop aesthetics.......................................................................................... african aesthetics and hip hop aesthetics ...................................................... the oral tradition ............................................................................................. african-american musical aesthetics ............................................................. hip hop epistemology ...................................................................................... sampling ............................................................................................................ the hip hop worldview and hip hop aesthetics ............................................ xi . an iconographic analysis of hip-hop: “eff him ad john wayne................................................................................................................... hip hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics ........................................................ jack johnson ...................................................................................................... muhammad ali .................................................................................................. malcolm x ......................................................................................................... richard pryor ..................................................................................................... super hero iconography and hip hop aesthetics.............................................. things done changed on this side: tracking shifts in hip hop iconography from comic book superhero iconography to gangsta icons and archetypes ............................................................................ new(er) hip hop iconography and archetypes ................................................. . characteristics of hip-hop expression ............................................. scripting bad within hip hop aesthetics ……………………………………... hard times: hip hop discourse circa ........................................................ run-dmc as hip hop icons and archetypes…………………………………... characteristics of hip hop expression ………………………………………… conclusion................................................................................................................ works cited .............................................................................................................. discography ........................................................................................................... xii list of illustrations illustration page . talib kweli the beautiful struggle cd jacket............................................................. . edgar rice burroughs tarzan .................................................................................... . animated tarzan.......................................................................................................... . ota benga .................................................................................................................... . ota benga. ................................................................................................................... . x-clan........................................................................................................................ . de la soul ............................................................................................................... . brand nubian one for all .......................................................................................... . just-ice and krs-one, “going way back” video .................................................... . queen latifah............................................................................................................ . dana owens ........................................................................................................... . neo-soul movement ................................................................................................. . the real roxanne...................................................................................................... . mary j. blige ............................................................................................................ . erykah badu............................................................................................................... . jill scott ................................................................................................................... . meshell ngeochello ................................................................................................... . lauryn hill................................................................................................................. . erykah badu and q-tip ............................................................................................ . john wayne postage stamp ....................................................................................... . public enemy. ........................................................................................................... . jack johnson .............................................................................................................. xiii . superman vs. ali dc comic ................................................................................... . malcolm x ............................................................................................................... . krs-one by all means necessary album cover ..................................................... . richard pryor ............................................................................................................ . richard pryor ............................................................................................................ . richard pryo ............................................................................................................. . spiderman graffiti, n. philadelphia ....................................................................... . punisher ................................................................................................................... . david banner and the hulk ................................................................................... . superman ................................................................................................................. . jesus piece ............................................................................................................... . kanye west jesus piece........................................................................................... . color me badd........................................................................................................... . michael jackson, bad ............................................................................................... . lamar revenge of the nerds ..................................................................................... . mr. t .......................................................................................................................... . run-dmc .................................................................................................................. xiv list of tables table page . blues/hip hop comparative rubric ………………………………….. . hip hop archetype and iconography timeline ………….………….... . characteristics of hip hop expression ………………………………. chapter introduction don’t push me, cause i’m close to the edge i’m trying not to lose my head it’s like a jungle sometimes, it makes me wonder how i keep from going under melle mel, grandmaster flash and the furious five’s “the message” since the release of grand master flash and the furious five’s “the message” in , struggle has been one of the most consistent and salient themes within hip hop aesthetics. african americans have engaged in myriad struggles in america. for african americans, music, in all its various incarnations, has been a driving force in overcoming, resisting, and wrestling with these struggles. african-american musical traditions have been both functional and therapeutic in this process. music has been an anchor, providing invaluable cultural capital and discursive space for african-americans, oftentimes being the only effective means of expression available. individual and collective struggle is a prominent theme within hip hop lyrics and discourse. as a form of cultural expression, struggle—both external and internal—is utilized as a trope within hip hop discourse. this dissertation examines the complex socio-cultural matrix that spawned hip hop culture, as well as identify some pre-hip hop icons, archetypes, tropes and folk heroes that have influenced hip hop aesthetics. i examine key figures (i.e. archetypes, icons, etc.) — in the pre-hip hop and hip hop era— in order to illuminate the various struggles and tensions within hip hop aesthetics and how they reflect struggles and contradictions that are intrinsic to the american experience. these struggles play out within american popular culture arena. the title the beautiful struggle draws upon the work of hip hop artist talib kweli. it alludes to the blues sensibilities that are imbedded within hip-hop aesthetics. more specifically, i sample the beautiful struggle and utilize it as a representation of the existential tension and reconciliation of african oppression and celebration in post- industrial america. the title also refers to the struggle within hip-hop over hip-hop’s symbols, aesthetics, icons, forms, and function(s). additionally, the beautiful struggle refers to an aesthetic struggle within hip hop culture as it relates to hip-hop’s post- industrial, post-modern emergence. hip hop’s aesthetic struggle, though, plays out along ideological, discursive, social, expressive and iconographic lines. in the twenty-first century, hip hop—like american popular culture and iconography—has become ubiquitous. because consumers are bombarded with a wide array of iconographic symbols and figures, the full scope of these iconographic images are often misunderstood or understated. the influence of figures such as jack johnson, muhammad ali, and richard pryor on hip hop aesthetics—for example—is often understated. moreover, much scholarship on pre-hip hop icons is tangential and surface. this dissertation examines these icons and their influence on hip hop aesthetics, while tracking african america (e.g. the blues) and american (e.g. superhero mythology) popular and folk cultural traditions within the framework of hip hop expression. the artistic value, cultural relevance, and musical validity of hip-hop have been debated since its birth in the early s. musically and commercially, hip-hop has in fact proven itself to be a viable form of artistic expression. because hip hop has become ubiquitous within american culture, as with many african american musical forms, its cultural impact and african (american) origins are often misunderstood and/or understated. for african americans, hip-hop music specifically, and hip-hop culture in general, is one of the most candid and cathartic forms of african american expression to emerge in the twentieth century. i am not suggesting necessarily that hip hop is an authentic representation of african american experiences. nonetheless, hip hop’s non- judgmental nature offers an invaluable glimpse into african american attitudes. aesthetically, hip hop builds upon earlier blues, popular and folk african-american cultural traditions. this dissertation discusses the significance of hip-hop icons, archetypes, and aesthetics and their relation to african american and american culture and aesthetics. it also illuminates the interactivity between african american and american popular culture and hip-hop culture, which can be loosely defined as a way of life rooted in the elements of b-boying, emceeing, djing, graffiti, and knowledge. (illustration . ) talib kweli cover this dissertation, besides examining pre-hip hop, african-american archetypes and icons and their influence on hip-hop aesthetics, seeks to: ) identify african american and american tropes that have been absorbed into hip hop aesthetics and discourse; ) illustrate that hip-hop is part of a continuum of african-american culture and not an abruption; ) tease out the american influences of hip-hop aesthetics, particularly the superhero mythology; ) further explore hip hop’s engagement of twentieth century american popular culture texts—particularly during the s—and ) expand the understanding and analysis of hip-hop aesthetics and culture and gauge the extent to which they reflect african american attitudes, values, and expectations. i explore several theoretical and philosophical questions in this dissertation including: ) what icons and archetypes has hip-hop embraced, reified and/or sampled? ) what does hip hop’s reappropriation of these icons reveal about the hip-hop generation? ) what meaning and values are accrued through the selection of these figures in hip-hop culture? ) how does hip-hop bridge the gap between cultural ideals/norms and socio-political and economic realities? ) what is the significance of superhero mythology within hip hop aesthetics? ) how has afrocentric theory been utilized within hip hop aesthetics? ) what events and developments in s american popular culture influenced hip hop aesthetics, narratives and worldview? i am also concerned with a deeper, existential question regarding how african- american men utilize hip hop aesthetics to navigate the twentieth century american popular culture landscape. i argue that africans in america have yet to fully reconcile their “americaness”, which is inherently wrought with contradictions. hip hop has acted as an agent in the expressive reconciliation of this tension. i explore the ways in which african-americans have reconciled american idealism with the realities of their american experience through the utilization of hip-hop cultural production, expression and performance. lastly, this dissertation examines concepts such as “the classic” hip- hop album and what hip-hop purists describe as “real hip-hop”. even though this type of labeling can border on cultural elitism, these monikers are instructive in that they reveal much about hip-hop aesthetics and provide invaluable cultural markers for hip-hop scholars. furthermore, i utilize the concept of “real” or “classic” hip hop as an aesthetic framework to identify the essential qualities of hip hop—that hip hop’s cultural, social, and historical foundations and expressive boundaries. i use the theoretical framework “reai” or authentic hip hop as a criteria and guide in the selection of hip hop texts in this dissertation. the hip hop artists i sample are all firmly rooted in hip hop culture. and aesthetics. furthermore, the artists i sample are unanimously considered “hip hop” by critics, artists, and hip hop generationers. statement of the problem much of the research on hip-hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics does not adequately take into account the african american historical and aesthetic dimensions of their connection to hip-hop culture, particularly those icons, archetypes and aesthetics that pre- date hip hop culture. many analyses of hip-hop aesthetics and icons cut african- americans off from their historical legacy in regard to the art form, nor does it sufficiently assess the deeper meaning behind hip hop’s reappropriation of certain american popular culture texts. another issue within hip hop scholarship revolves around the sheer volume of american popular media. because hip hop aesthetics and culture are often disseminated virally through hip hop’s maximization of popular media and technology and the fact that contemporary american popular culture, in general, bombards individuals with images, teasing out more contemporary influences on hip hop aesthetics can prove daunting. this dissertation expands the study of hip-hop’s icons and archetypes to include afro-diasporic discourse and african american culture and history to construct a theoretical model grounded in african-american socio-musical traditions. blues, for example, has had a profound impact on hip hop aesthetics, yet much of the scholarship that links blues to hip hop aesthetics focuses on the discontinuity of blues aesthetics in hip hop. this dissertation explores the interface between hip hop aesthetics and american popular media. i begin with the premise that hip hop aesthetics borrow heavily from african american pre-hip hop iconography. however, because of hip hop’s use post-modern pastiche, iconic, scholarly and popular culture texts are reappropriated, intermingled, reconfigured and redefined. when dealing with african american phenomena, a multi-dimensional, wholistic approach is best suited. this dissertation seeks to better situate hip-hop into a more organic historical and cultural context by linking various twentieth century african- american popular and folk icons, archetypes, and mass movements to hip-hop aesthetics. although many of hip hop’s iconographic and archetypal influences have been identified in previous research, the nuances, contexts, and implications of these figures and their impact upon hip-hop culture have not yet been fully examined. by examining these figures and movements, for example, the bad man trope, i explore, identify, and interrogate hip hop’s relationship to american popular media. in doing so, i attempt to unravel the social-cultural and aesthetic dimensions of hip-hop expression. by utilizing all available “texts” within popular media such as video, television, and film, i explore the tension between these archetypes and icons (e.g. bill cosby/richard pryor, jack johnson/joe louis), as well as within african-american culture and mainstream american culture, all of which offer a site from which to examine the expressive, historical, sociological, and cultural contours of hip-hop. i seek to fill gaps in the current literature, much of which makes only brief references to african-american iconographic and archetypal influences and their significance to hip-hop aesthetics. furthermore, there remains an apparent lack of a clearly articulated model that evaluates the trajectory, origins and development of hip-hop iconography. afrocentric scholarship on hip tends to focus on hip hop’s lack of social and political value. yet more recent scholarship by scholars such as julani cobb, imani perry and jeff chang has addressed hip-hop aesthetics. to know what something is one most also know what it is not. in this case, hip-hop—as with many african-american cultural forms (e.g. jazz, blues, et. al)—has been so thoroughly absorbed into the fabric of american popular culture that the whole (american culture) appears to be indistinguishable from the parts (hip-hop). the post modern nature of hip hop (i.e. pastiche, reappropriation, etc.) presents serious issues when scholars attempt to deconstruct and demarcate hip-hop aesthetics and its myriad influences outside afrocentric scholarship. much hip hop studies research relies too heavily on post modernist theory and multicultural models to formulate their arguments. not that post modern theory is not useful in examining hip hop, but, if used solely, it often fails to tease out the many nuances of hip-hop culture, as well as its true essence. conversely, although this dissertation is grounded in afrocentric theory, many afrocentric scholars tend to deemphasize, discredit, disregard and/or discard evidence of external influence and syncretism of european culture. this type of analysis often leads to misinterpretation when examining hip-hop culture and aesthetics. this creates an either/or dialect. hip hop aesthetics do not always fit neatly into structuralist frameworks. this dissertation examines icons and archetypes in an attempt to better understand— socially, culturally, artistically and historically—hip-hop aesthetics, highlighting the various influences that have led to the formation of hip-hop aesthetics and worldview. much is to be garnered from the discursive space between hip-hop culture and black popular culture. this dissertation will focus on the cultural exchange, as well as the discursive space, between hip-hop and black popular culture. why, for example, have figures such as malcolm x, mike tyson, tupac shakur, and scarface been reified in hip- hop? why have others such as bill cosby and jesse jackson been deemphasized, overlooked or omitted? what does this say about hip-hop culture? what does this say about the evolution of black popular culture? what does this say about the socio- economic and cultural landscape of african-americans? to what extent do these hip-hop icons reflect trends amongst african-american within the hip hop generation? this dissertation also seeks to deconstruct (and unravel) the specific american historical context from which hip hop emerged. purpose of study the purpose of this dissertation is to examine hip-hop icons, iconology, narratives, archetypes and aesthetics with a focus on broader trends in african american and american popular culture. by utilizing afrocentric and afro-modern theory, this dissertation explores the ways in which african-american icons and archetypes inform hip-hop-aesthetics. i investigate the link between african-american and american archetypes, iconography and hip-hop aesthetics. moreover, i seek to create a theoretical construct that takes into account the african american and american influence on hip- hop aesthetics. oftentimes, many false assumptions are made concerning the meaning behind selection of icons and archetypes and their relation to african american culture. on the surface, such acultural analysis may appear superficial or inconsequential. yet, because academic discourse on music and aesthetics is political (or at least its implications are), as well the fact that hip-hop is the product of a complex matrix of sometimes-oppositional attitudes/cultures, i attempt to peel away hip hop’s socio-cultural baggage in order to identify its essential components. this dissertation focuses primarily on african-american icons such as muhammad ali, malcolm x, and richard pryor. hip hop culture interfaces with american popular media on numerous levels. i examine european-american icons, whether real or fictional, such as donald trump, john d. rockefeller, al capone and scarface and their influence on hip-hop culture. the centrality of icons within hip hop aesthetics is linked, partially, to the centrality of heroic figures within american and african american culture. heroic figures are intrinsic to american historical and folkloric narratives. superhero narratives such as superman, hercules, and the justice league were foundational aspects to in the evolution of hip hop aesthetics. yet, hip hop aesthetics pull from european american and african american folk hero traditions, which, though similar, were distinctly different. this shift toward depoliticized and upwardly mobile icons during the s reflected shifts in african american attitudes and expectations. socio-economic and cultural trends coupled with shifts in public policy brought on by the post-modern, post-industrial, post-civil rights, mass-mediated landscape are partially responsible for these shifts. levine makes a clear distinction between african american heroic narratives that were informed by the slave experience and european american informed by hegemony and white privilege: secular slave heroes operated by eroding and nullifying the powers of the strong, by reducing the powerful to their own level. central white folklore heroes triumphed through an expansion of the self-by inflating the individual rather than deflating the antagonistic forces he faced. (levine ) it is hip hop’s use of iconic heroes—similar to african american secular slave heroes, as a means to nullify the white power structure that— is significant to my discussion of hip hop iconography. hip hop iconography samples from both traditions. hip hop icons offer invaluable cues into hip hop politics, attitudes and sensibilities. shifts in hip-hop aesthetics between the late s and mid s from superhero iconography to gangster iconography, for example, reflect major shifts in african-american and american sensibilities. by the s, america, as a whole, became obsessed with consumption and celebrity. by trends in american popular cultural production and consumption effected and were affected by hip hop aesthetics. the study of american popular culture icons waned by the late s. scholarly disinterest in american iconology during the late s and s was partially due to the permeation of popular icons within american popular culture. in a sense, american icons experienced a hyper-visibility within mainstream american popular culture; yet, partially because of their hyper- visibility within american popular culture, their significance was largely ignored within scholarly discourse. this dissertation will discuss the significance of american iconography within in a hip hop context. many african-centered and afrocentric scholars have focused on misogyny and violence in hip hop. by framing hip hop expression within a pathological framework, this type of research devalues hip hop’s functionality as a social-cultural agent. as more recent hip hop studies scholarship has revealed, attacks on misogyny and hyper materialism in hip hop “need to be contextualized and examined with greater sophistication” (ogbar, hip-hop revolution ). conversely, much eurocentric scholarship fails to tease out the significance of hip hop’s iconology, which tends to sever hip hop culture from its african american legacy. for african americans, hip hop music is one of the most powerful media of expression to emerge within the last years. aesthetically, hip-hop builds upon earlier blues, popular and folk african-american cultural traditions. this dissertation discusses the issue of hip-hop aesthetics and its relationship to african (american) culture and aesthetics. in so doing, it illustrates the interactivity between african/african-american culture and hip-hop culture, which can be loosely defined as a way of life rooted in the five core elements of b-boying, emceeing, djing, graffiti, and knowledge. significance of study the significance of this dissertation lies in its examination of hip-hop archetypes, narratives, aesthetics iconography and iconology, linking them to african-american cultural movements, traditions, and ideologies. this dissertation explores abruptions of african-american culture within hip hop and also examines the ways in which hip-hop— an african-american cultural production—has absorbed, reinterpreted and utilized various american icons and aesthetics. in this dissertation, i seek to explore several theoretical and philosophical questions: ) what major figures, events tropes and trends have led to the formation of hip-hop aesthetics? ) in what ways do hip hop aesthetics reflect blues sensibilities? ) what is the significance of superhero mythology within hip hop aesthetics? ) what is the significance of hip hop’s icons and archetypes to the hip- hop generation? and ) in what ways have hip-hop aesthetics been utilized by african americans men as counter-narratives to popular media texts? an examination of hip-hop’s icons and archetypes sheds light on the many contradictions and paradoxes concerning african american life in post industrial, post- civil rights america. an exploration of hip-hop’s icons also exposes the shortcomings, successes, and failures of african american philosophical and political thought and american ideals. the icons hip hop has adopted, as well as the portions of these icons’ narratives that hip hop has chosen to embrace, offer invaluable insight into hip hop aesthetics and discourse. lastly, this dissertation seeks to cultivate and preserve hip-hop culture by creating a model to adequately examine the trajectory and development of hip- hop aesthetics. the dynamic scope and body of hip-hop cultural and musical production presents myriad issues for any investigation of it. since its inception in the south bronx in the s, hip-hop has rapidly expanded globally. the fact that hip-hop is a global phenomenon, and varies greatly in both content and form depending on geographic location, is of great concern when approaching hip hop academically. spatial dimensions present serious limitations when examining hip-hop; new artists, cds, slang, styles and subgenres emerge regularly. nonetheless, i assert that there are essential characteristics or features of hip hop culture and music. these characteristics are present in hip hop culture regardless of the geographic location, subgenre, etc. it must also be noted that mixtape culture is a driving force within hip-hop culture. the production of mixtapes has grown exponentially in the past ten years, contributing to the aesthetic development of hip-hop music. however, because mixtapes are produced and distributed in an underground market economy, they are extremely difficult to track and analyze, which limits this dissertation’s thoroughness. this dissertation focuses on east coast hip-hop, specifically hip-hop from philadelphia, new york and new jersey. it is by no means exhaustive. however, because there is much syncretism in terms of influence and trans geographic dialogue, west coast and southern influences on hip-hop aesthetics are covered perfunctorily in this dissertation. these intersections are precisely why research on hip-hop music must be done holistically and expeditiously. an additional limitation of this dissertation is the dearth of first-hand interviews, as well as the absence of quantitative analysis that examines hip hop lyrics and the sensibilities of hip-hop consumers. though quantitative analysis is part of my future research plans, economic and time constraints have limited the empirical components of this research. theory and method this dissertation utilizes a multi-method research strategy, which relies on both traditional and vanguard research methods. the research method for this study is content and textual with a focus on the influences of and references to specific icons, archetypes and texts. i utilize all available “texts” (i.e. video, dress, concerts, language, popular print media, cinema, et al) in order to create a well-rounded and informed perspective. early twentieth century african-american cultural criticism and scholarship by noted african-american scholars from the harlem renaissance (e.g. zora neale hurston, richard wright, and langston hughes) and black arts movement (addison gayle, amiri baraka, and larry neal) provide the theoretical scaffolding upon which this dissertation is built. zora neale hurston’s “characteristics of negro expression” published in set the tone for how african-american culture/art would be examined in an urban, technologically-advanced society. hurston examined african american folk culture as it unfolded before her; she avoided the duboisian tendency toward bourgeoisie binaries of high and low culture, hurston’s analysis of african- american culture was brutally honest, yet accurate. her work is both instructional and inspirational. first published in in negro: an anthology, zora neale hurston’s “characteristics of negro expression” offers an insightful analysis of negro (artistic) expression at the turn of the th century. hurston’s identification of the culture hero as a characteristic of negro expression is particularly useful to my discussion of hip-hop archetypes and icons. as a folklorist, hurston’s ethnographic research provides an extensive interrogation of african-american art in the twentieth century. her work, as well the works of early twentieth century african american scholars such as james baldwin, langston hughes, w.e.b du bois, and richard wright, sought to define and validate “black art” and the aesthetics that under girded its production. furthermore, this dissertation utilizes hurston’s construct to frame and map hip-hop aesthetics within the context of african american male-centric expression. hip-hop is an african american art form; therefore, theoretical frameworks grounded in the experiences of african peoples prove useful. a multidimensional theoretical and research model is utilized for this dissertation. my theoretical framework is grounded in afrocentric theory, yet it builds upon and engages eurocentric and anglophone texts. molefi k. asante’s location theory is utilized as the theoretical anchor of this dissertation. i utilize location theory as a means to better understand hip hop aesthetics and to free them from eurocentric socio-cultural projections. in the afrocentric idea, asante explains the importance of reclaiming intellectual space and avoiding ethnocentric eurocentrism performing cultural analysis: unless they are subjected to severe criticism, the preponderant eurocentric myths of universalism, objectivity, and classical traditions retain a provincial european cast. scholarship rooted in such myths obviously lacks either historical or conceptual authenticity. the aggressive seizure of intellectual space, like the seizure of land, amounts to occupying someone else’s territory and claiming it as one’s own. when this occurs, cultural analysis takes a back seat to galloping ethnocentric interpretations of phenomena. ( ) within this dissertation, then, i attempt to relocate hip-hop into a conceptual and cultural space that takes into account its african, african-american, and american influences respectively. however, hip hop aesthetics are not rigid nor are they structuralist. this can be problematic when utilizing afrocentric theory to examine hip hop aesthetics. the hip hop generation embraces ambiguity in its avoidance of societal and cultural binaries. therefore, i extend my analysis of hip hop aesthetics to include american cultural norms and sensibilities. this dissertation relies on afrocentric theory in that i seek to relocate hip hop aesthetics within an cultural-historical context that reflects its african and african american lineage. however, because hip hop is heavily-influenced by postmodern approaches to artistic production, construction and mediation, afrocentric theory often obscures hip hop’s more secular and profane features. furthermore, although afrocentric and african-centered theory has aided in the cultural grounding of this dissertation, as articulated in its current iteration, it is not didactic and often fails to approach hip hop culture wholistically and objectively. potter has identified hip hop culture as resistance postmodernism, which, though linked to postmodern theory, is more concerned with theoretical implementation: [resistance postmodernism] is not simply a theorization of a more political postmodernist stance; it proposes (against the grain of many self-announced ‘resistance modernists’) that the material and social forms of resistance takes in a specific cultural context and may well be indifferent or even hostile to some of the academic formulations of postmodernism. (potter ) potter positions hip hop culture as post-apocalyptic art. he asserts that hip hop’s elements “are not monuments to some romanticized “human spirit,” but fundamentally anti- monumental arts” (potter ). hip hop’s use of tragic realism and its use of pastiche present a theoretical conundrum for this dissertation research. nonetheless, i sample both post modern and afrocentric theoretical frameworks in my analysis of hip hop iconography and aesthetics. review of the literature hip hop studies literature dates back to the early s. though journalists documented the first twenty years of hip hop culture, three texts mark the beginning of the study of hip hop in the academy: tricia rose’s black noise ( ), droppin science ( ) edited by william eric perkins, and houston baker’s black studies, rap and the academy. hip hop has survived thirty years despite severe societal and academic criticism. in the twenty-first century, hip hop’s commercial presence has resulted in increased scholarly attention. in the last - years, hip hop studies scholarship has—on one hand— moved away from grand historical narratives on hip hop toward more myopic analysis. nonetheless, their remains a need for culturally-grounded research on hip hop, which is anchored by textual analysis of lyrics as well as popular culture texts such as videos, interviews, etc. as discussed, many post modern postulations of hip hop understate its african and african american origins. conversely, many afrocentric analyses of hip hop culture fail to properly contextualize and asses its functionality. though i utilize both, i situate hip hop within a socio-cultural context that takes into account both hip hop’s african/african american legacy and its americaness. i divide the review of hip hop studies literature into three waves. the first two waves of hip hop studies scholarship focused on creating a meta-narrative which documented the origins of hip hop culture. this body of literature was concerned primarily with validating hip hop as a an academic field of study or it focused on hip hop’s primary (b-boying, djing, emceeing, graffiti, and knowledge) or its secondary elements (video, music production, etc.). the first wave of pre-hip hop studies scholarship begins with literary scholars such as amiri baraka, eileen southern and henry louis gates. these writers laid the theoretical and methodological groundwork for analyzing hip hop. they also were preoccupied with documenting hip hop’s history. the second wave consists of scholars such as tricia rose, nelson george, michael eric dyson, william eric perkins, and robin kelley. the first two waves of hip hop studies scholarship was concerned with the cultural and scholarly validation of hip hop culture. the first two waves consisted primarily of meta-narratives of hip hop culture. the third wave consists of scholars such as jeffery ogbar, bakari kitwana, murray forman, imani perry, joan morgan, tanya sharpley-whiting, murray foreman and also includes third wave black feminists such as joan morgan. the review of literature surveys various literatures on hip hop, american popular culture, and american icons. as stated in the precious section, this dissertation builds upon twentieth century theoretical frameworks that examined african american cultural practices. since the mid- s, the study of hip hop culture has flourished in the academy and within journalism. several texts published in the new millennium examine hip hop aesthetics, yet few texts focus on hip hop iconography and iconology, particularly pre-hip hop iconography, iconology and aesthetics and their link to hip hop. because much research fails to address the tension between african-american, african, and american cultures in hip hop, the review of literature attempts to reconcile this tension by fusing various theoretical constructs across disciplines and fields of study. the review of literature covers two major subject areas and two sub-areas, though the review of literature concentrates primarily on hip hop texts or texts that mention hip hop explicitly. first, i engage “traditional” texts that deal with african-american culture and music in general. these works range from cultural studies texts that examine popular culture to texts that deal with african-american and african cultural production and phenomena to works that discuss hip-hop scholarship in the academy. second, i examine traditional musical texts that reference both african-american and american musical forms, tradition and history. third, i review literature that discuses popular culture in america. note, that much of the literature on popular culture is produced in cultural studies. last, i engage texts that deal specifically with hip hop culture and aesthetics. these texts fall into two broad categories: scholarly and popular press. the former includes primarily college professors from various disciplines; the latter is composed of hip-hop artists, (radio) personalities, artists, poets, reporters, critics, ghostwriters, aficionados, journalists, fans, etc. on the surface, this dichotomy appears to be merely an issue of historiography. however, because of differences in methodology, ideology, and theory there remains some tension between the two camps. because hip-hop so thoroughly embodies african-american oral traditions, literary criticism made up a large portion of early academic discourse on hip hop. african- american literary texts such as gates the norton anthology of african american literature, edited by henry louis gates ( ), connect hip-hop culture to the african- american oral tradition: jump-rope rhymes; competitive trickster toasts; chanted sermons of black churches, jazz singing of louis armstrong and cab calloway, favorite disc jockeys, and “popular black arts movement poetry” ( ). for example, gates states that hip-hop is “animated music that celebrates black verbal and musical style; but is also music that rejoices in the poetry of the human body in soulful, dance-hall-rocking motion” ( ). the norton anthology of african american literature links hip hop to larger movements and trends within the african-american experience. call and response, edited by patricia liggins hill ( ), includes a section "rap lyrics". like many of the literary-based texts that cover hip-hop, hill’s text focuses on the african-american oral tradition. hip-hop, according to hill, is: the latest black folk music idiom… [which is] deeply rooted in african- american orature boasting, (signifying, and playing the dozens)…it has its major themes racial protest, violence, and sex, but the message is more strident, direct, and militant/the popular message parallels that of the black nationalist poetry of the sixties, including the work of amiri baraka, haki madhubuti, and carolyn rogers, though usually with less power of redemptive introspection and celebrated awareness of sacred values of african american people. ( ) literary criticism on hip-hop served to define hip-hop culture within an african- american cultural context. these texts provided scholarly commentary, discourse, and analysis on hip-hop within the academia. before the recent wave of hip-hop scholarship and discourse, texts that dealt with african-american music history were fundamental to the development of early hip-hop historical analysis. eileen southern’s the music of black americans: a history ( ) deals primarily with “traditional” or “folk” black music. though southern makes no mention of hip-hop, her work does place hip-hop into a historical context within african- american musical traditions. i utilize southern’s analysis of african-american music in order to place hip-hop aesthetics and musical sensibilities within a musical continuum. much of the literature on hip-hop either relies too heavily on post-modern interpretations of hip-hop or fails to properly locate hip-hop culture with african-american cultural traditions. this literature review attempts to reconcile the tension between hip-hop as counter-cultural resistance/expression and hip-hop as artistic production, while constructing a theoretical framework by which to examine hip-hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics, avoiding binary interpretations of the hip-hop culture. black studies, rap and the academy houston baker jr. ( ) is important for both african american studies and hip-hop scholarship. baker convincingly makes a case for hip-hop being covered in the academy, specifically within african-american studies. baker’s text represents, at the very least, the recognition of hip-hop as a valid field of study within african american studies. finally, baker’s work: a) places hip-hop into the context of scholarly discourse; b) creates a methodological framework from which to analyze hip-hop; ) emphasizes the importance of examining african american popular culture criticism within african american studies; and ) interjects hip-hop into the consciousness of the academy, namely, so-called black studies. amiri baraka’s theoretical, historical and critical analysis of blues and jazz serves as a philosophical and methodological anchor for this dissertation. baraka correctly linked african american music and content to african american experiences and attitudes. in his essay “jazz and the white critic” baraka discusses the difference between understanding blues and jazz attitudes and music appreciation. baraka places so-called negro music into a larger socio-historical context, asserting “negro music is essentially the expression of an attitude, or a collection of attitudes, about the world, and only secondarily an attitude about the way music is made “( ). by taking negro music out of the realm of mere musical production, baraka offers a more accurate, albeit nuanced, analysis of african-american music. in this dissertation, i borrow baraka’s framework in regard to african-american music being inextricably linked to worldview, experience, and/or attitude. hence, i explore hip hop aesthetics and icons as a barometer of african american attitudes and expectations. baraka’s analysis offers a theoretical and philosophical framework upon which to explore hip-hop culture. however, this dissertation seeks to move beyond conceptual analysis and delve deeper into the sociolinguistic and cultural-historical implications of hip-hop aesthetics. in other words, i am interested in examining cultural cues within hip- hop texts in an attempt to add historical context and socio-cultural meaning to discourse and analysis. more recently, because hip-hop has been so thoroughly absorbed into popular culture, many scholars have come to false and/or faulty findings because of their misinterpretation of the meaning behind hip-hop lyrics, culture, et al. when studying african-american musical forms in general, meaning often supersedes technicality. ramsey examines the “meaning” of musical practices in race music: black cultures from bebop to hip-hop ( ), ramsey explains: if music is a coherent, signifying system or cultural transaction, then we need to understand more about various specific social settings in order to tease out what this system or transaction might mean. as i have stated above, meaning is always contingent and extremely fluid; it is never essential to a musical figuration. real people negotiate and eventually agree on what cultural expressions such as a musical gesture mean. they collectively decide what associations are conjured by a well-placed blue note, a familiar harmonic patter, the soulful, virtuoso sweep of a jazz solo run…( ) i utilize ramsey’s framework in that i am concerned with the myriad meanings of african-american artistic expression, in this case hip-hop, within particular socio- historical contexts. ramsey highlights the collective flexibility of african american artistic production and places a priori on the interpretation or meaning of musical transactions. this type of nuanced analysis is imperative to accurate hip-hop criticism and discourse. moreover, it is scholars and critics misunderstanding of the “specific social settings” that spawned certain forms of hip hop expression that have lead to inaccurate readings and interpretations of hip hop texts. context informs content. music and human experience are inextricably linked. as discussed, music has been an important node of african american experience and expression within the context of western modernity. the “sonic”, as weheliye asserts, becomes an invaluable resource to theorize on african american attitudes, sensibilities, etc: the sonic remains an important zone from and through which to theorize the fundamentality of afro-diasporic formations to the currents of western modernity, since this field remains, to put it bluntly, the principle modality in which afro-diasporic cultures have been articulated though clearly it has not been the only one. (weheliye ) weheliye correctly links african identify formation african music texts. he pushes “the sonic” to the forefront of analysis on african (americans). warren swindell’s ( ) “aesthetics and african american musical expression” reinforces alaine locke’s premise that black music by the ’s had become “the most basic american prototype” ( ). hip-hop is an extension of locke’s premise of african-american music being an “american prototype.” not only is hip-hop an american prototype, hip-hop culture has in turn reified numerous pre-hip hop archetypes and icons, which are both foundational and functional within hip hop aesthetics. inherent in locke’s notion is the recognition that african american music in the united states is an amalgamation of both american and african culture. it is my position that african american music is much more. it is an africanized response to an american reality and phenomena. moreover, the issue of aesthetics and its relation to african american musical output has been debated since the ’s. swindell formulates a model that challenges the inaccuracies of america’s musical canon, while simultaneously striving to create an african american aesthetic base from which to operate. in doing so, he iterates the intimacy between art and experience. swindell’s critique of african- american musical aesthetics situates this dissertation within an intellectual and theoretical context that utilizes early african-american scholarship. alexander, g. weheliye’s ( ) phonographies: grooves in sonic afro-modernity explores the intricate relationship between afro-diasporic discourse and technology, more specifically the phonograph. weheliye explains that hip hop operates as a discursive and cultural space that africans throughout the diaspora utilize as a “forum” to negotiate identity issues: [hip hop] serves as a global forum through which different black diasporic subjects negotiate shifting meanings of blackness, as well as other forms of social and political identification. this negotiation, far from being uncomplicated or uncritical, entails facing the prominence of african american cultural practices such as hip hop within the continuum of the african diaspora ( ) weheliye highlights the trans continental dialogue between african peoples, while teasing out the complexities of such interaction. furthermore, he asserts that politics and culture serve as a surrogate for disseminating conceptualizations of blackness. he explains: afro-diasporic identity relies not only on political but on cultural channels of membership, because of the increased accessibility of african-american cultural productions within the global marketplace. hip-hop provides one of the most obvious examples of the tendential shift from the political to the cultural as it offers afro-diasporic subjects an omnipresenent cultural form through which to identify as black without having to fall back on a strictly racialized ways of belonging, at least exclusively. ( ) popular culture icons within the context of a post-modern, technological and global society, often trump political figures. stated differently, popular culture icons such as spike lee, bob marley, and richard pryor have been far more influential in the process of shaping identity within hip hop than, say, political figures such as al sharpton or jesse jackson. however, because hip hop emerges in the post-civil rights era, purely racialized identifiers have been deemphasized. weheliye’s work challenges structuralist, binary notions of african-american cultural production. i focus on hip hop as a cultural—as opposed to political—channel of african american identity. lastly, from a theoretical perspective, weheliye’s work links post-afrocentric and post-modern theory and sound technologies. because of the performative, hands-on nature of hip-hop research, both popular texts (i.e. magazines, websites, etc.) and scholarly texts are equally informative and necessary. more importantly, though, the distinction between the two categories is not always discernible. but again, particularly during the first twenty or so years of hip-hop culture, lay works, such as the source and xxl, provide invaluable archival data, which undoubtedly inform and shape current academic discourse on hip-hop. afrocentric perspectives on hip-hop are scant (and skewed). maulana karenga, jawanzaa kunjufu, and oware osayande, for example, are extremely critical and conservative in their coverage of hip-hop. in misogyny and the emcee, osayande ( ) opens his critique of misogyny in hip hop by positioning himself as an activist, “ i come to this work not as an academic seeking to publish a dissertation; i come to this work as an activist seeking justice” ( ). osayande’s role as social/cultural critic, as with much afrocentric/african-centered analysis of hip hop, obfuscates his purview of hip hop culture. unfortunately, osayande, by his on admission, focuses on “commercial rap music” ( ). such comparative analysis is analogous to examining commercial jazz (e.g. kenny g) and using it as an indicator or representation of bebop or “real” jazz. “unfortunately, rap appears much more monolithic in mainstream media coverage and as portrayed by the most prominent critics of rap, due in no small measure to the market dominance of gangsta rap” (ogbar ). though there is much overlap in hip hop music’s infinite subgenres/cultures: commercial hip hop, backpack hip hop, hipster hip hop, et al; by focusing on “commercial rap”, many african-centered scholars such as osayande strip hip hop culture of its sociopolitical value: commercialized rap music is no more “black” than the “amos and andy” show from back in the day. it is a mockery of blackness. it is a pejorative parody of blackness. hip hop has been disemboweled of any real sociopolitical value and stuffed with materialism, sexism and violence now sits on the shelves of its corporate masters like the prized game that it is. ( ) as with much scholarship on hip hop, osayande fails to recognize african american agency. how does he define and quantify “real socio-piltical value”? hip hop is utilized as artistic, cultural, and socio-economic currency as well as a mode of expression, as much as it is utilized as a political tool. furthermore, hip hop’s focus on social mobility, through the process of cultural and socioeconomic alchemy—a process that transforms experience via hip hop lyrics, narratives, and style into capital—is an important and central feature of hip hop expression. african americans consume popular cultural production such as amos n’ andy, the cosby show, michael jackson and cent. as amiri baraka alludes, the question is: why? osayande fails to tease out the myriad and complex reasons why african americans consume these images en masse. american popular culture has never been a facsimile of blackness. in other words, what social, cultural and expressive function does hip hop play in the lives of the hip hop generationers? black popular culture production and consumption has always reflected, on some level, african american attitudes, sensibilities, aspirations, etc. likewise, why and how hip hop is consumed is just as important as why it is produced. cultural critics are often patronizing in their deconstruction of hip hop’s sociopolitical value. in chapter , osayande examines the work of r. kelley to support his claims of misogyny in hip hop. osayande’s use of r. kelley, an r&b singer, as an example of misogyny in hip hop is problematic. though r. kelley is heavily influenced by hip hop aesthetics and has collaborated with a number of hip hop artists, most notably, jay-z, r. kelley is not an emcee nor is he grounded in hip hop aesthetics. r. kelley is not representative of hip hop aesthetics; he represents the new jack swing strain of r&b. in fact, the hip hop community has been outwardly critical of r. kelley’s sexual behavior. short of ostracizing kelley, many emcees in hip hop have ridiculed kelley. by stretching his analysis to include figures outside of hip hop such as kelley, osayande misses the opportunity to examine intra-hip hop discourse, —for example , the discursive space between african american male emcees and african american, female neo-soul artists— which would provide a more wholistic and accurate analysis of hip hop culture. maulana karenga provides a cultural nationalist critique of hip hop culture. his heavy-handed critique of black popular culture and hip-hop elucidates the disconnect between some afrocentric and african-centered scholars contemporary african american culture. karenga, for example, admits that hip hop reintroduced “political discourse in african american music” ( ). however, he ultimately discounts hip hop music because it has “neither socially or aesthetically redeeming value” ( ). karenga even reduces “political rap” to baseless, ahistorical, acultural art: negative forms of rap pretend a sui generis origin of rap, dismissing a rich cultural history and drawing generational lines so typical of the european society these rappers claim to reject…even political rap has a tendency to claim a knowledge it does not have, a link with struggle it does demonstrate, and political relevance it still must prove. (karenga ) karenga’s analysis of hip hop culture is representative of a large body of afrocentric analysis on hip hop culture. karenga examines hip hop culture but overlooks its aesthetic value. afrocentric theory does in fact have the potential to relocate hip-hop into its proper cultural context. however, afrocentric theory fails to account for the unique americaness of the african-american hip-hop, particularly in a post-modern, post-industrial, global, patriarchal mass-market culture. the absence of wholistic and nuanced afrocentric/african-centered analysis on hip hop, which often fails to take into account hip hop’s complex socio-cultural context, has resulted in acultural analysis of hip hop narratives, separating hip hop culture and aesthetics from their african and african american legacy. hip-hop emerges in the fading milieu of soul music production, consumption and aesthetics. thematically, hip-hop marks a divergence from soul aesthetics. this is due partially to shifting trends in african-american ideological and political thought. it should be noted that “neo-soul” music and aesthetics—in many ways— bridge the gap between the soul and hip-hop aesthetics. many of the issues that have been problematized within hip-hop culture are resolved, or at least addressed, within the discursive space between hip-hop and neo-soul music. mark anthony neal places hip-hop into a post- soul, american cultural context. in what the music said: black popular music and black public culture mark anthony neal ( ) takes a cursory, yet terse look at hip-hop’s origins. chapter five, “postindustrial soul: black popular music at the crossroads”, links hip-hop’s origins to the blight and poverty of postindustrial city, “intense poverty, economic collapse, and the erosion of viable space were part and parcel of the new urban terrain that african-americans confronted. culled from the discourse of the postindustrial city, hip-hop reflected the growing visibility of a young, urban, and often angry so-called “underclass.” neal explains: aesthetically the new genre drew on diverse musical sensibilities like james brown and the parliament funkadelic collective, oral traditions like prison toasts…as the genre represented a counter narrative to the emergence of a corporate –driven music industry and the mass commodification of black expression…hip-hop may represent the last black popular form to be wholly derived from the experiences and texts of the black urban landscape. ( ) the significance of neal’s treatment of hip-hop lies in the connections he makes between soul music and hip-hop. though posited before, neal’s analysis offers a new perspective of african american music culture. neal’s soul babies: black popular culture and the post-soul aesthetic discusses the post-soul era as a precursor to the hip-hop generation’s sensibilities. the neo-soul movement and post-afrocentric hip hop discourse illustrate the efficacy of neale’s post-soul construct. tricia rose’s ( ) black noise was a ground-breaking texts amongst the first wave of hip-hop scholarship. black noise supplies a historcal and theoretical framework from which to analyze hip-hop. though rose over emphasizes post-industrial new york as a primary factor responsible for hip-hop’s birth, she creates a critical framework to critique hip-hop culture that challenged the media’s negative coverage of hip-hop. from an academic standpoint, rose provides a foundational text with both social and cultural implications. however, rose places too much influence on technology in reference to hip-hop’s creation, yet she reconciles this theoretical lapse by connecting hip-hop to its folk rigins. she declares: hip-hop culture originated during the mid-seventies as an integrated series of lived community-based practices. it remained a function of live practice and performance for a number of years, exclusive to those who gathered together along new york city blocks, in parks, and in select clubs such as the now-famous harlem world or t-connection. early mcs (or rappers) and djs, graffiti artists, and break dancers forged a scene entirely dependent on face-to-face social contact and interaction. ( ) rose’s work is important because she examines the post-industrial, post-modern landscape that spawned hip-hop. rose also identifies important archetypes icons and historical/cultural markers that helped to shape and define hip-hop scholarship and discourse. murray forman’s the hood comes first: race, space, and place in rap and hip- hop, identifies the significance of space within hip hop culture. more generative than innovative, forman’s thesis is supported by a spatial construct, which asserts that hip-hop lyrics place “a pronounced emphasis on place and locality” (xvii). he goes further by stating that hip-hop artists are inspired by their regional affiliations and “a keen sense of…extreme local” (xvii). forman’s analysis sheds light upon the significance of space (i.e. region, neighborhood, state, etc) effect hip hop expression. forman’s work informs this dissertation’s discussion of hip-hop aesthetics, highlighting hip-hop’s community/communal thrust, linking hip-hop to african cultural norms. jeffrey o. g. ogbar’s article “slouching toward bork: the culture wars and self- criticism in hip-hop music” responsds to right-winger cultural critics such as newt gingrich and robert h. bork. ogbar reduces such claims to nothing more than “race baiting” ( ). ogbar counters with the concept that “hip-hop is perhaps more diverse in cultural expression than any other form of music in the united states. unfortunately, rap appears much more monolithic in the coverage provided by mainstream media and the most prominent critics of rap” ( ). self-critique and the hater ante type are both core components of “characteristics of hip-hop expression,” which is outlined at length in http://www.jstor.org/view/ /di / p b/ ?currentresult= % bdi % b p b% b % c % b % b % b &searchid= dd b. &frame=noframe&sortorder=score&userid= @temple.edu/ dd b f http://www.jstor.org/view/ /di / p b/ ?currentresult= % bdi % b p b% b % c % b % b % b &searchid= dd b. &frame=noframe&sortorder=score&userid= @temple.edu/ dd b f chapter of this dissertation. more recently in hip hop revolution: the culture and politics of rap, ogbar extends his analysis to include social and political developments that have impacted hip hop culture. ogbar highlights the heterogeneity of hip hop culture, which is often obfuscated by the proliferation of mainstream hip hop culture. imani perry’s prophets of the hood offers the most salient interpretation of hip-hop since rose’s black noise. perry expands on the notion that hip-hop should be viewed as art. she correctly argues that hip-hop should be viewed as art. perry also warns against relying too heavily on deficiency models when examining hip-hop culture. perry’s work contributes to this dissertations discussion of hip-hop aesthetics. though hip-hop originated as african-american and latino folk culture, because hip-hop as evolved into an art form and, conversely, a commodity, it is important that artists are given latitude in their renderings of reality. this is precisely why hip-hop scholarship must place an emphasis on viewing hip-hop music, at least on some level, as art. perry states that hip hop artists are “often self-proclaimed contemporary prophets, their work constructed of truth-revealing parables and pictures. that truth may be spiritual, cultural, personal, beautiful, and it may resonate with inspiration or tragedy” ( ). her work “departs from the primacy of historical and sociological interpretations of hip hop and concentrates instead on the aesthetic, artistic, theoretical, and ideological aspects of the music, working from the premise that it has been undervalued as art per se, even as its cultural influence has often been noted”( ). i take up perry’s discussion of hip hop as art, operating from a similar premise approaching hip hop as undervalued art. perry’s analysis of hip hop utilizes: an analytical framework of beginning with artistic and aesthetic analyses that then move into cultural inquiry. i am interested in exploring the artistic requirements for hip hop as an art, in understanding what philosophies and assumptions on e finds in the spaces between the poetry of the lyrics and the music of the beats, and in examining philosophies interplay between the artists and an audience that receives he music as one deriving from its own community and experience. ( ) the nexus between s black power/black art ideology is crucial to a thorough understanding of hip-hop culture, aesthetics, and iconology. patricia hill-collins’ from black power to hip-hop offers an assessment of the transition from the black power movement of the s to the hip hop generation. i use hill-collins’ work as a theoretical lynchpin, connecting hip-hop to the black power movement. her work highlights the successes and failures of s black power ideology, which is crucial to gaining a wholistic understanding of hip-hop’s emergence. hill-collins challenges revisionist historical accounts of african-american political thought circa the s. by tracking the continuity and discontinuity of black power rhetoric and politics by the hip- hop generation, i illustrate how hip-hop represents a renegotiation and redefinition of s black power politics. some recent scholarship on hip-hop has attempted to deal with hip-hop aesthetics explicitly. jelani cobbs’ to the break of dawn: a freestyle on the hip-hop aesthetic links hip hop aesthetics to its african american musical roots. he connects hip hop aesthetics to blues iconography such as the trickster ( ). cobb correctly mentions the blues as an early influence on hip hop aesthetics. however, cobb’s treatment of blues’ impact on hip hop aesthetics is tangential. this dissertation will fill gaps in their analysis of aesthetics, linking aesthetic interpretation to hip-hop icons and archetypes and african american and america cultural traditions. jeff chang’s can’t stop won’t stop offers a historical analysis of hip-hop culture, with a focus on socioeconomic and historical factors that led to the emergence of the hip- hop movement. chang’s work is perhaps one of the most exhaustive historical texts that deal exclusively with hip-hop culture. he tracks developments within the record industry, hip-hop folk culture, and the socioeconomic factors that influence it. chang also references afrocentricity. he asserts, for example, that afrika bambaataa was “a kind of proto-afrocentrism” ( ). this period of hip-hop culture marks the beginning of post- afrocentric public discourse. as will be discussed in further detail in this dissertation, the native tongue movement within hip-hop is an extension of bambaaata’s “proto- afrocentricism. chang intertwines popular culture texts (e.g. magazine articles, newspapers, film, etc) with academic scholarship. even though chang’s analysis of hip-hop is parochial and at times does not fully take into account folk discourse among african-american men and women across geographic regions (i.e. outside new york city), it does connect new york public policy, public opinion, and news coverage to hip-hop’s emergence. chang's use of multimedia texts serves as a methodological instructive for this research. bakari kitwana’s ( ) the hip-hop generation: young blacks and the crisis in african-american culture highlights class divisions amongst african-americans as they relate to hip-hop culture. he concludes that hip-hoppers are materialistic and have little integrity. kitwana’s construction of a hip-hop worldview is extremely important in this dissertation, as well as his treatment of the formation of the “hip-hop generation”. his work explores the distinct worldview held by the hip-hop generation. he asserts that the hip-hop worldview “stands in close contrast to [their] parents’ worldview” ( ). his analysis highlights the generational gap between baby boomers and hip-hoppers within the african-american community. i extend kitwana’s framework to include a distinct hip-hop aesthetic. i explore the intricacies, meanings, and origins of hip-hop aesthetics, paying close attention to specific socioeconomic and cultural factors that aided in its development. kitwana lists several phenomena that have led to this divergent worldview: ) the growth and proliferation of popular culture; ) globalization (post-industrial/jobs); ) corporate involvement; ) persisting segregation; ) public policy regarding criminal justice; ) the banning of hip-hop fashion in schools; and ) a shift in the quality of life (unemployment homicide). his work “explores new attitudes and beliefs of young blacks, examines where we are going, and analyzes the sociopolitical forces. kitwana also introduces the notion of viewing the hip-hop generation as a political force ( ). unfortunately, as with much scholarship on hip hop, kitwana does not sufficiently utilize actual hip hop lyrics and discourse to support his assertions about the hip hop generation. third wave black feminist discourse and criticism informs this dissertation. however, a portion of black feminist critiques of hip hop have focused on hip hop’s surface structure. prior to the publication of joan gordon’s when chickenheads come to roost: a hip-hop feminist breaks it down ( ), black feminist critiques tended to focus on the objectification of women in hip-hop videos, as well misogyny, homophobia, and violence. joan gordon highlights divisions within the feminist movement in terms of the significance, meaning and interpretation of hip-hop. morgan’s first person narrative critiques misogyny in hip hop’s, the growing violence amongst the hip-hop generation, class conflict in the african american community, and the use of pejoratives such as “bitch” and “ho” among hip-hoppers. morgan uses feminist discourse theory as a means to reconcile these disparities, moving beyond superficial, status quo feminist critiques of hip-hop in an attempt to tease out hip-hop’s complexities. morgan’s analysis informs this dissertation’s discussion of female archetypes and icons, juxtaposing new female archetypes such as the wifey/queen, the “bitch,” gold digger and the video vixen with hip-hop icons such as foxy brown, jackie-o. i assert that these icons and contemporary archetypes signal shifts in african american sexual politics, changing sensibilities among women, and an engagement of and resistance to misogyny, sexism, and patriarchy. morgan’s analysis from the perspective of a self-proclaimed hip hop head, because she attempts to engage and explore hip hop narratives not vilify them. by the s, black athletes such as jim brown, muhammad ali, john carlos and kareem abdul jabar became spokespersons for african-american communities. these figures, because they so accurately embodied the sentiments of young african-americans of the time, became iconic. aesthetically, by the s, professional basketball players became ambassadors of the burgeoning urban culture that would spawn hip-hop. even today, nba basketball icons such as dr. j, michael jordan, and allen iverson occupy a revered place within hip-hop culture. furthermore, professional and college basketball has had an influence on hip-hop’s sensibilities, aesthetics, and worldview. aesthetically, basketball in general and the nba in particularly has enjoyed a symbiotic relationship with hip hop culture. however, the s signaled a shift in the types of sports iconography that hip hop culture appropriated. because of the intimate interconnectivity between hip hop and basketball in the s, professional sports-based, hip hop icons reflected the emergence and development of a distinct hip hop worldview. nba basketball and hip-hop culture have enjoyed a symbiotic relationship. sneaker culture—which emerged out of basketball culture, for example, has been informed and been informed by hip-hop culture. the way race is processed in america within professional sports culture today is undoubtedly filtered through popular cultural representations of black men, most notably hip-hop culture. todd boyd’s ( ) young black rich and famous: the rise of the hip-hop invasion and the transformation of american culture explores the interface between hip-hop culture and the nba. boyd’s work makes crucial connections between the hip-hop generation at-large and the hip-hop generation within the nba. boyd uses hip-hop culture as a lense through which to examine race, class and gender in american society and sports culture. young black rich and famous: the rise of the hip-hop invasion and the transformation of american culture is important because it explores the discursive space between young black professional athletes—in this case nba players—and the community. boyd examines the interactivity of nba and hip hop aesthetics: basketball has been most closely connected to the culture of hip hop. this unique relationship has evolved over time and is fueled by the social and economic conditions that have specifically beset black urban communities since the dawn of the reagan era in the early ‘ s. ( ) african-american athletes in the twentieth century have undoubtedly shaped african- american male identity and have challenged assumptions and stereotypes held by white society. besides boxing icons, nba icons, both pre-hip hop era icons and hip hop era icons, are the most sampled sports figures within hip hop aesthetics. this is largely due to the fact that basketball and boxing offer more creative space than say baseball. basketball since the s has provided an aesthetic space for players to express themselves in such a way that the nba, in many ways, up until the twenty-first century, has been a purveyor of african american culture. the aesthetic overlap is most apparent in the s. the s georgetown hoyas and the fab five for the university of michigan’s basketball team ushered in a new era of interaction and exchange between african american culture and organized basketball. speaking about the fab five, boyd explains, “[they] embodied a new style that was already in place on the streets, but was now available for mainstream consumption. they were the first hip hop team” ( ). he goes further proclaiming “the fab five had translated hip hop through basketball, and ‘ball was one of many vehicles through which hip hop would spread to society at large” ( ). the s also signaled major shifts in mainstream basketball aesthetics. the connection between mainstream basketball culture and hip hop culture culminated in the creation and commodification of the and mixtape and street ball enterprise. of course, players such as julius erving, earving magic johnson, and michael jordan left an indelible imprint on american and african american popular culture; they were the iconographic and stylistic precursors to mainstream nba hip hop icons such as latrell spreewell, allan iverson, and ron artest, which were steeped—more than ever—in african american cultural production. the last section of literature i review deals with american icons, superheroes and iconography. american icons have been largely overlooked by the scholarly community. partially because of the ubiquity of american icons within the modern american existence as well as an obvious reluctance to examine popular culture, the significance of american iconography has been obscured. icons of america edited by ray browne and marshall fishwick ( ) is one of the most exhaustive texts that explore american popular culture iconography. fishwick discusses icons within a contemporary context, focusing on the shift in iconic meaning in the twentieth century from the religious spaces to secular spaces. whereas religious iconography “connote fixity and permanence…pop icons deal with flux and impermanence of contemporary protean man” ( ) fishwick reestablishes modern icons as figures that have retained and gained much cultural currency in twentieth century: icons are symbols and mindmarks. they tie in with myth, legend, values, idols, aspirations…we seek to revitalize the word [icon] and relate it to popular culture. icons still move [wo]men, even when they are not recognized as such in supermarkets, discotheques, used car lots, and funeral parlors. they pop up on billboards, magazine covers, and tv commercials. ( ) fishwick’s “revitalization” of the term icon is crucial to my analysis of the importance of icons within hip hop aesthetics. mickey hess’s icons of hip hop: an encyclopedia of the movement, music, and culture stands as the definitive text on hip hop icons. hess features twenty-four hip hop artists beginning with hip hop pioneers kool herc and run- dmc and ends with an entry on kanye west. i use hess’s work as a rubric to identify “true” hip hop artists. i engage many of the emcees that hess identifies as hip hop icons (e.g. the native tongue, tupac, snoop dogg, etc.). though this dissertation is not limited to hess’s iconic selections, hess’s hip hop icons aid in establishing consistency and consensus as to which hip hop artists can be considered authentic emcees. icons of hip hop effectively identifies hip hop icons and some of the more contemporary socio- cultural influences of hip hop music. nonetheless, hess does not sufficiently link hip hop to its historical antecedents, nor does he properly consider hip hop within an aesthetic context. the significance of african american folk cultural heroes has been discussed by a number of scholars including lawrence levine and zora neale hurston, however few scholars have linked african american folk hero narratives to african american popular culture iconography, in this case hip hop iconography. definition of terms because this dissertation is grounded in cultural analysis, i offer a brief discussion of culture in an attempt to operationalize the term, as well as to reconcile some of the conceptual tension that exists between afrocentric scholars and eurocentric scholars and between hip-hop scholars and lay scholars. as an african-american studies scholar, cultural location is at the very core of my intellectual process. that said there are many definitions of culture. i will engage what i consider both afrocentric and eurocentric definitions of culture. again, this is an attempt to take some of the political and ideology sting of the term culture. it must also be noted that hip-hop purists, participants, and many scholars generally speak of a distinct hip-hop culture. this is reason enough to seriously consider notions of culture as they apply to hip-hop. i also offer definitions of aesthetics, hip-hop, archetype and icon. lastly, because hip-hop exists and was created within a post-modern context, i attempt to understand hip-hop culture by exploring new definitions of terms such as culture, hip-hop and icon. my goal is to break free from the more conceptually claustrophobic definitions of culture. afrocentric scholars have identified many distinctions concerning african and european conceptualizations of culture. for me, annotated definitions of culture serve merely as a starting-point. linda james myers makes the distinction between surface and deep culture in relation to afro-diasporic cultural phenomena. maulana karenga rightfully warns against the use of deficiency paradigms when analyzing african- american culture. furthermore, according to kawaida theory, karenga identifies seven core areas of culture: history, religion, social organization, economic organization, political organization, creative production, and ethos (introduction to black studies - ). the hip-hop dictionary by alonzo westbrook ( ) teeters between the scholarly and lay text delineation. westbrook’s definition of hip-hop, though valuable, is concise, but not exhaustive. in short, westbrook’s definition of hip-hop identifies hip-hop as “an artistic response to oppression”( ). westbrook’s definition focuses on language and aligns hip-hop with the african-american oral tradition. my definition of hip-hop is more explicit in regard to race. westbrook defines hip-hop as: the artistic response to oppression; a way of expression in dance, music, word/song; a culture that thrives on creativity and nostalgia; as a musical art form it is stories of inner-city life, often with a message, spoken over beats of music; the culture includes rap and any other venture spawned from the hip-hop style and culture (westbrook). i assert that hip-hop is: ) a cultural and artistic movement consists of five foundational elements (b-boying, emceeing, graffiti, djing, knowledge; ) a way of life; ) a form of creative expression based in brown and black communities; ) the voice of the have nots; ) rooted in afro-diasporic oral and artistic traditions; ) a post-modern creation; ) a reflection, albeit a sometimes distorted/contorted reflection, of inner city life; ) an embodiment of african-american sensibilities and tropes; and ) an extension of the bad nigga archetype (e.g. stagolee, shine, nat turner, et al.) feagin describes an aesthetic as reflecting “a psychologically, culturally, or even politically distinctive point of view”(feagin ). this dissertation focuses on the cultural dimension of aesthetics. the american heritage college dictionary defines aesthetic as “a conception of what is artistically valid or beautiful”( ). the dictionary of art takes the definition of aesthetics even further, stating: the primary subject-matter of aesthetics is the complex cultural institution in which works of art are embedded, including artistic creation, performance, appreciation, interpretation, criticism, judgment, and the various roles the arts play in people’s lives and society. (walton ) this dissertation examines hip hop discourse and aesthetics and their relation to pre-hip hop and hip hop era popular culture iconography. because african american masculinity in the latter part of twentieth century has been effected by african american and american popular and folk culture (i.e. icons and archetypes). the thames & hudson dictionary of art terms defines archetype as ‘the original model from which others are formed” (lucie-smith ). i utilize the term archetype to connote a cultural model that informs aesthetic expression. as foundational figures, hip hop archetypes—which extend earlier tropes and archetypes— are influenced by myriad socio-economic, political, and artistic. the encyclopedia of folklore and literature explains archetypes in folkloric terms: for adherents of historio-geographic school of folklore methodology, archetype refers to the original text of a tale-type that was created in a particular place and time. the single beginning (monogenesis) generates multiple variants as the tale is told over and over again and transmitted over time and through many cultures until it appears to be universal or widespread. the aim of folklore research, according to this school of thought, should be to track down the history of every variant of a given narrative type in order to reconstruct a hypothetical ur-form, the original tale or the archetype. ( ) the webster’s third new international dictionary defines an archetype as “the original model, form or pattern from which something is made or from which something develops; one of the ideas of which existent things are imitations” ( ). i assert that african american archetypes serve as foundational figures in the development of hip hop aesthetics, which, in turn, serve as base models for hip hop archetypes. in this dissertation i examine the ways in which african american icons and archetypes have contributed to the development of hip hop aesthetics. many definitions of the term icon deal with representations of religious figures. i will utilize a definition of icon that conflates several conceptualizations of the term. i move away from the religious connotations and extend my discussion of hip hop icons to include popular culture icons. the american heritage college dictionary defines an icon as “an important or enduring symbol; the object of great attention and devotion; an idol”( ). the oxford english dictionary defines icon as “an image, figure, or representation; b) an image in the solid; a monumental figure; a statue” (simpson ). the oxford english dictionary defines iconic as being “applied to the ancient portrait statues of victorious athletes commonly dedicated to divinities, and hence to memorial statues and busts executed according to a fixed or conventional type.” fishwick explains popular culture iconography as markers of societal attitudes: icons do objectify deep mythological structure of reality, revealing basic needs which go from age to age, media to media, generation to generation. cultural ciphers, these admired artifacts help us to decipher, to unlock, the mystery of our attitudes and assumptions. as objects they can be approached objectively; but those who believe in them also operate on an emotional level—the level of love and reverence. (fishwick ) this dissertation, then, is concerned with the ways in which hip hop icons “objectify deep mythological structure of reality” and reveal how they fulfill a “basic need…[and how] these admired artifacts help…to decipher, to unlock, the mystery” of the hip hop generation’s attitudes and assumptions. not only does this dissertation examine hip hop iconography—the study of symbols in art--, it also explores hip hop iconology, which is the study of the study of the meaning behind the symbols in a work of art. merriam-webster defines aesthetics as “a particular theory or conception of beauty or art; a particular taste for or approach to what is pleasing to the senses and especially sight.” in this dissertation, then, i am concerned with the ways in which hip hop culture approaches and views the world via artistic and stylistic expression. what does hip hop culture and the hip hop generation find appealing and functional and why? nonetheless, the politics and history of black aesthetics are more complex. during the s, discussions surrounding african american art referred to a singular, unified black aesthetic, which is a bit misleading. african americans have never been monolithic, therefore, the plural, aesthetics, which infers several black aesthetics, would be more accurate and representative. the form, context, function and content of black aesthetics, or the black aesthetic as it was often referred in the s, has been debated since the harlem renaissance. because the politics of black aesthetics has been a driving force in the development and evolution of african american art, i offer a brief discussion of black aesthetics here in order to tease out some of the theoretical and nomenclatural challenges that are sometimes linked to analyses of hip hop aesthetics. previous formulations of black, african, and african american aesthetics prove inadequate when examining hip hop culture and aesthetics. vanguard theoretical and methodological models are necessary when examining hip hop culture and aesthetics due to the fact that hip hop pulls from so many cultural and aesthetic traditions. nonetheless, because hip hop culture is rooted in african american aesthetics, i offer a cursory engagement of the concept of “the black aesthetic.” i avoid nostalgic, revisionist interpretations of s cultural politics in my discussion of hip hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics. the s encapsulated two similar, often competing and contradictory, socio-cultural, aesthetic and political currents that ran concurrently. both movements illustrate african american philosophical heterogeneity. both the black nationalist and blaxploitation movements were influenced by black power and black arts politics and aesthetics, which represent the complexity and contradiction of the african american experience. moreover, both movements played out—to some degree—in the popular cultural sphere. hip hop culture samples from both movements. the ideological tension between the blaxploitation era of the s and black nationalist rhetoric was never fully resolved within the african american community. hip hop aesthetics represent a coalescence of both movements. in other words, hip hop culture exploits the commercial and resistance value of the blaxploitation era, while incorporating s black nationalist tenets of self-definition, self-help, community, and institution-building. iceburg slim’s works such as pimp: the story of my life ( ), trick baby: the story of a white negro ( ), which are heavily sampled in hip hop culture, represent the diversity of s black aesthetics. hip hop aesthetics and culture sample the most functional and valuable aspects of these movements, discarding those features that have become anachronistic and/or dysfunctional. scholar activists and artists from the s picked up on previous conversations on black aesthetics, which had their roots in the early s via the harlem renaissance movement and writers such zora neale hurston, w.e.b dubois, and langston hughes. during the s, black arts scholars attempted to redefine and solidify african american aesthetic boundaries. addison gayle grounded the black aesthetic within the context of pro-black liberation rhetoric and the creation of new models by which to understand african american art: the proponents of a black aesthetic, the idol smashers of america, call for a set of rules by which black literature and art can be judged and evaluated…the acceptance of the phrase “black is beautiful” is the first step in the destruction of the old table of the laws and the construction of new ones, for the phrase flies in the face of the whole ethos of the white aesthetic. this step must be followed by serious scholarship and hard work; and black critics must dig beneath the phrase and unearth the treasure of beauty lying deep in the untoured regions of the black experience-regions where others, due to historical conditioning and cultural deprivation, cannot go (gayle ). the s was the era of new ideas. the s introduced a new set of experiences for african americans impacted by integration, an increase in mass media dissemination and branding and an expanding global economy. the s saw the emergence of a new racial politic, a politic that eschewed, transcended, and fed off of post modern and post structuralist notions of race. in other words, african american icons such as clarence thomas, prince, michael jordan and michael jackson could choose not to identify with the “untoured regions of the black experience.” these figures were able to leverage their iconic status into social and economic capital in such a way that their public personas—for the first time in american history—could be presented in such a way that their race and politics could be minimized. from the early s to the present, have been both enigmas and paradoxes. in other words, how can a racist society produce and reify a figure that that represents an anathema? during the late s, the hip hop generation had moved beyond racial uplift and black nationalism via black power rhetoric. african american hip hop generationers had accepted the truth that although “blackness” could be beautiful, “blackness” as a socio-cultural construct also embodies less savory elements of african american culture. hence, hip hop aesthetics and texts rally around social mobility instead of race solidarity as a focal point. moreover, “the blurring of the clear lines that demarcated black spaces is one of the legacies of the civil rights movement (iton ). aesthetically, this had lead to a hypersensitivity and ambivalence amongst the hip hop generation. many s critics and scholars were preoccupied with evaluating and defining “black art.” hence, criticism of black art was the foci of many discussions concerning black aesthetics during this time. hoyt fuller, for example, addressed “new black critics” in “toward a black aesthetic,” explaining “the emergence of new black critics who will be able to articulate and expound the new aesthetic and eventually set in motion the long overdue assault against restrictive assumptions of white critics” ( ). nonetheless, in fuller’s attempt to articulate the black aesthetic, he inadvertently forecasted the emergence of hip hop: the “great bard of avon” has only limited relevance to the revolutionary spirit raging in the ghetto. which is not to say that the black revolutionaries reject the “universal” statements inherent in shakespeare’s works; what they do reject, however, is the literary assumption that the style and language concerns of shakespeare establish the appropriate limits and “frame of reference” for black poetry and people…the young writers of the black ghetto have set out in search of a black aesthetic, a system of isolating and evaluating the artistic works of black people which reflect the special character and imperatives of black experience. ( ) hip hop culture has created a new frame of reference for african american and european american youth. the art—hip hop—has itself become the politic. the afrocentric movement in hip hop provided a platform to engage and, subsequently reject, european universalism via hip hop iconography. however, racial politics are not the driving force of hip hop aesthetics and culture. conversely, what are the constituents of african americans’ “special character” as fuller articulates it? is “isolation” even possible in a mass mediated, semi-integrated, global environment? many of the aesthetic and philosophical issues concerning black art—in terms of its form and function—leaked into the s, s, and s. iton builds upon s methodological and theoretical frameworks put forth by scholars such as addison gayle, amiri baraka, and larry neal. iton points out that aesthetic “perspective” is inextricably linked to politics and political thought; furthermore, “aesthetic judgments should not be confined to the artistic realm and cannot be detached from political considerations” (iton ). he iterates: “the blurring of the clear lines that demarcated black spaces is one of the legacies of the civil rights movement. there is currently a limited ability for blacks to discuss issues in arenas not accessible to others” ( ). iton teases out socio-historical significance, aesthetic complexities and philosophical issues surrounding examinations of african american popular culture texts: the ways popular culture can mobilize or demobilize—for instance, the way much of turn-of-the-century black pop (ranging from rapper jay-z’s “hard knock life [ghetto anthem]” to gospel vocalist donnie mcclurkin’s “we fall down”) naturalized economic hardship and specifically black poverty—need to be integrated into any effective framework for understanding the development of black politics. if we are to understand black politics fully, from an empirical or academic perspective, we cannot overlook those spaces that generate difficult data. similarly, those committed to progressive change must engage with those arenas and voices that promote regressive and discomforting narratives. ( ) i integrate the african american and american popular culture sphere into my analysis of hip hop aesthetics. though heavily-influenced by s approaches to black aesthetics, hip hop aesthetics demand a new theoretical framework that takes into account the functionality and politics of contemporary american popular culture. in “introduction to black aesthetics in music”, jimmy stewart focuses on the functionality of black aesthetics: let us consider some of the factors in the past that, retrospectively, indicated the necessity of consciously moving our music ahead ideologically. these factors in the past have been the relationship of the music to function, to our social functions. and in that assessment, the form of our instrumentation then was governed by the function the music served in our social framework. (stewart ) hip hop aesthetics are functional for many contemporary african american youth. this functionality is inextricably linked to the relationship between hip hop’s modes of production and the context in which it is created. like african art, though, entertainment has been a primary function of black art: changes in the manner and make-up of the aesthetic product reflect the changes in the relationships of the product to its social activities, its place, and its function…the music that accompanied the parades and the dances, the music played in the bawdyhouses, the music played in the bars situated our art as a function in our communities, and as art it had also a function as entertainment. ( ) nonetheless, stewart adds another dimension to s african american musical aesthetics. during the s, musical apprenticeship and artistic democracy was no longer a primary feature of african american music aesthetics. the “new black music” of the s represented a departure from these earlier approaches to music production and aesthetics: the music of the sixties represents a cleavage with the past in this essential and fundamental sense, in that ornette and those who are considered as forerunners of the new black music did not “earn” their leadership status in any of the ways by which leadership was “earned” in our music previously, from new orleans to the present. ( ) discussions on hip hop aesthetics must take into account the fact that african american popular culture is: ) functional; and ) a much utilized and politically charged sphere of african american expression: hyperactivity on the cultural front usually occurs as a response to some sort of marginalization from the processes of decision-making or exercising control over one’s own circumstances; what might appear to be an overinvestment in the cultural realm is rarely a freely chosen strategy (iton ) african american’s hyperactivity on the cultural front during the s crystallized, creating the cross-cultural synergy that served as a cultural-racial incubator for the emergence of hip hop culture. this dissertation examines hip hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics, taking into account the legacy of african american aesthetics, while also taking into consideration the wellspring of data available within the popular culture sphere. stated differently, hip hop aesthetics fall along the continuum of african american artistic production; however, the complex socio-cultural matrix that is the american experience, which is compounded by mass media, is also utilized in this dissertation’s analysis of hip hop. hip-hop as culture a major issue among hip hop scholars surrounds the question of whether or not hip hop culture is actually a culture. many hard-line afrocentrics declare that hip-hop is not in fact a culture, but a subculture. hip-hop scholars, such as michael coard, eware osayende, chuck d, and sista souljah, reiterate this point. the very notion of culture is influenced by german and french european thought and is synonymous with the idea of civilization (eagleton, ). many of our current conceptualizations of culture are grounded in european scholarly traditions. numerous african-american scholars from w.e.b dubois to marcus garvey to amiri baraka have discussed culture and its importance to african (american) liberation. some hard line afrocentrists appear to look at culture as if it were static. unfortunately, this view of culture is anachronistic. both eurocentric and afrocentric constructs of culture can prove inadequate when examining hip hop. a more progressive conceptualization of culture does not only recognize new cultural forms, as well as old forms, but it also allows for overlay and evolution. linda james myers has constructed an elaborate model for cultural analysis. meyers’ deep structure/surface structure paradigm is partially applicable to my analysis of hip aesthetics. because hip hop is post-modern, the divide between deep structure and surface structure is often obfuscated. however, amiri baraka’s minimalist take on culture will suffice, since hip-hop emerged in urban african america’s middle and lower–class communities. baraka explains, “for the poor…‘culture’ is simply how one lives, and is connected to history and habit” ( ). on the surface, baraka’s definition appears reductionist. baraka attempts to deal with the class implications of culture. for “the folk” culture is functional. a perusal of dubois’s talented tenth theory or the philadelphia negro will highlight the class conflicts within the african-american community concerning culture. african-american studies has borrowed much from the great thinker w.e.b. dubois, both theoretically and practically. unfortunately, some of dubois’s high- browed notions of culture have been adopted by african-american studies scholars. dubois’ analysis in the philadelphia negro is an example of how culture is constructed within a eurocentric framework. dubois’ work is not afrocentric, yet it does illustrate the inferior/superior, high/low binary. my intention here is to avoid an in-depth discussion of duboisian philosophy. i utilize dubois merely as a jumping-off point to examine ethnocentricity within (african) american conceptualizations of culture. dubois highlights this point in his commentary on the role of upper class blacks within the context of collective racial mobility: above all the better classes of the negroes should recognize their duty toward the masses. they should not forget the spirit of the twentieth century is to be the turning of the high toward the lowly…[the negro’s} social evolution in cities like philadelphia is approaching a mediaeval stage when the centrifugal forces of repulsion between the social classes are becoming more powerful than those of attraction. ( ) dubois’ tone and language, though a byproduct of the time, points to the class tensions within the african-american community. how would dubois have viewed hip hop based on his hierarchal view of culture? in terms of cultural analysis, european, ethnocentric notions of culture can taint analysis. when discussing popular culture, such definitions prove inadequate. eaglton warns against constructing “cultural truths”, which is an exercise in scholarly politics: cultural truths—whether high art or the traditions of a people— are sometimes sacred ones, to be protected and revered. culture, then, inherits the imposing mantle of religious authority, but also has uneasy affinities with occupation and invasion; and it is between these two poles, positive and negative, that the concept is currently pitched. it is one of those rare ideas which have been as integral to the political left as they are vital to the political right, and its social history is thus exceptionally tangled and ambivalent”. ( ) as eagleton explains, social history is closely tied to definitions of culture. a socio- historical framework creates a positive/negative binary. such an analysis can be problematic when investigating hip hop’s cultural practices. when discussing hip hop culture, this binary tends to obfuscate one’s analysis. based on eagleton’s analysis, cultural discourse is politically charged: [culture] can also suggest a division of ourselves, between that part of us which cultivates and defines, and whatever within us constitutes the raw material for such refinement. once culture is grasped as self-culture, it posits a duality between higher and lower faculties, will and desire, reason and passion, which it then instantly offers to overcome…culture is thus a matter of self-overcoming as much as self-realization. ( ) clearly, eagleton, a professor from oxford university, is operating from a european world view. his focus on the self, as well as his conclusion that the cultural distinctions will necessarily cause division, is not in line with the afrocentric notion of community and harmony. however, eagleton’s analysis is useful to the extent it promotes a more progressive, contemporary view of culture. it is not homogeneous or absolute; culture is fluid and porous, not static. cultures are, by nature, syncretic. this is especially true in today’s global information age. the debates within african-american culture go back at least years, first with w.e. b. dubois, and later with the writers of the harlem renaissance and even later in the s with black power/black arts movement. what can hip-hop studies scholars glean from these debates on the appropriateness of african american cultural practices? afrocentric theory rests upon the notion that individuals and groups have the right to name and define themselves. for my purposes, i posit that hip-hop is in fact a culture. my conclusion is based on two overriding points: ) hip-hop is indeed a subculture, but subcultures are also cultures, often times with distinct modes of expression, dress, worldview, etc.; and ) many hip-hop heads, artists, participants, gatekeepers, etc. identify hip-hop as a distinct culture. my analysis falls somewhere between the two poles. lastly, two major hip-hop icons, krs-one and russell simmons, declare that hip- hop a distinct culture. russell simmons, a hip hop icon, spokesperson and businessman discusses how hip hop culture, though similar to other african american and american music genres—partially because of its use of pastiche—is distinct: hip hop is modern mainstream, young urban american culture…like rock and roll, blues and jazz, hip-hop is primarily a musical form. but unlike those forms of black american music, hip-hop is more expansive in the ways it manifests itself, and as a result, its impact is wider. the ideas of hip-hop are spread not just through music, but in fashion, movies, television, advertising, dancing, slang and attitude. (simmons ) russell simmons, who must definitely be considered a hip hop cultural insider, icon and trendsetter, highlights the complexity of hip hop culture as a mass-mediated, post-civil rights strain of african american, urban culture. because hip hop culture is lived practice, obtaining a concise definition of hip hop can prove difficult. though i focus primarily on hip-hop music and hip hop musical icons in this dissertation, i utilize a wholistic framework to operationalize hip hop. alonzo westbrook describes hip hop as: the artistic response to oppression; a way of expression in dance, music, word/song; a culture that thrives on creativity and nostalgia; as a musical art form it is stories of inner-city life, often with a message, spoken over beats of music; the culture includes rap and any other venture spawned from the hip- hop style and culture. (westbrook ) i expand on westbrook’s definition of hip-hop within a cultural context, opting for a more traditional (and artistic) definition of hip hop. i attempt to avoid ideological and theoretical trappings. in other words, issues of nomenclature, ideology, and theoretical analysis can become obstacles when studying hip-hop culture. hip-hop is: ) a cultural form which consists of five elements (b-boying, emceeing, graffiti, djing, knowledge a way of life; ) a form of creative expression based in brown and black communities: ) the voice of the have nots; ) rooted in afro-diasporic oral and artistic traditions; ) a post-modern creation, which relies heavily on pastiche via sampling; ) a reflection, albeit a sometimes distorted/contorted reflection, of inner city life; ) an embodiment of african-american sensibilities and tropes; this last point is central to my thesis: i am concerned with african-american and american tropes, attitudes and aesthetics and their effect on hip-hop. african-american attitudes are embedded in the selection and rejection of certain icons, archetypes, and artistic traditions within hip-hop. hip iconography and iconology serves as an index of african american attitudes, expectations, and values. i examine these attitudes within the context of hip hop aesthetics that support this selection process while highlighting their connection to grand narratives and public discourse within african-american and america popular culture. chapter amerikkas most wanted: an iconographic examination of american popular cultural practices and their impact on hip-hop twentieth century african american manhood, american popular culture and the early roots of hip hop aesthetics hip-hop is a uniquely american phenomenon. because hip hop utilizes post modern pastiche, it samples all available media. hip hop engages iconic figures and symbols from almost every era of twentieth century cultural history. furthermore, hip hop continues to wrestle with many racial-cultural issues that have their roots in early twentieth century american popular culture. pre-hip hop figures, narratives, events, etc that influenced hip hop aesthetics are mentioned tangentially, or are overlooked, in much hip hop studies scholarship. i examine twentieth century, pre-hip hop american popular culture as a socio-cultural pretext for the emergence of hip hop aesthetics. this chapter examines african-american and american pre-hip hop icons and archetypes within the american popular culture sphere. gun culture, sports culture, comic book superhero narratives, hollywood westerns and the culture of capitalism have all contributed to the development of hip-hop aesthetics. collectively, they laid an expressive and polemical foundation for hip hop aesthetics. scholarship on hip hop’s aesthetic influences is often myopic. i expand the discussion of hip hop’s aesthetic foundations and explore the development of american music and popular culture in the pre-hip hop era and link them to the emergence of hip- hop aesthetics, focusing on specific movements, icons, epochs, and ideologies. i explore the uniqueness of the american experience and african american manhood as they relate to hip-hop aesthetics and the ways in which hip-hop has been influenced by american culture and vice versa. between the early s through the s, american popular culture went through many transformations. between the ’s and ’s “black people were molded into a definite nationality” (swindell ). african-americans played a major role in the growth and proliferation of american popular culture. black manhood—as it was referred at the turn of the twentieth century— and its portrayal in popular media helped define american popular culture. i examine the convergence of black masculinity and american popular culture and their impact on hip-hop aesthetics. the emergence of hip- hop culture is both indebted to and resistant to dominant american culture narratives. because hip hop is post-modern in its construction, i am examine the interaction between pre-hip hop, early twentieth century american popular culture and hip hop aesthetics. american popular culture has been a site of african american assimilation, resistance, upward mobility, as well as a contested site by which race, gender, and class oppression was engaged publicly. in short, i am concerned with a fundamental question: what are the ways in which early twentieth century, pre-hip hop american popular culture— particularly african american public discourses—has influenced hip hop aesthetics? i discuss early twentieth century, african american manhood within the context of early twentieth century american popular culture, linking both as precursors to hip hop aesthetics. i view hip hop as a mode of aesthetic expression for african american men in particular. because of hip hop’s fragmented historical awareness, early twentieth century notions of manhood, then, inform hip hop narratives. bederman positions manhood within a complex matrix of historical, physiological, and ideological realities, an existential and cultural project. she defines manhood as: a continual, dynamic process…through [this] process, men claim certain kinds of authority, based upon their particular type of bodies…[it] is the cultural process whereby concrete individuals are constituted as members of a pre-existing social category—as men. the ideological process of gender—whether manhood or womanhood—works through a complex political technology, composed of a variety of institutions, ideas, and daily practices. combined, these processes produce a set of truths about who an individual is and what he or she can do, based upon his or body. ( ) approaching african american manhood within the context of the black male body as commodity shifts the discussion on hip hop aesthetics from the theoretical realm to the existential. hence, african american manhood in the twentieth century was inextricably tied to the black male body. africans in america endured the physical horrors of american slavery, which is the epitome of physical and psychological oppression. the black male body, as both threat and commodity, was central to--while constructed in dialectal opposition to—white manhood. at the turn of the twentieth century, white fears, desires, and phobias were projected onto the collective subconscious of american popular culture. in the early s, authority was equated with bodily strength. white notions of white, male superiority played out in popular media. hip hop aesthetics emerge within the context of the suppression of not only the african american male voice and mind, but also the black male body. as bederman correctly argues, manhood was constructed as an ideology ( ). patriarchy, violence, and capitalism work in tandem to create american male identity. these american sensibilities under gird american and african american musical aesthetics. hip hop aesthetics absorb much of this cultural baggage. in a interview with jazz trumpeter donald byrd on hip-hop culture, byrd declared that america was built upon guns, gold, and glory (in that order). byrd’s analysis points to the inextricable link in american culture between conquest, material wealth, celebrity and music production. this complex socio-cultural matrix of material gain, violence and group oppression has laid the foundation for american cultural ideals. moreover, it is upon this tenuous foundation, which is wrought with contradiction, that american popular culture and, as a result black popular culture, in this case hip-hop, has been laid. white conceptualizations of civilization were at the heart of early formulations of american popular culture at the turn of the twentieth century. african savagery and barbarism were juxtaposed with white intelligence and moral authority. american popular media supported claims of white male superiority. an emerging popular print media culture, buttressed by scientific analysis and pulp fiction, intermingled white fears and phobias with empirical analysis and projected them onto the masses for consumption: [popular magazines] offered a mixture of fiction and ‘reportage’, or reporting on current and human affairs; they thus extended the admixture of entertainment and information that characterized the daily press. their circulation was enormous, both reflecting and promoting the rise of the middle-class. (vasey ) during the early s, popular media supported racist trends already gaining momentum and cultural capital via social darwinism and anthropological theories on human progress and evolution. popular fiction at the turn of the century extended these ethnocentric notions by creating superhero narratives that reified white male superiority and invincibility. edgar rice burroughs’ tarzan of the apes, published in , for example, reinforced white ethnocentrism through popular fiction. burrough’s work, similar to d.w. griffith’s birth of a nation did much to sway public opinion. burrough’s civilization discourse projected the white male as a heroic figure. tarzan was the precursor to future heroic representations of twentieth century white masculinity in popular media. because hip hop is post modern in its construction, many pre-hip hop icons are adopted as rhetorical, polemical, and aesthetic critiques of lopsided renderings of africans and african americans culture by whites. tarzan was constructed within the tradition of the white male superhero figure: he is the most resourceful, powerful, courageous man imaginable. combining the ultimate in anglo saxon manliness with the most primal masculinity, tarzan is violent yet chivalrous, moral yet passionate. above all, he has a superb body. if manhood is a historical process that constructs the male body as a metonym for power and identity, tarzan’s cultural work was to proclaim that “the white man’s” potential for power and mastery was as limitless as the masculine perfection of tarzan’s body. (bederman ) european racial ideals influenced public narratives and, in turn, white public opinion. because popular media in america has become so ubiquitous, as far back as the early s, narratives such as tarzan were inescapable. the tarzan narrative also condoned violence against african peoples. thus, the work simultaneously encourages violence against people of color while providing aesthetic pleasure for its white consumer-base. tarzan existed in direct contrast to the african characters in the work. africans are, in turn, constructed as anti-heores. several emcees such as lil wayne, the alkaholiks and nas reference tarzan in their lyrics. hip hop’s use of tarzan as a creative device illustrates the complexity of hip hop iconography and iconology. some emcees utilize tarzan as metaphor or simile; other emcees deconstruct and critique the tarzan figure. on “tick tock” from alchemist’s st infantry ( ), nas institutes the tarzan narrative as a metaphor for uncivilized, violent behavior: ambulance came and got 'em they start calmin' down now it's back to the same old shit, you know, the tarzan and jane-o shit in the jungle swingin' on vines, i saw the gat with the same old clip another nigga layin' the hit, bloodied up, scream that i'm dyin i be in queens where the famous hood rats and ghetto stars are pimps do the shuffle at night with slutty bars pah on “wu-tang clan ain't nuthing ta f' wit”, the wu-tang’s rza intermingles the tarzan signifier with kung-fu iconography as an extension of his badman narrative: wu-tang clan ain't nuttin ta fuck wit wu-tang clan ain't nuttin ta fuck wit wu-tang clan ain't nuttin ta fuck wit there's no place to hide once i step inside the room dr. doom, prepare for the boom bam! aw, man! i slam jam, now scream like tarzan the tarzan narrative is important to my discussion of hip hop culture because, as a post modern construction, hip hop aesthetics are filtered through the lense of american popular culture. the hip hop and post-hip hop generations are keenly aware of pre-hip (illustration . ) animated tarzan (illustration . ) edgar rice burroughs tarzan hop representations of african americans in popular media. there (re)memory of these figures and narratives are often absorbed into hip hop aesthetics as grand narratives as opposed to detailed accounts of history. hence, european american pre-hip hop icons such as tarzan, superman, babe ruth and john wayne had as much impact on hip hop aesthetics—though circuitously— as did their african american counterparts. many emcees engage, reject and accept american popular culture icons in their work, regardless of racial, ethnic, or religious origins. emcees reference these icons explicitly and implicitly in their work. the meaning behind the engagement, selection and rejection of certain icons within hip hop aesthetics is often shrouded in additional layers of symbolism and allegory. hip hop narratives respond to these pre-hip hop icons on various levels. nonetheless, when queens, new york emcee nas was asked in an interview whether he could remember the first time he was discriminated against because he was black, he explicitly references superman comic book narratives as an early marker of racial discrimination: “the first time i opened up a superman comic book. the first time i saw flashdance, with the light-skinned, beautiful bitch who’s chasing after some white cat, which…i don’t have nothing against interracial relationships—love ’em, actually” (golianopoulos). nas links discrimination to the dissemination of lopsided representations of whiteness in popular media. because hip hop is post modern, emcees such as nas reflect a keen historical awareness of pre-hip hop era american popular iconography, albeit an often fragmented historical sense. hip hop aesthetics respond to racist notions put forth in american popular culture, intermingling the past and the present into a unified and a cohesive narrative. superman, john wayne, and tarzan, then, collectively inform hip hop aesthetics. through the reappropriation of popular narratives and the selection of particular icons, hip hop aesthetics have simultaneously transcended, engaged, defended, embraced, embodied, and refuted race (through popular media) as a social construct. this is precisely why the study of pre-hip hop era hip hop iconography is important. it is the racial-cultural tension caused by the negotiation of public space, discourse and iconography within the popular sphere that hip hop aesthetics emerge. super hero mythology (i discuss comic book superhero narratives at greater length in chapter ) survived the greater part of the twentieth century and reemerged in american popular media in the s. hip hop narratives seek to debunk european american male superhero mythology. early superhero narratives were borrowed from american folk mythology; however, tarzan marks a new superhero mythology, which extends from american folklore yet rests on immortality: one strain of superhero mythology comes from the same mythic impulse that spawned paul bunyon and john henry. clearly, these figures have powers beyond those of even the most highly skilled and expertly trained athletes…one thing a superhero will usually not do, at least permanently, is die. john henry proved that he could outdo the mechanical steel-driving machine, but proving so cost him his life. (fingeroth ) paul bunyon and john henry, two european-american archetypes, serve as an aesthetic foundation for later formulations of superhero narratives. invincibility and heroification —which are often falsely identified as nihilism in hip hop texts—can be linked to these early formulations of american archetypes and heroic figures. many african american heroic figures emerged in the antebellum south. african american heroic figures served as counter-narratives such as paul bunyan and john henry. as levine explains, african american folk heroes reflected socio-cultural and political change for african americans during this period: it is not surprising, then, that only with freedom did negroes fashion their own equivalents of the gargantuan figures that strode through nineteenth century american folklore. indeed, the presence of such figure in black folklore was, along with the decline of an all-encompassing religiosity and the rise of the blues, another major sign of cultural change among the freedmen. (levine ) as superhero mythology evolved, in-line with notions of industrial and technological advancement, immortality—unlike much superhero mythology emanating from folk culture—became a central feature of super heroic narratives. white male immortality embodied in early twentieth century superhero mythology supported racist notions through a fictional character’s ability to physically and mentally control his environment. tarzan created an archetypal model for superhero narratives in american popular culture. hip hop narratives emerge as the anti-thesis to white, male heroic narratives put forth in mass media. twentieth century african american folk heroes were the precursor to american superman narratives: like the nineteenth century tall tales they closely resembled, they stressed an approach to problems which in good american fashion placed emphasis upon the growth of individual powers. here were the elements of the extended man, the superman, who has been so central in both the rustic and the industrial folklore of modern america, from tales to comic books. but if black and white fantasies came closer together in the twentieth century, they were still separated by varying sets of priorities, needs, pressures and styles. (levine ) african american and european americans at the turn of the twentieth century developed two similar yet distinct strands of folk hero. hip hop iconography is informed by both strains, nonetheless, as levine asserts, african american folk heroes were shaped by a “different set of priorities, needs, pressures, and styles.” by the s, super hero narratives became more sophisticated, reflecting post modern sensibilities. hip hop’s reappropriation of the badman trope links hip hop culture to previous african american folk hero narratives. hip hop narratives engage pre-hip heroic and comic book super hero narratives such as tarzan, superman, hercules and spiderman, but also hip hop era super hero iconography such as rambo and indiana jones. the release of raiders of the lost ark in represents a continuation of earlier european american superhero narratives in popular media. the protagonist, indiana jones, was an amalgamation of james bond, tarzan, and superman heroic narratives. the plot revolved around jones, an anthropology professor, who travels the world “securing” rare sacred artifacts such as the holy grail; indiana jones simultaneously represented european exploitation of indigenous peoples and white male intellectual superiority. similar to tarzan, indiana “indy” jones appeared superhuman, impervious to physical harm, dismemberment or death. furthermore, jones, like tarzan, utilized violence against indigenous peoples when necessary. jones, however, was a master thief, stealing valuable antiquities from sacred sites around the world. although jones did not possess superpowers per se, his only weapons a revolver and leather whip, interestingly, jones blurred the line between good and bad, his motivations obscured in his quest for intrigue and adventure. super heroic narratives and figures such as those found in the indiana jones series are relevant to my examination of hip hop aesthetics because they serve as cultural- historical markers and because hip hop narratives are often constructed as counter- narratives to these eurocentric representations of masculinity and superiority. moreover, “the superhero—more than any other fictional hero—has to represent the values of the society that produces him” (fingeroth ). so, hip hop’s engagement and critique of american iconography is actually a critique and engagement of american ideals and values. by examining the discursive space between american popular icons and heroic narratives, a more nuanced and wholistic perspective of hip hop aesthetics, attitudes, and values can be gleaned. twentieth century african-american manhood, american, american popular culture, and the formation of pre-hip hop era aesthetics hip hop narratives engage american popular culture iconography through its acceptance and/or rejection of superhero mythology. nonetheless, hip hop culture is also rooted in a uniquely american discursive, political and socio-cultural milieu, which began at the turn of twentieth-century within the popular culture sphere. the late s marked not only the end of legalized slavery but also the growth of american popular culture. as america began to expand globally, american popular culture ideals began to take shape. a major part of america’s rise to global power was linked to its ability to appease the american public and quall any misgivings concerning american expansion and capitalism. entertainment gradually became the focal point of american cultural existence. as w.e.b. dubois correctly forecasted, the predominant issue of the better part of the twentieth century was the color line. race, then, undoubtedly bled into early conceptualizations of american popular media. i begin my discussion of hip hop aesthetics with american popular culture and america’s world fairs. the america’s world’s fairs between - left an indelible impact on american popular culture. early twentieth century popular culture laid the template for how african americans would be represented, and more importantly, how they would represent themselves in american popular media. i discuss the world’s fairs in america within the realm of the emerging popular culture paradigm of the late s and early s. the world’s fairs in america are sites by which to examine the interface between american education, technology, entertainment, science, and racial ideals. the world’s fairs would set the tone for how african americans would be represented within the pop culture sphere and set in motion a racial tautology within american popular media. hip hop emerges in this highly charged, highly visible racial- cultural milieu. the chicago’s world colombian exposition (the great white city) in , the atlanta cotton states exposition of , and the st. louis exposition of had a major impact on the american popular culture landscape. world’s fairs in the united states served as early markers for the formation of racial/cultural dynamics and popular discursive space within american mass media. several historians have explored the significance of america’s world fairs as a pretext to american popular culture and entertainment. however, none have focused on their link to african american male popular discourses, in this case hip hop, and the formation of american popular culture. these mass-mediated public spaces set the tone for twentieth century african american public discourse. the chicago world exposition of , for example, “emphasized american progress through time and space since ” (rydell ). popular media played an important role in this and future world’s fairs. african american figures such as ida b. wells and fredrick douglass took opposing positions on several issues related to the fair. however, they were torn on one, major point: the creation of “a special day of their own—‘jubilee’ or colored people’s day” (rydell ). the ideological tension between wells and douglass over the world’s fairs highlights the perceived significance of the fairs for these african american race leaders. how african americans would be represented at the chicago world’s fair was a major sticking point amongst african american leadership at the time. african american leadership understood that late nineteenth century popular media played a pivotal role in the racist constructions of african americans. popular media outlets such as america’s world’s fairs supported racial stereotypes and imagery. african american icons and archetypes—even up until the hip hop era—served to counteract racist projections of african americans in popular media. skepticism over african american intellectual ability and their inability (or unwillingness) to assimilate into mainstream american society were cited as examples of african american inferiority. popular media offered a platform for white ethnocentrism: popular attitudes embracing the spectrum of racist notions were articulated in a series of cartoons that appeared in harper’s weekly, depicting the adventures of a black family at the fair. the first series ridiculed blacks’ aspirations to advance in american society as well as their intellectual ability to comprehend the lessons of the fair. (rydell ) cartoons were utilized as a means to bolster racist notions, an extension of the system that created and controlled them. in tandem, films such as the birth of nation, novels such as tarzan, and cartoon/comic books such as those featured in mainstream publications such as harper’s weekly had a determinant effect on african american public discourse. popular media replicated notions of black intellectual inferiority embraced by whites. the white city and the midway, the two main attractions of the colombian exposition, were precursors to the form, content and tone of twentieth century american popular culture and media: the white city and the midway were truly symbolic, not antithetical, constructs. rather, the vision of the future and the depiction of the nonwhite as savage were two sides of the same coin—a coin minted in the tradition of american racism, in which the forbidden desires of whites were projected onto the dark-skinned peoples, who consequently had to be degraded so white purity could be maintained. (rydell ) white purity and superiority was the underlying theme of the fair. nonetheless, it was the fairs’ seamless interlocking of both entertainment, education, science and media laid the foundation for how race would be mediated and negotiated in twentieth century american popular culture. the white city of the world’s colombian exposition in chicago was constructed as a symbol of white male superiority. it was an extension of european american ethnocentricity and racism. the midway served the same end but entertainment was the foci: the midway provided visitors with ethnological, scientific sanction for the american view of the nonwhite world as barbaric and childlike and gave scientific basis to the radical blueprint for building utopia….the world’s fair, generally recognized for its contributions to urban planning, beaux-arts architecture, and institutions of arts and sciences, just as importantly introduced millions of fairgoers to evolutionary ideas about race—ideas that were presented in a utopian context and conveyed by exhibits that were ostensibly amusing. on the midway at the world’s colombian exposition, evolution, ethnology, and popular amusements interlocked as active agents and bulwarks of hegemonic assertion of ruling-class authority. (rydell ) though entertainment was the focal point of america’s world’s fairs, racist notions permeated the fairs’ exhibits. through its utilization of popular media, american popular cultural production such as the world’s fairs of america at the turn of the twentieth century, american popular culture icons, print media and hollywood films set the tone and parameters of african american male, public discourse. public figures such as fredrick douglass, booker t. washington and ota benga—via the world’s fairs— represent a convergence of american race relations, identity politics, and nationalism, as well as a site where entertainment, scholarship and science were negotiated and renegotiated. i briefly examine booker t. washington and within the context of the world’s fairs in order to parse out the complexity of black male representations in american popular culture. the former was fully accepted into mainstream american culture. the latter was exoticised and kept on the fringes of american popular culture. because hip-hop comes out of american popular culture, the parameters and narratives that have informed american popular culture are useful in my analysis of hip-hop. i focus on washington and the world expositions here to highlight the convergence of african- american american public discourse and american entertainment culture; both are central to hip-hop aesthetics. moreover, both washington and benga were part of the world’s expositions. booker t. washington highlights the complexity of constructions of black masculinity in american popular culture. simplistic and near-sighted explanations are inadequate when an attempt is made to reconcile the difference between both figures. an examination of booker t. washington within the context of twentieth century american expositions highlights the interface between african-american public discourse, representations of african-american manhood in popular media, and the growth of american popular culture (via american archetypes and icons). washington was dialectically opposed to the badman figure. however, all african american leadership in the first half of the twentieth century was forced to deal with washington’s approach to public discourse. some african american leaders embraced washington’s approach others rejected it. subsequently, twentieth century african american leadership was gauged against a washingtonian model. those african american public figures that did not exemplify washington’s finesse, sophistication, and decorum risked being labeled radical and jeopardized white patronage. just as americans were adjusting to twentieth century, industrial notions of labor, they were, conversely, negotiating the parameters of play and entertainment. booker t. washington emerged in the socio-cultural milieu of the fairs the atlanta cotton states exposition represented ongoing ideological tensions within the african-american community. the atlanta exposition represents a struggle for public discursive space, ideology and public policy among african-american leadership. booker t. washington’s famous speech in which he summons southerners to “cast down their buckets” was a seminal moment within african american public discourse. washington’s atlanta compromise has itself become iconographic in african american discourse. much scholarship on booker t. washington’s famous atlanta exposition speech focuses on the speech’s content. nonetheless, the context of washington’s speech is just as important as its content. the context of washington’s speech, though, is often overlooked: the setting of washington’s speech was just as important as its content. his address was part of an international fair concerned with finding new markets to sustain growth. indeed, the impression of racial harmony that the directors of the atlanta exposition and every other world’s fair in the south attempted to convey was predicated upon america’s industrial and agricultural productivity through the discovery of new markets and supplies of natural resources. growth along these lines required a large industrial and agricultural labor force. this was precisely the guarantee washington offered. he depicted blacks as best suited to industrial and agricultural labor and them to remain socially separate from whites. washington’s speech was a key element in a fair that represented an attempt to fix class relations in the south with the confines of a racial pyramid. (rydell ) washington’s accomodationist approach to the fair’s depiction of racial harmony stood in direct contrast to many african american’s perception to the fairs. negro departments were created by the fair organizers to properly position black people within the socio- economic hierarchy: “negro departments were used as “instruments of social control that would keep black s in check by defining progress as self-improvement along industrial lines and by persuading blacks that builders of the new south would take their best interests at heart” (rydell ). many african americans african american’s rejected the racial and social implications of the fairs: many blacks rejected the expositions out of hand, believing that the fairs delimited too severely the possibilities for social change in the south. other blacks, however, perceived survival as the issue facing them. the challenge for blacks during sharing this viewpoint and agreeing to participate in the fairs was to define the issues confronting them within the symbolic social constructs of the expositions presented. at the new orleans exposition, survival and resistance were explicitly joined. by , in contrast, black leaders who were downplaying political resistance and elevating character building as the first step toward social change. (rydell ) a redefinition of blackness through an engagement of popular media, iconography and symbolism is as at the heart of hip hop aesthetics. nonetheless, this redefinition takes place within the confines of european-american articulations of african american identity within american popular media. the struggle over african american images in popular media had its roots in america’s world’s fairs. american popular culture was utilized to support white conceptualizations of blackness. these iterations of blackness were all packaged and marketed as entertainment. the fairs represented a shift in american cultural sensibilities. entertainment was moving toward the center of american life, and—in turn—gradually transferred american racism from the political, legal and social spheres to the popular culture sphere. the point here is that popular culture discourses gained much cultural capital during the early s. fair exhibits such as the old plantation set the stage for revisionist historical narratives of american life grounded in creative license, racist subjectivity and nostalgia. the old plantation exhibit was revisionist, european-american nostalgia: for those who doubted that blacks could be easily controlled, the directors of the atlanta and nashville fairs added a “typical” antebellum scene to their entertainment avenues. called the old plantation, the concession was owned by whites and managed by a former minstrel showman. once inside, fairgoers were invited to observe “[y]oung bucks and thickliped [sic] african maidens ‘happy as a big sunflower’ dance the old-time breakdowns, joined in by ‘all de niggahs’ with weird and gutteral sounds…’” at atlanta, the concession received a tremendous promotional boost and implicit federal sanction when president cleveland made it his only stop on the midway. the old plantation, in short, did more than recreate the mythical past of the old south. it created an impression that blacks would have a long road to travel before they would be considered equal [to whites]. (rydell ) the old south exhibit, as was the case with many of the exhibits at the world’s fairs, offered stereotypic, symbolic and iconic imagery of black life and presented it to the masses as authentic. the old plantation exhibit served as a backdrop for washington’s atlanta compromise speech. in many ways, washington was the antithesis to the badman. however, washington, as with most of the icons i examine, was a complex and towering figure. washington’s true intentions were often misinterpreted and/or misconstrued by whites and blacks alike. hip hop offers its own revisionist historiography, activated by the superhero trope. iton highlights washington’s use of double-meaning in his public discourse: [washington’s] translucence is, of course, not entirely new: consider booker t. washington’s double performance in atlanta in . washington’s simultaneous engagement of southern black and white audiences (an to some extent, northern whites as well) with his famous exposition speech downplaying the importance of civil rights whole in a lower register encouraging black economic autonomy. (iton ) booker t. washington is important to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics because: ) he was a prominent and influential early twentieth century african american leader; ) he established a rhetorical and socio-political framework for twentieth century, african american public discourse; and ) his complexity as both an accomodationist and capitalist effected the trajectory of all twentieth century, african american discourse including hip hop. rhetorically, washington’s narratives offered multiple layers of meaning: one layer addressing whites the other blacks. he created a new african- american public discursive space, which served as a blueprint to garnering white patronage and approval. washington created an assimilationist archetypal model which allowed him the ability to appease both black and white audiences. washington’s focus on institution building at the turn of the twentieth century—the tuskegee institute for example--depended on washington’s ability to secure white capital: “the most important aspect of booker t. washington’s legacy in hip hop music culture and this generation is the challenge of institution building…without the institution building, [political rhetoric] is just a whole lot of talk” (uncle tom or new negro, ). bakari kitwana explains: i think that too many hip-hop artists are less interested in achieving the more basic goals of washington’s philosophy like black self-sufficiency and more so in identifying with the idea of creating something out of nothing, the underdog who survives all odds. this is part of the american story. (uncle tom or new negro, kitwana ) the hip hop generation, based on the reappropriation and reconceptualization of historical narratives, has created a different version of the american story. the post- industrial environment provides a different context through which to activate washington’s brand of economic self-sufficiency. hip hop aesthetics appropriate washington’s institution-building ethos, but it rejects washingtonian approaches to assimilation and accommodation. hip hop’s propensity to do things “on its own terms”, as mcwhorter explains, is precisely why booker t. washington has been rejected as a hip hop icon. black manhood and how it would be represented in american popular culture under girded american popular culture discourse at the turn of the twentieth century. the ways in which black masculinity is expressed and how it is represented in the public (or popular) sphere is at the heart of my analysis of hip-hop aesthetics. technological advances such as the development of popular media (i.e. print, the phonograph, film and television) forced iconic figures to the forefront of the american popular culture landscape. african american public figures had an even greater impact within african american communites; booker t. washington’s self-help rhetoric became a cornerstone of african-american public discourse and political thought. he sought to counter anti-black sentiment by appeasing whites. however, his accomodationist leanings became the anti- thesis to hip hop sensibilities. washington was by no means a race-baiting radical. as a public figure though, it is interesting how and what washington discussed in the public sphere. nonetheless, as mcwhorter explains, hip hop culture has rejected and absorbed portions of washington’s legacy: i look at people like queen latifah and ll cool j, and i see people who have basically utilized the hip hop genre as a route to self-expression, but also as a form of influence and self-empowerment. and they’ve done it differently from prior generations. there is the sense that they are doing what they are doing not only to fulfill the american dream but also to set an example of what america is supposed to be. in some ways, this echoes what booker t. washington was saying about working with, instead of against, white people in america. the distinction is that the hip-hop community appears to have succeeded in doing that on its own terms. that’s a little different from casting your buckets down where they are, though of course, it is because of washington and others like him, along with our history as a people, that the hip-hop generation is able to do things on its own terms (mcwhorter ) mcwhorter illustrates the many contradictions of hip hop culture. on one hand, hip hop has sampled washington’s self-help approach to institution-building. on the other hand, hip hop culture has rejected washingtonian tenets of assimilation, accommodation, and white appeasement as well as his failure to directly address african american ills through his public narratives. the late s and early s can be considered the formative years of american popular culture development. furthermore, public space was highly contested by african americans at the turn of the twentieth century. identity, race, and gender politics were engaged, negotiated, and contested within popular cultural spaces. in regard to gender politics, black manhood was under assault, particularly in the public sphere in the early s. black codes, lynching, and jim crow are just three examples of many that illustrate the ways in which white americans attempted to control black movement and discourse. the execution of nat turner, gabriel prosser, and denmark vesey and the interrogation and exile of paul robeson are all examples of the white establishment’s treatment of radical african american male public figures. the censorship of david walker’s appeal and the mysterious circumstances surrounding his subsequent death, as well as the imprisonment and deportation of marcus garvey established a precedent for the treatment of radical african american men. walker and garvey represent nineteenth and twentieth century ante types. the harsh treatment both men received had an adverse effect on twentieth century african american male discourse. this anti-assertive, african american male sentiment extended well into the twentieth century. collectively, these historical moments and cultural truisms are imbedded in hip hop discourse. the form and function of black leadership in the twentieth century as well as a perceived lack of an authentic african american voice during the s and s led to the creation of hip hop. from booker t. washington i move to ota benga, a batwan from the belgian congo. benga, though all but forgotten in african american cultural analysis, represents an interesting figure within american popular culture. as an iconic figure and ante type, ota benga represents the intense struggle between africans in america and so-called american progress. the question remained: how would the africans be represented in american popular culture? ota benga was displayed at the st. louis world fair and later in at the bronx zoo next to an orangutan. at the behest of many african- american leaders of the time, he was “displayed” in the monkey house exhibit. (illustration . ) ota benga (illustration . ) ota benga an examination of ota benga’s representation in popular media highlights the tension between african-american male identity, the positioning and subsequent proliferation of african images in american culture, and the growth of american popular culture. in many ways, ota benga is a seminal figure, particularly when juxtaposed with african-american icons that emerged from within the african-american community at that time, more specifically, figures that were produced by and for african americans. . benga exemplifies the tension between african masculinity in american popular culture and american ideals. benga is important to my discussion of african-american images within american popular culture, because he illustrates: ) the dependence of american popular culture upon eroticized, savage images of african masculinity; ) the precarious predicament of african peoples within the american popular culture landscape; ) the objectification, commodification, and eventual exploitation of african-americans; and ) the tenuous relationship between africans in america and popular media/culture. the louisiana purchase exposition in st. louis ( ) was a barometer of american “progress” and ethnocentricity. the expositions of the early s created parameters for future formulations of race in american popular culture. they created an invisible/hyper- visible duality: pitched as the largest the world had ever seen--nearly double that of chicago…the overarching theme the fair organizers promoted was still unbridled american progress—but not for the negro. african americans were systematically erased from the representation of american industrial and cultural progress. every effort to represent african american achievements at the fair were thwarted, save for one or two exhibits by black colleges. (baker ) the erasure of african americans from the fairs more “progressive” events illuminates the tension between how african americans would be represented at the fairs. though baker’s approach is anthropological, his research on the intersection of race and popular culture is worth noting. american progress was inextricably linked to african repression. the significance of the louisiana purchase exposition in st. louis of is significant to my analysis of american popular culture because of its intermingling of science, “education” and entertainment. moreover, the louisiana purchase exposition featured the most extensive anthropology department of any world’s fairs. the directors expressed their intent to establish ‘a comprehensive anthropological exhibition, constituting a congress of races, and exhibiting particularly the barbarous and semi-barbarous peoples of the world, as nearly as possible in their ordinary and native environments. (rydell ) ota benga was eventually sold to the american museum of natural history in new york. he eventually wound up at the bronx zoological gardens. benga highlights the influence of race on the formation of american popular culture. the connection between racial exploitation and american entertainment culture must be noted here. as baker explains: in a fine line was drawn between the zoological construction of animals and the ethnological construction of other. the line was thin because of the immense popularity and entertainment value of the ethnological exhibits at consecutive world’s fairs…the administrators at the bronx zoo crossed the line with impunity and without reservation (baker ) the entertainment value of ota benga overrode any moral or ethical concerns related to his display. benga’s cultural identity was sacrificed at the expense of his public persona. hip hop aesthetics retain some of the cultural residue of this era and figures such as benga. because hip hop is a post-modern construct, it pulls from myriad cultural forms and eras—both positive and negative—to create its aesthetic pastiche. animal imagery and symbolism are utilized throughout the hip hop idiom. g-unit, or gorilla unit, is an example of the retention of animal characteristics. ota benga illustrates the racial-cultural paradox of american popular culture and media. in a sense, benga’s entertainment value rested upon his subjugation and exploitation. the construction of american popular culture within the confines and limitations of american racism set in motion a popular culture discourse that simultaneously commodified and derided africaness. this cultural paradox shaped the context in which hip hop would emerge some years later. the harlem renaissance ran concurrent with american world fairs of the early s. rarely are the effects of world’s fairs taken into account when discussing the harlem renaissance. the harlem renaissance provided a rhetorical response to racist trends in science, the arts and popular media. two major african american artistic movements—the harlem renaissance and the s black arts/black power movements—were crucial building blocks that led to the development of hip hop aesthetics. african american discursive, conceptual and rhetorical space was created through these movements. within both movements, there was cross-genre, multi-media discourse that existed between a wide array of public figures including artists, entrepreneurs and professional athletes. though art was the impetus of both the harlem renaissance and black arts movements, both movements utilized art as a means to address socio-political issues and transcend their american existence through their art. hip hop aesthetics built upon both movements and created new aesthetic models through which to mediate african american artistic production. conversely, as the harlem renaissance began to take shape, alternative african-american masculinities began to emerge. hip hop aesthetics extend both movements, while challenging and debunking previous notions of black manhood. several figures within the harlem renaissance era are important to my discussion of hip hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics. figures such as paul robeson and jack johnson offered new formulations of african american manhood. they offered an assertive, intelligent, hyper-masculine model that would eventually influence male identity within hip hop aesthetics. hip hop samples from these early twentieth century icons. paul robeson, perhaps more than any other early th century african-american male icon, challenged dominant african-american narratives. the negotiation of african american leisure and play at the turn-of-the-century played a major role in twentieth century african american life. kelley links play to agency: although the concept of play in the modern era is inextricably tied to the creation of leisure time as a form of consumption and recuperation for wage workers in capitalist political economy, play is a form of agency that is generally regarded as pleasurable activities that take place in “free time”. (kelley yo mama ) for african americans, organized sport became a focal point of african american leisure and play. within the american popular culture sphere, sports icons jack johnson and jesse owens aided in the construction of new african american identities. jack johnson in particular represented african american agency and self-definition. johnson more so than any other early th century african american icon was a considered a “badman” or bad “nigga” by many white americans. jack johnson represents a new type of african-american icon and archetype. jack johnson was a complex figure. though johnson would qualify as a bad man— he partied, he dated white women, he was physically astounding—, he brought nuance to the bad man figure. johnson was a self-proclaimed renaissance man. he was a musician; he was well read. he was a thespian. he was impeccably dressed. johnson’s care-free spending and in-your-face lifestyle represented a new strain of th century african- american masculinity. african american men had a storied tradition as pugilists both during slavery and after, making african american pugilism a permanent feature of african american culture in the twentieth century. johnson, however, ventured into uncharted territory in the public domain as a black athlete. he was an enigma. johnson’s brash swagger in public space laid the foundation for future masculine identities. his defiant attitude served as a precursor for future african american public figures. johnson’s impact transcended the sport of boxing. in short, jack johnson was the embodiment of the bad nigga trope. furthermore, jack johnson—as a pop enigma— serves as both archetype and icon within hip hop. he was a complex figure that could be approached one-dimensionally. johnson, as hip hop archetype, was the precursor to hip hop icons within boxing—such as muhammed ali, mike tyson, roy jones, and floyd mayweather—as well as outside the sport of boxing. like basketball, boxing is inextricably linked to hip hop culture. american sports icons and the archetypes they spawned, served as a counterbalance to american ideals of thrift and conservatism in the early s. while the african american community reified figures such as paul robeson, jack johnson and marcus garvey, european americans embraced a new type of american popular culture icon. babe ruth and american baseball were prominent fixtures within the american popular culture landscape in the early ’s. america’s psychological and sociological anxieties played out literally, on the baseball diamond. i do not go into an in-depth socio- cultural analysis of america’s pastime; however, i would like to draw attention to the emergence of a new type of american figure at the turn of the twentieth century: the sports icon. babe ruth represents this new type of american heroic and iconic figure. ruth simultaneously represented the best and worst of american ideals as an american sports celebrity. he presented a new interpretation of white masculinity in popular media with an emphasis on his athletic ability, while ignoring his personal shortcomings. of course, i do not want to understate the significance of african americans and baseball in the early s. for african americans’ contributions to american baseball artistry and athleticism via the negro leagues has been well documented. i discuss ruth merely to highlight the significance of african-american iconography and the growth of american celebrity at the turn of twentieth century. american iconography and celebrity both became foci of twentieth century american popular culture. hip hop aesthetics represent an aesthetic response to american iconography and historiography through hip hop narratives, attitude and posturing. as a european american sports icon, however, despite his alcoholism, womanizing, and rabblerousing, ruth was considered a national hero: ruth was the most publicized and recognized sports figure of the day, a true national hero like charles lindbergh and alvin york. his rags-to-riches story, from waterfront waif to the national pastime’s greatest star, coincided with america’s horatio alger mythology while his flamboyant, garrulous, hedonistic, profane, arrested adolescent behavior fit the emerging social ethos of the roaring twenties. (gerlach ) babe ruth as cultural icon emerges in dialectical opposition to african-american icons such as robeson and johnson. whereas outspoken african american, male public figures were scrutinized and vilified, white male figures such as ruth escaped such stingy criticism. more importantly, ruth represents the emergence of a new type of american icon. the s was the decade of the american hero. ruth was a hollywood centric capitalistic, rabble-rouser. tangentially, yonkers emcee jadakiss uses “the black ruth” as one of his alter egos. heroic figure and icons such as ruth hinged upon a uniquely american construction of male identity. the wild west mentality and the superman effect are fundamental components of american male identity construction. furthermore, constructed identities are part of the american experience. dominant american culture has, since its inception, embraced the notion of dual identities. early american political figures like george washington and thomas jefferson maintained a public persona that championed equality. however, jefferson, for example, had intimate relations with an enslaved african, sallie hemmings. racism under girded the need for dual identities among early american political figures. within american historical narratives, dual-identity was a necessary invention that functioned as a means to reconcile the paradoxes of european- american existence and judeo-christian identity construction. american racism played a pivotal role in the creation of dual-identity for american political figures: the historical experience of racism alone belies the story of the united states as a shining city on a hill. thomas jefferson, the man who wrote the egalitarian phrases in the declaration of independence, owned slaves, and the political theorists like james madison and alexander hamilton who crafted the federalist papers and the constitution elevated the property rights of slave owners over the human rights of slaves. even abraham lincoln, the martyred president who signed the emancipation proclamation, freed the slaves only as a last resort, and then only in those states in rebellion against the federal government…racism has played a crucial role in so many of the essential decisions that have shaped and transformed american politics. (lipsitz ) dual identity is intrinsically linked to american identity. dual identity emerged as a way to reconcile political theory and social practice. ethical and moral inconsistencies were omitted or understated in historical accounts of these european american figures. even though america’s forefathers did not actually don a mask or disguise, they hid behind popular media and revisionist accounts of american history to cover their immoral behavior. hip hop aesthetics borrow dual-identity for similar purposes. emcees, b-boys and graffiti artists—for example—take on dual-identities as a means of resistance and subversion. concealing ones identity acts as means to participate to cover-up activities that society deems illicit (i.e.. graffiti), play out voyeuristic fantasies and/or as an aesthetic device that signifies superior abilities or skills. nonetheless, one of america’s most iconic symbols, the hooded klansman, did in fact wear a mask: in real life, there are many reasons people have for habitually disguising their identities and actions. the most obvious would be the criminal who wears a mask so he will not be identified for future pursuit and incarceration. the same can be said for acts of political or social courage in societies where such activities would be punished severely. think of the masked mob informant or the hooded dissident in the middle east. or think of the ku klux klan and its hooded cross burners. their friends certainly know who they are, but their hoods keep them from being identified by their victims and by law-enforcement agencies (fingeroth ) the propensity to embody dual identities extends even to american folk music lore. when bob dylan arrived in new york in january , he was interviewed by columbia records’ the head of publicity billy james how he traveled to new york. dylan, instead of admitting that he drove to new york city “in a four door sedan, ’ chevy” (dylan, ). he created an elaborate, fictional narrative,--stating that he came in from detroit (not chicago)--one that was more in-line with his folk persona as a musician. authenticity was the motivation of dylan’s use of dual identity. the very concept of ellis island and the symbolism of the statue of liberty embody the idea of a dual or “new” identity. the american melting-pot mentality is at the core of both american symbols. new york city—the birthplace of hip hop—represents the melting pot philosophy perhaps more than any other american city. super heroic dual identity, particularly superman/clark kent originates in american immigrant identity construction, “the immigrant origin is at the heart of the superman dual identity” (fingeroth ). in african-american communities, there is added significance placed upon the creation of dual identities. within a hip hop context, the construction of dual identities is a central feature. one’s alter ego in hip hop, whether a tagger, b-boy, or emcee, is created as an alternate identity. more recently, these dual identities have shifted from superhero-influenced to gangster-influenced alter egos. alter-ego, an extension of the dual-identity convention, is a common feature of superhero narratives. because hip hop was heavily influenced by comic book culture (i.e. super heroic narratives), alter-ego is a major feature of hip hop aesthetics. ironically, within hip hop aesthetics, anti hero or supervillain narratives have replaced more traditional heroic narratives. the reification of the “bad guy”, anti hero and supervillain is connected to the bad man trope. even though artists such as lil wayne, dr. dre, eazy e, mike jones, jim jones, keith murray, reggie noble, eric sermon and camron posses remnants of their actual identities, their created identities are markedly different from their true identity. emcees often create alter egos that are dialectically opposed to their true identity. biggie smalls as frank white, tupac as machavelli, the rza as bobby digital and ti as tip are all examples of double, and in some cases triple, identity constructions within hip hop. these alter egos serve as sites to express one’s self creatively, as well as a social and expressive construct through which the emcee performs voyeuristic narratives. these narratives serve an emancipatory and cathartic function, similar to the dozens and signifying, allowing the emcee to escape and transcend their post-industrial reality. emcees’ fictional alter-egos serve as vehicles for introspection, self-critique, voyeurism, expression and as a psycho-social mechanism to reconcile inner conflict. texas-based emcee devin the dude illustrates the centrality of alter personas within hip hop aesthetics. devin was asked to differentiate between devin—who represents his true biography—and the dude—his hip hop persona: i’m pretty much the same. you got your devin side and then you got your dude side. it’s one in the same. i guess i’m more of a family type dude in real life. i like being with brothers and sisters…ha-ha! the dude curses a lot more than devin. he smokes and drinks and all that stuff. devin is a momma’s boy. i talk to my momma everyday. the dude likes getting into things. ha-ha! (knight) devin the dude clearly delineates between his biographical narrative and his constructed alter ego. he admits that his emcee persona is a constructed identity, which is comprised of part fact, but mostly fiction. dual identities are a characteristic of american and african american public discourse. both narrative traditions utilize dual identities. whether code-switching in the african-american tradition or fragmented or puritanical conceptualizations of white male leadership in european-american traditions, alter egos have been highly functional in the development of american political, social and religious thought. alter identities tend to cloak personal indiscretions, criminality, addiction and/or deviant behavior. they also allow individuals the opportunity to play out fantasies, whether psychologically or creatively. in reference to hip hop, dual identities function much the same way. at times these identities are merely creative devices, which often border on voyeurism. other times, dual-identities are utilized to play out deviant/criminal behavior. and they are also utilized as signifiers. the adoption of alternate identities make the hip hop community that much more receptive to the influence of popular culture archetypes and icons. quite often in hip hop, alternate identities are modeled—in both name and tone—after popular culture icons. as will be discussed later in chapter , dual identities, alter egos, and codenames are characteristics of american superhero mythology. early th century popular culture set the tone—aesthetically and polemically—for future racialized discourses in the popular sphere. the world’s fairs, african american male public discourses, and early twentieth century icons and archetypes impacted the form and content of hip hop aesthetics. because hip hop is post-modern and african, hip hop aesthetics reflect a keen awareness of historical narratives that have been forth by popular media. though rarely examined within the canon of hip hop scholarship, hip hop narratives respond to these pre-hip hop constructions of “whiteness” and “blackness”, whether tangentially or directly. lastly, hip hop narratives utilize or reject iconography, attitudes, and symbols from popular culture from the first half of the twentieth century. hip hop appropriates and engages heroic and super heroic figures and narratives, which reflect the challenges and desires african american existence in a post-industrial, post-modern environment. post-afrocentric discourse in hip-hop as i have gained experience and education in both the dominant culture and that of indians, i have found it progressively more difficult to pass from one world to the other. i had to discover a place somewhere between two worlds. it is not simply a matter of language, for, as everyone knows, it is possible to translate with fair accuracy from one language to another without losing too much of the original meaning. but there are no methods by which we can translate a mentality and its alien ideas. the primal mind: vision and reality in indian america jamake highwater ( ) this section examines the functionality and utilization of afrocentric academic theory within hip hop aesthetics. the decrease in afrocentric iconography, references, and symbolism and the subsequent increase in more mainstream, “secular” iconography within hip hop narratives and aesthetics during the s and early s marks a shift in the hip hop generation’s attitudes and values. the shift toward gangsta aesthetics and iconography in hip hop reflect developments in american racial discourses, public policy, and popular media. though afrocentric iconography has been present in hip hop culture since its genesis, the afrocentric movement in hip hop reached its zenith between - . by , hip hop culture was firmly entrenched in the post-afrocentric era. on the continent of africa, prior to the trans-atlantic slave trade, african peoples enjoyed a thriving artistic culture. in terms of african artistic production in america, early africans in america were forced to refashion and recreate new aesthetic paradigms within a culturally oppressed environment. however, when analyzing hip hop culture, many afrocentric scholars have been extremely critical. some argue that african aesthetic mores were preoccupied with morality and african american popular culture represents an abruption of african cultural norms. to some extent this is true, but hip hop culture also represents a continuum of african and african american cultural norms. as i have attempted to show in the previous section, american popular culture figures and narratives inform hip hop aesthetics. hip hop aesthetics reconfigure american and african american narratives, however, it is the context of this reappropriation within a specific american context that makes hip hop unique. hip hop iconography reflects the specificity of this american context. i am partially concerned here with the efficacies and implications of african cultural practices and aesthetics within an american context. for hip-hop is created within an african-american context. i also challenge certain unquestioned assumptions about african and african american cultural practices, namely: ) the notion that traditional african art was devoid a purely aesthetic component; and ) that hip hop is created in cultural-historical vacuum. in africa and throughout the diaspora music has historically been multi- purposed and multi-dimensional. within african and african-american culture, music is at the core of existence. in terms of aesthetics, there has been much research on the form and function of african art, most notably by scholars such as molefi k. asante, mirimba ani, patricia maultsby, and maulana karenga. however, many afrocentric scholars have denounced hip hop culture. this denouncement has its roots cultural nationalist influences during the s black power/arts movement. in “black cultural nationalism”, for example, karenga explains, “black art, like everything else in the black community, must respond positively to the reality of revolution…[and] must expose the enemy, praise and support the revolution” ( ). karenga’s articulation of black art is problematic on several fronts. more specifically, who is the enemy karenga is referring to? how do we define a successful “revolution? furthermore, is “revolution”, as expressed during the s, a possibility? karenga’s harsh socio-cultural critique of the blues is even more revealing. karenga correctly identifies the blues as dysfunctional; however, he minimizes the expressive value, musical influence, and agency of the blues: perhaps people will object violently to the idea that the blues are invalid historically. they will always represent a very beautiful, musical and psychological achievement of our people; but today they are not functional because they do not commit us to the struggle of today and tomorrow. ( ) when examining african-american popular culture, an afrocentric analysis must take into account the context of african cultural production. cultures are functional or they become anachronistic. in other words, how do we evaluate african/african american art or cultural production from an african-centered perspective in post modern, post-civil rights, post-industrial environment? even amongst african artists, since the negritude movement, continental africans have struggled to reconcile their africaness with european notions of modernity. chinua achebe’s seminal work things fall apart ( ), for example, deals with the constant struggle between western encroachment and traditional african culture. achebe’s protagonist, okonkwo struggled to reconcile between the two. the roots things fall apart sampled achebe’s work as a reference to the axiological tension within hip hop between market sensibilities and progressive art. within a post-industrial context, the implications of white supremacy and a global economy on african american art are far-reaching. is it possible for one to be fully afrocentric in america, whether ideologically or culturally? american ideals run counter to african and afrocentric philosophical and aesthetic principles. therein lies the struggle for many african americans within the hip hop generation: transcending their post-industrial, post-civil rights, post modern existence via african-centered ideology, ontology, epistemology, theory, and cultural expression. the mid s and early s was a period in which the hip-hop community began to develop what bakari kitwana describes as a distinct hip-hop worldview. the hip-hop worldview will be discussed at greater length in chapter . here i am concerned with the ways in which afrocentric academic discourse, motifs, themes, and theory were absorbed, embraced, and rejected by the hip-hop community. my use of the term post- afrocentric discourse is not a reference to any structured, formalized meta-theory. afrocentric notions—because of hip hop’s use of post modern pastiche—enter hip hop through less-structured channels, for example through street culture, television, print media, underground culture etc. post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop refers to a movement more than a formalized doctrine or dogma. nonetheless, i utilize afrocentric academic rhetoric and theory in order to identify and evaluate afrocentric trends in hip- hop aesthetics. like the blues (wo)men and the african american griot, the emcee serves multi-functional purposes within african american popular culture. they are often the chroniclers, arbiters, spokespersons, and translators of events, trends, and community sentiment. within hip hop studies scholarship, little attention has been paid to the link between afrocentric academic discourse and hip-hop aesthetics. the post-afrocentric moment, as i describe it, is important for discussions on hip-hop aesthetics, as it provides valuable insight into shifts in the efficacy of afrocentric praxis. the publication of molefi asante’s afrocentricity in influenced and reflected the afrocentric movement in hip hop. the afrocentric movement in hip hop occurs between - and crystallized between - . the post-afrocentric movement begins in roughly with the release of the notorious b.i.g’s ready to die. the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop represents an acceptance—at least partially—of american ideals and practices, and, simultaneously, a gradual rejection of afrocentric (i.e. black nationalist) rhetoric and discourse. i am concerned with the ways in which afrocentric thought, practice and theory are filtered through hip hop discourse. i use the term “post-afrocentric’ as a theoretical and rhetorical tool to draw attention to the evolution of afrocentric thought in a american popular culture context. in the twenty-first century, american popular media is inescapable. more specifically, in this section, i examine shifts in hip hop texts—which began in the late s (with hip hop artists such as schooly d, boogie down productions, and n.w.a)— that reflect an acceptance and rejection of afrocentic and african-centered ideals, motifs, and theory. surely, the proliferation of american popular culture, particularly within the hip hop community, has had an impact on afrocentric sensibilities and vice versa. african motifs and symbols have been utilized within hip hop culture since its inception. afrikaa bambaata—considered the godfather of hip hop culture—and the zulu nation are examples of how early hip hop drew from african symbols. afrika bambaataa is one of the most influential hip hop pioneers, icons and archetypes. his name (afrika) and his ideology of community peace and uplift are testaments to the influence of the african aesthetic on hip hop culture. these african characteristics are keystones of hip hop aesthetics. afrika bambaataa formed the zulu nation at stevenson high in the bronx in . the zulu nation based “their principles on spreading love and unity in hip hop regardless of race, religion, and class” (ratcliffe ). the organization was vital to the sociopolitical development of late ’s rappers such as public enemy and krs-one ( ). the zulu nation represents hip-hop’s humble beginnings (ratcliff ). a beginning that relied almost solely on self-definition to propel the culture. mainstream america was not receptive to hip hop early on. the continuum of hip-hop’s african lineage can be observed in more contemporary hip-hop as well. on political hip-hop group dead prez’s first album let’s get free, they acknowledge their african ancestry on “i’m an african”. their lyrics are laden with pan-african and black nationalist rhetoric. the zulu nation in both name and philosophy exemplifies this. hip emerges in a pan-african, geo- diasporic milieu these afro-diasporic origins are linked, partially, to hip-hop’s caribbean roots. the theoretical and philosophical shift toward post-afrocentric discourse represents an attempt by disenfranchised, urban african-american youth to wrestle with their post- industrial, post-modern existence. the post-afrocentric hip hop movement represents an acceptance and absorption of s and s american popular culture and a shift from black nationalist narratives toward more materialistic and violent narratives within hip hop. the gun also moved to the fore during this time within hip hop narratives. post- afrocentric discourse marked the beginning of a more thorough acceptance of mainstream capitalist sensibilities while engaging, rejecting, recycling and critiquing american capitalist culture and black nationalist ideology. the ideological/aesthetic struggle between african cultural norms and post-modern upward mobility is evident in post afrocentric narratives. the afrocentric movement in hip-hop originated in hip hop’s formative phases during the early s. african referents within hip hop culture such as the zulu nation and afrikaa bambaata, as well as the incorporation of black nationalist and cultural nationalist rhetoric in hip hop texts point to the influence of african culture—at least aesthetically—on hip hop. nonetheless, the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop begins in the late s with schooly d, boogie down productions and n.w.a., and overlaps with the post-afrocentric movement, which ends in with the release of several albums that offer critiques of afrocentricity and black nationalism. common’s resurrection and the notorious b.i.g’s ready to die in solidify the end of the (post) afrocentric movement in hip hop. post-afrocentric hip hop discourse offers a critique of afrocentric and african- centered theory and practice. there are numerous musical and social developments that occurred within hip hop culture in the late s and early s that are significant to my discussion of post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop. i identify eleven socio-cultural events and albums that demarcate the post-afrocentric movements in hip hop. some of these events occurred during the afrocentric movement in hip hop and forecasted post- afrocentric narratives in hip hop culture. the native tongue movement, which consisted of the jungle brothers, a tribe called quest, queen latifah and de la soul), signify perhaps the most recognizable, consistent and explicit afrocentric movement within s hip hop. it is worth noting that the native tongue collective has received only scant interest within the canon of hip-hop scholarship. the native tongue movement, ironically, also marks the beginning of post-afrocentricity within hip hop. though native tongue artists made explicit references to afrocentricity and african cultural norms, they also infused postmodern, multicultural references into their work. the afrocentric and post-afrocentric movement within hip-hop culture represents a rejection (i.e. assimilation, aesthetics, epistemology) and acceptance (i.e. capitalism, patriarchy, violence) of american cultural ideals. furthermore, “[native tongue] rejected what had become the authentic style of sweat suits, gold chains, and kangol hats by presenting their bohemian style of flowered shirts, dreaded hair, and african medallions” (baldwin, ). the post-afrocentric movement also juxtaposes and attempts to reconcile african cultural idealism and american realism. in other words, as with much hip hop music, the native tongue movement struggled to balance african cultural norms— which links them to their historical legacy and lineage—with the socioeconomic realities of being poor and black in post-industrial urban america. i offer a discussion of the native tongue movement in order to track afrocentric trends and sensibilities within hip hop and to segue way into my discussion of the post- afrocentric movement in hip hop. on “push it along”, the first track from a tribe called quest’s first album people's instinctive travels & the paths of rhythm ( ), the most acclaimed group member, q-tip (a.k.a the abstract poet) attempts to grapple with socioeconomic conditions in s new york. it is the group’s abstract, liberal approach to socioeconomic issues that made it so palpable within the hip hop. it is important to note that the political agenda within the native tongue movement was subtly infused into their music. moreover their music reflects a quasi, post-modern racial- cultural identity, more black nationalist humanism than hard-line cultural nationalist. in short, afrocentric overtures within the hip-hop idiom were more of an aesthetic and psycho-social movement than mass political or ideological movement. in “push it along, q-tip engages afrocentric discourse: if you can't envision a brother who ain't dissin slingin' this and that, 'cause this and that was missin instead, it's been injected, the tribe has been perfected oh yes, it's been selected, the art makes it protected afrocentric livin', africans be givin a lot to the cause 'cause the cause has been risen what does q-tip infer when he uses the term afrocentric? tip equates afrocentricity with positive thinking and empowering art. he engages and critiques gangster aesthetics without being dogmatic. q-tip’s reference to “the cause” connects him to african- american cultural and aesthetic experiences. ideological tension within hip hop, as well as struggles between black popular culture and mainstream american popular culture are evidenced in q-tip’s lyrics. the group successfully delineates between emerging gangsta rap sensibilities and “conscious” hip hop. however, a tribe called quest is aware of their existence within the hip hop idiom. references to africa in native tongue’s lyrics are not tangential nor are they merely symbolic. african references within hip-hop discourse link african-american hip-hop participants to their historical and cultural legacy. because humankind began in africa, references to africa serve a similar purpose for non-african-american hip hop generationers too. so then to truly embrace hip-hop aesthetics, one must at least recognize its african and african american roots to a much greater degree than previous genres of african-american musical production. this extends to the juxtaposition and critique of rock and roll culture within hip-hop discourse. as native tongue artists embrace their african cultural identity they simultaneously reject white identity and ideals (e.g. american gun culture), which is sometimes represented as rock and roll. in “footprints”, along the trajectory of run- dmc’s critique of rock music on “the king of rock” ( ), a tribe called quest demarcate the aesthetic lines between hip hop and other musical genres and between african and american ideals: this ain't rock 'n' roll cos the rap is in control if you're a megastar, worth will buy you a car i'd rather go barefootin, for prints i will be puttin all over the earth if we can get there first now that we are in it, footprints are bein printed so fo you recognize em, you can try to size em a nubian, a nubian, a proud one at that remember me, the brother who said "black is black" you can come by request, i don't play, i don't dress get emotions off your chest, we are black, we the best(blessed) makin moves, makin motions, flowin like an ocean the walkin will continue, we know that we will bring you the times that you have waited, more anticipated be gone but not for long because the feet will stay strong q-tip’s discourse is anchored within the african-american aesthetic tradition; he juxtaposes “black” and “nubian”. in this verse, he is clearly championing black pride (“a nubian, a nubia, a proud one at that”). thematically, movement (i.e. the railroad, a journey, et al) is a central component to african-american musical aesthetics. tip’s narrative suggests a more organic, simpler way of living (“i’d rather go barefootin’”) the jungle brothers, another native tongue group—on their first album straight out the jungle—utilized the continent of africa to signify the urban, post-industrial landscape of new york. references to africa were more symbolic than ideological. africa serves as a metaphor for the urban post-industrial environment. they acknowledge africa as the origin of humanity and culture, yet they accept their existence as poor african-american men. on the first track “straight out the jungle”, the group introduces the audience to its african cultural anchoring. again, the jungle brother’s african identity is created in dialectical opposition to american ideals and worldview: educated man, from the motherland you see, they call me a star but that's not what i am i'm a jungle brother, a true, blue brother and i've been to many places you'll never discover he rejects the imposed construct of artist as celebrity, preferring to connect to the historical struggle of african-americans. struggle is a major feature of hip-hop aesthetics. struggles in hip-hop are connected to older african-american traditions, as well as the post-industrial environment. the jungle brothers at once establish themselves as bohemian, black cultural nationalists and urban dwellers entrenched in the emerging new york hip hop scene. their cultural-linguistic dexterity is also a major component of their narrative. in the second verse, they engage the post-industrial environment directly: struggle to live (struggle to live) struggle to survive struggle (struggle) just to stay alive 'cause inside the jungle, either you do or you die you got to be aware, you got to have the jungle eye take it from a brother who knows my friend the animals, the cannibals will do you in cut your throat (cut your throat) stab you in the back the untamed animal just don't know how to act it's unbelievable (unbelievable) uncivilized (ci-civilized) struggle is at the forefront of the above narrative. transcending their post-industrial, urban environment, within the context of their african heritage, is addressed directly. again, the struggle to balance african cultural norms and postmodern, postindustrial existence is evident in the above passage. the evolution of native tongue artist queen latifah is representative of the trajectory of afrocentric discourse in hip hop. an east orange, new jersey-native, queen latina embraced afrocentric themes and living in her early work, offering stringent critiques of patriarchy and misogyny while staying within the parameters of hip hop aesthetics. her debut album all hail the queen ( ) was a departure from previous female narratives in hip hop. by the early-mid s, latina’s popularity waned as afrocentric themes waned within hip hop discourse. she was no longer known as queen latifah, but as dana owens. owens was able to trade in the cultural capital she had accrued as an afrocentric emcee with native tongue for mainstream success, celebrity endorsements and stardom. this cultural exchange is an example of how upward mobility and the struggle to transcend the obstacles of post-industrial existence play into hip hop aesthetics. though the native tongue movement represents the most visible and strain of afrocentric and post-afrocentric thought within hip hop, groups such as x-clan, brand nubian, black star, little brother, digable planets, the roots, dead prez, and gangstarr all utilized afrocentric approaches and themes in their music. post-afrocentric discourse is evidenced further when one traces the maturation of two archetypal hip-hop acts: a tribe called quest and krs-one. both represent mounting tensions in hip hop between afrocentric idealism and post-industrial black nationalism. in , a tribe called quest’s q-tip was assaulted by members of r&b group wrecks-n-effect’s entourage. ironically, neither group represented the gangster aesthetic. the misunderstanding was based on a veiled reference on "jazz (we've got)": i'm all into my music cuz it's how i make papes tryin' to make hits, like kid capri mix tapes me sweat another? i do my own thing strictly hardcore tracks, not a new jack swing the zulu nation, headed by hip hop icon afrika bambataa, intervened and eventually a peace treaty was implemented. though wrecks-n-effect’s performance and aesthetic was benign, their response was violent and not artistic. their response was a foreshadowing of the blurring of the line between art and reality. it was the precursor to hip-hop’s lyrical competitiveness resulting in violence. it is important to note that even though a tribe called quest’s aesthetic was peaceful, they could not transcend their post-industrial reality. moreover, between the release of their first album peoples instinctive travels ( ) and low end theory ( ), it is possible to observe the evolution of afrocentricity in hip hop, via post-afrocentric movement, in the group’s attempt to reconcile the above mentioned tension. in these albums, the group engaged american popular culture both explicitly and implicitly. however, low end theory represents a departure from afrocentric motifs toward more secular themes. on low end theory, a tribe called quest shifted their focus toward commercial sensibilities through numerous pop culture references in their work. “skypager” highlights their newfound market sensibilities. though not always an overt critique, their work does address transcending the post-industrial environment. on “jazz”, for example, q-tip established the underlying theme of the album when he proclaims, “the aim is to succeed and achieve at .” in the next verse, phife, illustrates the group’s desire for upward mobility, “i’m all into my music, cause its time to make papes/try to make hits, like kid capri makes tapes.” phife explains that he is interested in the group’s market value in his articulation of his desire to “make papes [and] hits”. bdp dj scott la rock was murdered on august , . la rock would represent the first of a number of casualties of well-known hip hop figures. larock’s murder was a tragic portent that signaled a major shift toward realism, and by virtue post- afrocentric discourse, within hip hop. on bdp’s first album, criminal minded ( ) krs-one embodied gangster aesthetics, yet he was firmly entrenched in the emerging (illustration . ) de la soul (illustration . ) x-clan (illustration . ) “going way back” video (illustration . ) brand nubian one for all hip hop aesthetic. in fact, krs-one—who would be considered a “conscious” emcee—is partially responsible for gangster motifs and themes within hip hop. however, after scott la rock’s murder, krs-one reinvented himself as a black nationalist. whereas q-tip became more mainstream and less afrocentric, krs-one became more nationalist in his narratives. q-tip represents a convergence of a cultural nationalist engagement of post- industrial and pop culture discourse. krs-one represents a blending of gangster and black nationalist rhetoric. the convergence of both icons represents a new brand of afrocentric discourse within hip hop. both a tribe called quest and krs-one illustrate the complexity of hip hop aesthetics. hip hop group leaders of the new school, which featured dinko d, charlie brown, and busta rhymes, marked the end of afrocentric discourse in hip hoop narratives. as their name infers, leaders of the new school ushered in a new aesthetic, which—at the time—was an amalgamation of post-soul, afrocentric, and commercial aesthetics. their album a future with a past ( ) was their first release, but it was the group’s collaboration with a tribe called quest on “scenarios” that solidified the group— particularly busta rhymes—as up and coming emcees. the group was introduced to a national audience with their appearance on the arsenio hall show in when they performed “scenarios” with a tribe called quest. even though leaders of the new school did not utilize gangsta aesthetics in their performance, they did mark a shift much scholarship constructs gangsta hip hop in opposition to more politically- influenced hip hop. dichotomizing hip hop in this manner—gangsta and conscious/political— obscures overarching shifts in hip hop discourse as a whole. examining shifts within so-called conscious hip hop (i.e. the native tongue movement) highlight the ways in which hip hop aesthetics reflect socioeconomic reality, “the political language nation-conscious rap, in its most general sense, was traded in for the grammar of the hood and the particular day-to-day struggles of black people” (baldwin ). n.w.a and dr. dre’s use of west coast gangsta aesthetics and iconography is often cited as a major factor in the gradual phasing-out of the overtly political strain of hip hop. nonetheless, krs-one’s criminal minded and any means necessary; a tribe called quest’s low end theory; leaders of the new school a future with a past ( ); and onyx’s throw ya gunz ep ( ) and baccdafucup lp ( ) all signal aesthetic shifts within hip hop. by , collectively, these events forecasted the end of post afrocentric discourse in hip hop, many of which challenge and engage afrocentricity and black nationalism directly: ) the sonic and thematic shifts between a tribe called quest’s debut album peoples instinctive travel ( ) and low end theory ( ); ) the shift, proliferation and solidification of gangsta iconography and iconology within hip hop, which is represented in the emergence of more gangsta-inspired narratives; ) the creation of death row, cash money, and bad boy records in the early s; ) the death of scott la rock and subsequent release of criminal minded; )the la. rebellion; ) common’s resurrection ( ), particularly “i used to love h.e.r”; ) the notorious b.i.g’s ready to die ( ); ) onyx’s baccdafuccup; ) dr. dre’s the chronic ( ); ) wu-tang clan’s enter the wu-tang ( ), particularly “c.r.e.a.m (cash rules everything around me)”; ) mobb deep’s juvenile hell ( ); ) the roots’ do you want more? ( ); ) nas’ illmatic ( ); and ) naughty by nature’s “o.p.p” ( ). the post-afrocentric hip hop discourse is represented in a general decline in the embrace of afrocentric iconography and practice, but also in the direct engagement and signification of afrocentricity. wu-tang clan’s “c.r.e.a.m (cash rules everything around me), which appeared on enter the wu-tang, signaled hip hop culture’s acceptance and absorption of capitalist sensibilities. inspectah deck’s verse encapsulates the impetus of “c.r.e.a.m”, “it’s been long, hard years and still strugglin’/survival got me buggin, but i’m alive on arrival.” deck links his narrative to struggle and the prison industrial complex: bassin/goin up state’s my destination/ handcuffed, in back of the bus, forty of us/ life as a shorty shouldn’t be so rough/but as the world turn, i learn life is hell/livin in a world no different from a cell. neglected for now, but, yo, it’s got to be expected (that what?)/life is hectic. nas’ illmatic and the notorious b.i.g.’s ready to die solidified the end of the post afrocentric movement in hip hop. both albums permanently shifted the focus of hip hop aesthetics to survival in the post industrial, inner-city. furthermore, ready to die solidified ostentation—via tragic realism— as a central component of hip hop aesthetics. however, one of the most overt markers of post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop appears in common’s seminal, hip hop classic “i used to love her”. “i used to love her” chronicles and critiques the evolution of hip hop culture and aesthetics as it passed through its various stages from folk music to popular music. common utilizes personification, metaphorically referring to hip hop as a woman: she didn’t have a body but she started gettin thick quick did a couple of videos and became afrocentric out goes the weave, in goes the braids beads medallions she was on that tip about, stoppin the violence about my people she was teachin me by not preachin to me but speakin to me common points out that the afrocentric movement was not dogmatic or judgmental. he also links the afrocentric movement in hip hop to afrocentric iconography and aesthetics. though hip hop served as an educational and historical tool according to common, it was not “preachy”. he goes on to describe hip hop’s musical expansion and hip hop’s transition the post-afrocentric moment. she said that the pro-black, was goin out of style she said, afrocentricity, was of the past so she got into r&b hip-house bass and jazz now black music is black music and its all good i wasn’t salty, she was with the boys in the hood cause that was good for her, she was becomin well rounded i thought it was dope how she was on that freestyle shit just havin fun, not worried about anyone common’s “i used to love h.e.r.” is a primary musical marker, which signaled the end of post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop. common clearly identifies the end of afrocentric narratives, symbolized in the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop (“afrocentricity, was a thing of the past”). the release of the chronic album by dr. dre was signaled a significant shift in hip hop aesthetics. although black nationalists themes were still present in this work, gangsta themes and iconography predominated. the album served as a musical backdrop to the l.a. rebellion of . as the passage below indicates, dr. dre made a deliberate attempt to link the chronic to collective african american struggle, despite the album’s debauchery and its misogyny, violent imagery. “nigga wit a gun” which featured rbx, and snoop, opens with a sample from news footage from the l.a. rebellion newscast: i'ma say this and i'ma end mine if you ain't down, for the africans here in the united states, period point blank.. if you ain't down for the ones that suffered in south africa from apartheid and shit devil you need to step your punk ass to the side and let us brothers, and us africans, step in and start puttin some foot, in that ass!! though west coast gangster aesthetics under gird the chronic, the narrative is linked to collective struggle. daz, chronicles the urban angst of los angeles’ inner-city and links it to the rodney king beating: dem wonder why me violent and no really understand for de reason why me take me law, in me own, hand me not out for peace and me not rodney king de gun goes - click, me gun goes - bang dem riot in compton and dem riot in long beach dem riot in l.a. cause dem no really wanna see niggaz start to loot and police start to shoot lock us down at seven o'clock, barricades us like beirut me don't show no love cause it's us against dem during the late s, the hip hop generation reassessed and revisits the efficacy of afrocentric discourse. there are several cultural markers that signal notable shifts toward post-afrocentric thought within hip hop discourse. these post-afrocentric moments are present in both hip hop sensibilities and within hip hop lyrics. hip hop’s aesthetic, artistic, epistemological, cultural, and philosophical foundation is grounded in african and african american cultural norms, yet hip hop is constructed as post modern cultural and artistic production. stated differently, it is the way in which hip hop reconfigures and reappropriates popular media that its african sensibilities emerge. hip hop aesthetics come out of an intrinsic understanding and recognition of africa’s contribution to world civilizations. yet hip hop aesthetics encompass a wide range of perspectives and perceptions of african culture. some artists outwardly embrace african culture; others are subtler in their treatment of africa. nas, for example, frequently explores african themes and motifs in his work. he intersperses african references in his work filtered through a post-industrial gangsta aesthetic. on “nas is like”, he subtly refers to european’s appropriation of african knowledge, “like greeks in egypt, learnin' somethin' deep from they teachers”. as will be explained in chapter , hip hop’s epistemological approach is post modern, yet hip hop narratives often cite historical wrongs that have been perpetrated against african peoples on the continent and throughout the diaspora. africa operates as an aesthetic and cultural marker linking hip hop narratives to s black nationalist symbolism. the proliferation of africa medallions, like the one donned by emcee just-ice “going way back” ( ) video, serve as cultural markers for afrocentric discourse. as baldwin asserts, “the icons of afrocentricity and africa itself served as bridges between upward mobility and historical black experiences”. ( ) jeru the damaja’s “come clean” which appeared on the sun rises in the east ( ) marks the end of post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop. jeru the damaja, a dreadlocked emcee from brooklyn, used esoteric symbolism and imagery as a means to counter and engage gangsta narratives in hip hop. nonetheless, jeru the damaja engages gangsterism in hip hop by reappropriating gangsta imagery, utilizing it as a trope in his critique. “come clean” illustrates the struggle within hip hop over gangsta imagery and more esoteric themes and approaches: i snatch fake gangsta mc's and make em faggot flambe your nine spray, my mind spray malignant mist steadily pumps the funk the results you're a gang stuffed in a car trunk you couldn't come to the jungles of the east poppin that game you won't survive get live catchin wreck is our thing i don't gang bang or shoot out bang bang the relentless lyrics the only dope i slang jeru’s declaration that he does not “gang bang or shoot out bang bang” was a direct response to west coast g-funk. yet, jeru the damaja’s acceptance of violence as a means to resolve conflict builds upon earlier hip hop narratives by emcees such as just-ice and krs-one, who used gangsta posturing and attitude in their performance: my attack is purely mental and its nature's not hate it's meant to wake ya up out of ya brainwashed state stagnate nonsense but if you persist you'll get ya snotbox bust you press up on this… unplug it on chumps with the gangsta babble leave your nines at home and bring your skills to the battle “come clean” marked the end of overt ideological critiques within hip hop culture. this marked the end the post-afrocentric movement within hip hop. by the twenty-first century, the afrocentric references and symbolism became scant. artists as diverse as styles p, ice cube, mos def, and nas, talib kweli, who could definitely be deemed a “conscious” artist, illustrates this departure from afrocentric motifs and imagery. the term “conscious” within hip hop discourse is often synonymous with afrocentric living and/or black nationalist tendencies. however, upon further examination, there appears to be little difference between “gangsta” and conscious” hip hop aesthetics. gangsta themes, symbols and aesthetics appear in so-called conscious hip hop narratives and, likewise, “conscious” themes, symbols and aesthetics appear within the so-called subgenre ‘gangsta hip hop”. there are striking similarities in theme, form, content, tone, iconography, and attitude. on “gun music”, he discusses the complexity of urban violence and african cultural norms: silencers bring the heat without bringing the noise bringing the funk of dead bodies, go ahead bring in your boys you'll see the soul of black folk like w.e.b dubois israelis got tanks and palestinians got rocks inmates got shanks and dirty cops they got glocks we got tribes in africa that listen to pac fighting with brothers who pump biggie like they live on the block here the distinction between conscious and gangsta is barely noticeable. kweli invokes w.e.b du bois and juxtaposes the intellectual giant with urban gun violence. by , post-afrocentric discourse was firmly established within hip hop narratives. kweli’s reference to tribes in africa listening to pac exemplifies the quagmire of many of hip hop’s more progressive emcees. kweli essentially acknowledges the inescapability of urban violence. here, kweli also links hip hop’s post-industrial struggle to that of continental africans in post-colonial africa. many artists challenged and rejected afrocentric notions altogether. african american emcees particularly struggled to balance the demands of post-modern, post-industrial life with afrocentric living. transcendence of this environment provides a subtext within hip hop narratives. it is a focal point for many hip hop artists. more recently, chicago emcee common inserts a critique of afrocentricity on “the th sense”. he attempts to reconcile afrocentric dogma and postmodern reality: i’d be lyin if i said i ain’t want millions more than money saved i wanna save children dealing with alcoholism and afrocentricity a complex man drawin off simplicity reality is frisking me this industry will make you lose intensity the common sense in me remembers the basement i'm morpheus in this hip-hop matrix, exposing fake shit common juxtaposes afrocentricity and alcoholism, inferring that balancing afrocentric living and his existence as an african american male in a post-industrial environment can be challenging. on “country cousins” talib kweli further dissolves the line between gangsta and conscious aesthetics. “country cousins” is a collaboration with ugk, a southern hip hop group. not only are talib kweli and ugk different in their geographic origin, ugk could easily be categorized as gangsta emcees but many standards. “country cousins” is an example of how hip hop defies and rejects external categorization. post- afrocentric discourse is an example of hip hop’s post-structuralist emphasis. hip hop continually defines and transcends structuralist representations of its existence. (illustration . ) queen latifah the afrocentric movement has had a profound and far-reaching impact on hip hop discourse and aesthetics. the afrocentric and post-afrocentric movements in hip hop culture track afrocentric trends, sensibilities and attitudes in hip hop culture. by , (illustration . ) dana owens the release of albums such as black moon’s enta da stage, wu-tang’s enter the wu- tang, the souls of mischief’s ’ til infinity, nas’s illmatic, and b.i.g’s ready to die marked the end of the post-afrocentric moment in hip hop. the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop is important because: ) it highlights the continuity and discontinuity of african culture and afrocentric thought in hip hop; ) it engages afrocentric practices in the context of a post-modern, post-industrial phenomenon (i.e. hip hop); and ) it assesses the functionality of afrocentric theory among contemporary, african american youth. though afrocentric criticism is valuable to hip hop analysis, it is crucial that afrocentric scholars track afrocentric shifts and trends within hip hop in order to gain a more informed perspective of the hip hop generation. post-afrocentric discourse is not a neatly-packaged theoretical construct with clearly defined boundaries nor was afrocentric theory absorbed into hip hop aesthetics uncritically as an organized theoretical discourse. post-afrocentric discourse in hip hop is merely a theoretical proposition which highlights, tracks, and assesses the efficacy of afrocentric theory and praxis within hip hop. *** hip hop’s aesthetic influences from the early part of the twentieth century are often understated in hip hop scholarship. hip hop aesthetics represent an uncanny awareness of historical narratives in popular media. hip hop emerges along the continuum of african american cultural traditions, yet some of hip hop’s foundational elements hearken back to early twentieth century american public discourse and popular culture. african american public figures (for example booker t. washington, jack and paul robeson), the american world’s fairs in the late s and early s, and white icons such as babe ruth, buffalo bill and tarzan shaped (and informed) hip hop aesthetics. early twentieth century movements and figures laid the template for aesthetics, discursively, ideologically, and attitudinally. hip hop is both post-modern and african in its construction; hip hop lulls from all available media and texts. hence, pre-hip hop narratives and icons are crucial to understanding the full scope and implications of hip hop aesthetics. chapter yo’ blues ain’t like mine: a comparative analysis of hip- hop as post-modern, urban blues in the previous chapter, i identify notable developments in pre-hip hop, american popular culture as a precursor to hip hop. this chapter offers a comparative analysis of blues and hip hop aesthetics. i examine hip-hop aesthetics and their relation to blues aesthetics. mississippi hip-hop artist david banner has referred to hip-hop as urban blues. i build upon banner’s assertion, illustrating how hip-hop has selected and absorbed the most radical and functional features of african (american) thought and practice, in this case blues sensibilities. by doing so, i show that hip-hop is part of a cultural continuum and, conversely, explore the causes and ways in which hip-hop aesthetics, and by virtue black aesthetics, have shifted—thematically, sonically, creatively, and philosophically— from its musical forbearers. i illustrate how, because of the emcee’s covert social- aesthetic critique of american society, she is positioned within the realm of african- american cultural and intellectual traditions. i posit that emcees can be viewed as modern-day blues figures. the emcee links blues motifs, experience and themes with contemporary ones. this chapter seeks to explore three methodological questions concerning african americans and the blues: ) have african americans transcended “the blues”? stated differently, has the post-industrial, post-civil rights environment rendered blues sensibilities and motifs obsolete for the hip hop generation? if the blues as-such are still present in hip hop aesthetics, how are they represented in hip hop culture and discourse? the blues was birthed in the pressurized, angst-filled, despair-laden landscape of america. it is unique to the american experience. even within european-american, culture there is blues. though the blues originated within african-american culture, there is white blues music (see folk, bluegrass, country, western, grunge alternative, etc). i view hip-hop culture as a contemporary manifestation of post-modern, urban blues and offer comparative analysis of the convergence of the two idioms. collective and individual struggle are major themes within both idioms. the blues paradigm is a fundamental component of hip-hop aesthetics. for it is the unique and often maligned existence of african-americans that has spawned blues culture in america. conversely, hip hop reflects both the successes and failures of the blues era. i approach blues from a socio-musical perspective. i am concerned with the blues-as such, as well as the ways in which blues themes have changed. stated differently, how can we account for the cultural, thematic, and sonic change in african- american music since the creation of the blues? are the blues still a part of the african- american experience? are the blues present in hip hop? i examine ”the blues” as not so much a genre but as an african-american trope, an attitude, and an aesthetic quality. several hip hop scholars have referenced blues as an aesthetic foundation for hip hop, most notably jelani cobb. in to the break of dawn, cobb ( ) includes a brief discussion of the trickster blues ( ). he asserts that “hip hop is blues filtered through a century of experience and a thousand miles of asphalt” ( ). however, cobb’s analysis of blues in hip hop does not offer enough nuance or detail to the discussion of blues as an aesthetic contributor of hip hop. cobb over generalizes and creates a false blues/hip hop dialectic. though many scholars, such as cobb, cite blues as an aesthetic foundation of hip hop, blues’ influence is often understated. furthermore, much scholarship has failed to construct a detailed topography, which identifies blues characteristics in hip hop aesthetics. cobb’s comparative analysis is topical. he does not factor in the complexity of hip hop’s post-modern, mass-mediation. cobb makes several delineations between hip hop aesthetics and blues aesthetics. cobb asserts that hip hop discourse: a) lacks irony; b) lacks “standard” songs; c) is not collectively-authored; and d) denies pain. unfortunately, as i illustrate in this chapter, cobb does not sufficiently utilize actual hip hop narratives to support these claims. cobb correctly identifies the use of alter-ego or dual identity in hip hop and links it to its blues origins. as discussed, the use of alter-ego in hip hop can be credited to blues aesthetics as well as superhero comic narratives: in both hip hop and blues we encounter the vocalist as the alter ego of the artists complete with the adoption of a nom de mic—the kind of artistic pseudonym that has its roots in the blues tradition. nobody’s mama named their boy redman, jay- z, or biggie, but neither did anyone come into this world with a tag like howlin’ wolf, muddy waters, or leadbelly. ( ) but there is a distinction that must be made within cobb’s comparative analysis of alter- ego, “the two musics have different relationships to the characters they create; the blues musician can sing about evil, but is not necessarily expected to live that way”( ). cobb’s analysis is at times anachronistic. he fails to recognize the centrality of authenticity within african american musical production since the creation of work songs and spirituals. he also understates the similarities between hip op and blues narratives. hip hop is post-modern in it construction, therefore the addition of alter-ego borrowed from , s, and s superhero comic narratives adds an additional dimension to the blues alter ego persona cobb describes african-american shared experience is a fundamental component to understanding african-american cultural production. attitude (and as a result authenticity) within blues and hip-hop culture, perhaps more so than any other american musical genres, is a central component to its production. noted music ethnomusicologist and poet amiri baraka discusses the link between african-american musical production and experience. baraka explains: negro music is essentially the expression of an attitude, or a collection of attitudes, about the world, and only secondarily an attitude about the way music is made. the blues and jazz aesthetic, to be fully understood, must be seen in as nearly its complete human context as possible. people made bebop. the question the critic must ask is: why? ( ) baraka correctly links blues and jazz analysis to the peoples that created them. this “human context”, as baraka explains, is central to any examination of african-american musical aesthetics. i utilize baraka’s focus on african american attitudes as a rubric to analyze hip hop aesthetics. it has been inferred that african-american music has been anchored in political and social commentary on the american experience. however, overt political themes were not a major component of early african-american musical forms. as with hip-hop music, aesthetic, tangential pleasure and appreciation are also closely linked to african- american musical production and consumption. albert murray takes up the issue of politics within blues music and supports baraka’s analysis in regard to african-american music’s grounding in the attitudes of african-americans’ attitudes: not that blues music is without fundamental as well as immediate political significance and applicability. but the nature of its political dimension is not always as obvious as some promoters of folk-music-as-social commentary seem to believe. the political implication is inherent in the attitude toward experience that generates the blues-music counterstatement in the first place.”( ) as both murray and baraka explain, in order to understand african-american music, one must understand the attitudes of african-americans. so, the primary question for scholars examining african-american music is an existential one: what are the attitudes that created hip-hop music? furthermore, have the blues as an expressive modality disappeared from african american musical aesthetics? the blues man/woman was much more than a musician. within the context of hip- hop music and culture, the emcee emerges as a similar entity in both form and function. one’s ability to listen to, enjoy, as well as understand a particular music is based on experience. amiri baraka, in his seminal text blues people, discusses the cultural link between music and lived experience. baraka places blues in the context of social phenomenon. i assert that hip-hop is contemporary urban blues or postindustrial blues. hip-hop, like blues, provides social commentary across myriad themes. these themes are derived directly from african-american socio-cultural experiences. baraka declares: blues as verse form has as much social reference as any poetry, except for the strict lyric, and that also is found in blues. love, sex, tragedy in interpersonal relationships, death, travel, loneliness, etc., are all social phenomena. and perhaps these are the things which actually create a poetry, as things, or ideas: there can be no such thing as poetry (or blues) exclusive of the matter it proposes to be about. ( ) blues “matter” was derived from african american experiences in the rural south and northern migration. hip hop also follows in the blues tradition within a post-modern, post-industrial context. baker asserts, “it is rap and its creators, distributors, and individual geniuses who have continued the voluble beat of the inner-city blues from the s” ( ). urban blues, s rhythm and blues and soul segue wayed into hip hop. from this perspective, it is more plausible to see hip-hop culture along a continuum and not an abruption of the black aesthetic (i.e. african aesthetic). the emcee within hip-hop culture has taken on mythological proportions, particularly when one considers the folkloric impact of emcees such as tupac and biggie smalls. the role of the emcee is closely linked to prominent archetypes and iconography, one african in origin the other african-american. both the african griot and the american bluesman/woman are archetypes that have been cited as influences on hip-hop culture. the former has been widely recognized as a forbearer to the hip-hop emcee. the latter has not been as widely recognized for its influence on hip-hop culture. moreover, the centrality and importance of the emcee within hip-hop culture cannot be fully understood from a musicological perspective. zora neale hurston’s “culture hero” category from her work “characteristics of negro expression” points to the significance of heroic public figures within african american culture. the emcee is an extension of the bluesman, a socio-cultural, heroic figure in african american culture. the blues musician was an arbiter of african-american socio-cultural ideals. as cultural figures, bluesmen and women followed “existing conventions sometimes ‘by extending that which they like or accept, and sometimes by counterstating what it rejects’”(murray ). the emcee serves a similar role in contemporary hip hop, rejecting and/or accepting prevailing african american myths, stereotypes, narratives and traditions. one could not merely play the blues; the blues man/woman had to embody or live the blues. again, the focus and appeal of the blues man/woman was not limited to technical musicianship. similarly, the emcee does not merely rap. rapping existed in the pre-hip hop era. the blues man/woman served myriad purposes within the african- american community, elevating the blues man/women to iconic status: a “technical” definition of the blues does not take into account the role of the bluesman in the lives of blacks living in segregated america. the black community asked the bluesman to compose, to improvise, to be a poet, to be a collector, to arrange traditional themes, to be a singer, to be an instrumental virtuoso, to entertain, to be a sociologist. furthermore, the bluesman also had a therapeutic role for himself and his audience, for whom this music had a cathartic effect. (herzhaft) from this vantage point, it becomes more clear the importance of the bluesman/woman within the african-american community. the implications for such an analysis when examining the emcee within hip-hop culture are far-reaching. it is within the framework of blues culture that the template for the emcee was laid. though the connections are not always exact, by examining the bluesman/woman, scholars are better able to understand the significance of the emcee, which has become the focal point of hip-hop culture. furthermore, by examining the blues paradigm, one can observe how important archetypes and icons have been present in the development of not only african-american music culture, but also hip-hop and african-american culture at-large. the urban north hip hop emerged in the south bronx, and then moved southward and westward. blues originated in the rural south and moved north. african american migratory trends have had a pronounced impact on african american musical aesthetics. urbanization has altered african musical aesthetics throughout the diaspora as well on the continent of africa. whether lagos, paris, or the south bronx, african peoples have faced myriad challenges in urban centers. this has undoubtedly affected african american musical aesthetics and creative content. urban migration has left an indelible imprint on african american musical aesthetics. northern metropolitan areas became meccas for black cultural trends. large african-american populations in new york, dc, philadelphia, and chicago helped to stimulate and maintain african american artistry at the turn of the twentieth century. these epicenters are representative of the impact of urbanity and modernity on the african-american psyche. the urban landscape transformed, or at the very least altered, not only the lifestyle of africans in america, but also their aesthetic sensibilities (i.e. music, culture, etc.). maultsby describes the effect the urban environment had on african american music: the segregated environment, the faster pace, the factory sounds, the street noises, and the technology of the metropolis gave a different type of luster, cadence, and sophistication to existing black musical forms. in response to new surroundings, the familiar sounds of the past soon were transformed into an urban black music tradition. ( ) maultsby attributes the shift toward an urban black music aesthetic to the frenetic pace and technology of the metropolis. it is important to note the trajectory of blues from the south to the urban north. the form, style, and manner of production and consumption were altered in this process. griffin discusses the transition of blues narratives and links them to african american northward migration. she explains, “the blues narrative becomes less fragmented, more condensed and consumable…in a social situation that is itself fragmented, the blues begins to provide some narrative coherence and order ( ). the fragmentation griffin chronicles is important to my analysis of hip hop aesthetics. post-modern fragmentation is a feature of hip-hop aesthetics. i argue that hip hop, particularly by the mid- s, provided cohesion and community for working-class african americans and latinos in a post-industrial economy. many sociopolitical factors were responsible for the fragmenting of african-american and latino communities during the s, some of which i discuss later in this dissertation. blues, like hip hop, provided a semi-safe space within these communities: in the south, where a sense of community exists, the bluesman can serve as the wandering stranger, but in the north, where the context is itself is the “stranger,” the bluesman convenes the community and sets the atmosphere to invoke tradition…[the blues performance] acted as a means of convening community, of invoking common experiences and values. though not necessarily a resistant space, it was a space where migrants would let their hair down, be themselves and have a good time. as such, it was a healing space. (griffin ) the blueswoman, like the emcee, was a carrier of tradition. in some cases, particularly during its folk phase, hip hop provided a safe space for its urban denizens. it is interesting to note the shifts within hip hop aesthetics as hip hop migrated to the south, midwest, and west coast. (see crunk, snap, etc.). blues music, and later jazz, provided a musical backdrop that accompanied periods of african-american migration. in many cases, this migration coincided with african-americans’ struggle to obtain upward mobility. william barlow explains, “many rural blues artists were in the forefront of the exodus [north]; they were the oracles of their generation, contrasting the promise of freedom with the reality of their harsh living conditions” ( ). early hip hop discourse chronicled the effects of black and white flight in a similar way. struggle is a predominant theme within hip hop aesthetics. hip hop, like blues, reflects the inherent struggles of african american existence. even artists that are labeled party emcees/rappers contain elements of individual and/or collective struggle. struggle is in fact central to hip hop narratives. it is utilized as an aesthetic principle that links emcees to african american historical struggle. murray contextualizes sadness as a prominent blues motif and it to african american struggle: a number of blues lyrics express an urgent and unmistakable concern with defeat, disappointment, betrayal, misfortune, not excluding death; but even the most exuberant stomp rendition is likely to contain some trace of sadness as a sobering reminder that life is at bottom, for all the very best of good times, a never-ending struggle. ( ) murray highlights the centrality of struggle within blues narratives. hip hop embraces african american struggle, yet hip hop attempts to transform struggle into valuable social and economic capital. struggle is one of the most pervasive and consistent themes within hip hop discourse. philadelphia emcee beanie sigel illustrates the importance of struggle within hip hop narratives. often, struggle is a means of linking individuals to their community (i.e. one’s hood). when asked how he keeps himself grounded in the music industry, sigel alludes to collective struggle as a vital component to his moral grounding and creative approach, “i keep myself grounded and i stay connected to the streets. i’m connected to what’s going on, the struggles and all that, i’m there. i let them see me. i try not to above everyone else. that keeps me grounded” (markman ). struggle links hip hop to its blues roots. struggle is also linked to the myriad ways in which the hip hop performs and embraces authenticity. another characteristic of the blues tradition that is similar to hip hop is its non- judgmental nature. non-judgment in hip hop is accentuated by and coincides with an increase in explicit content within american popular media. much scholarship on hip hop does not take hip hop’s blues origin into account when critiquing profane content in hip hop culture. non-judgment is a primary characteristic of secular african american music: the openness of the blues realm—its repudiation of taboos of all sorts—is rendered possible by virtue of the fact that blues always decline to pass judgment. their non- judgmental character permits ideas that would be rejected by the larger society to enter into blues discourse. (davis ) non-judgment is an aesthetic carryover from blues to hip hop. non-judgment does not excuse homophobic, patriarchal narratives within hip-hop, but it does point to a certain discursive freedom within hip-hop discourse. in many analyses of hip hop aesthetics, non-judgment is seen as a post-modern characteristic. by linking non-judgment to blues aesthetics, non-judgment can be viewed as a continuum of african american musical aesthetics and not an abruption. hip hop embraces and explores themes that are considered taboo in popular african american discourse. thematically, hip hop draws from several blues tropes and motifs. for my purposes, i lump blues themes in hip hop into four overarching categories: ) pain; ) joy; ) loss; and ) otherworldly (i.e. extrasensory). it is the treatment of the aforementioned themes within a particular cultural and historical setting that make blues unique. socio-cultural context is inextricably linked to artistic production. it is the interpretation and negotiation of blues themes by the blues artist that makes blues themes unique. hence, as with hip hop, blues themes are filtered through the blues artist’s aesthetic-approach to his or her subject matter, as well as his or her experiences. realism is another similarity between the hip- hop and blues idioms. in blues lyrics, realism is often represented in sexual relationships. davis states: “fearless, unadorned realism is a distinctive feature of the blues. their representations of sexual relationships are not constructed in accordance with the sentimentality of the american popular song tradition. romantic love is seldom romanticized in the blues” (davis ). many critics point to more recent influences as contributors to the gritty realism of hip hop aesthetics. an examination of the blues tradition connects realism in hip-hop to older african american narratives—in this case blues narratives. though often embellished, the blueswoman drew from the realities of african american life (e.g. love, loss, poverty). authenticity, therefore, was vital to the blues performance. it was imperative the audience identified with the blues performer. the cultural familiarity that existed between blues performer and audience linked performance to aesthetic experience. stated differently, african-american experience (i.e. attitudes, habits, etc) was central to the blues experience. this is not to say that there were not universal themes within blues that transcended race, as is the case with great art in any genre. however, it does point to the fact that blues aesthetics and african american experience were intrinsically linked. the bluesman was always performing his blues. tragic realism is also prominent within hip hop aesthetics pain and (perceived) hardship, like tragic realism, are predominant themes in blues that are also present in hip hop. yet the blues simultaneously transcends and transforms pain. to the casual observer, the redemptive, cathartic qualities of the blues are not always perceptible. cobb incorrectly explains “if the blues exist for the express purpose of alchemizing beauty from pain, hip hop is more often about swaggering in the face of it” (cobb, ) pain is a prominent theme in hip hop discourse. however, the way it is articulated in hip hop—though still palpable—differs from blues. whether expressed explicitly or subtlety, the emcee seeks to document, articulate, and transform pain for his/her audience. when examining pain as a trope in hip hop, one must take into account the changes is popular culture since the blues. post-industrial survival is the impetus for much of the pain that is articulated in contemporary hip hop narratives. beanie sigel and styles p explore pain in their collaboration “all i know is pain” ( ): all i know is pain, all i seen is death couple homies and brother gone, when i'm gon' step i ain't suicidal, damn my brain need rest think about my childhood, pain in my chest past is the past, future ain't great all right in the hood when any day could be my last pain is the focal point to the above narrative. styles p and beanie sigel are firmly rooted in gangsta aesthetics, yet “all i know is pain” illustrates: ) the prominence and recognition of pain—past and present—as a viable theme in hip hop aesthetics; )the redemptive qualities of hip hop narratives (“all right in the hood”); and ) the bleak outlook of hip hop generationers. pain is a trope that appears in many hip hop narratives. mos def’s ode to his mother, “umi says”, is grounded within the blues aesthetic. it is an example of the redemptive qualities, which originates with the blues and spirituals. “umi says”, though sad in tone, approaches sorrow with optimism, aligning pain with earlier blues narrative. mos resolves the axiological tension between pain and sorrow, leaving his audience hopeful: sometimes i feel like crying sometimes my heart gets heavy sometimes i just want to leave and fly away [fly fly fly, like a dove] sometimes i don't know what to do with myself [ow!] passion takes over me mos’s sorrow is not a permanent state. he resolves his sorrow with love and passion. mos def utilizes blues sensibilities within a hip hop context to express his pain. mos def and beanie sigel are two examples of how pain is indeed articulated in hip hop narratives. southern hip hop narratives are often more closely linked to blues narratives. african american spirituals inform hip hop aesthetics, particularly southern hip hop narratives. this is due to the strong influence of christianity on southern culture in general. goodie mob and the dungeon family represent the converging of southern blues, spirituals, and hip hop aesthetics. nonetheless, the dungeon family, which includes grammy-award winning hip hop group outkast, is firmly entrenched in hip hop aesthetics. on their debut album, soul food, goodie mob situates their narrative within the spiritual/blues tradition. the first track on the album, “free”, which is a spiritual-inspired ode by group member cee-lo green, sets the blues-tone of the album. an extension of donnie hathaway’s "someday we'll all be free" ( ), goodie mob’s “free” links the group’s narrative to the african american sermonic tradition: lord it's so hard, living this life a constant struggle each and every day some wonder why i'd rather die than to continue living this way many are blind and cannot find the truth cause no one seems to really know but i won't accept that this is how it's gon' be devil you gotta let me and my people go cee-lo taps into traditional african american religious discourse, calling on the lord for assistance. he names the devil explicitly. these tropes link goodie mob, aesthetically, to (overcoming) struggle, which is a recurring theme throughout the album. however, goodie mob’s narratives fall just short of being fatalistic. their narratives reflect a transcendent optimism. all these aspects link goodie mob to blues traditions and narratives. hip hop aesthetics draw heavily from blues aesthetics. based on comparative analysis, which focuses on blues themes and hip hop narratives, many parallels can be made between the two. although the aesthetic connections are not always exact, much is revealed about the origin, trajectory, and rationale of hip hop when it is linked to blues. hip hop documents african american life in a post-industrial, post-modern, post-civil rights environment. hip hop’s reconfiguration of blues sensibilities—via the emcee as contemporary bluesman, for example—is mass-mediated. mass mediation of blues tropes within hip hop aesthetics alters the discursive, racial, and gender dynamics of hip hop as urban blues. hip hop aesthetics revise blues tropes and situate them with in contemporary context. blues themes such as pain, loss, and love, are prominent and pervasive tropes within hip hop discourses. these blues themes are even more prominent within call-and- response modalities between men’s hip hop music texts that are mediated by women, neo-soul artists. post-modern, mass-media has altered the scope, context and rationale of blues themes within hip hop. nonetheless, hip hop’s reappropriation of blues tropes provides a linkage between hip hop aesthetics and african american aesthetics and cultural practices. even twenty-first century hip hop narratives illustrate the functionality and saliency of the blues within african american culture. table . blues/hip hop comparative rubric blues hip-hop emerges in the late s emerges in s ( ) “memphis blues” w.c. handy “blues could no longer be restricted to the category of folk expression” ) “rapper’s delight ”sugar hill gang rural origins south bronx the black church rastafarianism, the five percent nation, judeo- christian ideology disseminated by railroad, by foot, live performance, phonograph disseminated through radio, cassette tapes, record, live “performance” features a “break” between each vocal line based on “break” beat natural disaster and love loss good times; directly drawn from one’s environment and/or experiences initially considered low culture initially considered low culture early blueswomen known early rappers known cathartic cathartic often reflects the personal response of its inventor to a specific occurrence or situation often reflects the personal response of its inventor to a specific occurrence or situation guitar-accompaniment dj accompaniment pre-industrial; industrial post-industrial ironic-humorous ironic-humorous, hyperbolic spawned partially by state-sanctioned violence/control of public space focus on expression and technical skill spawned partially by state-sanctioned violence/control of public space focus on expression and technical skill attraction to the blues is based on sound not word attraction to hip-hop is based on both sound and the word survival mode; implicit upward mobility explicit upward mobility attitude and style essential to the bluesman attitude and style essential to the emcee makes listener feel good evokes myriad emotions, including happiness blues as sport emceeing as sport call-and-response call-and-response highly-competitive highly-competitive let’s talk about sex: an analysis of gendered discourse in hip-hop and neo-soul call and response it has been purported that because hip hop is male-dominated, women’s voices have been muffled and/or muted. misogyny and the objectification of women are often the foci of much of the research investigating gender dynamics in hip hop. such interpretations miss out on the invaluable cross-genre discursive space between female neo-soul and r&b artists and male emcees. such narrow analyses do not take into account the full scope of gender dynamics in hip hop, and they often understate and/or overlook the positive interactions between men and women in hip hop narratives. in other words, a more inclusive rubric must be utilized to gain a nuanced interpretation of gender dynamics in hip hop. to gain an accurate perspective of gender dynamics, i pay close attention to cross-genre discourse in my analysis of gender within hip-hop. i argue that there is an inter-gender discourse embedded within the hip-hop idiom. hip hop music becomes the discursive space within which call-and-response modalities are performed. this call and response often occurs across and outside musical genres, eras, individual songs, artists, etc. when examining gendered discourse within hip-hop music, i extend my analysis to contemporary rhythm and blues and neo-soul. both provide conceptual space within which sex and sexuality are negotiated and renegotiated. within the discursive space between hip-hop and neo-soul, african-american female neo-soul artists engage black male misogyny, patriarchal notions, and sexual politics. this discursive space illuminates african-american female agency and call-and- response. hip hop culture is not binary in nature, nor is it culturally or orally restrictive. it defies and transcends structuralist boundaries. hip hop is post-structuralist in nature. i create a wholistic framework to examine gender dynamics within hip hop, which will allow for more nuanced and informed analyses of hip hop aesthetics. gendered call-and-response is a major feature of hip-hop aesthetics i extend my discussion of hip hop aesthetics to include neo-soul, post soul, and soul movements. invaluable critiques of black male patriarchy, violence, and misogyny are present within these music discourses. this is not to suggest that we should ignore available female narratives constructed by female emcees. i am suggesting that in order to gain a more thorough understanding of gendered discourse within hip-hop culture, i extend my investigation to include female narratives within the neo-soul and r&b movements. some hip hop scholars have interpreted hip hop with a broad brush, highlighting hip hop’s misogynistic and patriarchal tendencies. not that these critiques of misogyny are overstated, but their methodological and theoretical frameworks, often grounded in eurocentric approaches to african american phenomena, can be problematic. bakari kitwana’s the hip hop generation: young blacks and crisis in african america culture illuminates this point. in chapter “where did our love go? the new war of the sexes,” kitwana’s use of a eurocentric framework and nomenclature, in this case, his use of the term “war” to describe gender dynamics is problematic. moreover, kitwana begins chapter with a quote from jay-z’ s hit single “big pimpin”. not only are jay- z’s lyrics taken out of context, kitwana does not sufficiently utilize actual hip hop discourse (i.e. lyrics) to support his claims. such oversight often leads to faulty analysis when examining hip hop aesthetics. stated differently, kitwana’s analysis of gender dynamics projects public sentiment and opinion onto hip hop narratives as opposed to utilizing actual hip hop narratives to support his claims. in regard to gendered discourse in hip hop, kitwana’s limited use of hip hop lyrics, for example, does not take into account jay-z’s maturation as an artist, the impact of market demands on jay-z’s narratives, nor does it include inter-genre and inter-gender discourse between jay-z and beyonce, which is more prominent in his later work. my intention here is to avoid a drawn out debate on the categorization of western music production (i.e. genre). i utilize the term “neo-soul” simply to demarcate a post soul aesthetic circa -present. though neo soul began to take shape in with the release of tony! toni! tone’s who? and the subsequent release of mint condition’s meant to be mint in , d’angelo’s brown sugar ( ) marks the emergence of a clearly defined, new soul aesthetic. i utilize mark anthony neal’s construct of post soul and expand upon it. i am not inferring that neo soul and r&b are identical to hip hop in form or content. however, i am proposing that neo soul and contemporary r&b are firmly rooted in hip hop aesthetics. neo-soul and hip hop both draw from blues aesthetics. for neo soul and contemporary r&b artists, hip hop aesthetics inform their creative process, both rhetorically and thematically. as an aesthetic foundation, hip hop serves as a socio-cultural bridge linking african american male and female narratives. call-and-response, which plays out on a number of levels, is the primary mode utilized to facilitate the interaction between female neo-soul and male hip hop artists. though this is not necessarily a feminist critique of gendered discourse in hip hop, i attempt to debunk the myth that women’s voices are absent—though often male-mediated—from hip hop discourse. i articulate neo soul as a movement as opposed to a distinct music genre. there is much pressure within western scholarship on music to categorize music into genres. categorizing african american music obscures its essence and presents a methodological quandary. hip hop band the roots sheds light on the concept of approaching neo soul as a movement instead of an organized, coherent genre. the roots represent the aesthetic interface between hip hop and neo soul. the group has collaborated with neo soul artists such as erykah badu and jill scott and has benefited from a symbiotic creative relationship with neo soul artists. when asked about his experience releasing their classic illadelph halflife, the band’s lead emcee black thought speaks to the notion of approaching neo soul as an aesthetic movement, though he falls just short of naming neo soul explicitly: i felt like there was a movement of something, with common and black star and erykah badu. something in its formative stages that became the new standard, part of some movement that was going to come and change the game…what the roots and common and black star sort of perpetuated has given way to talib kweli and lupe fiasco and j-electronica…we wanted to rep three generations of conscious, avant-garde hip hop, for lack of a better word. (tayib ) the neo soul movement created a new creative and thematic standard in african american music. the neo soul movement represented the zenith of gendered call-and- response in hip hop aesthetics. the neo soul movement was firmly rooted in hip hop aesthetics. the neo soul movement was instrumental in altering the sound of hip hop music. . neo soul movement gendered call-and-response in hip hop begins with the emergence of the real roxanne in with the release of utfo’s “the real roxanne”. the real roxanne is significant to my investigation into gendered discourse for several reasons. a textual analysis of the real roxanne’s style and lyrics highlight the constraints and parameters of female discourse in hip hop. the fact that she was introduced to the hip hop audience through an established male hip hop group, utfo, is noteworthy. utfo’s “introduction” of the real roxanne laid a template for future female emcees. the vast majority of female emcees have been introduced to their audience by male-centric crews. hence, a pattern emerged in which african-american women’s voices were mediated by african american men in hip hop. this undoubtedly had an impact on the theme, scope, and content of african american women’s discourse in hip hop. the real roxanne was clearly objectified in her role in utfo. an average emcee at best, she towed the line between skilled artist and sex symbol. the real roxanne paved the way for sexually- charged female emcees such as foxy brown and lil kim. (illustration . ) the real roxanne i mention the real roxanne to demarcate gendered discourse in hip hop, but also to make a larger point about the male-mediation of female voices in hip hop discourse. what are the aesthetic implications of african american and latina women creating art in hip hop’s malecentric discursive space? what modes, genres, and approaches do african american and latina women employ—musically—to engage male hip hop narratives? misogyny and sexism are rampant in hip hop discourse, but do these “gendered cues” mean what scholars say they mean? in other words, critiques of misogyny, sexism, and exploitation rarely go beyond identifying these surface attributes of male-dominated hip hop spaces. such critiques miss out on the opportunity to examine african american female discursive space that does exist within hip hop narratives, as well the source of misogynistic sentiment in hip hop discourse: rap music and hip-hop culture can be used as a springboard for various kinds of conversations and actions. feminism needs to change its focus in order to take full advantage of the possibilities in rap music. instead of admonishing rappers, it is time to do something that will evoke change. i probe the public dialogue about love in raps songs; furthermore, i challenge black feminism to interrogate rap as a site for political change. (pough ) contemporary female neo-soul and rhythm and blues artists engage male hip-hop artists and their sensibilities directly and indirectly in their music. because of hip-hop’s male- dominated nature, neo-soul in particular has offered a safe space for african-american women to engage hip-hop artists. aesthetically, neo-soul is greatly influenced by hip-hop aesthetics. artists such as mary j. blige, meshell ndegeochello, jil-scott, erykah badu, and lauryn hill, who each unabashedly declare their appreciation of hip-hop music, engage hip-hop directly and indirectly through both their lyrics and their creative collaborations with hip-hop artists. this is not to negate the presence or impact of female emcees, but since —with the release of erykah badu’s baduizm—neo-soul and r&b have been far better indicators of hip-hop’s feminine sensibilities. as with the blues idiom, gendered discourse, though it did not shield african-american women from racism, sexism, and classism, offers a similar discursive space between female neo-soul artists and male hip-hop artists. inter-gender and inter-genre discourse between male hip-hop artists and female neo- soul and r&b artists can be traced to a similar legacy within blues. angela davis describes this blues phenomenon as “signifying blues” ( ). davis links the signifying blues to the call-and-response tradition: in the call-and-response tradition, many of [the blueswoman’s] love-and-sex- oriented songs mirror or furnish responses to songs associated with the male country blues tradition. male blues deal with a wider range of experiences, many accumulated on the job or on the road. but those that revolve around sexuality or include observations on love are not radically different from their female counterparts in their behavior they describe and the images they evoke. ( ) this is not say that the male and female narratives were identical. the idea of two similar but distinct gender-based perspectives is not new to african american artistic production. these distinct perspectives were parsed out within the parameters of blues aesthetics. griffin takes up this point in her discussion of gwendolyn brooks’ poem “we real cool”: for the most part, female protagonists attempt to create ‘home” in hope of providing a space where dreams are possible. it seems that male protagonists give up any hope of dreaming and seek instead to carve out some degree of manhood in a male-oriented street culture and its accompanying spaces. men and women respond to each other’s spaces in opposing ways: male threatening. ( ) the urban, street spaces griffin mentions and the ways in which male and female characters responded to them is a central component of hip hop aesthetics. hip hop has provided a safe space for african-american and latino men to play out their voyeuristic fantasies in a male-dominated capitalistic society. as with blues, this discursive space is resistant to traditional familial norms. conversely, neo-soul and r&b offer african characters find a domestic space stifling; female characters find street space american women a means to engage male hip hop artists and in turn create their own vision of family life and home. it is important to note that the majority of neo soul and r&b artists’ work is semi- autobiographical. neo soul has been more attractive to african american women artists because its: ) experimental, open-minded, eclectic structure; ) inferred awareness of social consciousness/issues; ) grounding in african american musical traditions (i.e. blues, soul, jazz, r&b and hip ho) and ) receptiveness to african american women’s narratives. soul artists built upon blues aesthetics, yet an additional political emphasis was placed upon the soul artist. because of s black power rhetoric, the soul artists of the late s and s—as with blues artists before them—reclaimed their position as cultural leaders and political arbiters, “soul musicians came to be seen not merely as entertainers but as essential contributors to—and articulators of—african american life and experience, and this was the view not only of the black community but also of the national political leadership” (starr ). the elevation of the soul musician to a position of “national political leadership” within the african american community during the s and s laid the framework for neo-soul artists and emcees. similar to soul musicians, neo-soul artists and emcees serve as “articulators of african american life” in post-industrial, post modern america. sista souljah, activist, emcee, and author, is a hip hop icon and archetype. the publication of no disrespect in marked a shift in women’s narratives in hip hop discourse. hip hop’s everywoman, sistah souljah was firmly rooted in hip hop and african american aesthetics. black nationalist rhetoric undoubtedly influenced souljah’s discourse. souljah’s grounding in hip hop aesthetics, however, offered a fresh, slightly feminist perspective on hip hop aesthetics. she built upon a foundation laid by early women hip hop artists such as roxanne shante, queen latifah, and monie love. the coldest winter ever, as a post-modern, feminist hip-hop text, is also an important cultural marker in terms of african-american women’s engagement of hip-hop culture. her realist portrayal of winter— written in the wrightian, realist tradition— provided a female voice within s male-dominated hip-hop discourse. souljah utilizes call-and-response modalities to engage african american men. her protagonist, winter, struggles to navigate through the post modern, post industrial urban landscape. souljah addresses african american relationships and sexuality, as well as misogyny in hip hop culture and the postindustrial crack economy. there are many examples of the blues tradition of call-and-response, across genders (and genres), within the hip-hop idiom. the female emcee and neo-soul artist function as contemporary blues women. though james brown is often cited as an early influence on hip-hop aesthetic, female rhythm and blues and soul artists of the s, s, and s such as aretha franklin, diana ross, and patti labelle are foundational and iconic within hip-hop culture. their influence is musical, but also overtly political and aesthetic. these female artists provided a progressive, empowered voice for african-american women, as well as creative space for future african-american female artists. aretha franklin is a pre-hip hop icon and neo-soul archetype. franklin’s work was revisionist: what is important about aretha franklin is the overwhelming power and intensity of her vocal delivery. into a pop culture that had almost totally identified female singers with gentility, docility, and sentimentality, her voice blew huge gusts of revisionist fresh air…the strength of her interpretations arguably moved her songs beyond the traditional realm of personal intimate relationships and into the larger political and social spheres. especially in the context of the late s, with the civil rights and black power movements at their heights, and the movement for women’s empowerment undergoing its initial stirrings, it was difficult not to hear large-scale ramifications in the records of this extraordinary african american woman. although aretha franklin did not become an overtly political figure in the way that james brown did, it may be claimed that she nevertheless mad strong political statements just through the very character of her performances. (starr ) zora neale hurston’s “absence of privacy” category sheds additional light on cross gender call-and-response in hip hop narratives. public discourse is a fundamental component of hip hop aesthetics. within the hip hop aesthetics, grievances are aired publicly, often in song. hip hop discourse is semi-autobiographical, which is partially linked to its preoccupation with authenticity. private squabbles are sometimes resolved in the public sphere. according to hurston, the lack of privacy black culture goes back to africa. communality is part of the oral tradition. in hip-hop culture, the battle over public space coupled with exclusion within the mainstream has made communal aspects more pronounced. hurston rightfully makes the connection between the black aesthetic and its african roots. african- americans keep: nothing secret, that they have no reserve. this ought not to seem strange when one considers that we are an outdoor people accustomed to communal …there is no privacy in the african village…an audience is a necessary part of any drama. we merely go with nature rather than against it. ( ) hurston extends this “public” quality to every aspect of the “negroes’” existence. although it is reductionist, it does explain the lack of shame concerning public displays of disapproval in the african-american community: hence the holding of all quarrels and fights in the open. one relieves one’s pent- up anger and at the same time earns laurels in intimidation. besides, one does the community a service. there is nothing so exhilarating as watching well-matched opponents go into action. the entire world likes action, for that matter. hence prizefighters become millionaires…lovemaking and fighting in all their branches are high arts. other things are arts among other groups where they brag about their proficiency just as brazenly as we do about these things that others consider matters of conversation behind closed doors. ( ) the irony of hurston’s cynical description deserves further mention, particularly, in post- industrial america. hurston’s absence of privacy is linked to blues aesthetics. non- judgment is a major feature of the blues aesthetic. in america’s urban areas, violence is often seen as the only viable option to resolve disputes. according to hurston, intimidation and public quarreling are integral parts of the “negro” aesthetic. from this perspective, in light of the combative origins of hip-hop culture, a broader, more complex question emerges: what are the implications of such activities in a media-driven, gun- toting society? i view the interaction between male hip-hop artists and female neo-soul and r&b artists as a social and aesthetic exchange, a symbiotic relationship that is transmitted musically, offsetting the predatory tone of hip hop discourse. many of these female artists are grounded in the blues, rhythm and blues, and soul traditions. i focus on six female neo soul artists and examine their engagement, collaboration and critique of male hip hop artists. mary j. blige, perhaps more than any other female artist i explore, engages male hip hop artists in her work. considered the queen of hip hop soul, blige has a storied history of collaborating with male hip hop artists: the hip-hop soul diva is helping rap evolve to yet another level of crossover appeal…hip hop soul has opened the largely masculine discursive space of hip hop culture to include more women. in fact, there are now more re recorded hip hop soul artists that there are recorded woman rap artists. it has always been a struggle for women to disrupt the masculine space of hip-hop, but the success of hip-hop soul offers more possibilities for women’s voices and issues to be heard. (pough ) blige began her professional singing career in with an appearance on "i'll do u" with emcee father mc. blige’s collaboration with father mc marked the beginning of a (illustration . ) mary j. blige longstanding creative relationship with male emcees. on her debut album what’s the ( ), hip hop artists busta rhymes and grand puba appear. the title, presented as a rhetorical question, taps into the african american call-and-response tradition. more importantly, the call-and-response on what’s the ? often occurs across gender and genre boundaries. the title track “what’s the ?” features grand puba, who is a member of % hip hop group brand nubian. blige’s work is important to my discussion of gendered hip hop discourse, because it served as a prototype for future collaborations with hip hop artists. what’s the ? also set the tone (and foundation), musically and thematically, for the neo-soul movement. you try to play like mr. all-of-that but now you wanna come to me with some chit-chat i don't have no time for no wham-bam thank you, ma'am gas me up, get me drunk and hit the skinz and scram the same ol' shit you pulled last week on pam i'm not havin that, no i'm not havin that you gotta do alot more and that's just how it be i'm mary blige and you just aint runnin up in me i need a man who's lookin out with some security so come correct with some respect and then we will see blige articulates her vigilance and strength in regards to intimacy and relationships. on share my world ( ), blige continued to collaborate with male emcees. she worked with nas on “love is all we need”. on mary ( ), she collaborated with dmx on “sincerity” and funkmaste flex and big kap on “confrontation”. on no more drama ( ), blige did not include as many collaborations with hip hop artists as she had on previous projects. nonetheless, she maintains aesthetic continuity within hip hop with the release of her first single “family affair”, which was produced by legendary west coast producer dr. dre. she also worked with ja rule on “rainy dayz”. in , mary j. blige kicked off “the heart of the city” tour with rap icon jay-z. though market forces may be partially responsible for blige’s frequent collaboration with male emcees, the frequency of such collaborations speaks to a deeper, artistic link to hip hop aesthetics. in short, blige set the tone for collaborations between hip hop artists and r&b artists. she also influenced neo soul musical aesthetics and parameters. mary j. blige’s music narratives are firmly rooted in soul and blues aesthetics, yet it is blige’s more contemporary, hip hop influence that makes her blues unique: blige offers a different kind of blues that caters to a hip-hop generation devastated by crack, aids, and black-on-black violence. her voice offers the reality of a ghetto that is simultaneously beautiful and ugly…mary j. blige’s music becomes an outlet of expression for many of the wants and needs of young black women. (pough ) mary j. blige not only forged new discursive space within hip hop narratives, she also created a discursive and aesthetic precedent within r &b. her influence served as precursor to the neo-soul movement. erykah badu, a neo-soul icon and originator, is an example of this type of interaction. badu utilizes many genres in her music including rock and soul, but most noticeably jazz, blues, and hip-hop. her release baduizm embodied characteristics of post-afrocentric discourse. though she wore afrocentric garb and her name, badu, is a reference to west african culture, she dealt with myriad themes such as love loss, spirituality, womanhood, %ideology, and relationships. on one interlude, she performs a blues-tinged, satirical ode to an unnamed love interest. she croons, “you said you was goin to take me to see wu-tang baby/so i braided my hair”. she explicitly name drops wu-tang—a crossover underground group firmly established within hip-hop aesthetics—and expresses her disappointment that she is being stood up and will miss the concert. badu’s interlude links her to hip-hop aesthetics. this type of signification—an ode to an unnamed lover—was common in many blues forms. “what ya gonna do” captures the precarious economic situation many african american men find themselves enmeshed in a post-industrial economy. the song chronicles her romantic relationship with a drug dealer, and more importantly, her understanding of his “trade”: “what ya gonna do when they come for you/work ain’t honest but it pays the bills: “what ya gonna do” is a rhetorical question directed at african american male hustlers. the track activates call-and-response modalities and creates a discourse with and critique of african american men. badu’s creative process on her most recent album new amerykah, more than previous albums, reflects badu’s grounding in hip hop aesthetics. not only does badu work with hip hop mixer/producer mike “chav” chavarria, she also maximizes hip hop’s aesthetic approach to post-modern, sonic pastiche. she explains her use of pastiche within the context of sampling: “i work in layer. the first layer is the track. the second layer is the songs. the third would be the musicians who add a certain nuance. and when they play, they play like they are a sample. or we take a piece of what played, and we sample and loop it” (micallef ). jill scott, another neo-soul artist, engages hip-hop on various levels. not only does she collaborate with male hip hop artists such as fredro starr, common, and the roots, she names hip hop explicitly as an influence. on “jilltro”, the interlude that introduces jil-scott as neo-soul artist, she reveals over a sampled sound bed: basically, what i live for is um…? love, love…inspiration…comes from…listening to hip-hop inspiration comes from r &b… inspiration listening to jazz… on the roots (interlude), which is also from the who is jill scott? album, scott executes a masterful call-and-response improvisation with roots emcee black thought. he essentially introduces or invites jil-scott to respond in musical form. thought asks, “what’s your name?” scott responds with an alphabetical spelling her name, jil-scott, in a melodic, operatic tone, accenting various letters as she sings. faith evans is another example of how contemporary neo-soul female artists utilize call and response modalities in their discourse. besides her collaborations with hip hop artists such as jay-z, missy elliot, dmx, tupac, and nas, evans is significant to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics because of her relationship with hip hop icon and culture hero the notorious b.i.g. an analysis of b.i.g’s work is incomplete without taking into account his collaboration with african american neo soul and r&b female artists such as evans. her hit, "one http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/one_more_chance_% the_notorious_b.i.g._song% more chance” with notorious b.i.g is significant to gendered hip hop discourse for several reasons. one, it illustrates the intimate link between male hip hop artists and female r&b artists. two, “one more chance” was instrumental in ushering hip hop music into the mainstream, opting for a less-aggressive, more melodic (i.e. r&b) approach. and three, it illustrates call and response within hip hop discourse across gender and genre boundaries. foreign exchange’s release of connected in marks a solidification of cross- genre, inter-genre call-and-response within hip hop discourse. “sincere” which features north carolina neo-soul artist, yahzarah, embodies the synergy created by this cultural milieu. on the hook, yahzarah illustrates this unique bond, which is often overlooked within hip hop studies, “i would never ever hurt you/ can't you see my love is sincere/i just want to be the one you call/when you need someone near/in a hurrrrry.” erykah badu’s new amerykah ( ) reveals the intimate and symbiotic relationship between neo-soul and hip hop aesthetics. badu illustrates the centrality of hip hop aesthetics within neo-soul music on “the healer/hip hop” and “bigger than religion,” which reify hip hop iconography (e.g. j.dilla), epistemology and culture. hip hop soul, neo-soul and r&b have provided alternative spaces for african american women within hip hop music narratives. african american women neo soul and r&b artists engage, critique, and discard male-centric hip hop narratives through their work. although this does not negate misogyny, sexism, homophobia and patriarchy in hip hop music narratives, inter-genre gendered discourse does provide a more wholistic and accurate perspective of gender dynamics in hip hop. *** http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/one_more_chance_% the_notorious_b.i.g._song% the blues has informed hip hop aesthetics. as a foundation to hip hop aesthetics, blues themes, attitudes, and modalities have been absorbed into hip hop aesthetics. this is not to suggest that blues aesthetics are identical to hip hop aesthetics. hip hop as embraced the most radical and non-traditional components of blues aesthetics such as non- judgment, inter-gender call-and-response, and the use of tragic realism. hip hop has also extended many blues themes including pain, loss, love, and struggle. as post-modern, urban blues, hip hop filters blues themes through a post industrial, post-civil rights, and technologically-advanced aesthetic lense. hip hop aesthetics have embraced the most philosophically radical, culturally-functional and aesthetically-pleasing components of the blues tradition. these blues components served as the aesthetic foundation for hip hop culture. (illustration . ) jill scott (illustration . ) meshell ngeochello (illustration . ) erykah badu (illustration . ) lauryn hill (illustration . ) erykah badu and q-tip chapter hip-hop aesthetics livin' life without fear puttin' karats in my baby girl's ears lunches, brunches, interviews by the pool considered a fool 'cause i dropped out of high school stereotypes of a black male misunderstood and it's still all good the notorious b.i.g, “juicy”, ready to die this chapter traces the development of hip-hop aesthetics, drawing on american and african-american cultural practices and aesthetics to analyze the development and trajectory of hip hop aesthetics. i am concerned with early characteristics of hip-hop cultural expression, which were derived partially from african-american aesthetics (e.g. blues and jazz aesthetics) and are fundamental (or foundational) in regard to hip-hop aesthetics, and its development within the context of american popular media. hip-hop aesthetics are an amalgamation of post modern, post-industrial, urban sensibilities filtered through african and african-american musical traditions. just as there is such a thing as “real jazz”, there is some credence to the notion of “real hip-hop,” or hip-hop that builds upon or is linked to hip-hop’s aesthetic foundation. i identify hip hop’s foundational “characteristics” and flesh out the essential elements of hip-hop aesthetics. though i approach hip hop from a cultural-linguistic and textual perspective, hip hop’s outgrowth emerges within a specific socio-historical milieu. a society’s aesthetic is defined by and inextricably linked to that society’s dominant culture. this is true whether that culture is an organic extension of shared human progress and cultural exchange or the result of racist hegemonic ethnocentricity and economic monopolies, as was the case with all african american music production. in the case of american aesthetics, american art—particularly music— has been greatly influenced by african culture. i refer to this phenomenon as the africanization of american art. this is not to imply that the cultural cross-pollination of america’s aesthetic was/is a one-way street. all cultures, to some extent, borrow. as discussed in chapter three, blues sensibilities and approaches to music production, along with hip hop’s engagement and appropriation of icons and aesthetics, are instrumental in hip hop’s post-modern pastiche. just as the blues chronicled northern migration and the challenges of the urban north, hip hop aesthetics have expressed the fears, desires, phobias and expectations of working-class, african-american in the post-civil rights, post industrial era. alaine locke deemed african american music “the most basic american prototype” ( ). african american music is essential to african american identity and culture. music has also reflected african american values and attitudes. hip hop emerged along the trajectory of african-american music traditions such as blues, jazz, soul and funk. call- and-response is a crucial component to african and african-american artistic production. within the realm of african-american oral culture, for example jazz, sermonic and comedic performance, an audience’s response is vital. african aesthetics provide a cultural context for hip-hop as an african-american cultural practice. because hip hop is a post modern phenomenon, hip hop relies heavily on recycling and revisiting the past, which links hip hop to african and african american artistic traditions. hip hop aesthetics also reconfigure and transcend chronological, technological and spatial limitations. time, within a hip-hop framework, similar to african approaches to time and space, is to be utilized and semi-controlled not vice versa. sampling is an example of hip hop’s reconfiguration of historical genealogy. within a post-modern context, chronology is not linear: the present does not follow the past; rather, everything is one flat simultaneous plane, and past, present, and future all appear in the present as a collection of images. there is no sense of history as that which came before; instead, history is treated as a set of images, a collection of representations without context…the postmodern dismantles the notion of a real behind the copy; it is the copy, or what is called the simulacrum, a copy that has nor real as its referent, no real as that from which it originated. (freccero ) imitation, or copying, is a cornerstone of african-american cultural production. within a eurocentric, capitalist context, imitation is often misunderstood. this is precisely why utilizing the pop aesthetic to understand the meaning of african american popular culture production, even within a pop cultural context, may not be wholly sufficient. imitation within the african aesthetic functions as a pedagogical tool. as in jazz, the basic format is mastered, usually through imitation and then individual style can be attained. in jazz, imitation is used more as a mentoring process and/or a sign of respect and admiration. this musical-cultural epistemology has been absorbed into hip-hop aesthetics. the notorious b.i.g elucidates this point on “the what” from his classic album, ready to die: welcome to my center honies feel it deep in they placenta cold as the pole in the winter far from the inventor, but i got this rap shit sewed and when my mac unloads i'm guaranteed another video ready to die, why i act that way? here, b.i.g states that he has not invented hip-hop music, but he has mastered the form. as one of hip-hop’s foremost lyricists, the above verse is an example of the duality of hip-hop aesthetics. although artists claim to have mastered the form, they are fully aware of their predecessors. hurston grounds her assessment of imitation in a cultural context, debunking notions of simplicity: the negro, the world over, is a famous mimic. but this in no way damages his standing as an original. mimicry is an art itself. if it is not, then all art must fall by the same blow that strikes it down. when sculpture, painting, acting, dancing literature neither reflect nor suggest anything in nature or human experience we turn away with a dull wonder in our hearts at why the thing was done. moreover, the contention that negro imitates from a feeling of inferiority is incorrect. he mimics for the love of it. ( ) hurston elevates african american expressive mimicry to artistry. hip hop lyricism falls within this hurstonian conceptual framework. hip hop studies scholarship must utilize new paradigms and theoretical models, which build upon works such as hurston’s, in order to accurately assess it. this is especially true when examining african-americans within a popular cultural context. hip hop has been built upon pop aesthetics. to what extent do pop aesthetics alter historical, religious, expressive, and cultural meaning in hip hop aesthetics? in what manner are african american attitudes, themes, etc. as it is filtered through hip hop aesthetics? elements of popular culture represent specific responses to times and places. the problem with the usage of pop as an aesthetic basis is the degree to which meaning is present in pop. more specifically, how much meaning accrues to recycled pop elements? (chin ) in other words, how do the “specific responses to times and places”--as chin describes them—lose or gain meaning as they are filtered through hip-hop culture at a given time? in a post modern, globalized world, popular culture is commodified and disseminated through various media. what are the implications for african-american culture as it is filtered through global, pop media? as an african-american popular cultural production, what degree of historical and rhetorical meaning is retained in hip-hop culture? the meaning of hip-hop’s cultural icons, attitudes and practices, because they are based on recycled imagery and artifacts, is undoubtedly altered. i deal with the transition from hip hop folk culture to popular culture by examining african-americans and their relationship to an emerging american popular culture, including the ways in which this culture impacts the hip-hop idiom: without a concept of, or even an interest in, aesthetics, style, and visceral pleasures of cultural forms, it should not be surprising that most social scientists explained black urban culture—particularly hip hop—in terms of coping mechanisms, rituals, or oppositional responses to racism. like its progenitor, the dozens, soul, and swing jazz, hip hop has been subject to incredible misconception and over interpretation. (kelley, yo mama ) i attempt to reconcile this misinterpretation by linking hip hop aesthetics to american popular icons, narratives, etc. in this chapter, i discuss the origins and influences of hip hop aesthetics with a focus on specific american popular culture and african american folk attitudes. african aesthetics and hip hop aesthetics every culture has its distinct style or elements, rituals or ritual objects, that define for its members what is most important in life. the dogon of west africa define their existence through art; the balinese of indonesia, through drama and music…for the indigenous peoples of the american plains, the key element of cultural life was the buffalo. for members of the culture of capitalism the key element is money. ( ) richard robbins, global problems and the culture of capitalism much research on african culture highlights the functionality of african aesthetics. indeed, functionality is an important aspect of african aesthetics. within an american context, the function of a given african cultural artifact or notion is not always easily translated. the syncretic nature of american culture hinges upon a reappropriation, recycling, and repositioning of cultural capital. hip hop is no different in this regard. so the questions beckon: what is the function of african cultural and artistic production in america? to what extent does hip hop reflect african worldview and aesthetics? gyeke supports the thesis that african aesthetics are functional, yet he also identifies a “purely aesthetic dimension” of african artistic production. for gyeke aesthetic pleasure is itself a function of african art. he posits a three-tiered framework for african aesthetics that include functionality, symbolic significance and the purely aesthetic, debunking the african art-as-mere-function thesis. gyeke explains: to say…that african is symbolic and functional is surely not to deny that there is a purely aesthetic dimension of it, that a work of art, such as a form of music or dance, is enjoyed for its own sake in the traditional culture. for there are objects that have no functional use, but that, nevertheless are enjoyed because of their purely aesthetic qualities. ( ) functionality is also an important aspect of african aesthetics, particularly music. in a contemporary, post-modern context, the function of hip hop may not always be clear. as discussed in chapter , the emcee—like the blueswoman— is a multi-dimensional figure in the african-american community, serving many functions simultaneously. in twentieth mass mediated consumer culture, aesthetic pleasure and instant gratification are much sought after commodities. furthermore, upward mobility, or at least the dream of it, is also an important factor in understanding the function of hip hop. in african culture, songs “generally reflected personal or community concerns. the texts might speak of everyday affairs or of historical events; texts might inform listeners of current happenings or praise or ridicule persons, even including those listening to the song” ( ). when songs become dysfunctional, they were discarded. african culture embodies several components of artistic expression, each component hinging on the concept of the collective (i.e. community). through communal production and participation, creative balance and harmony is achieved. aesthetically, these components create a complementary dynamic. african culture—even within an american cultural context—avoids dichotomous thought processes. it embraces both the sacred and the secular. hip hop aesthetics hinge upon a similar and/both paradigm. in african cultures, when artists performed: speech and music frequently were integrated, with varying degrees of gradation among the four kinds of expression—speech, recitative, chant, and song…a song might move into speech and back to singing during its performance; a story might employ songs during the course of the narrative. call-and response structure made ample allowance for the interjection of speech into song; for example, the group might sing or chant refrains instead of singing them. (southern - ) the emcee emerges in this cultural milieu. not only were the lines between speech and song blurred in african cultures, but the boundaries between audience and performer were erased as well. spectators participated by “joining in the song refrains, clapping hands, tapping feet, or even entering the dance ring on occasion” ( ). call and response between spectator and performer encourages creative interpretation and improvisation. poetic language (i.e. poetic license) is a natural progression within the african aesthetic, which enhances the entire aesthetic ( ). the proliferation of the hip hop mixtape, which is a popular medium and aesthetic outlet within hip-hop music culture, is another example of call-and-response. the rise of the mixtape represents a technocratic breakthrough that empowers both the audience and the artist. listeners can become hip hop artists by creating a mixtape. mixtapes and “dubbed” tapes are cornerstones of hip hop culture. these usurpations of technology allow for a circumvention of traditional musical avenues. mixtape culture thrives primarily in an underground economy. this process allows artists to communicate directly to their audience and links artists directly to their communities, while bypassing white-mediated spaces. hip hop artists utilize the mixtape as a promotional and marketing tool, but also as a means to literally “respond”, lyrically, to an opposing emceed challenge or disrespect. mixtapes (and cds) are generally distributed on the street level and through neighborhood establishments and social institutions (i.e. barbershops, bodegas, and record shops). dubbed audio tapes and mix tapes have permanently altered the record industry. the mixtape also illustrates hip hop culture’s post modern approach to music production, promotions and cooperative economics, while building on african communal approaches to art. hip hop aesthetics have retained the african and african american tradition of communal creativity. the oral tradition in hip hop culture’s contemporary form, the emcee is the focal point. from one perspective, the prominence of the emcee can be linked to the emcees marketability. market forces have undoubtedly encouraged the elevation of the emcee in hip hop culture. music is much easier to commodify and mass-produce than, say, b-boying or djing. from another perspective, the prominence of the emcee can be linked directly to the african and african american oral tradition. in its early stages, apprenticeship was the only path to inclusion and acceptance for deejays, graffiti artists, b-boys and emcees. apprenticeship is more in-line with african and american cultural practices. within the west african tradition, orators, or griots—with their stylistic blend of fact and fiction--- were held in high esteem. (hine ). the african american oral tradition has been well- documented. i situate the emceeing within the context of the african and african american oral tradition. the african griot emerges as a focal point of african culture, linking artist with “the folk”. darlene hines states: west african literature was part of an oral tradition that passed from generation to generation. at its most formal this literature developed by specially trained poets and musicians [griots]…but west african literature was also folk art that expressed the views of common people.”( ) the griot was an important member in african societies. the griot conveyed community values, ideas, and desires. like the bluesman, the griot was much more than a mere artist. the griot was a purveyor of cultural values, a therapist and, of course, an artist. thematically, african music traditions dealt with myriad topics. though the griot often performed with music, music was secondary to the griot’s performance. in hip hop music, the beat is as important as the poetry. hip hop’s reconfiguration of sound, from an aesthetic perspective, can be viewed as poetic. surely, public enemy’s the bomb squad’s post modern arrangement of sound can be considered poetic. the content of african music is as diverse and intricate as are individual personalities and experiences. one-dimensionality and homogeneity has never been an aspect of african art. traditionally, african art expressed a wide range of topics, themes, and functions. despite what some cultural idealists purport, african peoples have always participated in war. in fact, music and dance were integral parts of the various rituals of war ( ). war songs serve a function in african society. like hip hop music, african music accompanied many rituals and activities in african culture. as will be discussed in chapter , the very notion of community has been reconfigured and reconceptualized in a post- industrial, mass market culture. hence, hip hop’s content, to retain its functionality, is informed by its context. as southern notes, music- accompaniment was not reserved for celebration: for almost every activity in the life of the individual or the community there was as an appropriate music; it was an integral part of life from the hour of birth to beyond the grave . . .there was ceremonial music for the festivals commemorating agricultural rites, celebrating the installation of kings or bringing together important chiefs of the nation, and reenacting historical events of significance. ( ) hip hop also reenacts and documents significant social, cultural, and historical events. hip hop’s reification of certain icons, for example, highlights its commemoration of important moments in the popular culture landscape. many african americans within the hip hop generation feel as though their post-industrial existence is a constant battle. the s war on drugs is just one of many microwars that have caused collateral damage in the african american community. some argue that african-american men are at war with the american sociopolitical system. urban communities have experienced violence in myriad ways and numerous levels. historically, african-americans have experienced a disproportionate amount of state-sanctioned american terrorism. this dissertation does not include a hermeneutic on the socioeconomic conditions that spawned hip hop culture. this dissertation explores the aesthetic implications of hip hop aesthetics. in short, what is the proper musical response to the post-industrial, post-modern condition? amidst the decadence, violence, and chaos of the inner city at the turn of the twentieth century, music—particularly by the s-became the medium through which black america chose to express their spiritual unrest. ultimately, socio-economic conditions would combine to create a hybrid of african culture. evidence of the technological and economic impact of american society on african art can be seen when comparing the african american aesthetic and other diasporic aesthetics throughout the americas and the caribbean. swindell posits: when one listens to african american music in cuba, haiti, brazil, or columbia it bears a striking similarity to the music of africa. african american music in the united states, however, is dissimilar to that of africa. black music in the united states is unique because it is the product of what oliver cox calls acculturation under intense pressure. ( ) the development of african american cultural production in new york city is an example of “acculturation under intense pressure.” new york in the s, and the south bronx in particular, was representative of the effects of civil rights politics and post-industrial economics on african american and latino communities. there is a consensus among hip hop scholars that socioeconomic factors had a profound impact on hip hop’s emergence in the bronx, as well as its development since its birth in the south bronx in . african aesthetics and worldview has influenced hip hop aesthetics. the emcee is indebted to the legacy of the griot and the african oral tradition. nonetheless, it the intense pressure of american political, social, and cultural existence, within a post modern, post-industrial context, that offers a new and distinct strain of the african oral tradition. in the realm of comic book super hero mythology, because hip hop originated in new york city and new york is the fictional setting (e.g. gotham, metropolis) of many comic book narratives. these fictional accounts of new york city aided in hip hop culture’s aesthetic development. african american musical aesthetics african american musical aesthetics are an extension of african musical aesthetics. yet, the issue of african aesthetics and its relation to african american musical output has been debated since the ’s. this section examines african american musical aesthetics and their influence on hip hop aesthetics. it also critically examines the influence of african american musical aesthetics and fleshes out the more pervasive themes in his piece and tie them to the formation of hip-hop aesthetics. in warren swindell’s article “aesthetics and african american musical expression”, he attempts to formulate a model that challenges the inaccuracies of america’s musical canon, while simultaneously striving to create an african american aesthetic base from which to operate. in doing so, swindell iterates the intimacy between art and experience. swindell reinforces alaine locke’s premise, which is that black music by the ’s had become “the most basic american prototype” ( ). inherent in locke’s notion is the recognition that african american music in the united states is, at the very least, an amalgamation of both american and african culture. it is my position that african american music is much more. it is an africanized response to an american reality and phenomena. it is post-modern pastiche configured within the framework of african aesthetics. swindell states that between the ’s and ’s “black people were molded into a definite nationality”( ). he goes further by proclaiming, “if art reflects experience, and experiences are different, aesthetic principles too would have to be different”. aesthetic principles. swindell correctly links aesthetics to experience. in describing the formation of post world war ii urban, black music, portia maultsby writes that: the segregated environment, the faster pace, the factory sounds, the street noises, and the technology of the metropolis gave a different type of luster, cadence, and sophistication to existing black musical forms. in response to new surroundings, the familiar sounds of the past soon were transformed into an urban black music tradition. ( ) the crowded, chaotic pace of the urban north influenced african american musical production. the african american urban experience is not totally responsible for the african american musical aesthetic, but it is notable nonetheless. it would be hard to imagine african american music in the united states without recognizing its technological component. the african american musical aesthetic was shaped and molded by the characteristics of the african oral tradition. music was often the only cultural accoutrement that could be passed down one generation to the next. in relation to these retentions, southern explains: but though they could bring no material objects with them, they retained memories of the rich cultural traditions they had left behind in the motherland and passed these traditions down to their children. the importance given to music and dance in africa was reflected among black men in the colonies, as will be seen---in the songs they sang, in their dancing and folk festivals. in addition, there were specific customs that persisted throughout the black man’s long years of acculturation into the lifestyle of the dominant society in the united states. the function of music as a communal activity, for example, led to the development of slave-song repertories that provided some measure of release from the physical and spiritual brutality of slavery. ( ) the spiritual release that music provided african americans is central to my investigation of hip hop aesthetics. the spiritual component of hip hop aesthetics is often overlooked. it would be safe to say that african-american musical production has always functioned, to some extent, as a release. orlando patterson discusses social death for africans americans in slavery and social death. he alludes to slave culture as an early contributor to social death. it can be argued that african- american and latino men experienced a social (and cultural) death of sorts during the s. nihilism amongst hip hop generationers can be linked to the lingering effects of pattersonian notions of social death. stated differently, how can one kill an individual that already considers him/herself socially and politically dead? though african american male popular icons flourished during the s, ordinary, working- and lower class african american men were reduced to invisibility. maultsby takes this analysis a step further when looking at the african american musical aesthetic. she proposes that the “fundamental concept that governs music performance in african and african-derived cultures is that music-making is a participatory group activity that serves to unite black people into a cohesive group for a common purpose” ( ). she goes on to say that many artists ad-libbed or “rapped” at the beginning of songs when they performed ( ). this was done to establish “a rapport with the audience” ( ). hence, presentation or “visual experience” became an important part of african american musical aesthetics. both were precepts of hip-hop aesthetics. individual style is a primary characteristic of hip hop aesthetics. fashion is also an important element of african american aesthetics. portia maultsby categorizes fashion and speech under the heading “style of delivery” ( ). moreover, style is inextricably linked to th century african-american musical production. this includes body movement, facial gestures, and improvisation. in african-american culture, “the element of dress in musical performance is as important as the musical sound itself…performers establish an image, communicate a philosophy, and create an atmosphere of “aliveness through the colorful and flamboyant costumes they wear’” ( ). today, fashion within hip-hop aesthetics is itself a performance, an integral component of one’s identity. conceptually, these elements are combined to create african american aesthetics: music-making throughout the african diaspora is an expression of life where verbal and physical expression is intrinsic to the process. this conceptual framework links all black music traditions together in the african diaspora while distinguishing these traditions from those of western and western-derived culture. ( ) physical and verbal expression coexists within maultsby’s construct. the importance placed upon physical expression—for example, the b-boy stance— within hip-hop culture is an extension of african-american conceptual approaches to artistic production. when african american artists perform “within the aesthetic boundaries framed by black people, audiences respond immediately. their verbal comments and physical gestures express approval of both song being performed and the way it is being performed” ( ). hip-hop’s aesthetic boundaries, though influenced by american popular and folk culture, were “framed by black people.” for african americans, since slavery, there has always been a need for two, distinct discourses. hip hop’s underground/mainstream dialectic speaks to this need. hip-hop music/hip hop culture can be classified into two major categories: mainstream/popular culture and underground authentic culture. the former is directly effected and controlled by corporate interests and is two or three times removed from the streets. the latter is dominated by hip-hop “purists” and tends to be more experimental and eclectic in approach. both classifications can be applied latitudinally, that is they can be found within the numerous sub-categories and genres of hip hop i.e. hardcore, gangsta rap, alternative rap, southern rap, christian rap, “backpacker” rap, and conscious hip-hop. this is not to say that these categories are inert. neither is exclusive in their construction and presentation. at times, the two are indiscernible. for example, so-called underground acts (e.g. the roots, mos def, and dmx) often morph into mainstream personas, garnishing the adornments of financial success. james peterson discusses the underground tradition within african american cultural production and its link to hip hop culture. the phenomenon of the underground has always informed, guided and conceptualized african american creative output. in the african american community, by the time mainstream white america discovers a given art form, it is passé. in will ashon’s article “whose underground is it anyway?” he expounds on the tradition of the underground: hip hop shares a trait with other popular musics stemming from the african american slave diaspora—like jazz and the blues before it—in that we want it to be “authentic.”… it can be located in our obsession with realness—the idea that our storytellers should report only on that which has directly happened to them. or you can find it in our notion of being true to the culture. more radically, you can find it in the idea that to be true to hip-hop is to be true to yourself rather than any particular way of rhyming or making music. all of these ideas and notions, often meaning different things to different people, are caught up in what we as hip-hop fanatics value about those artists we describe as “underground”. ( ) ashon links underground hip hop to authenticity. the tension between underground hip hop aesthetics and mainstream aesthetics speaks to an internal struggle that plays out along social and aesthetic lines within hip hop culture. rapper black thought from philadelphia hip hop group the roots explains the notion of the underground. he views the underground label avant-garde artists often receive as stigmatizing: i wanna say record sales, but i don’t even know that it’s necessarily that. but if i say record sales, it would be related to what it is they’re saying. if you with the formulaic approach to recording your shit then you just trying to do the same joint that you did last time or the same joint that the next nigga did that all the bitches like, then you fucking around to be mainstream. i feel like anybody that’s coming with something fresh, new different, original in this business is frowned upon. and that’s when you get stuck in the underground. (ex ) thought believes that mainstream success in hip hop is the byproduct of unoriginal and formulaic approaches to music production. hip-hop’s underground represents the essence of hip hop culture in its purest form. hip-hop existed (and thrived) long before mainstream/popular culture caught on. although underground hip hop ethos have become somewhat convoluted the rise of hip hop subgenres such nerd rap and hipster rap, hip hop’s folk origins are represented in the independence, resiliency and continuity of hip hop’s self-help ethos, which is present in mainstream hip hop as well. examining hip-hop’s underground aesthetic is crucial to gaining a multidimensional understanding of the essence of hip hop aesthetics. underground hip hop music dissemination is more autonomous than mainstream hip hop, and in turn less effected by popular culture whims. def jam, death row, bad boy, rap-a-lot, cash money, no limit and g-unit records flourished because of their self-help approach to the music and their connection to the underground (i.e.. the streets, the underground market economy). aesthetically, these labels—though aware of mass market and popular media demands--, with the exception of perhaps bad boy and g-unit, did not cater to mainstream sensibilities. the underground economy through dubbed audiotapes, mixtapes, and bootleg dvds offers continuity and balance within hip hop aesthetics. this is a more african-centered approach to hip hop criticism and scholarship. hip-hop existed (and thrived) long before mainstream/popular culture caught on. the autonomy and innovation of the underground encourages the participants of hip-hop culture to be viewed as subjects/human beings, creators and conduits of culture, rather than objects or commodities. hip hop’s underground aesthetic represents hip hop’s deep structure and mainstream aesthetics represent its surface structure. much scholarship on hip hop fails to make this distinction. in turn, some scholars erroneously cite mainstream hip hop texts as indicators of deeper attitudes, sensibilities, and trends. though mainstream hip hop aesthetics may represent hip hop’s essentialist qualities, this is not necessarily the case. since their arrival in america as enslaved africans, africans in america have utilized phenomenon the concept of the undergrounds and has shaped african american creative output. in the african american community, by the time mainstream white america discovers a given art form, it is passé. in will ashon’s article “whose underground is it anyway?” he expounds on the tradition of the underground: hip hop shares a trait with other popular musics stemming from the african american slave diaspora—like jazz and the blues before it—in that we want it to be “authentic.”… it can be located in our obsession with realness—the idea that our storytellers should report only on that which has directly happened to them. or you can find it in our notion of being true to the culture. more radically, you can find it in the idea that to be true to hip-hop is to be true to yourself rather than any particular way of rhyming or making music. all of these ideas and notions, often meaning different things to different people, are caught up in what we as hip-hop fanatics value about those artists we describe as “underground”. ( ) the concept of the underground often serves as an african american trope. hip hop aesthetics builds upon and reaffirms its underground status. the underground within hip hop aesthetics represents the hip hop generation’s acceptance of their second- class status in america. the concept of the underground is also linked to hip hop’s grassroots, folkloric origins. the dungeon family, outkasts, group home, and the lords of the underground all personify the concept of the underground within hip hop aesthetics. whereas earlier african american artists such as ralph ellison, richard wright, and thelonious monk approached the underground as an imposed state brought on by a racists society, hip hop embraces and revels in their underground status. even in the midst of hip hop’s mainstreaming, hip hop narratives are most often linked to common struggle and folk origins. struggle, whether articulated in the mainstream or through the underground economy, links hip hop narratives to its cultural essence. in short, the concept of the underground is transmitted through hip hop culture as an aesthetic, axiological, and epistemological approach. authenticity is a major feature of african american music production and consumption. hip hop aesthetics, even within the mainstream, are driven by “authentic” representations of one’s life. these narratives tend to be semi-autobiographical. hardcore queens-bridge group mobb deep are representative of the importance placed upon authenticity or “realness” on their platinum album murda muzik ( ). interestingly, even though mobb deep dealt with graphic subject-matter, as evidenced in the album’s title, mobb deep was firmly rooted in hip hop aesthetics, blending vivid wordplay, and stark imagery with tragic realism. authenticity is central to mobb’s aesthetic approach to their music. on “allustrious”, which was sampled by “conscious” emcee mos def, prodigy illustrates mobb deep’s unique strand of realism. in one verse, prodigy reinforces his authenticity by rebuking r &b aesthetics, “take a walk jerk/this ain’t levert, sweat or johhny gill/this rap for real, some thin you feel.” prodigy clearly delineates between r&b and hip hop aesthetics. tragic realism is at the forefront of this delineation. though mobb deep’s authenticity has been questioned in more recent years, they are committed to their gangsta aesthetic. on “the realist”, which features hip hop legend kool g. rap, kool g provides a warning to individuals that are not authentic, “lack the real, “yo, when the gat’s revealed/your cap gets peeled/ and that’s the deal/fuck a bitch ass/that switch fast, niggas that lack the real/when the slugs burst/ g rap be aimin at ya mug first.” as evidenced, authenticity takes on an added dimension within hip hop aesthetics. hip hop takes authenticity to a new level in its appropriation and engagement of popular media. trends such as the growth of reality television, the growth of the hollywood horror genre, globalization, shifts in racial discourses, and the proliferation of gangster themes in film accentuated authenticity in hip hop. hip-hop epistemology knowledge is the fifth, and most overlooked element, of hip hop culture. it can be argued that without a knowledge “component”, a particular text cannot be considered a hip hop text. hip hop’s political dimension lies in its critique of american popular culture and american institutions (i.e. education, law enforcement, government). historically, american institutions, whether educational, religious, or social, have not been receptive to or tolerant of african-americans. since africans were brought to america, they were forced to create new paradigms for acquiring knowledge. more importantly, the african worldview—and by virtue african aesthetics—are often dialectally opposed to the european worldview. even within the context of twenty-first century hip hop, a critique of european (american) epistemologies and worldview is present. in fact, hip hop artists raise questions similar to those raised by early african american studies proponents: a relevant education. as discussed in chapter , afrocentric theory has influenced the trajectory of hip hop discourse and aesthetics. hip hop’s critique of eurocentric education is informed by hip hop’s propensity toward self-determination. self –determination is a prominent characteristic of hip hop expression. likewise, within the hip hop community, there has been a stoic skepticism of american education and democracy. hip hop discourse offers a stringent and consistent critique of both. these critiques appear explicitly in hip hop narratives, but also in the selection, rejection and critique of american iconography. relevant and practical education, whether formal or informal, is a cornerstone of hip hop aesthetics. american education has failed the majority of african americans, particularly african american men, both statistically and historically. this is not to suggest that there have not been exceptions, however, america has been resistant to educating african americans at best and have out right forbidden it, through violent means, at worst. by the s, skepticism of american education during the reagan years was widespread in working-class, african american and latino communities. within hip hop discourse, explicit critiques of american education—which could correctly be labeled as afrocentric critiques—were pervasive. the emergence of afrocentric scholarship in the academy in with the publication of molefi k. asante’s afrocentricity aided in hip hop’s acerbic critique of america’s subjective (i.e. eurocentric) pedagogy. in line with the black studies, black power, the free speech and black arts movements, hip hop sought to circumvent mainstream, eurocentric education by implementing afrocentric praxis and aesthetics. this was done ad hoc and outside the confines of institutionalized american education. hip hop’s critique of american education and its preference for first-hand, self-knowledge actually offers a critique of american historiography, emanating from anachronistic pedagogy and detached historical analysis: [history] textbooks almost never use the present to illuminate the past…the present is not a source of information for writers of history textbooks…conversely, textbooks seldom use the past to illuminate the present…they portray the past as a simple-minded morality play, “be a good citizen” is the message that textbooks extract from the past. “you have a heritage. be all that you can be all that you can be. after all, look at what the united states has accomplished.” while there is nothing wrong with optimism, it can be something of a burden for students of color, children of working-class parents, girls who notice the dearth of female historical figures, or members of any group that has not achieved socioeconomic success. the optimistic approach prevents any understanding of failure other than blaming the victim. no wonder children of color are alienated. (loewen ) loewen highlights the subjectivity of american history textbooks. hip hop aesthetics recreate, revise, and re-imagine american history through oppositional posturing, the reclamation of public space and the reappropriation of popular culture iconography. ironically, american historiography and biographical narratives transmitted through the american educational system have actually contributed to the reification of american popular iconography within hip hop. hip hop culture has also challenged the “african american firsts” approach to african american historiography. this top-down approach to history fails to link african american history to grass-roots, african american thrusts in the unfolding of african american history. heroification is a common feature of american history textbooks. the heroification of historical figures, though, is even more problematic for african american students: our post-watergate students view all such establishment” heroes cynically…some students say they have no heroes in american history. other students display the characteristically american sympathy of the underdog by choosing african americans: martin luther king, jr, malcolm x, perhaps rosa parks, harriet tubman, or fredrick douglass…in one sense this is a healthy development. surely we want students to be skeptical…but replying ‘none” is too glib, too nihilistic…it is however, an understandable response to heroification. for when textbook authors leave out the warts, the problems, the unfortunate character traits, and the mistaken ideas, they reduce heroes from dramatic men and women to melodramatic stick figures. (loewen ) loewen’s deconstruction of american history textbooks and pedagogy reveals how american education has contributed to a general malaise among hip hop generationers concerning education. the heroification of european american historical figures in particular and american historical figures in general has contributed to the centrality of iconography in hip hop. in other words, the omission and/or sanitizing of african american historical figures in american public school history textbooks has created a void in functional and viable role models for the hip hop generation. for like other peoples around the world, we americans need heroes…most of us tend to think well of ourselves when we have acted as we imagine our heroes might have done. who our heroes are and whether they are presented in a way that makes them lifelike, hence usable role models, could have a significant bearing on our conduct in the world. (loewen ) hip hop’s critique of american education lies in its rejection of textbook representations of working-class, african american historical figures. hip hop iconography reflects a reclamation and recreation of “usable” role models. traditional representations of american historical figures—transmitted through popular culture and american institution, in this case american educations—are not functional within a hip hop framework (i.e. the post-civil rights, post-industrial environment). because struggle serves as a consistent trope within hip hop aesthetics, american textbook accounts that avoid the internal and external struggles of the historical figures they cover have fueled hip hop’s revision of american iconography and historical narratives. hip hop’s as with hip hop’s engagement of popular culture icons, hip hop’ it is hip hop’s reappropriation of american iconography—highlighting certain portions of icons’ narratives while overlooking others—that make hip hop aesthetics unique. in hip hop culture, popular culture figures have replaced “establishment heroes” as iconic figures. nonetheless, hip hop aesthetics also engage and critique historical figures that are discarded and rejected. in other words, analyses that include icons that have been omitted from hip hop iconography are just as telling as hip hop’s embrace of other icons. hip hop’s critique of american iconography is, nonetheless, informed by the “heroifcation” of american figures via american institutionalized education. the hip hop generations’ skepticism of the american educational apparatus has led to the elevation of street knowledge as a highly valued feature of hip hop culture and aesthetics. in “making the strong survive: the contours and contradictions of message rap”, earnest allen jr. discusses, what he describes as, the “three spheres of knowledge” in the world of message rap ( ). allen’s framework can be extended to include gangsta hip hop as well. knowledge of self and street knowledge are fundamental components of hip hop aesthetics. allen identifies formal, street, and scientific knowledge, the latter being the highest level of wisdom and understanding (allen ). hip hop epistemology rests on the understanding that knowledge and understanding cannot be obtained merely by acquiring formal (or book) knowledge. at best, one can only gain a partial understanding of a given topic through printed texts. street knowledge, or knowledge gained from first or second-hand experience, is often valued more than formal knowledge and institutional education in the hip hop community. taken a step further, the hip hop community has been critical of american education. on nas’ hip hop is dead, nas offers a scathing criticism of the current state of hip hop. he predicts hip-hop’s allegorical and polemical death. he covers a plethora of themes on this album. on the album’s title track “hip hop is dead” he takes a subtle jab at academicians: “criticize that/why’s that?/cause nas rap/compared to legitimized crap…cause we love to talk on nasty chickens/most intellectuals will only half listen”. in this verse nas infers that the metaphoric death of hip hop can be partially blamed on a lack of serious consideration and engagement of hip hop by academicians. moreover, he suggests that in this “half listening” scholars rarely receive a complete or wholistic understanding of hip hop. lox member styles p critiques the intellectual community on “green piece of paper”. the song explores the absurdity and necessity of american capital(ism). in his commentary, he reveals his skepticism of academia and academicians: never bite the hand that feeds you but the rules is different when the hand ain’t got food in it room full of scholars bet you it’s a fool in it (yea…) i learned my wisdom from the wise and then i learned livin from the live… styles p expresses his condemnation of scholars; he also implies that he acquired his wisdom through first-hand experience, observation and/or in person, face-to-face. in hip hop culture, a performer’s credibility is correlated by fans not only with musical and verbal skill but also with the degree to which the artist is question possesses “street knowledge,” that is, firsthand experience of the urban culture that spawned rap music (starr, ). revolutionary hip hop group dead prez provides one of the most focused critiques of american education institutions. on “they schools”, dead prez deconstructs american education. they conclude that american education is irrelevant and dysfunctional for african americans: students fight the teachers and get took away in handcuffs and if that wasn't enough, then they expel y'all your peoples understand it but to them, you a failure observation and participation, my favorite teachers when they beat us in the head with them books, it don't reach us whether you breakdance or rock suede adidas or be in the bathroom with your clique, smokin reefer then you know they math class aint important 'less you addin up cash in multiples, unemployment ain’t rewardin they may as well teach us extortion critiques of american education and historiography are not unique to “conscious” emcees. such critiques exist within all subgenres of hip hop, which is precisely why criticism of dominant culture (i.e. status quo) is an intrinsic characteristic of hip hop expression. jay-z, ice cube, the lox, mobb deep, dead prez, nas and cent are just a few examples of emcees that offer critiques of american education explicitly. some critiques are explicit while others may be implicit. on nas’ most recent album, which was initially titled nigger , he mentions eurocentric education explicitly on “n.i.g.g.e.r (the slave and the master)”: they say we n-i-double –e-r, we are, much more but still we choose to ignore, the obvious man, this history don’t acknowledge us, we was scholars long before colleges % ideology has had a major influence on hip hop aesthetics. the influence of the % nation is evident in the centrality of self-knowledge within hip hop aesthetics. self- knowledge in % doctrine is linked to earlier african american narratives such marcus garvey, noble drew ali, and elijah mohammed. % ideology is most prominent in hip hop discourse between (paid in full) and (wu-tang clan). % ideology rests on the notions of self-knowledge or knowledge of one’s self. % ideology also places a high value on mathematics (or quantification) as opposed to emotionalism, mysticism, and blind faith. % ideology has undoubtedly shaped hip hop aesthetics and discourse. these views had been espoused in previous african american movements, such as the nation of islam and the moorish science temple, yet i am concerned with the ways in which self-determination, and self-knowledge are filtered through hip hop aesthetics. hip-hop treads on unexplored technological terrain. since its inception, hip- hop has transcended—utilizing technological innovations—socio-economic limitations. hip hop’s reappropriation of technology—for example, the phonograph (i.e. the scratch) — served as a stylistic and technical extension of hip hop aesthetics. the “pass along rate”, for example,--“the rate at which one product is shared by many consumers”—is evidence of hip-hop’s technological reappropriation ( ). from this perspective, technology is utilized in a communal, revolutionary manner. hip-hop, at its core, is about the reappropriation of certain artifacts and modes of production. in a global society, this process creates an increasingly complex matrix. rose declares: rap music blurs the distinction between literate and oral modes of communication by altering and yet sustaining important aspects of african-american folk orality while embedding oral practices in the technology. rap’s orality is altered and highly informed by the technology that produces it; and in rap, oral logic informs its technological practice. (rose ) rose’s emphasizes hip hop’s reconfiguration of “oral logic” through technology. when extending this theory to other genres of african-american music (e.g. blues, jazz, spirituals, etc.), the influence of technology is deemphasized. hip hop’s approach to musical production has affected technology as much as technology has informed african american culture. scratching, sampling, mix cds, sneaker marketing, and graffiti all represent hip hop’s manipulation of technology. notions of one’s “hood” or neighborhood in hip-hop aesthetics is filtered through a s, crack era nostalgia. the “hood” as post-modern historical rememory is an extremely important facet of hip-hop aesthetic. references to “the hood” in hip-hop usually conjure images of low-income housing, poverty, and urban blight. however, though hip-hop emerges in low-income, inner-city communities (i.e. new york), hip-hop also emerges within lower middle-class and middle-class urban communities. in fact, the middle-class was a crucial demographic to the development of hip-hop aesthetics. the ghetto was a prominent fixture in funk and soul music of the s and s. the hood, short for neighborhood, replaced the ghetto. what are the sociolinguistic implications of this shortened version of neighborhood? it is also important to note that “the ghetto” was a prominent theme in funk and soul music of the s and s. ghetto aesthetics in hip hop pull from s and s black culture iconography. many r&b and soul artists of this era experimented with “the ghetto” as a thematic focal point. the presence of the ghetto aesthetic during the s reflected radical critiques of racism and hegemony, which were taking place in the african-american at-large. ghetto aesthetics also marked a resurgence of tragic realism within african-american musical production. artists utilized the ghetto to signify african american oppression and struggle. thematically, “the hood” replaced the ghetto as a cultural-linguistic focal point within hip-hop aesthetics. it is redefinition and reconceptualization of the ghetto. the overall sense of community within hip-hop culture is another aspect that connects hip hop to african aesthetics. at times, the strong sense of community (i.e. one’s crew, team or “hood”) in hip hop borders on xenophobic, homoeroticism. from an african perspective, art and community are one. hip-hop artists do not create in isolation. their inspiration, motivation, and content are derived directly from the streets (i.e. their communities). within this creative process, the “hood” takes on almost mythological proportions. even when detached physically, the emcee artist thrives to connect with his/her community. mos def describes his creative process in this manner: “we don’t come into the studios by ourselves. we come into the labs with, like our mans from the ave., you know, deceased. our moms, our block. we come with a lot of ghosts, and you hear it in people’s rhymes” (williams ). mos def’s artistic process includes not only his immediate friends, family, and neighbors, but also the ancestors and loved ones that have passed away. mos def’s commentary illustrates the intrinsic link between artist and community within hip hop (via african aesthetics). the rememory of hip-hop artists neighborhoods, which is a characteristic of hip hop expression, can easily be passed off as post-industrial, post-crack era nostalgia. earlier, i linked notions of community in hip-hop to african cultural aesthetics. additionally, the post-industrial, inner-city neighborhood took on added significance within black and brown communities. during the s, the decline of the nuclear family, african american suburban flight, and the rise of latch key kids all were major contributors to the reconceptualization of (neighbor)hood within hip hop aesthetics. from a sociological perspective, tricia rose notes that hip hop artists are the mouthpieces of their respective communities. she writes: rapper’s emphasis on posses and neighborhoods has brought the ghetto back into the public consciousness. it satisfies poor young black people’s profound need to have their territories acknowledged, recognized and celebrated…few local people are given an opportunity to speak, and their points of view are always contained by expert testimony. ( ) again, this process signifies an intense and intimate relationship between emcee and his or their community. chicago hip-hop artist common iterates the liberating qualities of hip hop culture on the “the th sense” from like water for chocolate: i start thinking, how many souls hip-hop has affected how many dead folks this art resurrected how many nations this culture connected who am i to judge one's perspective? though some of that shit y'all pop true it, i ain't relating if i don't like it, i don't like it, that don't mean that i'm hating i just want to innovate and stimulate minds travel the world and penetrate the times escape through rhythms in search of peace and wisdom raps are smoke signals letting the streets know i'm with 'em for now i appreciate this moment in time ball players and actors be knowing my rhymes, it's like on styles p’s “where i’m from,” styles collaborates with southern neo-soul artist anthony hamilton. the two artists offer a male-centric, cross-genre interpretation of their existence as african american men in america. such a collaboration infers that although both men were reared in different locales—anthony hamilton in rural north carolina and styles p in yonkers, new york—there are commonalities in their respective experiences. originally, hip hop culture sought to redefine the creative boundaries of the “hood”. this process entailed a recycling of ideas. hip-hop’s reclamation of african american culture and theme is an implicit attempt at trying to supplant and invent culture where needed. this process, according to kariamu welsh- asante, is called reconceptualiztion: reconceptualiztion acknowledges change and influence but insists on regarding the african centered perspective as the only one which would be totally harmonious and ontological. change and influence then from whatever direction must be reconceptualized as well. the “shape of content” is not the same as the “shape of context.” ( ) how can we gauge the extent to which african american art adheres to an african- centered perspective? furthermore, how do we reconcile both the change of both form and content of african american culture (i.e. hip hop) in reference to the african worldview? reconceptualization is often times the only cultural option for oppressed peoples. african americans found themselves constantly fighting for creative space. a race of oppressed people that cannot adapt, reconceptualize, and refashion its culture in the wake of assimilation and racism will surely be faced with the threat of cultural extinction. what is the proper cultural/aesthetic response to imperialistic, materialistic, technologically hostile, racist environment (i .e. america)? community is a central theme within hip-hop aesthetics. technology and mass- mediation in contemporary american popular culture have informed hip hop aesthetics since its genesis. how has technology impacted notions of community within hip-hop? greg dimitriadis, in performing identity/performing culture: hip hop as text, pedagogy, and lived practice, explores the relationship between technology and nation- building as they relate to hip-hop. he focuses on public enemy in his discussion of the potential of hip-hop’s nation-building potential: community performance and entertainment on a decentralized scale gave way to worldwide mediation by and through more centralized recording media. rap became, in short, an idiom that could create solidarities beyond the boundaries of face-to-face communication…similarly, recorded technology allowed artists such as public enemy to envision their audience as a wide and encompassing nation within a nation, one that transcended any and all local contexts of production. ( ) when critically examining a given aesthetic or culture, it is pertinent that critics/scholars look back to the origins of that aesthetic. this is particularly true in a capitalistic society such as america, where everything revolves around capital. without this type of in- depth, nuanced analysis, cultures may come off as shallow and opaque. when looking at hip-hop culture, one must refer to pre-mainstream hip hop culture to locate a proper aesthetic foundation. quite often, the commercialism and commodification of african- american musical forms dilutes their true intent and essence. the zulu nation and afrikaa bambaata are important to any investigation of hip-hop aesthetics. unfortunately, the zulu nation does not often receive the critical scholarly attention it deserves. sampling sampling is another example of the communal-shared spirit of hip-hop, as well as an example of hip-hop’s post-modern roots. sampling is also a primary example of hip hop culture’s use of pastiche. in the tradition of african culture, individualism (i.e. sole ownership or authorship of a creative product) is a foreign idea. according to kariamu welsh-asante, artistic documentation, authorship and preservation was not a concern for african artists ( ). some african american artists were not in agreement with the unauthorized use of their work, but they were not as adamant as white interests were (george ). the libertarian approach to ownership of artistic production in hip hop is linked to its african and african american lineage. more specifically, sampling--though clearly a post-modern process—is a carryover (i.e. non-judgment) from blues aesthetics. sampling—in some form—has existed for millennia, for there are no new notes in the pentatonic, major, and minor scales. all artists borrow or “sample” from their predecessors. yet, the blatancy of sampling within hip hop music coupled, the hip hop generation’s ability to create an entirely new composition from a small piece of music through its utilization of technology, and the monetary value of late twentieth century copyrights are all factors that led to hip-hop’s maligned history with the music industry and general public concerning sampling (substantial similarity). donald byrd has appeared on numerous hip hop compilations such as guru’s jazzamatazz and has been sampled regularly (e.g. black moon, gang star, etc). he is not offended by the idea of sampling. he sees sampling as a way to give jazz artists an extended life and an opportunity to reach a broader audience. donald bryd’s perspective on sampling, though not unanimous among music artists of his era, represents a continuum of african american approaches to art. he represents an aesthetic link between the soul and hip hop generations: sampling is just taking something from somebody else’s record. in most cases, it is old jazz stuff. and see that it is what has helped jazz tremendously: the royalties these musicians are getting. if it hadn’t been for sampling, all them old kats would have been dead now. they would have starved to death. it has revived the music. it has recreated an interest. i see kids come up to me all the time… they thought i just started doing stuff with the black byrds in the ’s. they don’t realize i had been recording years before i had the black byrds. i have been in it years. now they say, “i hear your stuff on guru’s album and all your stuff from the ’s. that is the hip part about rap, because it is introducing them to something that they had never heard before. now with the jazzmatazz thing, with the older people who have never listened to rap, they come in because they hear some jazz. they bring their kids, and now i am getting both crowds. you got young girls freaking out. they see me on the videos and stuff, bet jazz, “loungin’” and all the stuff i did with guru. you see how that brings in audiences, people of all ages. but that’s what it’s about. (byrd) byrd illuminates how sampling links the hip hop generation to the black power, civil rights and baby boomer generations. it has served as a vital link connecting contemporary african american narratives and aesthetics with older african american cultural traditions, tropes, icons and practices. the musical and technical aspect of sampling has been well-documented, however, much scholarship has focused on the post-modern origins and construction of sampling in hip hop. originality and sampling are fundamental components of hip hop aesthetics. biting (or copying) is taboo in hip hop. how, then, is biting and sampling differentiated within hip hop aesthetics? it is the cultural-aesthetic approach to reconfiguring past texts, the embrace of communal access to these texts as well as the methods that are utilized embrace when borrowing cultural matter—which come out of an african aesthetic context—that makes sampling in hip hop unique. how can originality and imitation co-exist? originality and imitation appear, on the surface, to be in direct opposition to one another. in hip hop’s formative years, sampling was viewed as unoriginal and non-music because of its lack of live instrumentation. nonetheless, sampling is an aesthetic carryover from african aesthetics and is also closely linked to african american approaches to imitation. bartlett asserts “african american musical aesthetics are historically little concerned with the exactitude of imitation” ( ). in hip-hop culture, originality and imitation are not constructed as dialectically-opposed to each other. bartlett goes on to state: traces of the “original” are lost in translation, whether digitally sampled or instrumentally improvised. technology serves and has served well the dissemination of certain aesthetic elements. with digital sampling, expropriated material is (often minutely and momentarily) recognizable, yet placed so that it often sounds radically anomalous, especially when the sampled material is overlapped or layered. ( ) sampling is an integral part of the integration of technology within the hip-hop aesthetic (bartlett ). here, hurston again places emphasis on historical contextualization in reference to black art, which by its very nature reinterprets white motifs ( ): everyone is familiar with the negro’s modification of the white’s musical instruments, so that his interpretation has been adopted by the white man himself and then reinterpreted…thus has arisen a new art in the civilized world and thus has our so-called civilization come. the exchange and re- exchange of ideas between groups. ( ) the “re-exchange” that zora neale hurston refers to is precisely the element upon which hip-hop was created. syncretism has become part of the african experience in america. as post-modern pastiche, hip hop utilizes all available media. however, it is hip hop’s reappropriation of popular media and discourses that make it unique. imitation within the african aesthetic functions as a learning tool. as in jazz, the basic format is mastered, usually through imitation and then individual style can be attained. in jazz, imitation is used more as a mentoring process and/or a sign of respect and admiration. this paradigm is evident the hip-hop aesthetic. biggie smalls raps in “the what” from his classic album, ready to die: welcome to my center honies feel it deep in they placenta cold as the pole in the winter far from the inventor, but i got this rap shit sewed and when my mac unloads i'm guaranteed another video ready to die, why i act that way? b.i.g clearly states that he has not invented hip-hop music, but he has mastered the form. as one of hip-hop’s foremost lyricists, the above verse is an example of the duality of the hip-hop aesthetic. although artists claim to have mastered the form, they are fully aware of their predecessors. this is reminiscent of the seeming paradox between originality and imitation in hurston’s “characteristics of negro expression”. hurston grounds her assessment of imitation in a cultural context, debunking notions of simplicity: the negro, the world over, is a famous mimic. but this in no way damages his standing as an original. mimicry is an art itself. if it is not, then all art must fall by the same blow that strikes it down. when sculpture, painting, acting, dancing literature neither reflect nor suggest anything in nature or human experience we turn away with a dull wonder in our hearts at why the thing was done. moreover, the contention that negro imitates from a feeling of inferiority is incorrect. he mimics for the love of it. ( ) hurston elevates african american expressive mimicry to artistry. hip hop lyricism falls within this hurstonian conceptual framework. early, regional hip hop aesthetics, as they migrated from the south bronx to the south, the midwest, and the west, tended to mimic new york hip hop. nonetheless, as hip hop aesthetics developed in these areas, they incorporated their own regional aesthetics into their discourses. besides sampling, the “pass-along rate” of hip-hop albums and hip-hop magazines is an example of the communal ideology in hip-hop. african-american consumers “may have a higher ‘pass-along rate,’ that is, the rate at which one purchased product is shared among consumers” (rose ). the african american pass-along rate is roughly one item (e.g. music cds or magazines) per - persons ( ). the pass-along rate may account for the perceived co-optation of hip-hop culture. granted, european americans may purchase more hip hop music than african american through merchandising outlets that can track their purchases; yet, this does not necessarily mean that hip hop is consumed more by european americans than african americans. some may argue that this is due to poverty, but from an african-centered perspective sharing is an intrinsic tendency. such an analysis refutes the myth that white’s listen to more hip-hop than african- americans. because whites purchase more hip-hop cultural production does not infer that they necessarily consume more hip-hop than african-americans. moreover, it does not deal with the centrality of hip hop culture, aesthetics and worldview with the african american community. hip hop occupies a much larger portion of african americans cultural existence than it does within european american culture. technocratic advances such as mix cds, cd burning, music downloads, the bootleg market, and the advent of the mix dvd have all aided in the rise of the pass-along- rate. moreover, hustling is a characteristic of hip-hop expression. in other words, it is doubtful that hip-hop is as predominate force within white american communities than it is in african-american-american communities. the scratch is an example of hip hop aesthetics reliance upon reappropriation. scratching is perhaps one of the most post-modern and african representations of hip hop aesthetics. scratching is a revolutionary approach to music production and mediation. a postmodern expression, scratching is a manipulation of sound and time; it reconceptualizes the function and intent of the phonograph. prior to hip hop’s appropriation of the phonograph, scratching a vinyl album was considered a major faux pas. the scratch represents a major detour in american aesthetic approaches to music production and consumption. this reconceptualization extends from the curvilinear nature of african aesthetics and worldview. hip-hop culture thrives on innovation. innovation is a fundamental characteristic of hip hop expression. this is especially true with hip hop vernacular or slang. stylistic innovation is apparent not only in hip hop lyrics and language, but also in hip hop fashion and business frameworks. as stated earlier, this falls well within the parameters of the african oral tradition. language is an essential component of any culture. it takes on added significance in african communities on the continent of africa and throughout the diaspora. even though hip hop slang varies from region to region, innovative and witty wordplay is common throughout hip hop aesthetics. hip hop reinvents and reconceptualizes the english language, which can be viewed as countercultural resistance. dillard cites “fancy talk” as a component of so-called black english. he lists two basic characteristics of fancy talk, “ ) flashy vocabulary, often beyond appropriateness to the subject under discussion from the point of view of the speaker of standard english; [and] ) ‘poetic’ diction, or “highly seasoned’ talk”( ). flashy vocabulary and poetic diction is the creative vehicle upon which hip hop expression is activated. hip-hop slang/language and fashion are two areas in which originality is emphasized. both elements permeate the music. e- , in an article written by anthony mandler entitled “king of slanguage,” illustrates the importance placed on an avant- garde approach to the creative process: the style i speak, i try to throw a curve ball at em’ every once in a while. you’ll never know how i come. one minute i rap slow, one minute i’ll put the woody woodpecker, star-stop-and-go scoop type delivery on you…i don’t try to follow what everybody else is doing. i just do what i do. ( ) hip-hop vernacular transcends conventional time and space. hip-hop lyricism makes words fit, through inflection, cadence, style, delivery, and cultural references, where they would not otherwise fit grammatically. hip-hop defies traditional laws and boundaries concerning standard english. hip hop is poetry in its highest form. music, through rhythm, is the added dimension. as an artistic medium, hip-hop is socially-captivating and culturally-revolutionary. listeners must conform to the music, not vice versa. certain assumptions and hidden meanings must be grasped in order for one to properly understand most aspects of hip-hop music and culture. one must be able to code–switch in order to fully understand hidden meanings, tropes, and metaphors. the importance placed upon language and competition in hip hop culture can be linked to the african oral tradition. jimmy stewart describes a contest between two swahili poets called “kufumbana”. he explains, “two poets [try] to outwit each other by composing two lines of verse which the other must complete by two lines in the same meter and rhyme. this was a feat requiring exacting skill. for in addition to improvising… each line had to have sixteen syllable…” (stewart ). my focus here is not the content of african poems but the context. competition can also be observed in b-boying. as with many african (american) art forms, the general public misconstrues first, then places negative connotations upon the aesthetic. both represent a general misunderstanding of african aesthetics. in reference to dance, hurston observes: negro dancing is dynamic suggestion. no matter how violent it may appear to the beholder, every posture gives the impression that the dancer will do much more…the spectator himself adds the picture of ferocious assault, hears the drums and finds himself keeping time with the music and tensing himself for the struggle. ( ) in the seminal movie beat street, lee (a main character and b-boy dancer) gets into a (b- boy) “battle” with a rival crew in a new york city subway station. as the battle ensues, a transit police officer stumbles upon the two crews engaged in battle. the police officer mistakenly identifies this dance ritual for a gang fight and chases the two groups of young latino and african american males away. in african culture, music and dance are inseparable. historically, though, african (american) dance has been misunderstood and vilified. though hip-hop dance was not a prominent feature of hip-hop aesthetics through the later portion of the s, a new generation of hip-hop dance has emerged in the late s. urban dances such as the superman, wu-tang, and chicken noodle soup, are all examples of dance as a creative expression within hip-hop. african culture does not distinguish between song and dance as such. in hip-hop culture, the merging of song and dance can be observed in breaking or b-boying. the first “breakers” were “street gang members who danced upright, had names names like el dorado, sasa, mr. rock, and nigger twins, and were overwhelmingly african- american” (george ). kariamu welsh-asante describes how the wolof and karanga peoples of senegal and zimbabwe respectively utilize “the break”. she writes, “both use the “break” (a movement and rhythmic response initiated and manipulated by the drummer) even though they represent specific cultural aesthetics. the use of the musical “break” in african dance is similar to the art of b-boying. the style was created based on the “break points in dj’s performance. hip-hop worldview and hip hop aesthetics the hip hop generation’s interaction with american popular culture, american nationalist narratives, and american public policy has been instrumental in the development of hip hop aesthetics. the hip hop worldview consists of an amalgamation of traditional african and african american sensibilities filtered through an american cultural-political lense. swindell explains, “if art reflects experience, and experiences are different, aesthetic principles too would have to be different” ( ). in the case of hip hop aesthetics, as kitwana correctly posits, the hip hop generation’s unique view of the world has been the impetus of hip hop culture’s sensibilities and aesthetics. kitwana creates a theoretical and socio-cultural framework that demarcates the ideological distinctions of the hip hop worldview and the worldview of baby boomers. kitwana posits what he describes as the hip-hop worldview to identify this generation’s perspective. how does kitwana’s construction differ from, say, the african/african-american worldview? why? the hip hop worldview is decidedly different than traditional african-american sensibilities. the hip-hop worldview reflects the positive and negative aspects of american, african, and african american culture. the hip-hop worldview is similar to traditional african american worldviews because it borrows so heavily from african-american culture. it is different because it reconceptualizes, critiques, and at times, rejects african-american and american icons, themes, narratives and motifs in the hip-hop generation: young black and the crisis in american culture, bakari kitwana wrestles with the idea of a hip-hop worldview. kitwana, as the title implies, views the state of young, african-americans as one of crisis. he states that sociopolitical forces shaped the hip hop generation’s group identity ( ). he goes on to describe “six major phenomena that emerged in the s and s” that played a major role in fashioning the hip hop worldview ( ): ) popular culture and the visibility of black youth within it ( ); ) globalization; ) “persisting segregation in an america that preaches democracy and inclusion ( ); )”public policy regarding criminal justice, particularly policy that has clear racial implications” ( ); ) limited, one-sided representations of african american youth through “televised images” ( ); and ) “the overall shift in the quality of life for young blacks during the s and s”( ). collectively, kitwana’s sociopolitical matrix highlights the hip hop generations’ precarious relationship to popular media. on the surface, kitwana’s solutions to these crises are somewhat simple, “understand the generation most heavily besieged by them” (xxi). he goes further by inferring that “those genuinely concerned about these crises must begin to carefully examine the major social and political forces shaping young black americans at the dawn of the twenty-first century” (xxi). this dissertation is constructed within the context of understanding the impetus of hip hop aesthetics and sensibilities similar to the emergence of the black studies movement, the hip hop movement emerged within the context of collective struggle. lucious outlaw asserts in reference to the creation of black studies, “the rules of our discourse have thus been formed in the crucible of struggle: contemporary black studies emerged from the context of civil rights and black power movements. the connection between historicity and dimensions of those struggles and our african “origins” is anything but simple continuity” ( ). as noted, struggle is one of the most salient tropes within hip hop aesthetics. until the late s and early s, african-americans—particularly the middle-class, of which academics are a part—had middle-class aspirations. black flight to the suburbs in the s, which was precipitated by crack cocaine, inner-city violence, and reganomics, had a detrimental effect on inner-city african-americans. african-american men, in particular, were viewed as a collectively criminalized in american society. from this vantage point, it becomes clear that socioeconomic conditions, coupled with the african (american) oral tradition, spawned hip-hop and not vice versa. unfortunately, there exists a widening gap between baby boomers and the hip-hop generation. the pitfalls of postindustrial america have done much to accelerate this generational shift. joblessness, fratricide, and the war on drugs, for example, have all led to the breakdown in communication between generations. today’s african-american youth, bombarded with consumer products and sexual innuendos, have veered away from their parents’ social mores. social mobility has become a central tenant of american existence; the hip hop generation has absorbed and accentuated american individualist ethics. conversely, race (i.e. black nationalism) has been deemphasized. hedonism and hopelessness work in tandem. kitwana explores the deracialization of the hip hop generation: for our parents’ generation, the political ideals of civil rights and black power are central to their worldview. our parent’s generation placed family, spirituality, social responsibility, and black pride at the center of their identity as black americans. they, like their parents before them, looked to their elders for values and identity. the core set of values shard by a large segment of the hip- hop generation—black america’s generation x—stands in contrast to our parents’ worldview. for the most part, we have turned to ourselves, our peers, global images and products, and the new realities we face for guidance. in the process, the values and attitudes described above anchor our worldview ( ). kitwana over generalizes african-american’s affinity for black power politics. in some cases, this was merely symbolic. the selection of certain popular culture icons within hip hop--via “global images and products”—played a pivotal role in the shaping of the hip hop worldview. by the mid ’s, america was suffering from an economic downturn. african americans by and large were experiencing an economic depression (hines ). heightened expectations fueled by the civil rights and black power movements coupled with the socioeconomic realities of post-industrial america were evident in hip hop aesthetics. despite these trends, the black middle-class grew ( ). unfortunately, conditions for the black working class did not improve. these disparate experiences led to disparate views within the african american community. on one hand, there were those who had successfully assimilated into american culture through education, petty tokenism, etc.; on the other hand, there were those individuals who felt ensnared in the hypocrisy and exploitation of american capitalism. maultsby states: blacks responded to the realities of the s and s in diverse ways and with mixed feelings. many assessed progress toward social, economic, and political equality as illusory at best. some felt conditions had worsened, though a few privileged blacks believed the situation had improved. ( ) how can we account for the different responses within the african american community? are these responses grouped along certain socioeconomic, gender, and class lines? what are the implications of the diverse responses to the realities of the s and s within popular culture discourses and texts? the s and s south bronx was far from a cultural wasteland. white and black flight reduced many american cities to virtual ghost towns. the individuals that were left to inhabit these forgotten communities became virtually voiceless, at times even faceless. nelson george writes in hip hop america, “the suburban revolution…along with prejudice against blacks and hispanics, left large chunks of our big cities economic dead zones that mocked the bicentennial’s celebration of america as the promised land” ( ). even though the citizens of the bronx, like many of america’s urban areas of the s, became pawns within the cultural-political chess match that came to be known as reaganomics, there was still evidence of a burgeoning culture. in : [the bronx] was a cauldron of vibrant, unnoticed, and quite visionary creativity born of its racial mix and its relative isolation. it is within its boundaries that the expressions we associate with hip hop—graffiti art, break dancing, emceeing, and mixing—all have roots. (george ) hip hop’s birth in the bronx represents the ultimate paradox of ghetto existence. poor people with little or no resources are not supposed to create a commercially- viable and socially-fulfilling art, far less master it. the birth of hip-hop culture in the bronx symbolizes the highest stages of cultural alchemy, which is a prominent characteristic of hip hop expression. art in “the hood” is the antithesis of economic discrimination and social alienation in america’s impoverished african american communities. hip-hop culture illuminates african american’s collective will to create culturally and aesthetically appealing art. from an afrocentric perspective, this can be described as a consciousness of victory and african american agency. hip-hop aesthetics, particularly by the mid- s—similar to its musical predecessors blues and bebop jazz—emerged as a discursive space which challenged and refined prevailing myths, images, etc. concerning african-american existence in popular media. during the s, images of african-american working black men, when they were portrayed in popular culture media at all, were often portrayed as non-threatening at best, or they lacked depth and nuance at worst. michael jackson, prince, bill cosby, and michael jordan represent this strain of african american icons. in , frankie smith’s “double dutch bus” helped to further solidify hip hop aesthetics within the mainstream. rarely mentioned within hip hop scholarship, smith’s “double dutch bus” ushered in a new era of hip hop aesthetics. by , the hip hop idiom was again at a crucial juncture in its development. rob base “it takes two” ( ), which sampled james brown’s “think (about it)” though it was a crossover hit, still adhered to hip hop’s foundational elements. for example, rob base was the focal point of this hip hop act, yet, the “group”—rob base and e-z rock--still drew from the dj/emcee framework of early hip-hop aesthetics. the dj was an integral part of rob base and dj easy rock. in “it takes two” base still reflects the folk roots of hip hop aesthetics. base famously raps, “i’m not a sucker so i don’t need a bodyguard.” it also recycles brown’s call-and- response with lyn collins. it marks a notable shift within the hip-hop idiom from urban realism to party anthems. much of the scholarship on the formation of hip-hop culture alludes to the influence of american cinema on hip-hop. american movies during the late s and early s left an indelible imprint on hip-hop aesthetics. many themes, motifs, attitudes and imagery within hip-hop culture were gleaned from american television and movies. horror films have even spawned a distinct subgenre within hip hop. horror-core rap artists such as gravediggers, flatliners, kool keith, and necro have digested much horror imagery. cinema enhanced and encouraged realism in hip-hop. the rise of american celebrity via s pop music and the creation of the cinematic blockbuster in the mid- s— which i discuss at greater length in chapter — aided in the solidification of tragic realism within hip hop aesthetics. the presence of tragic realism within hip-hop sought to circumvent the cultural/gender ambiguity of post-modern representation of african american masculinity. as i discuss at greater length in chapter , by the mid- s, black masculinity was highly contested within american popular culture. many images of black men were sanitized. within the realm of popular music, pop artists such as michael jackson and prince were post-modern constructions that offered androgynous, a- cultural representations of black men. these figures were non-threatening. even their falsetto voices represented an emasculated version of black manhood. hip-hop, and the emcee specifically, in the early s functioned as a response to these images. michael jackson and prince were part of larger socioeconomic matrix that signaled market shifts in the music industry: the pattern of relying on a small number of multi-platinum artists to create profits became more pronounced in the s. by the mid- s, when the industry began to climb out of its hole, it was clear that the recovery was due more to the megasuccess of a few recordings by superstar musicians—michael jackson, madonna, prince, bruce springsteen, whitney houston, phil collins, janet jackson, and others—than to any across-the –board improvement in record sales. (starr ) hip-hop was birthed in the s south bronx. since its inception, american popular culture has had a far-reaching impact on hip-hop aesthetics. during the s, film—as an artistic medium—explored new conceptual terrain articulating race, ethnicity, gender, and class in new ways. popular culture, particularly film, offered new frameworks to engage sociopolitical phenomena. tragic realism is inextricably linked to cinematic production and consumption. television and film, in its highest form, offer the ultimate in tangential escapism. film and television are intended literarily to draw the viewer in, blurring the lines between fantasy and reality. american gangster icons have also influenced hip-hop aesthetics. authenticity is central to the conceptualization of the gangster in american cinema; however, this brand of tragic realism presents serious issues for the transference of thematic and cultural meaning within hip-hop aesthetics. in , the godfather series made its way to film. mafia imagery is prominent in contemporary hip hop lyrics and iconography. italian mafiosoes are especially enticing to the hip hop community. mario puzo’s the godfather series serves as an archetypal foundation for future representations of gangsters in american popular culture. chin discusses the limitations of popular film’s ability to portray reality within the context of gangsta motifs: was the godfather an example of new tragic realism in terms of american genre filmmaking, or was it just a portentous, overblown, arty version of a family- gangster movie? one of the questions implicit in the work was whether or not a movie in which structural development and ideological conception were based on old movies could be an adequate representation of reality. the example of coppola’s later apocalypse now ( ) indicated that the aestheticizing approach might have limitations in providing a framework for a work dealing with contemporary socio-political issues. although pop must be acknowledged as part of the contemporary landscape, it is questionable whether pop is an adequate framework to deal with reality. (chin ) hip hop attempted to resolve many of the pop aesthetic issues within american film concerning realism. hip hop aesthetics, though, seeks to redefine older themes and motifs, giving additional layers of meaning to its aesthetic selections. however, the transference of popular gangster film icons and motifs in hip hop aesthetics is problematic. as chin asserts, the pop framework presents serious issues in its representations of reality. the penultimate form of realism in artistic production is the reality television genre. in its current incarnation, reality television has enhanced realist narratives in hip hop. hip hop, on a pop psycho-sociological level reflects overarching trends in society concerning realism, or reality, as an aesthetic. the o.j. simpson saga and the rodney king beating and rebellion pushed the envelope in this area. hip hop aesthetics reflect this trend. this is not to understate the impact of these two events on american popular culture in general; however, my focus is the rise of realist narratives within hip-hop. reality television further blurred the lines between reality and reality-influenced, fictional narratives in popular media. the reality show cops, which debuted in , is an example of the criminalization of african american men in popular media. it was a breakthrough in american television, catapulting the reality show onto the american consciousness. the show follows police officers on the beat in various cities. it chronicles their encounters, arrests, traffic stops, and police chases. the themes song “bad boy” by reggae group inner circle sets the thematic tone for the show. many critics have accused the show of perpetuating stereotypes. it can also be argued that the show further vilifies african american men. this is not to suggest that hip hop responded to cops directly, yet it did provide a visual, rhetorical and ideological backdrop for hip-hop artists. was a watershed moment for hip hop aesthetics. gangsta motifs, iconography and attitude became central to hip hop aesthetics and culture. also marked a shift toward post-afrocentric sensibilities within hip hop aesthetics. conversely, gangsta narratives served as critiques of black bourgeois elitism, right-wing political conservatism, and uni-dimensional, narrow interpretations of some strains of afrocentric thought and practice. in the wake of s political conservatism, the solidification of gangsta aesthetics in hip hop represent a delayed response to reaganomic public policy. the creation of bad boy records, cash money and death row records in the early s marked not only toward a shift toward a well-established, clearly articulated gangsta aesthetic within hip hop culture, it also ushered in an unprecedented wave of young, african american entrepreneurship and ownership. the early s signaled a noticeable shift in hip hop aesthetics—informed by popular media discourse and public policy—which was reflected in the prominence of gangsta aesthetics within hip hop narratives and iconography. by , the post- afrocentric movement came to a close. the chronic ( ) album by dr. dre, which is widely considered a hip hop classic, the chronic explored, among other themes, the aftermath of the la rebellion. it used realist narratives to chronicle gang culture in compton, california. it is important to my discussion of tragic realism in hip hop for three reasons. one, it influenced hip hop production, upping the ante on melody and musical form in hip hop. two, the album influenced hip hop aesthetics as a whole and pushed gangster aesthetics to the fore, solidifying the gangster aesthetic as a central characteristic of hip hop expression. lastly, the album offered a socio-political response to the l.a. rebellion. it provided a music-cultural context and social commentary to the rebellion and documented the angst, frustration and anger of african americans living in los angeles. the chronic embraced a heightened level of tragic realism in hip hop discourse. it was an extension of the s gangster aesthetic, which was established by groups like schooly d, n.w.a, bdp, and ice t. gangsta aesthetics were solidified within hip hop by with the release of onyx’s ep throw ya gunz. fredro and sticky fingaz, in particular, were skilled emcees. the group was polished by hip hop icon and run-dmc dj jam master jay. tupac shakur singularly ushered in a new brand of tragic realism within hip hop. shakur’s emcee persona was an extension of his biographical narrative, an artistic blend of fact and fiction. shakur’s narrative blurred the lines between artistry and reality, establishing new parameters for hip hop aesthetics while upping the ante on tragic realism. shakur attempted to reconcile his reality as an african american male and son of a black panther member and his public persona as a gangsta emcee. in “picture me rollin”, shakur constructs a narrative that foreshadowed his release from jail and subsequent wealth. pac creates a fantasy realm anchored in autobiography and the o.j. simpson trial: free like o.j all day… you can’t stop/you know i got my niggas in here… can you picture me rollin? anytime ya’ll wanna see me again, rewind this track right here, close your eyes and picture me rollin hip hop criticism and scholarship tends to construct hip hop’s origins as monolithic. many scholars point to urban (i.e. ghetto) narratives when discussing hip hop’s origins and aesthetics. however, the african american experience, though shared, has always been heterogeneous in nature. hence, african american middle-class trends, tropes, and sensibilities are often overlooked (or understated) in hip hop scholarship. urban, lower middle-class sites such as queens, new york—arguably the mecca of modern hip hop-- are examples of the middle class influence on hip-hop aesthetics. it also reveals the complex discursive and sociopolitical matrix that has spawned hip hop. run-dmc, l.l. cool j, nas, and cent—to name a few—are from queens. aesthetically, hip hop is indebted to queens, new york, which is a sub-urban, middle-class environment. however, class bears a different weight in the african-american community. middle class black folk—particularly in the vulnerable s—could not insulate themselves from the ills of poverty in the same way as white folk. russell simmons and run-dmc are examples of the middle-class influence in hip hop. they hailed from hollis, queens and were instrumental in solidifying hip hop aesthetics and economics. rappers common, nas, lauryn hill, mos def, kanye west and talib kweli all reflect middle-class upbringings. more importantly, their african american middle-class values, attitudes and sensibilities have aesthetic implications. their discourse is informed and shaped by middle-class values. not so ironically, the above-mentioned artists have been labeled “conscious” at one point or another in their careers. such dichotomization is the byproduct of the very same middle-class value system that nurtured these artists. hence, the terms “gangsta” and “conscious” reflect the imposition of middle-class values and judgment upon hip hop, in much the same way that middle-class and hyper-religious african americans criticized blues and bebop. the expansion of hyper-consumerism via capitalist, mass mediated culture has had a far-reaching impact on hip hop aesthetics. along with the rise of consumer culture in the s, consumer branding, or name brands, was also an important element in the construction of hip-hop aesthetics. conversely, as consumer culture began to proliferate within american culture, there was an economic assault on poor communities of color as well. it is no surprise then that these “communities” had to reconfigure their notions of what it meant to be a neighborhood or community. many factors led to the breakdown of community in the s, which led to the birth of hip hop. cash money and bad boy records represent the beginning of the bling-bling era in hip hop, a shift toward materialism and social mobility, which was supported by tragic realism and gangsta aesthetics. notions of community are central to hip-hop aesthetics and discourse. what are the ways in which this sense of community is filtered through contemporary american culture (i.e. hip-hop)? in the midst of a racist, sexist and classist american environment, how has the fragmentation of urban communities impacted hip hop aesthetics? the decline of urban, working class communities has coincided with a growth in american consumption. the s marked a shift in african-american notions of collective struggle and group identity. african-american images in popular culture, such as the cosby show, different strokes, and family matters reflected overarching african american social mobility at the expense of tragic realism. by american ideals of commercialism and hyper-consumerism were firmly entrenched in hip-hop aesthetics. designer brand names appeared conspicuously in hip hop narratives. the increase in consumption coincided with trends in the larger society, a trend that began, at least in mainstream culture, with the release of run-dmc’s single “my adidas” ( ). “my adidas” marked the beginning of a long relationship between hip-hop culture and corporate america. nonetheless, in african-american communities, status was attached to the consumption of designer cars, clothes, and liquor. on the surface, hyper-consumption in hip-hop appears to be a mere extension of american narcissism. upon closer examination, though, such consumption can function on a psycho-social level. stated differently, as atkins asserts, brands have themselves created communities: community has not gone away. it cannot because it’s too fundamental to the human condition. it’s too fundamental to the human condition, its appearance like any successful organism that survive a change, it has evolved, and has evolved in a way that lends itself to brands becoming a locus of belonging. the time has arrived for brands to take their place among others as new iterations of community in contemporary society (atkins ) designer branding and hip hop iconography is linked to the primacy placed upon pop icons in american culture is tied, in part, to branding (capitalism, leisure culture, the breakdown of community and family. by the s american iconography began to shift from religious icons to commercial or popular ones. the surge of underground capital during the crack era of the late s and the fragmenting and subsequent reconfiguration of urban space public space in america undoubtedly contributed to the rise of name brand culture within hip-hop. as atkins proclaims, community has reconfigured itself in individuals’ identification of particular brand names. the distinct sneaker culture within hip-hop aesthetics is an example of the importance of brand recognition within hip-hop. individual style and group identity are both foci of hip-hop aesthetics. acceptance is an implicit part of “buying into” a particular name brand. s fashion and consumer sensibilities implied that an individual did not just purchase a particular brand, they bought into a lifestyle or experience. aesthetic, cultural, and social capital is accrued when wears a certain brand of sneaker or clothing. as atkins states, brands have led to the formation of post modern, post-industrial, consumer-driven communities. within hip- hop aesthetics, wearing certain brands signify and translate specific ideas, cultural markers and attitudes. fashion is a fundamental component of hip-hop aesthetics. earlier i discussed the relevance of american popular sports culture and its relevance to hip-hop aesthetics. fashion, more particularly name-brand fashion, is a central component of hip-hop aesthetics. professional sports apparel falls into this broad category. wearing a certain team’s jersey, for example, can serve several functions within hip-hop aesthetics. again, the hip-hop idiom is all about recycling images, themes, and artifacts. an individual may wear a team’s apparel and have no loyalty or interest in that team. “hip-hoppers” wear professional sports team apparel for several reasons: ) gang affiliation; ) regional loyalty; ) iconic status of a certain player on a given team; ) as a form of creative expression; ) mere style; ) as reclamation of public and personal space. carnes asserts, “fashion forms a visible, popular iconology, revealing much about our values, attitudes, and assumptions about ‘the good life”( ). the ways in which fashion is utilized as a form of expression within hip hop is another example of how hip hop reappropriates cultural matter. an interesting example of such a reappropriation is the formation of new york-based lo-lifes crew in . the lo-lifes actually comprised of two “boostin” posses from brooklyn ralphies kids and polo u.s.a. the lo-lifes was essentially a band of larcenists that shoplifted famous designer ralph lauren’s apparel. it is interesting to note that ralph lauren’s polo brand reflects a lifestyle that stands in stark contrast to the life that many of the lo-life’s lived. the majority of the lo-lifes were poor latino and african american males. the lo- lifes are significant to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics due to the great overlap between hip hop aesthetics and the lo-lifes. in fact, the sport of polo, upon which the polo ralph lauren brand is built, is a socio-economically-exclusive sport. the lo-lifes are important to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics for several reasons: ) their embrace of a lily-white fashion icon ralph lauren; ) because they represent overarching push within hip hop in the late s and s toward expensive designer brands; and ) they serve as a site to examine the implications (and contradictions) of hip hop’s selection of white-male icons such as ralph lauren and tommy hilfiger. in the twenty-first century, fashion remains a central component of hip hop aesthetics. individual style in hip hop is linked to african american folk expression. moreover, commercialism, the growth of the advertisement industry, hyper- consumerism, and a global mass market economy have all contributed to the enhancement individual style, via fashion, within hip hop aesthetics. fashion offers continuity and cohesion for the generation, through the recognition of and affiliation with fashion iconography, namely, designer and name brands. *** hip hop is an american phenomenon. hip hop aesthetics are grounded in african american aesthetics yet they are greatly influenced by american pop culture iconography, aesthetics, and sensibilities. hip-hop’s existence as a post modern, technologically-global, mass-mediated form of cultural expression engages many figures, paradigms, and narratives across racial, religious, and ethnic boundaries. more importantly, hip hop has embraced the most functional and aesthetically-pleasing apparatus from popular media, discarding that which it deems dysfunctional. this process represents the successes and failures of african american folk and popular culture. at times, hip hop aesthetics appear to be in direct contrast to the ideals of the civil rights era and the american dream. other times, hip hop aesthetics embrace certain aspects the american dream and the successes of the civil rights movement. hip hop aesthetics attempt to reconcile the tension between american idealism and post-industrial, post- civil rights economic and social reality. the b-boy/b-girl emerged as a response to public policy and popular discourse of the s and s, culminating in with the release of run-dmc’s run-dmc album. the b-boy stance is a symbolic representation of counter-narrative, bravado, reeappropriation, and the reclamation of public and private space within hip hop aesthetics. community and fashion are two additional features of hip hop aesthetics that aided in the maturation of hip hop aesthetics. despite hip hop’s commercial acceptance, the essence of hip hop aesthetics remains present. chapter “eff him and john wayne”: an iconographic analysis of hip-hop aesthetics elvis was a hero to most but he never meant shit to me you see straight up racist that sucker was simple and plain motherfuck him and john wayne cause i'm black and i'm proud i'm ready and hyped plus i'm amped most of my heroes don't appear on no stamps “fight the power” public enemy this chapter identifies specific pre-hip hop iconographic influences and their impact on hip hop aesthetics. i examine the meaning of the acceptance of these icons and their relevance to hip-hop aesthetics within an urban mass-mediated environment, as well identify emerging hip hop icons and archetypes. i explore the meaning behind hip-hop’s embrace of certain icons and archetypes within an urban, mass mediated environment. since the ’s, academic interest in popular culture icons has waned. this decline in interest among academicians is due to the abundance, permanence and saturation of popular icons within american culture. hip hop, since its birth, despite claims by revisionist hip hop scholars, has been covertly political. hip hop’s iconography reflects the attitudes, values, and expectations of the hip hop generation. with few exceptions, hip hop’s political critiques manifest in hip hop’s critique of american culture and media. hip hop iconography reveals much about hip hop politics and aesthetics. the above quote from public enemy’s “fight the power” offers an engagement of american iconography and heroic narratives explicitly. public enemy, a foundational and seminal hip hop group, remains an anomaly, with their rich political overtones and black nationalist rhetoric. public enemy’s radical critique of american historiography and popular culture created new, mainstream conceptual space within the hip hop. they represent the struggle within hip hop between post-black nationalist ideology and the proliferation and commodification of african-american. their hit “fight the power’ offers a scathing critique of america’s racist institutions via an engagement, rejection, and acceptance of specific america iconography. the above quote is a direct rebuttal to america’s edification of white idealism. public enemy attempts to contravene traditional american heroic and iconic narratives. chuck d’s revelation that “most of my heroes didn’t appear on no stamps” is a radical critique of american institutional racism. it also simultaneously rebukes mainstream american popular iconography. it marks a major shift in hip hop aesthetics. when hip-hop first emerged, its iconography was “sampled” primarily from american—and in some cases african— popular culture. though the hip-hop idiom would revisit white american iconography en masse in the s—particularly american gangster icons), public enemy’s critique of american heroes marks a pivotal point in hip-hop aesthetics in general, but especially for gangster and “conscious” hip-hop. (illustration . ) public enemy (illustration . ) john wayne postage stamp elvis and john wayne have long been considered american icons. the former represents a cooptation of african-american music culture and the latter represents america’s cowboy mentality. america’s cowboy mentality was influential to hip-hop. not only have american conceptualizations of masculinity, vis-à-vis the cowboy as icon, but also cowboy western cinema, with all its gun symbolism, impacted hip-hop aesthetics. wild west imagery proliferates in hip hop. many emcees assert that the post- industrial environment is similar to the fabled wild west. lawless violence, vigilantism and decadence are themes that were easily transferred to hip hop. most notably former treacherous three member kool moe dee’s hit “the wild west”. moe dee illustrates inner-city violence by comparing the inner-city to the wild west. he extends the heroic western narrative, offering a gritty explanation for urban violence: one day the fellas got together they vowed that no one would ever come on our block, and terrorize us the gangs that used to do it, now they idolize us guns, we don't like to use them unless, our enemies choose them we prefer to fight you on like a man and beat you down with our hands and body slam you at the... wild west narratives have often served as a backdrop for hip hop music. the use of the gun as a prop in westerns is easily transferable to hip hop aesthetics. however, as illustrated in kool moe dee’s “the wild west”, western motifs and themes such as vigilantism are reappropriated within hip hop narratives. america’s world fairs helped to establish meta-narratives about the frontier west within the american national consciousness. western motifs enter hip hop aesthetics primarily through film. as with gangster films later, hollywood westerns illustrate the interactivity of popular media and hip hop aesthetics. the accessibility of western motifs within hip hop is directly linked to the sheer abundance of western narratives and icons: the most substantial of hollywood’s genres, certainly in terms of sheer number of films produced, was the western: until the s, it consistently accounted for approximately a quarter of the industry’s output…like the earlier western dime novels, hollywood westerns appealed predominantly to an adolescent male audience. (vasey ) westerns in particular and american film in general have shaped hip hop aesthetics and discourse. movies, like popular culture icons, reflect societal values and attitudes. nonetheless, the dearth of viable african americans in movies had far-reaching implications for hip hop aesthetics: like the press, but to an even greater extent, the movies created a shared vocabulary and cultural consciousness…hollywood’s audience was remarkable for its diversity, and was drawn from all geographical areas, every social class, and every group. yet the american nation it described had little ethnic diversity. it derived its values from the patriarchal family unit and from corporate enterprise. its government and business agencies were benign, or at least not corrupt. blacks and whites invariably moved in separate circles. poverty could be overcome with sufficient individual initiative, and indeed, material acquisition was a personal objective that carried considerable moral force. (vasey ) from a socio-historical perspective, chuck d and flava flav’s rejection of american iconography and ideals (“f*#$ him and john wayne”), via united states postage, illuminates the significance of american symbols and iconography in hip hop. american signage, brands, symbols, and iconography are extensions of american political interests and sensibilities, each possessing the power to conjure certain feelings and emotions: when paper is so imprinted as to become currency or postage stamps, it becomes iconic. at that moment, the paper takes on a value—both economically and symbolically—which it could not have had before...the artifact-as-symbol has taken on a new dimension, and a new role in popular culture. (skaggs ) public enemy’s reappropriation of american postage stamps, then, can be viewed an important cultural-historical critique. chuck d’s narrative utilized american postage as a signifier of american racism is evidence of public enemy’s genius: for postage stamps were dominated by portraits of culture-heroes…[stamps] had the authority to take documents across the land, indeed around the world. not only letters, but all important legal documents must be stamped. and what bigger compliment than to say that a story “bears the stamp of truth”. (skaggs ) american postage has historically edified american culture-heroes since they were first issued in (skaggs ). public enemy’s critique resonates even more when one examines the intent and history of american postage: whether the engravings represented individuals, events, symbols, or groups, all have sought to project the national origin in heroic terms. most common have been the representation of individuals associated with the revolutionary age— washington, franklin, jefferson, and hamilton usually being the figures used. (skaggs ) although booker t. washington was the first african american to appear on a u.s. postage stamp in , it was not until the mid s and s that african american popular culture and music icons such as joe louis, robert johnson and duke ellington appeared (more frequently) on postage. up until the s, american postage featured primarily european-american political figures. american political figures such as washington and jefferson serve as iconographic markers of american ideals and cultural norms (ebony society). the reification of american historical figures through american popular culture iconography and the heroification of these figures in american history textbooks has compounded the significance of hip hop iconography. hip hop texts— through an engagement and revision of these icons—serve as counter-narratives to these ethnocentric configurations of american history. public enemy masterfully illustrates hip hop’s use of post-modern pastiche. public enemy remains somewhat of an anomaly within hip hop. however, public enemy’s overt political critique and their utilization and appropriation of myriad mass media texts is at the core of their hip hop genius. “fight the power”, prominently featured in spike lee’s do the right thing ( ), which chronicled racial conflict in bedford-stuyvesant, speaks to the interconnectivity of various mass-media and hip hop aesthetics. do the right thing catapulted spike lee to icon status. do the right thing solidified visual media, in this case a motion picture, as an important component of hip-hop aesthetics. in essence, both spike lee and public enemy walked the thin line between black nationalist rhetoric and american commercialism. the coupling of african american cinema and hip hop aided in hip hop’s mainstream acceptance, catapulting spike lee to icon status. i cite public enemy as an entrée into hip hop iconography. public enemy is often cited as a positive and uplifting representation of hip hop. this can be problematic. although public enemy was firmly entrenched in hip hop aesthetics, they remain an enigma within the canon of hip hop narratives. they represent a unique and seminal moment in hip hop history. brand nubian, ice cube, dead prez, black star and tupac extend public’s enemy’s aesthetic, yet gangsta not black nationalist symbolism under girded their work. public enemy’s reference to elvis and john wayne highlights the role of iconography within hip hop narratives and aesthetics. hip-hop culture and aesthetics have been greatly influenced by american popular culture. in its formative years, hip hop iconography, though influenced by african and african-american iconography, was also heavily influenced by european-american icons. superheroes were the primary iconographic influence. icons have been extremely influential in the myriad formulations of african-american youth culture, particularly african-american male youth culture, for numerous reasons, namely because african americans experience a shared identity. hip hop icons reflect the influence of african american iconography on african american youth culture positively along the coordinates of african american’s collective struggle. i focus on specific african american and european-american icons in order to make broader points about hip-hop aesthetics. many of the icons adopted into hip-hop aesthetics have also transcended african-american, and often, american culture. in the next section, i focus on african american figures that adopted and reappropriated within hip hop culture and aesthetics hip-hop icons, archetypes and aesthetics the reification of heroic figures has been a major feature of black culture, which predates hip hop culture. nonetheless, in this section i focus on african american and american heroic narratives via hip hop’s engagement and reappropriation of american iconography and show how they have contributed to the evolution and development of hip hop aesthetics. hip hop’s engagement of american iconography has also led to the creation of new hip hop iconography and archetypes, which are unique to hip hop culture. african american heroic narratives are important to my discussion of hip hop icons, archetypes, and aesthetics, because african american heroes and archetypes are the cultural and discursive precursors to hip hop icons and archetypes. african american archetypes, ante types, heroes, and stereotypes inform hip hop aesthetics. folk heroes are fundamental and highly-functional in african american culture. levine examines african american folk heroes and correctly links them to shifts within the african american experience. levine sees folk heroes and lore as functional modes of expression for african americans: the enduring plight of black americans produced a continuing need for a folklore which would permit them to express their hostilities and aspirations and for folk heroes whose exploits would allow them to transcend their situation. thus it might be argued that all afro-american folk heroes sprang from the same causes and reflected identical needs…nevertheless, the specific ways in which hostilities are expressed and transcendence symbolized are revealing…the appearance of new heroes, the alteration of old ones, and the blending of the new and the old that went on continually have a great deal to say about the changes in black situation and consciousness that [are] occurring…neither the heroes nor the consciousness that mold[s] them remain[s] static. ( ) as levine asserts, though african american iconography has always been fluid and flexible, whether these icons are religious or secular in origin, they all “sprang form the same causes and reflected identical needs” ( ). the african american folkloric tradition relies upon folk heroes which provide ready-discursive and aesthetic space for hip hop culture to engage, edify and revise icons and archetypes to suit its needs. moreover, levine is correct in declaring that the meaning behind the selection of african american heroes is always in flux. similarly, hip hop iconography is constantly influx, reflecting social-cultural attitude and sensibilities of african american youth (i.e. the hip hop generation). heroic narratives are also central to white american, male identity construction. hip hop aesthetics have engaged, reappropriated, critiqued, embraced and discarded american and african american icons since its inception. i am concerned with the attitudes (and aesthetics) that have informed the selection of icons within hip hop. conversely, the embrace of the bad man, the anti-hero, and supervillain spring forth within hip hop aesthetics as a critique of american and african american culture, as well as well-crafted artistic devices. alsford situates heroes and villains within a larger socio- political framework: the hero and their villainous counterparts have…served as iconic receptacles for a wide range of cultural values, aspirations and fears. what a culture considers heroic and what it considers villainous says a lot about that culture’s underlying attitudes—attitudes that many of us may be unaware that we have, and which represent cultural currents that we may be equally unaware of being caught up in. ( ) according to alsford, heroes and villains are “iconic receptacles” that represent cultural values. hip hop’s reappropriation of certain heroic narratives track cultural values within hip hop. goethals links icons to heroic narratives, yet he extends alsford’s treatment of the icon as hero and constructs icons as cultural archetypes. generally, icons possess extraordinary qualities. within an african american context, icons usually have overcome personal struggle or loss. cathartic transcendence is an important characteristic of hip hop aesthetics and the icons and iconic narratives hip hop embraces. hip hop icons provide hope that one can overcome or transcend their post-industrial existence. goethals discusses heroes as models within contemporary society: one cannot overstate the human hope and comfort provided by such models. the notion that someone is able to cope or deal with life in an extraordinary and exemplary way provides comfort and inspiration to a boring and disillusioned existence…saints and heroes took on a special power as representative figures that offer, at the least, a vicarious experience for less privileged human kind. ( ) goethals analysis is markedly marxist, yet his construct is especially apropos within african american culture, particularly in a post-modern environment. archetypes, heroes and icons are central to african american culture. goethals positions popular icons within a socio-cultural framework. within goethal’s framework or iconography, icons are functional, human models, providing hope and comfort to those that embrace them. messianic figures are consistently reified in african american culture. utilizing goethal’s construct, the power of hip hop icons lies in their ability to sustain hope and the opportunity to live vicariously through iconic narratives. moreover, archetypes and icons are important to the construction of american identity. contemporary american popular media, particularly within advertisement, presents icons as infallible, elevating icons to archetypes. many scholars feel as though popular media skews the significance of pop cultural icons. as goethals asserts, icons—even within a popular context—retain much cultural meaning and significance: models, however idealized, falsified, or glamorized, have been an important aspect of the imagery of popular culture. while much of modern high art has been pre-occupied with formal problems and the representation of private realities, popular images have consistently zeroed in on exemplary types, from movie stars of the ’s and ’s to hard hat and superbowl heroes in ’s. contemporary advertising has been sensitive to the demands for models in minority groups. all such changing patterns are evidence of the power of the traditional sacred image to affect the individual through the lure and mystery of likeness to a model. ( ) popular icons serve as exemplars within american society. the lack of sacred spaces in late twentieth century american culture is linked partially to the decline of religious institutions, the breakdown of the nuclear family, and the downsizing of public, communal space. bakari kitwana raises the point that hip hop generationers often overlook certain aspects of their icon’s biography: “ when it comes to gender issues, hip hop generationers are willing to disregard the dark side of their heroes “ ( ) kitwana , though correct in his analysis, he is does not take into account non-judgment as a blues retention within hip hop. hip hop reifies its icons for libratory and expressive purposes. this reification often runs counter to mainstream white american sentiment. mike tyson, bill clinton, richard pryor all represent hip hop’s appropriation of the more liberator elements (i.e. social mobility, badman characteristics, etc.). hip hop icon nas illustrates the importance of icons within hip hop aesthetics: i’m not in the top five anymore or the top ten. i look at myself as one of america’s rap icons. there is no number one, no number ten. there are just icons…when i look at great music people i realize i just started to do something. james brown and all these cats they are scientists. i got about ten more albums before i can really consider myself an icon. (parker ) nas illustrates the lionization and awareness of icons within hip hop. i explore the significance of icons and archetypes within hip-hop culture. i assert that icons and archetypes are integral parts of african, african-american, and american cultural practices. i illustrate how these practices are reflected within hip-hop culture. moreover, this chapter identifies specific icons and archetypes within the context of hip-hop culture and examine the socio-historical, political, and cultural implications of their selection. i am concerned with how specific icons and archetypes represent a particular era or perspective of hip-hop. often, icons and iconography are viewed as static. however, icons and— more importantly—their meaning are fluid. within an african american context, iconic meaning is also circular. that is, icons within hip hop aesthetics are revisited, revised, reinterpreted and redefined with an emphasis on linking the hip hop generation to african american collective struggle. icons exist in most cultures. certain icons such as muhammad ali, jack johnson, and tupac shakur are universal in their appeal, hence-- due largely to the ways in which artistic production is consumed and mediated in a global, technological culture—their meaning is interpreted and absorbed through a cultural-geographic-specific lense. orr supports this culturally-fluid construct of iconic meaning, stating, “icons can recur over centuries and various media—stone, wood, metal, steel, cardboard, styrofoam—and can be found at various times in all parts of the globe. their meaning can change with each reoccurrence, e.g. the cross and the eagle, but their form survives” (orr, ). within an afro-diasporic context, african american icons posses an additional layer of socio-cultural meaning. manithia diawara reinforces the use of african american iconography as a cultural capital, even as these american icons— for example, muhammad ali, mike tyson, tupac shakur, etc—are imported abroad, in this case francophone mali. as she notes, their cultural significance and libratory essence is not lost: you see, for me, then, and for many of my friends, to be liberated was to be exposed to more r&b songs and to be au courant of the latest exploits of muhammad ali, george jackson, angela davis, malcolm x, and martin luther king jr. these were becoming an alternative cultural capital for the african youth—imparting to us new structures of feeling and enabling us to subvert the hegemony of franicte after independence (diawara ) diawara highlights the ways in which african american icons are used as cultural capital. these icons serve as tools of resistance for african-americans, as well as africans throughout the diaspora. i add two qualifiers to my discussion of icons. a figure is a hip hop icon if: )it is widely referenced explicitly and/or explicitly in hip hop narratives and discourse; )it can be proven that it has a major influence musically, aesthetically, stylistically, attitudinally, or ideologically on hip hop aesthetics. this chapter is concerned with four fundamental questions: ) to what extent are specific icons embraced, signified and utilized within hip hop aesthetics? ) what are the social, historical and aesthetic implications of these iconic selections in hip hop? ) what specific pre-hip hop icons have influences hip hop aesthetics? and ) where would these hip hop icons be situated within hip hop aesthetics if they were young, african american men in the twenty-first century? in other words, at the risk of being anecdotally anachronistic, to what extent do figures such as jack johnson, muhammad ali, richard pryor and george clinton—though they emerged in the pre-hip hop era—embody hip hop aesthetics? though i focus primarily on african-american icons such as muhammad ali, malcolm x, and james brown, i also examine european-american icons—particularly gangsta figures, badmen and ante-villains—such as donald trump, john d. rockefeller and scarface and their influence on hip hop aesthetics. i assert that the shift in hip-hop iconography marks a shift in the larger african-american and american sensibilities. by the early s, america, as a whole, became obsessed with consumption and celebrity. overarching trends in popular culture effected and were effected by the emerging hip-hop culture. popular culture icons were at the forefront of the expansion of american popular culture in the s. as with popular icons in general, but pre-hip hop icons in particular, when iconic figures transcend their field or area and ascend to iconic status in hip hop, meaning is lost and accrued. in other words, portions of icons’ narratives are omitted or understated while other portions are retained and amplified. jay-z highlights the influence of european american iconography on hip hop aesthetics. on “i did it my way” from the blueprint : the gift & the curse ( ), jay-z constructs an intricate self-help narrative over a track that samples frank sinatra’s “my way” from his album by the same name. jay-z’s sampling of american icon frank sinatra is significant not only because of sinatra’s genius as an american vocal master, but also because of frank sinatra’s connection to the italian mafia. jay-z links sinatra’s narrative to african american entrepreneurship (i.e. hustling) and capitalism: black entrepreneur, nobody did us no favors nobody gave us shit, we made us the rap pack, i'm sinatra, dame's sam davis big's the smart one on the low like dean martin we came in this game, not beggin niggaz pardon demandin y'all respect, hand over a check jay-z commandeers sinatra’s narrative and utilizes it as vehicle to illustrate african american upward mobility. sinatra is utilized as a signifier, symbolizing american masculinity and cool. however, jay-z does not reappropriate sinatra wholesale. sinatra is reconceptualized through hip hop aesthetics. sinatra is sampled to highlight hip-hop’s focus on self-help and self-determination. jay-z declaration, “nobody gave us shit, we made us” and “demandin ya’ll respect, hand over a check” illustrates his keen business acumen. jay-z’s self-help approach recontextualizes sinatra’s narrative within a post- industrial; sinatra serves as a signifier, transcending race and culture, serving as a symbol of upward mobility and cool. hip hop’s iconography—as well as its foundational archetypes and how they have evolved and been reappropriated—tell much about socio-cultural trends and movements within african-american and hip-hop culture. i am concerned with the meaning of such selections. i offer a brief aesthetics analysis of african-american and american icons and archetypes and discuss their influence on hip-or aesthetics. early hip-hop iconography focused primarily on comic book superheroes. the reappropriation of comic book superheroes represents an attempt by inner-city youth to transcend their postindustrial existence. superheroes have super powers and are half human. the fact that superhero comics were set in new york (e.g. gotham city and metropolis) also accounts for the heavy influence of superhero iconography on hip hop aesthetics in hip hop’s formative years (reynolds, ). furthermore, superheroes are always there to “save the day”. besides comic book superhero iconography, african-american icons have had a profound—pronounced even— influence on hip-hop aesthetics. many of these icons embody characteristics of the badman archetype. some icons have had a direct influence on hip-hop aesthetics (i.e. sonically, name adoption, etc.). others have had a less direct influence (i.e. posturing, ideology, etc.). herein lies the distinction between hip hop iconography and traditional, sacred iconography. it is the way in which hip hop absorbs icons—stylistically, ideologically, and aesthetically—that makes hip hop iconology unique. hip hop’s unique use of iconography is linked in part to the hip hop’s african american heritage, which centrally situate folk heroes and icons within its traditions, as well as the fact that hip hop is a post-modern cultural production. in short, hip hop iconography draws on many cultural traditions. blues iconography, for example, has been a major influence on hip hop aesthetics. as cobb ( ) points out, “hip hop is clearly indebted to the blues in terms of its reigning iconography” ( ). however, cobbs fails to properly account for the implications of hip hop iconography within a post-modern, mass-mediated context. goethals focuses on three aspects of contemporary iconography that inform this process: in contrast to the traditional images, our contemporary icons differ sharply in all three respects; stylistic traditions, techniques, iconography, and context. first, in the making of contemporary images we depend upon a constantly changing, almost kaleidoscopic experience of styles and techniques. our sense of style and aesthetic power has recently been synchronized with the technological development within media…secondly, our iconography follows no single scriptural tradition. our icons are often part of the free enterprise, competitive frenzy of contemporary publicity images….finally, there are no sacrosanct and exclusive sites in which our icons are placed. when there are so many images competing for our contemplation and attention, they burst out into all of the spaces in which we move. our “sacred images” roam freely, exuberantly, and aggressively through streets, highways, subways, television channels, museums, theme parks and sports arena. ( ) goethals highlights the complexity of contemporary iconography and correctly links it to the bombardment of popular images within public space. a decline of traditional sacred sites has aided in development of american popular iconography. the implications of this complex socio-cultural matrix that has spawned contemporary american popular iconography are precisely why investigations of hip hop iconography are important. the selection, appropriation, reification, and rejection of african american and american icons serve as a critique and embrace of specific schools of thought, philosophies, ideologies, and worldviews. “name-dropping” and shout-outs are fundamental characteristics of hip hop expression. in golden era hip hop, there are explicit references to political and pop culture figures. on biz markie’s “make the music”, biz markie simultaneously rebukes conservative, right-wing politics while linking his narrative to african american political struggle: “reagan is the prez/but i voted for shirley chisolm.” biz utilized the historical shirley chisholm figure as an ideological and rhetorical device, his evocation of chisholm clearly demarcates markie’s narrative within collective african american struggle; however by referencing ronald reagan, he offers a covert critique of reaganomics. biz markie’s rejection of ronald regan and his acceptance of shirley chisolm as icons is itself a veiled political act. hip hop icon nas offers insight into the aesthetic and ideological significance of hip hop iconography. in an april interview in king magazine, nas reiterates the influence of african american iconography on hip hop aesthetics and discourse. because the interview touches on three major points relevant to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics, i cite a large portion of the interview directly: wait. on “these are our heroes,” you mentioned tiger woods…� a lot of times, when people look at me, they look too deep into it. tiger woods standing up for this white lady who said something about him being lynched is a coon move to me. god bless the brother. i like to see him doing his thing, but that’s a flaw to his character. that’s an issue i would have with tiger woods; not who he is married to. i don’t even know who he’s married to. i’m asking because you shouted out him, cuba gooding jr. and taye diggs. they’re all married to white women. i saw cuba gooding do a hand spin or some shit on an awards show—that’s very coonish to me. i can’t remember what taye diggs did, but i didn’t know he was married to a white woman. you know who my hero is? richard pryor. he was married seven times. my favorite wife of his is debra, one of the white girls. who else were your heroes? � muhammad ali, malcolm x, john lennon, bob dylan, yoko ono. (golianopoulos) nas reiterates the hip hop generation’s familiarity with superhero narratives, in this case, superman. furthermore, nas links superman’s narrative to white supremacy. he also explicitly cites richard pryor, malcolm x, and muhammad ali as his heroes. however, race is not the only qualifier for hip hop iconography. equally interesting is the figures nas explicitly and systemically shuns. cuba gooding and tiger woods are non- threatening, conservative african american male icons. in short, they are the antithesis of the badman trope. figures like woods and gooding are also derided within hip hop aesthetics because they are accomodationist, in the washingtonian tradition, and—as such—are free of racial-cultural baggage. hip hop icon ice cube takes pre hip hop iconography a step further, citing muhammad ali and richard pryor as precursors to “gangsta rap”: a lot of bulls**t last year. from the don imus thing to people just appearing on all these shows and just brushing gangsta rap with a broad stroke like this is the reason, when that’s bulls**t. we grew up watching these people and then decided to do what we do. gangsta rap is the product of…s**t, i mean it’s the product of a lot things but when you break it down, you take a little muhammad ali and a little richard pryor, you throw in some crack and then you throw in some gangbanging, and at the other end of all that s**t, to try to make sense of it all, you get gangsta rap. that’s what happened in the s that started all this. it’s a culmination of that era, combusting into lyrics and poetry. some people use it like a newspaper, some people use it like a comic book and it’s everything in between. but gangsta rap ain’t the reason why all this s**t is going haywire. (blanco) ice cube references s public policy and the influence of popular icons richard pryor and muhammad ali as aesthetic contributors to hip hop. much influence is placed upon icons in hip hop. this is partially due to the fact that hip hop in its current form reached maturation during the mid s—a time when two of the most iconic figures of twentieth century popular culture reached prominence: michael jackson and michael jordan. both altered the face of popular culture. interestingly, both icons are engaged by hip-hop artists. and both solidified the marketability of african american, male entertainment figure. the different responses to both icons within hip hop are also noteworthy. there are four reasons why michael jackson and michael jordan are important to my discussion on hip hop aesthetics and icons. one, they challenged and redefined black masculinity in the public sphere. two, they transcended their respective areas of specialization. three, they altered american popular culture, brand marketing, record/sneaker/apparel production, consumption, distribution and advertising; for michael jackson and michael jordan represent the apex of twentieth century iconology and hyper-consumption. and four, they are icons within hip hop culture and are referenced and engaged by hip hop artists. both jordan and jackson usher in the era of the deracialized african american icon. michael jordan, in particular, whom i discuss in the chapter in my analysis of , is referenced throughout hip hop discourse and culture. he represents the ultimate competitor, a win-at-all-cost athlete and businessman, who embodied and influenced black popular culture since the release on the jordan sneaker brand in through nike. when jay-z proclaimed he was “the mike jordan of recordin” on “show me what you got”, michael jordan was utilized as a symbol of: a) mastery of skill, and b) financial success; and c) competitiveness. by comparing himself to michael jordan— arguably the greatest basketball player of all time—, jay-z boldly infers that he is one of the greatest emcees of all time. “greatness” or the notion of one being “the greatest of all time” in a given area (i.e. athletics, emceeing) is a prominent trope within african american popular culture, beginning with muhammed ali’s public narrative. the hip hop community has focused on jordan’s athleticism and financial success. conversely, jordan’s ambiguity and tepidness regarding grassroots, political issues, his ambivalence toward the working poor, and his reluctance to connect to the african american community in general are often understated within hip hop discourse. prior to the maturation of hip hop aesthetics and iconography, professional athletes provided the bulk of african american iconography. yet, michael jordan represents the creation of a new type of african american popular culture icon. on one hand, his iconic status represents the accessibility of social mobility and mainstream acceptance for african american, male popular icons. on the other hand, michael jordan represents a class and generational rift within hip hop culture. jordan’s cultural conservatism was not compatible with the hip hop generation’s value, expectations, and attitudes concerning collective struggle and upward mobility: to be sure, professional athletes, especially basketball players, have for decades been young, black, highly visible, and extremely popular. yet, their success just didn’t translate into visibility for young blacks overall. for one thing, the conservative culture of professional sports, central to their identity, was often at odds with the rebellious vein inherent in the new black youth culture. while household-name ball players towed the generic “ don’t do drugs and stay in school” party line, rappers, the emissaries of the new black youth culture, advocated more anti-established slogans like “fuck the police.” such slogans were vastly more in synch with the hard realities facing young blacks—so much so that as time marched on and hip hop culture further solidified its place in american popular culture, basketball culture would also come to feel its influence. (kitwana ) kitwana illuminates the shift in african american iconography from african american sports iconography toward hip hop iconography during the s. in short, sports icons became dysfunctional for many african american youth during the late s and early s. the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop serves as a cultural marker that coincided with this shift in african american iconography. i move from a general discussion of the importance of iconography in hp hop to identifying specific pre-hip hop icons and their influence on hip hop aesthetics. i discuss four pre-hip hop, african american folk heroes and icons—jack johnson, malcolm x, muhammad ali, richard pryor and george clinton— and explore the ways in which they qualify as hip hop icons. jack johnson perhaps more than any other early twentieth century pre-hip hop icon, jack johnson was the embodiment of the bad nigga trope. jack johnson serves as a link between the ante bellum bad man and the twentieth century badman that is activated through popular media. jack johnson represented african american self-determination and agency. johnson also serves a foundational model for the performance of african american masculinity. during the s, the heavyweight boxer jack johnson was a symbol of the “bad nigger” for blacks and whites. for whites, johnson was a man to be feared and dreaded. for blacks, he was somebody to be proud of, someone who would not stay in the “place” assigned him by white society (brown ) johnson’s radical positioning as an american ante type and badman laid the foundation for hip-hop’s a conventional and anti-heroic public discourse. johnson’s acclaim within african american communities stood in direct contrast to the intense contempt and hatred he conjured within the white american psyche. explicit references to jack johnson within hip hop discourse are scant. however, johnson’s influence is primarily discursive, expressive and rhetorical, in that he serves as an archetypal model for future hip hop figures. he enters the hip hop idiom through more contemporary hip hop icons in boxing such as muhammad ali, mike tyson and floyd mayweather borrow from johnson’s narrative as badmen. in order to fully understand johnson’s impact on hip hop aesthetics, one must examine johnson as a cultural text; for it is johnson’s redefinition of himself as an african american public figure that is pertinent to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics: numerous ideological strands of gender, class, and race positioned johnson in a web which he could not entirely escape. he was inescapably a man, a black man, the son of a freed slave brought up in poverty, and so on. yet although these discourses inescapably defined him, johnson was able to take advantage of these contradictions within and between these ideologies in order to assert himself as a man and a proactive social agent. recognizing that ‘negroes” were considered less than men, he sometimes asserted his manliness ina race-neutral context, as a champion, a self-made man, and a world-famous hero. in other situations, he played upon his blackness, using his champion’s body to present himself as an embodiment of highly-sexed negro masculinity. (bederman ) johnson’s maximization of his hyper-sexuality was linked to his being a black man. masculinist hip hop narratives utilize hyper-sexuality in a similar way, hyper-sexuality is emphasized in hip hop narratives, partially because hyper-sexuality is inextricably linked to african american males position in the market economy. furthermore, johnson benefited financially from is performance of black manhood. jack johnson was the first twentieth century african american male public figure to challenge white authority in this manner. he served as a bridge linking the nat figure of the southern plantation to the urban north. johnson introduced a reconfiguration of black masculinity; in the process he created an entirely new (and didactic) public discursive space for twentieth century african american public narratives. jack johnson’s freedom of expression, more than anything, links jack johnson to hip hop aesthetics. johnson was unwilling to tone down his public persona. he was uninterested in accommodating to white demands to control his discursive space and/or his body, which adhered to prevailing racial-social norms of the time. the fact that johnson’s biography had been obscured until recently may account for the dearth of explicit jack johnson references. however, there are many parallels that can be drawn between johnson’s public performance and the public performance of many hip hop participants. floyd mayweather, who has partnered with cent, follows in the badman tradition of jack johnson and muhammad ali. however, mayweather is also the byproduct of american celebrity—his father’s floyd mayweather sr. and his own. as a hip hop icon, mayweather’s grandiloquence in refined by a keen economic awareness. black jack johnson, a band formed by emcee and actor mos def, pays homage to jack johnson. the “black” in the group’s name distinguishes it from indi-rock artist jack johnson. the band is a hodgepodge of african american musicians. the band consists of will calhoun of living colour (drums, percussion), doug wimbush of living colour (bass), dr. know of bad brains (lead guitar) and bernie worrell of p-funk (keys). even though the band is heavily influence by rock aesthetics, it is sonically and thematically grounded in hip hop. jack johnson’s contribution to hip hop aesthetics rests on his creation and utilization of public discourse. johnson challenged white authority. he played into certain prominent stereotypes and transcended them. johnson’s attitude and his candid public discourse created conceptual space within the context of the badman trope. jack johnson’s performance of bad provides the aesthetic constituents of hip hop aesthetics. as with muhammad ali, professional boxing iconography has appeared prominently in african american popular culture. jack johnson and later muhammad ali were partially responsible for boxing’s appeal in the african american community and within hip hop. (illustration . ) jack johnson muhammad ali muhammad ali’s public narrative and historical biography is the precursor for the hip hop emcee. ali serves as an icon and archetype for hip hop aesthetics. as a heroic popular culture figure, ali laid a discursive, ideological and aesthetic template for hip hop narratives. his eloquent articulation of black masculinity and public candor built upon previous narratives of iconic figures such as joe louis and jack johnson. nonetheless, muhammad ali represented a new type of iconic figure. ali represented a convergence of black power sentiment, soul aesthetics, and an emerging post modern, media-driven american pop culture aesthetic. muhammad ali’s aesthetic contribution to hip hop aesthetics has been well-documented. his use of rap as a poetic, rhetorical device was unprecedented. ali was voluble and principled. he was a master of lingual (and kinesthetic) rhythm and rhyming couplet. his appeal as a hip hop icon is grounded in his reappropriation of the english language and american public discursive space. ali’s aesthetic styling aside, what is the significance of muhammad ali as a pre-hip hop icon? muhammad ali’s notoriety in the white media was matched only by its intrigue and interest in him. he was always willing to express himself candidly in the media, and the popular media indulged ali’s willingness to speak freely. far from a caricature, ali was clearly an african american icon, but unlike african american sports icons before him such as jackie robinson, willie mays, hank aaron, and arthur ashe, he was not as marketable to mainstream (i.e. white) america. ali was a complex and introspective figure. similar to miles davis, ali was simultaneously a (pugilistic) genius, a cultural enigma, an alluring sex symbol, a valuable commodity, and a menace, all within the context of america’s most pronounced capitulation of white, american masculinity: american heavyweight boxing. race and the politics of the black male body intersected at the core of the american boxing tradition. ali offered radical critiques of the american political system, yet he enjoyed the financial rewards of his american celebrity. ali represented a new type of african american icon. his celebrity was an outgrowth of his outspokenness as a black nationalist political figure. his embrace of black nationalist politics is at the core of his acceptance as a pre-hip hop icon. besides ali’s overall ideological and creative influence on hip hop aesthetics, muhammad ali (or his christian name cassius clay) is explicitly referenced in numerous hip hop narratives. ali is referenced more than any other pre-hip hop sports icon. cassius clay and muhammad ali are utilized interchangeably. the failure to delineate between cassius clay and his more ideologically radical muhammed ali identity is evidence of the ambivalence toward overt politics within hip hop aesthetics. nonetheless, ali’s aesthetic qualities are retained. l.l. cool j references ali, utilizing a third-person narrative to chronicle his return to emceeing on his commercial hit “mama said knock you out” ( ): don't u call this a regular jam i'm gonna rock this land i'm gonna take this itty bitty world by storm and i'm just gettin warm just like muhummad ali they called him cassius the genius from wu-tang clan references the famous muhammad ali/joe frazier boxing match, which took place in quezan city in the philippines. the matched was dubbed the thriller in manila. don king, hyperbolic and marketing genius was on full display for the event. on “wu-tang: th chamber - part ” ( ), the genius appropriates the poetic language of the boxing match’s moniker to create a grandiose, super heroic narrative: my clan is thick like plaster bust ya, slash ya slit a nigga back like a dutch master killer style jumped off and killa, hill-er i was the thriller in the ali-frazier manila i came down with phat tracks that combine and interlock like getting smashed by a cinder block the genius’ ali reference links his narrative to the badman trope. the genius samples ali’s badman persona; but, he also reappropriates the popular media frenzy that surrounded the match. hence, ali’s pop culture value as a badman and icon subsumes his religious awakening and his radical politicism. here, ali’s religion and politics are eschewed as ruck from helter skelter implores cassius in “leflah leflour eshkoshka” ( ), a farcical collaboration with the originoo gun clappaz.. ruck appropriates a pre-black muslim muhammed ali—cassius clay—as a vehicle to illustrate his badman persona: i control the masses, wit metaphors that’s massive don't ask if the nigga ruckest bash shit like cassius i'm drastic, when it comes to verbs i be flippin cuz herbs jus be shittin off the words i be kickin i scold you, double headed swords for the petty but i told you, bitch niggaz that headz aint ready now i mold you, back to the bitch that you are fuckin wit the ruckest get bruised, battered and scarred again, muhammed ali is utilized as an extension of the badman trope within hip hop aesthetics. his creative influence on hip hop has been well-established. however, ali’s attitude and candid rhetorical approach in popular media have also greatly influenced hip hop aesthetics. hip hop has reappropriated ali, focusing less on his religious and civil rights narrative and more on his radical posturing in the public domain and his physical prowess. muhammad ali’s style, attitude and swagger trump the political and religious portions of his narrative within hip hop aesthetics. ali’s style was embodied in his poetic use of language, his theatrical approach to public space, and his use of hyperbole. hip hop aesthetics have built upon ali as an archetypal model, reconfiguring ali’s narratives in such a way that make such a way that they make sense within the post-modern, post- civil rights mass media landscape. i provide a mere sampling of references to muhammad ali to illustrate his prominence and functionality as a hip hop icon. (illustration . ) ali vs. superman, dc comic malcolm x malcolm x—perhaps more than any other pre-hip hop icon—has been embraced by the hip hop community. his influence is polemical, discursive, ideological, existential, and aesthetic. the impact of popular media on the profundity of the selection of malcolm x as a hip hop icon cannot be understated. spike lee’s x and alex’s haley’s autobiography of malcolm x, for example, have both contributed to the accessibility of malcolm x’s historical narrative. however, his significance as a hip hop icon is much more complicated. malcolm x as hip hop icon represents cathartic transcendence and redemption. as with many hip hop icons, malcolm x was targeted by white america as an enemy of the state. furthermore, many parallels can be made between malcolm x’s struggle to overcome the pitfalls of an urban, oppressive environment and the struggle that many hip hop generationers face in a post industrial environment. robin d.g. kelley, correctly posits, “for if we look deep into the interstices of the postindustrial city, we are bound to find millions of malcolm littles, male and female, whose social locations have allowed them to demystify aspects of the hegemonic ideology while reinforcing their ties to it” (kelley race rebels ). malcolm x’s catharsis from drug dealer and pimp to righteous muslim resonates with poor african american men. malcolm’s unflinching and outspoken stance toward white supremacy within the public sphere is also appealing to hip hop. moreover, the hip hop community tends to focus on malcolm’s more militant narratives: what malcolm’s narrative shows us (unintentionally, at least) is the capacity of cultural politics, particularly for african american urban working-class youth, to both contest dominant meanings ascribed to their experiences and seize spaces for leisure, pleasure, and recuperation…whatever academicians and self-styled nationalist intellectuals might think about malcolm little’s teenage years, the youth today, particularly the hip hop community, are reluctant to separate the hipster from the minister. (kelley, race rebels, ) the hip hop community’s propensity toward non-judgment pushes the hip hop community to parse out the redemptive qualities of a particular historical figure, despite their shortcomings. in fact, malcolm’s evolution from street gangster to religious leader is a major part of malcolm’s appeal within hip hop. in other words, malcolm x is embraced within the hip hop community because of his fallibility as a working class african american man. griffin links the hip hop community’s embrace of malcolm x to the african american historical legacy of racial uplift politics: it is quite significant that x’s role of ancestor is most evident in black popular culture, because it is this very culture that served as “safe” space” for him during homie days…the malcolm who denies the resistant capacities of black popular culture is the same malcolm who is resurrected in the most influential form of that culture, film and rap music. many of the rap artists who resurrect him would claim that by so doing, they are indeed acting in resistance to black oppression. (griffin ) though the adoption of malcolm x as an icon within hip hop is connected to african american struggle and resistance, the utilization of malcolm x as an icon is also an aesthetic imperative within hip hop. hip hop icon krs-one offers perhaps the most well-known reference to malcolm x. the cover photograph for by all means necessary ( ) features an image of krs-one peering out of a window with an uzi gripped firmly in one hand. the photo was a sample of the famous photo of malcolm x vigilantly peeking out of a window in his east elmhurst home. what did malcolm’s photo symbolize? why did krs-one choose this particular image of malcolm? surely, malcolm x’s “by any means necessary” speech was an aesthetic influence. nonetheless, the fact that malcolm x advocated armed self-defense as a means to protect one’s family, home and principles—particularly in light of the murder of his dj scott la rock—was the ideological and theoretical impetus of krs-one’s sampling of malcolm x. (illustration . ) krs-one by all means album cover (illustration . ) malcolm x on styles p’s “cause i’m black” from his super gangster album, black thought references the historical malcolm x. he links his intellectual and philosophical mindset to malcolm’s, “take one step forward and do the moonwalk back/give me the peace prize like al gore/i got a mind like malcolm x/how bout yours?” on the same track styles reiterates his ideological affiliation with malcolm x. malcolm x is elevated to martyrdom. styles’ reference to malcolm x and martin luther king and links him to african american struggle: “too black to not dream like martin did/die like malcolm or martin to be part of it/came from the ghetto/you know the heart of it/we just wanna finish it we ain’t even started it”. interestingly, styles p juxtaposes martin luther king and malcolm x. nas channels malcolm x on “project window” featuring ron isley from nastradamus: stack loot and guns, teach the girls karate, school your sons not to hate but to stay awake, cus the scars a razor make is nothin' in comparison to the gas left on this whole mass, if we don't get it controlled fast might as well be, laughin' with malcolm x's assassin as we die slow on’ “halftime”, nas takes a more light-hearted approach to the allegorical malcolm x figure, employing satire as a vehicle to signify malcolm x: before a blunt, i take out my fronts then i start to front, matter of fact, i be on a manhunt you couldn't catch me in the streets without a ton of reefer that's like malcolm x, catchin’ the jungle fever nas uses cheech and chongesque humor and the malcolm x figure as a platform to discuss interracial dating. moreover, black nationalist ideology, and the nation of islam specifically, had a major influence on hip hop aesthetics. the nation of islam’s influence on hip hop aesthetics is evidenced in hip hop’s adoption of noi figures as icons such as malcolm x and muhammad ali. ice cube and public enemy have also utilized nation of islam imagery in their music and videos. similar to ali, hip hop aesthetics have appropriated certain portions of malcolm x’s biography. hip hop aesthetics, as evidenced in the cited references to malcolm x, activate x’s advocacy of armed self- defense and his transcendence of the urban, working-class environment. within hip hop aesthetics, the religious portion of malcolm x’s biography is secondary to his personification of a self-determined black man. . richard pryor richard pryor’s influence on hip hop aesthetics is profound. his impact on american and african american popular culture is far-reaching. african american comedic texts have influenced hip hop aesthetics, yet pryor’s influence on hip hop aesthetics and his artistic genius transcends the american comedic tradition. pryor’s influence on hip hop culture is linguistic, philosophical and aesthetic. when hip hop emerged in the early s, richard pryor’s albums were staples in many african american record collections. linguistically, his extensive use of the term “nigger” desensitized the hip hop generation to the term. not only did pryor’s use of nigger expand on earlier uses of the term within the african american oral tradition, it provided a discursive outlet and artistic license for hip hop aesthetics. pryor’s candid nihilism, his acute awareness of african american socio-political realities, his personal issues with drugs, his use of tragic realism and humor, and his self-critical, autobiographical approach are responsible for his appeal as hip hop icon. boyd identifies pryor’s candid, and often profane expression, as a foundation for hip hop aesthetics: [pryor’s] “i don’t give a fuck” attitude was certainly a precursor to and for the hip hop generation that grew up in his shadow…so many of them decided that instead of destroying themselves, they would turn this same attitude of supreme indifference into a weapon against their detractors and use this distinct form of cultural identity as a visible force. (boyd ) richard pryor’s comedic narrative was poignantly autobiographical. his brand of stark, tragic, comedic realism ushered in a new conceptual/discursive space for articulating african american male angst and nihilism. he openly discussed themes such as drug use, domestic violence, and sexuality. richard pryor as hip hop icon is an extension of the badman archetype. nonetheless, hip hop appropriates pryor within a much larger socio-cultural context. during the late s and early s, as america became an increasingly “sexualized society,” we witnessed an explosion of recorded sexually explicit comedy routines by black comics like rudy ray moore, redd foxx, and richard pryor, as well as the publication and popularization of so-called genuine “pimp narratives.” the pimp, not just any “baaadman,” became an emblematic figure of the period, elevated to the status of hero and invoked by hollywood as well as in writings of black nationalist militants like h. rap brown, elderidge cleaver, bobby seal and huey p. newton. (kelley, race rebels, ) pryor’s portrayal of african american folk life, or “the folk,” in the popular media chartered new thematic terrain. pryor’s sexual candor and his use of profane language brought african american socio-cultural “secrets” to the masses. black comedians of s and s such as richard pryor helped to reify the pimp as an african american archetype, pryor’s influence, though, is much more complex. (illustration . ) richard pryor (illustration . ) richard pryor (illustration . ) richard pryor the release of pryor’s craps ( ) and that nigga’s crazy ( ) signaled a shift in pryor’s approach to comedy, which reflected cultural reverberations of the late s and s: pryor had a decent career as a clean-cut joke-telling bill cosby-type of comedian, a fake persona that led him to an on-stage nervous breakdown. the civil rights and free speech movements radically affected his way of thinking, speaking and style of comedic presentation and after several years of dwelling in the underground fringes, he re-emerged on the comedy scene as streetwise, truthful storyteller. pryor would now discuss whatever was on his mind – religion, politics, sex, racism – everything you weren’t supposed to talk about in public. where he used to perform impressions of celebrities he now performed impressions of people he knew from his childhood, many of whom were pimps and whores, thieves and junkies. but he gave them all a clear humanity, and they all seemed like people we might know. (french) hip hop producer and icon dj premier sampled richard pryor on gang starr’s “alongwaytogo” from their hard to earn album. erykah badu samples pryor on “the grind” featuring dead prez. quinn cites blue comedians such as pryor as major influences on producer dr. dre’s aesthetic. on “niffaz life”: the inspiration that dre drew from moore (and blowfly, richard pryor, redd foxx) sprang from the blue comedian’s vulgar, underground status. it encapsulated the non-legitimacy and working-class identification of bad lore. the badman as emblem of poor black insurgency, deliberate vulgarity, and violent alienation, willfully rebutted ideas of black gentility and assimilationist aspiration. (quinn, ) overall, richard pryor’s influence on hip hop aesthetics is rooted in his use of tragic realism. pryor incorporated working-class, african america themes, characters, and language into his performance. his work was auto-biographical. pryor channeled his personal pain into his performance and transformed it into graphic comedic narratives. his work was commercially-viable across racial boundaries and culturally-relevant. pryor affirmed the notion that an african american artist could be true to his art and become commercially successful. hip hop aesthetics have appropriated pryorian approaches to subject matter, extending his use of the term “nigger” as well as his candid treatment of urban, black life. super hero iconography and hip hop aesthetics african american icons and archetypes such muhammad ali, richard pryor and the badman trope provide the socio-cultural and historical foundation of hip hop aesthetics. comic book superheroes add an additional layer of contextual meaning to hip hop iconography. comic book aesthetics have had a far-reaching effect on hip-hop culture and aesthetics. the influence of comic book superheroes is seen in not only graffiti, but also b-boying, emceeing, and djing. though the explicit influence of comic book culture has waned, the hip-hop idiom continues to embrace superhero aesthetics. as hip hop evolved it began to embrace anti-heroes. kool herc, grandmaster flash (the flash) , kool keith, the fantastic four, funky four plus one are all examples of the influence of comic culture on hip hop aesthetics. hip hop’s affinity for superheroes is linked to its american and african american cultural heritage. however, dual-identities—for example, the villain, the bad man, and the super hero/superheroine—as interpreted through the lense of hip hop aesthetics draw heavily from heroic narratives. in fact, comic book superheroes and supervillains are hip hop’s first iconographic selections. superhero narratives are borrowed from american popular culture. heroic narratives act as important social modalities of expression within hip hop aesthetics. coogan positions the superhero archetype within the framework of a larger socio-cultural context: in the case of the superhero, one of the cultural conflicts the genre animates and resolves the problem of binding adolescent males to the larger community. hero stories traditionally have fulfilled this function by narrating the adventures of young men who learn to apply their strength to benefit their social group. ( ) in the absence of traditional societal rituals that bond young men, the escapism of comic book superheroes, via hip hop, serves to supplant this process. hip hop culture emerged in the early s, its aesthetic constituents crystallizing by . during the s and s, representations of african american males within the popular sphere were decidedly one-dimensional. during the s, heroic african american male narratives were largely absent in popular media. the embrace of comic book culture in general and the superhero in particular is an aesthetic attempt at transcending the post-industrial landscape, more specifically the criminalization of working class african american men. although hip hop’s embrace of comic book superheroes represents trends in american popular culture in general, the ways in which hip hop aesthetics employ superhero narratives is unique. comic book superheroes, in the tradition of american heroic mythology and folklore that precedes them, serve as a receptacle and embodiment of american masculinity. jeffrey brown adds an additional layer of meaning to the reading of comic book superhero mythology. he asserts that black masculinity parallels comic book conventions: with its reliance on duality and performative masquerade, the popular image of black masculinity seems to parallel comic book conventions of masculinity. clearly superhero comics are one of our culture’s clearest illustrations of hypermasculinity and male duality premised on the fear of the unmasculine other. (brown ) within the context of mass-mediated american popular culture, out of which hip hop emerges, the implications of superhero narratives are far-reaching. brown cites the creation of milestone comics as an important aesthetic marker of the evolution of the black superhero. brown also notes that milestone represents, ironically, a turning away from previous conceptualizations of african american superheroes, which were heavily influenced by blaxploitation era stereotypes: prior to the emergence of milestone [comics], the dominating image of the black superheroism was the often embarrassing image of characters inspired by the brief popularity of blaxploitation films in the mid- s. such comic book heroes as luke cage, black panther, black lightning, and black goliath emerged during the blaxploitation era and were often characterized in their origins, costumes, street language, anti-establishment attitudes as more overtly macho than their white-bread counterparts. ( ) superhero narratives, via comic books, cartoons and other popular media, greatly influenced hip hop aesthetics between the s and the early s. newark, new jersey emcee redman, who utilizes dual-identity and the superhero narratives, explains the significance of early superhero-influenced identities in hp hop. when asked what advice he would give to an aspiring emcee, he advises a return to superheroic identity constructions: but the first couple of mother f***ers that retract and start becoming superheroes again, and what i mean by superheroes is what i mean by names you can remember for the longest like salt 'n' peppa, big daddy kane, biz markie, rakim, ll cool j…the legends. see those are superhero names. even when it came to the next generation up, like then when it came to ' and ' it was like with wu-tang, redman, busta rhymes, keith murray. those are big—those are superhero names…like redman. those are big superhero names right now. see now you got names like—everybody name is like what's going on now, like, every name is "lil", and it's cool because that's the trend and i love it because if i was young i probably would have been like, "yo, all right, well my name is lil' this, young this, whatever," it don't matter. and i love it because it's providing jobs. (winnington) redman reiterates the importance of superhero iconography within hip hop aesthetics. he acknowledges the superhero tradition within hip hop aesthetics. however, he is fully aware that hip hop aesthetics have shifted away superhero-influenced identities and narratives. (illustration . ) spiderman graffiti, n. philadelphia the characteristics of superhero mythology partially account for its viability and functionality within hip hop aethetics. according to coogan, there are three ‘primary conventions or definitional characteristics of the superhero: mission, power and identity. the appeal of superhero narratives hinges upon two main components. hip hop aesthetics utilize superhero narratives to: ) work out identity politics, through artistic expression, in a post-modern environment; and ) as a rhetorical and linguistic tool used to creatively, and allegorically, transcend the post-industrial environment. i examine superheroes and their link to super heroic narratives within hip hop aesthetics. coogan declares that “superpowers are one of the most identifiable elements of the superhero genre” ( ). references to superheroes are abundant within hip hop discourses; so much so that the superhero (and supervillain) has become foundational components of hip hop aesthetics. the b-boy and b-girl, by definition, possess superhuman abilities. whether the b-boy is a dancer, emcee, dj, scholar, or graffiti artist, the expectation is that the individual be highly-skilled. it is inferred that the b-boy’s abilities are otherworldly, transcending time, space, and convention, while overcoming socio-economic and technological constraints. moreover, comic book superhero references are present in every element of hip hop culture including graffiti and djing (see illustration . ). by the late s, the influence of comic book superheroes began to wane within hip hop aesthetics. as hip hop narratives shifted even more toward tragic realism in during the early s, there was a decrease in the influence of superhero iconography within hip hop aesthetics. nonetheless, the superhero and super villain—or more accurately the notion of superhuman powers/skills---was still an important aspect of hip hop aesthetics. brooklyn-based emcee jeru the damaja sampled directly from superhero iconography through the construction of his alter-ego jeru the damaja as well as lyrically. on “you can’t stop the prophet,” jeru the damaja embodies the persona of african american superhero prophet. prophet was created by stephen platt and debuted on october , , jeru intermingles superhero iconography with inner-city imagery and esoteric religious references: i, leap over lies in a single bound (who are you?) the black prophet one day i got struck by knowledge of self it gave me super-scientifical powers now i, run through the ghetto battlin my, arch nemesis mr. ignorance jay-z illustrates the centrality of superhuman abilities and post modern mythology within hip hop aesthetics. on “hovi baby” ( ), he establishes his narrative within the context of the invincibility of roc-a-fella records. on the chorus, he introduces the listener to the surreal world of his alter-ego, j.hova, “can't touch the untouchable, break the unbreakable/shake the unshakeable (it's hovi baby)/can't see the unseeable, reach the unreachable/do the impossible (it's hovi baby)”: so i got the whole rap world on my shoulder they tryin to see further than i am.. (than i am..) and i have been tryin to be patient with they preoccupation with david and goliath.. (goliath..) but sooner or later, that patience gonna run it's course and i'm forced to be a tyrant.. (be a tyrant..) but bein tyrant, comin through your environment iron mask, nigga iron gas, nigga i am back superhuman abilities are central to hip hop narratives. superman, the penultimate american superhero, serves as a common trope in hip hop narratives. superhero iconography and symbolism are prominent in hip hop narratives. on “kingdom come” from jay-z’s black album ( ), jay-z intermingles s drug tales and the superman persona: sellin blow in the park, this i know in my heart now i'm so enlightened i might glow in the dark i been up in the office you might know him as clark but, just when you thought the whole world fell apart i - take off the blazer loosen up the tie step inside the booth superman is alive jay-z appropriates the superman/clark kent persona as a metaphor for his superhuman lyrical ability. the recording booth serves as a metaphor for the telephone booth in the superman narrative. for jay-z, the recording booth is symbolic of the transformative power of hip hop music. whereas a telephone booth—a representation of the intrinsic link between technology and superpowers in superman narratives—served as the conduit for clark kent’s transformation into a superhero (superman), jay-z supplants the recording booth as a pathway to superhero emceeing ability, and—in turn, a new, hip hop identity. he takes the superman analogy further in “kingdom come” proclaiming that he is “not only n.y.c. i'm hip hop's savior”. when jay-z announced his retirement as a hip hop artist became of def jam records in , he became a full-fledged corporate executive. in “kingdom come”, jay-z also employs clark kent, superman’s alter-ego, to illustrate his diversity as artist and businessman. another component of the identity convention within the superhero genre that is pertinent to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics is the use of a codename. though the codename “clearly marks the superhero as different from his predecessors, the heroic identities of these characters do not firmly externalize either their alter ego’s character or biography” ( ). the superhero and super villain’s biography (or past) is crucial to his/her identity. the codename or alter ego is a fundamental aspect of hip hop aesthetics. codenames are integral to every element of hip hop culture. nonetheless, one’s biography is the foundation of the alter-ego in hip hop aesthetics. the emergence of cent marks a shift in superhero and gangsta iconography and iconology within hip hop. cent’s reappropriation of notorious s brooklyn stick- up kid kelvin “ cent” martin, which was personified in his debut single “how to rob”, and his being shot numerous times and surviving collectively led to his superhuman yet realist narratives. moreover, on “what up gangsta” from his debut album get rich or die tryin, cent references then rejects superman as icon, “i walk around like i got a s on my chest/naw, that’s a semi-auto/ and a vest on my chest.” as noted, cent appropriates, engages, then rejects superman iconography and supplants it with gangsta symbolism and post industrial realism. cent clearly targets a hardcore, gangsta demographic, yet, his articulation of gangsta sensibilities is anchored in superhero mythology and an acute business acumen. on “what up gangsta” cent intermingles superman iconography, “gangstas, they bump my shit/ then they know me/i grew up around some niggaz that's not my homies/ hundred g's i stash it (what) the mack i blast it (yeah).” here, superhero mythology is trumped by gangsta iconography and ethos. in opposition to the superhero, there is the supervillain. within hip hop aesthetics, the strict binary between bad/good dissolve when filtered through african american folk cultural traditions—namely the blues and the badman trope. hip hop does not adopt superhero narratives uncritically. hip hop reconciles the philosophical tension between good/bad aesthetically, drawing upon the african american badman trope. the badman in hip hop is serves as a “reconstituted trickster” (cobb ). yet, cobb declares that the trickster in hip hop is a secondary figure, the thug icon being the primary figure within hip hop ( ). the trickster is secondary in hip hop; in this arena the boulevard ‘hood—at least since the inception of topic’s ghetto ontology “thug life”—has reigned supreme. and the lauded thug icon is nothing if not the remix version of the blues’ bad nigger archetype. whereas the bead nigger and the trickster exists as parallel types in the blues, the thug alone has become the patron deity of hip hop. ( ) first, cobb overstates the significance of the thug icon. artists such as common, kanye west, and lupe fiasco are the antithesis of the thug archetype. even self-proclaimed thugs such as nas, styles p and tupac attempt to reconcile the thug persona with more progressive conceptualizations of black male identity. on nas’s “made you look”, he iterates that women should make sure their mate is “a thug but intelligent too”, signaling the recognition that street-knowledge is essential to post-industrial survival. however, nas problematizes the archetypal thug, advocating rational, etiquette and systematic thinking as well as thug qualities. unfortunately, cobb’s emphasis on the thug icon fails to track trends in american popular culture and media in general that have impacted shifts in hip hop iconography. the super villain too, then, can be viewed as an extension of the badman trope as it is reinterpreted through hip hop aesthetics. within hip hop aesthetics the badman and supervillain are often conflated. nonetheless, the supervillain—as with the superhero—is a reflection of the society that he emerges from: “[the supervillain] represents an inversion of [societal] values. but more than that a supervillain has the ability to enact that inversion, to bring the normal activities of a society to a halt and force a hero to arise to defend those virtues” (coogan ). the supervillain exists alongside blaxploitation and black nationalist representations of african american men in the late s. gangsta iconography has been present in hip hop culture since its inception. although n.w.a. elevated tragic realism to the forefront of hip hop narratives--which tapped into the badman trope, blues sensibilities and popularized the use of gangsta aesthetics in hip hop narratives, it was not until the early that gangsta iconography was cemented within hip hop aesthetics. by the late s, there was a decline in superhero narratives within hip hop discourse and an increase in gangsta iconography. by , hip hop aesthetics were firmly enmeshed in gangsta iconography. groups like cnn (capone and noreaga), tupac’s outlaws—featuring khadafi, fatal hussien, mussolini—, scarface, irv gotti, et al, represent a full embrace of gangsta aesthetics within hip hop. on “respiration” black star and common simultaneously engage and reject the superhero narrative. they utilize the post-industrial and the post-modern landscape as a backdrop for a reconceptualiztion of superhero iconography within hip hop: skyscrapers is colossus, the cost of living is preposterous, stay alive, you play or die, no options no batman and robin, can't tell between the cops and the robbers, they both partners, they all heartless with no conscience, back streets stay darkened where unbeliever hearts stay hardened because hip hop emerges as counter culture, the supervillain as social agent or critic is important to hip hop aesthetics. artists such as big pun (punisher), mf doom, and ghostface (iron man, tony starks) borrow heavily from supervillain narratives. of the five types of supervillain coogan identifies, the mad scientist (the lab), the criminal mastermind, and the inverted-superhero are most common in hip hop narratives ( ). furthermore, “many supervillains suffer a wound—typically psychological and emotional but often with a physical component—that shapes their lives and which they are unable to recover from” ( ). the permanent wound, whether physical or psychological, is a characteristic of the supervillain that appeals to hip hop aesthetics. within hip hop aesthetics, the supervillain’s wound serves as a creative backdrop, providing allegorical-meaning within a post-modern, post-industrial context. supervillains often have superiority complexes that originate from childhood. such childhood experiences leave the supervillain emotionally scarred: [the supervillain] creates a superiority complex that most often emerges as a defense mechanism to make up for feelings of inferiority and inadequacy that arose from maltreatment received when he was younger, often in childhood, that made him feel inferior—they are defective physically or socially (or both) and are only superior mentally they are, as therapists say, in love with the story of their wound, unable to get past whatever happened in their past and turn their energies toward healing or redemptive therapy. ( ) the psychological, economic and sociological effects of institutionalized racism and white supremacy upon african americans is well-documented. historically, then, it is not difficult to see the symbolic parallels between african american experiences and the wounded supervillain. the bad man trope informs hip hop’s embrace of the supervillain. however, the supervillain’s appeal in hip hop is linked to the supervillain’s superior— albeit criminal—mind. criminal behavior is another characteristic of the supervillain that is embedded in hip hop discourse. the supervillain approaches crime artistically, linking the supervillain, aesthetically, to hip hop. for the supervillain, “crime is a theatrical art, with actors, audience, and performance and it can be appreciated aesthetically. the criminal, the supervillain is the impresario who puts on a show for the world that is far superior to the pecuniary plunderings of ordinary bad guys” (coogan ). (illustration . ) punisher (illustration . ) the hulk and david banner (illustration . ) superman things done changed on this side: tracking shifts in hip hop iconography from comic book superhero iconography to gangsta icons and archetypes the shift from comic book superhero iconography to gangsta iconography began in (schooly d, krs-one, hip-hop iconography shifted from fantasy (super heroes) to realism (scarface). n.w.a is usually credited with the monumental shift in hip-hop aesthetics toward so-called gangsta rap. however, the shift toward gangsta iconography was solidified in the early s. the gangsta archetype—though present before the late s within african american culture—was refashioned and reinterpreted within hip- hop culture. crack cocaine, the growth of the prison industrial complex, and the proliferation and promotion of violent imagery in popular culture all aided in the prominence of the gangsta archetype in hip-hop. dimitriadis discusses the importance of the gangsta archetype in american culture: the violent outlaw, living his life outside of the dominant cultural constraints, solving his problems through power and domination, is a character-type with roots deep in american popular lore. indeed, the gangster holds a very special place in the american popular imagination. he embodies such capitalist values as rugged individualism, rampant materialism, strength through physical force. ( ) the outlaw and badman are prominent archetypes within american and african- american culture. i am concerned with the transference of these two archetypes to hip hop aesthetics. historically, what has been the appeal of these archetypes, particularly for black men? what does the wholesale or parcel adoption of gangsta archetypes say about both american idealism and black masculinity within hip hop? hip-hop… the gangsta aesthetic has been a part of the hip-hop idiom since its beginning. in wild style ( ), the seminal hip hop film by charlie ahearn, double trouble can be observed toting what appears to be fake machine guns on stage in the final scene. however, gangster motifs and iconography were not as prominent as they would become in the s. krs-one, a hip-hop archetype and icon, represents the convergence of the gangsta aesthetic and hip-hop’s more progressive components. bdp’s first album, criminal minded ( ), is a good example of the struggle between black nationalist iconography and gangsta aesthetics in hip hop. the post-industrial landscape and all its ills is a recurring theme throughout this album. scott la rock, krs-one’s dj, was fatally shot august , . this marked a shift in krs-one’s aesthetic impetus, evidence of the cathartic aspects of hip-hop. it also served to bridge the aesthetic gap between naturalism and realism in hip-hop. la rock’s death was a grim reminder that recognition as a hip-hop artist did not necessarily offer a buffer from one’s socioeconomic reality. krs-one’s next album by all means necessary ( ) drew heavily from black nationalist iconography and imagery, specifically malcolm x. the album was lyrically- advanced, catapulting krs-one to icon status and had a major impact on hip-hop aesthetics. many of the new hip-hop archetypes and icons represent a convergence of previous african-american and american archetypes and iconography. many socioeconomic and cultural factors were responsible for the creation of new archetypes within the hip-hop idiom. i identify several new archetypes and icons within hip-hop and discuss their significance. new(er) hip hop icons and archetypes not only have hip hop’s icons changed since its inception in the early s, hip-hop archetypes have also reflected shifts in american culture. several archetypes have emerged within hip hop. most build upon previous african american and american stereotypes and archetypes. the video vixen, for example, is unique as a hip hop archetype in that it relies primarily in popular media (i.e. video, magazines, etc.). the video vixen is a post modern construction. i do not project an aesthetic or cultural assessment onto hip hop’s archetypal models, but rather i explore the influences and origins of prominent hip hop archetypes within hip hop aesthetics. contemporary hip hop archetypes reveal much about the socioeconomic and cultural realities of the hip hop generation. stated differently, many hip hop archetypes were created in response to real experiences in working-class, post-industrial america. what is the socio-cultural significance of the emergence of these new hip hop archetypes? keyes identifies four distinct categories of women rappers emerge in rap music performance: “queen mother” “fly girl” “sista with attitude” and “lesbian” (keyes, ). though keyes’ categories inform the female archetypes, my analysis extends beyond women emcees. i focus on archetypes that appear consistently in hip hop narratives and discourse. the video vixen is the by-product of video mediation in hip hop. the video vixen is a voluptuous, often scantily clad woman, who resembles the female groupie stereotype. however, whereas the traditional groupie was only interested in having sex with famous figures, the video vixen uses her body to attain material gain. the publication of karrine steffens’ confessions of a video vixen solidified the video vixen as a hip hop archetype. stephens tell-all book chronicled her sexual escapades with hip hop artists. steffens’ entrée to celebrity was the result of her being cast in numerous hip hop videos. unlike the groupie, stephens sought to capitalize on her sexual trysts to acquire financial gain. various hip hop media outlets, such as king, the source and xxl aid in the proliferation of the video vixen, offering features dedicated to video models. the gold digger archetype emerged during the s crack era. the gold digger archetype emerged as the result of surplus illicit revenue from the crack era economy. she is portrayed as a money-hungry temptress. the gold digger archetype emerges out of african american urban, post-industrial male paranoia, emanating from a distrust and fear of african american women’s hyper-consumption and materialism the gold digger is always female, and, like the stick-up kid archetype, is unwilling—not unable—to support herself financially. the gold digger archetype is often closely associated with another female ante type, the ho. the “ho” ante type is connected to previous african- american narratives which reflected pimp dialect and discourse. pimp culture has undoubtedly influenced hip-hop aesthetics. the pimp/ho dichotomy is often used allegorically to represent capitalism in america and the reality that there are clear economic winners and losers. it is a critique and admission of (unbalanced) power constructs in america. it is an african american trope that critiques and accepts capitalist exploitation. though the gold-digger and ho archetype reflect patriarchal and misogynistic tendencies within hip hop, the gold digger--in particular—is a critique of materialistic women with ulterior motives. many female hip hop archetypes and icons are recycled from s blaxploitation era cultural production. the african american women characters portrayed in popular media during this era of black popular culture were created in axiological opposition to male heroic figures of the time. pam grier, for example, “established a template for a new kind of “black bitch” ‘(black sexual politics, ) movies such as foxy brown reinforced such imagery: during the early s, when films such as shaft and superfly presented african american women as sexual props for the exploits of black male heroes, pam grier’s films signaled the arrival of a new kind of “bitch.” as a “black bitch,” grier’s performances combined beauty, sexuality, and violence. for example, in sheba, baby ( ), grier is routinely called a “bitch” by the bad guys, a derisive appellation that does not seem to phase her. in other places in the same film when she is called a “bitch” the term seems to signal admiration. she becomes a “bad bitch” (e.g., a good black woman), when she puts her looks, sexuality, intellect, and/or aggression in service to african american communities. (collins, black sexual politics, ). both pam grier as pop icon and pam grier as the “bad bitch” portrayed in blaxploitation films have been reappropriated by hip hop. female emcee foxy brown, born inga marchand, borrows heavily from grierian narratives and imagery. foxy brown’s hip hop narratives are propelled by gangsta aesthetics. brown’s frequent run-ins with the law have added street credibility to her hip hop persona. moreover, an examination of pam grier as hip hop icon and archetype sheds light on hip hop’s position as part of an african american pop culture continuum. misogyny, though accentuated within hip hop narratives, is the cultural residue of previous strains of african american popular discourse. male emcees clearly delineate between the gold digger and “the queen” (i.e. a “respectable woman”). this is delineation is made across “gangsta” and “conscious” discourse. on jeru the damaja’s the sun rises in the east ( ) “the bitches”, which is a quasi-diatribe directed toward undignified black women, the damaja clearly discerns between the gold digger or “bitch” and a respectable black women i.e. a black queen: now a queen's a queen and a stunt is a stunt you can tell who's who by the things they want most chicks want minks, diamonds, a benz spend up all your ends probably fuck your friends high-post attitudes, real rude with fat asses think that the pussy is made out of gold try to control you by slidin' up and down on the wood they be givin' up sex for goods dealin' with bitches is the same old song they only want you 'til someone richer comes along don't get me wrong, strong black women i know who's who so due respect i'm givin' clearly, the damaja’s “bitch” is linked to amorality and economically-parasitic behavior. the damaja’s patriarchal critique of lasciviously materialistic black women lies in his juxtaposition of the bitch and the queen, pointing out that black queens are loyal, whereas a bitch/gold digger will suck the black man dry, spiritually and financially: while queens stand by you, and stick around bitches suck you dry and push you down so it's my duty to address this vampiress givin' the black man stress recognize what's real and not material or burn in hell, chasin' polo and guess, dumb bitches hip hop’s fixation on the black queen is on one hand linked to hip hop’s acceptance of black nationalist rhetoric and symbolism. clearly, the construction of the queen/bitch binary is problematic. it portrays women as simple, flat character props, stand-ins that often propel male hip hop narratives. the appearance of the queen archetype can be linked more directly to the native tongue and black watch movements (see x clan). female emcee queen latifah helped to solidify the queen archetype within hip hop. her debut album all hail the queen also aided in he proliferation of the queen archetype in hip hop discourse. queen latifah represented the righteous, afrocentically-tuned emcee. kanye west attempted to reconcile the tension between the gold digger and the progressive, successful black woman. on “gold digger” ( ) featuring jamie foxx, west makes a clear distinction between a gold digger and a woman who desires a man with means. on the hook, he repeats “i ain’t sayin she a gold digger, but she ain’t messin wit no broke niggaz…”. the gold digger and ho ante types exist in direct contrast to ”the queen” and “wifey”. kanye directs the majority of the first two verses to an archetypal, trifling woman: the archetypal gold digger: i know somebody payin child support for one of his kids his baby momma's car and crib is bigger than his you will see him on tv any given sunday win the superbowl and drive off in a hyundai she was spose to buy ya shorty tyco with ya money she went to the doctor got lypo with ya money on the second verse, kanye resolves the tension created through the gold digger archetype. he uses irony, satire to illustrate african american men’s abandonment of african american women once they are upwardly mobile: he gone make it into a benz out of that datsun he got that ambition baby look in his eyes this week he moppin floorz next week it's the fries so, stick by his side i know his dude's ballin but yea thats nice and they gone keep callin and tryin but you stay right girl but when you get on he leave yo a** for a white girl wifey is retention of the “traditional” black woman. the inherent tension between the ho/wife binary becomes more complicated in delineating between liberation and objectification. again, these archetypal models within hip hop are borrowed from previous african american stereotypes and archetypes, “the sexualized bitch constitutes a modern version of the jezebel, repackaged for contemporary mass media” (black sexual politics, ). the s saw the emergence to several new stereotypes and archetypes such as the uber-thug and pimp, the video vixen, the gangster, the pimp, the crack fiend mama, the player, and the baller. on one hand these figures represent a morphing of previous icons and archetypes. on the other hand these new archetypes represent shifting socio- economic trends within the african-american community. the new hip hop icons and archetypes also reflect trends in american popular culture. american film culture in particular has done much to reinforce and accelerate the development of many of the new archetypes and icons in hip-hop culture. the stick up kid is another new hip-hop archetype to emerge within hip-hop discourse. the stick-up kid archetype was established in the early phases of hip hop culture. the stick-up kid represents all that is negative in the underground street economy and within urban, street culture. greed, graft, betrayal, individualism, intimidation, and violence are all trademarks of the stick-up kid. the stick-up kid represents individuals who are unwilling to “work” for wealth, but merely want to strong-arm and rob individuals for material gain. the stick-up kid also reinforces the need for one to always keep one’s guard up in the african american community, particularly when one has reached a modicum success. the stick-up kid, literally and allegorically, is frequently referenced in hip-hop lyrics. the stick-up kid operates as a poignant signifier, an extension of the hater antitype. nas targets the stick-up kid in “n.y. state of mind” raps: got younger niggaz pullin their triggers bringing fame to they name and claim some corners, crews without guns are goners in broad daylight, stickup kids, they run up on us fo'-fives and gauges, macs in fact same niggaz'll catch a back to back, snatchin yo' cracks in black the stick-up kid archetype is a byproduct of the post-industrial crack economy. nas highlights the mendacity of urban violence, with the revelation the shootouts occur in “broad daylight”. wu-tang clan’s “c.r.e.a.m” inspectah deck utilizes the stick-up kid as a sublime signifier. for deck the stick-up kid represents the realities of “hood life”, visual imagery incorporated into deck’s poetic collage, “we got stick-up kids, corrupt cops and crackspots.” the stick-up kid typically targets drug dealers and other individuals involved in illicit activities. on “got my eyes on you” by styles featuring akon, the duo evokes the stick-up kid in the refrain: i got my eyes on you, and i’m posted on the corner with that thing on my side i got my eyes on you a message to the stick-up kids don’t even try. here, the stick-up kid is positioned as a signifier. the stick-up kid represents an individual that will steal and rob to attain material wealth and status. the stick-up kid is generally reviled, an outcast. members of the community, particularly those living a “street life”, must always remain vigilant of the stick-up kid. vigilantism is usually the option of choice for dealing with the stick-up kid in hip hop narratives, which speaks to the policing, or lack of policing/low conviction rate for violent offenses, within african american and latino communities. the stick-up kid archetype is the theme of mos def’s “got”. he does not identify the stick-up kid explicitly, because he does not have to. he assumes that the listener is already familiar with the stick-up kid archetype: cause while the goods glisten, certain eyes take position to observe your trick, and then catch that ass slippin' like, come on now ak, what you expect? got a month's paycheck danglin' off your neck and while you cristal sippin', they rubbin' up they mittens with heat in mint condition to start the getti-gettin' they clique starts creepin' like sandinistina guerrillas you screamin' playa haters, these niggas is playa killers mr. fash-ion, that style never last long the harder you flash, the harder you get flashed on mos refutes the notion that the stick-up kid is a hater. he explains that the hater preys on those that flaunt their riches. in the next verse, mos links the stick-up kid to a type of darwinism: there's hunger in the street that is hard to defeat many steal for sport, but more steal to eat cat's heavy at the weigh-in, and he's playin' for keeps don't sleep, they'll roll up in your passengers seat there is universal law, whether rich or poor some say life's a game, to more, life is war so put them egos to the side and get off them head-trips 'fore some cats pull out them heaters and make you head-less... mos def’s rendering of the stick-up kid is farcical, however, he does illuminate the centrality of the stick-up kid within hip hop culture. because self-defense is a major tenant of hip hop aesthetics, many hip hop narratives deal with the stick-up kid in a violent manner. that is homicide is justifiable within the context of the stick-up. it is inferred amongst hip hop generationers that one can resort to violence to protect one’s material interests. as stated, the stick-up kid archetype can be viewed as a hater. though there is overlap, the hater is a distinct hip hop archetype. the hater archetype is one of the most prominent archetypes in twenty-first century hip-hop aesthetic. the hater is referenced often in contemporary hip hop discourse. the hater can be either male or female. created in opposition to love, the hater is seen as a figure that attempts to curtail or derail an individual’s progress. an extension of the “crabs-in-a-barrel” trope so prominent in african american discourse, the hater expresses disdain, envy and jealousy toward an individual because of that individual’s status, success, or material possessions. the hater is distinct from the stick-up archetype. whereas the stick-up kid robs for material gain or street credibility, the hater hates, seemingly, for no reason. in other words, the hater's motivation is motivated by pure jealousy, envy, and is void of honor and respect. the spit character in beat street represents of the earliest poplar culture texts that utilized the hater archetype. spit is a b-boy, or b-boy wannabe. however, spit lacks the graffiti skills of his arch-nemesis, ramone, or ramo, is a master graffiti artist. spit’s identity remains unknown throughout most of the film. he is merely known by his graffiti tag, which is consistently scrawled across ramone’s elaborate graffiti “burners”. spit’s identity is revealed when ramone catches spit in the act, vandalizing his art. a chase ensues along the subway tracks, until ramone tackles spit. tragically, they both are electrocuted-to-death from the powerful current of the subway’s “third rail”. spit’s motivation for defacing ramone’s burners is never revealed, nonetheless, spit is one of the first representations of the hater in popular media. “all about the benjamins” from puff daddy’s no way out featured lil kim, the lox, and the notorious b.i.g. the song is an ode to capitalist individualism, opulence, and materialism. lil' kim introduces the hater in her verse, “take your pick, got a firearm you shoulda toted, suck a dick/all that bullshit you kick, playa hatin from the sideline, get your own shit, why you ridin mine? (uh-huh)”. the notorious b.i.g provides a tangential response to lil kim’s hater-reference. through violent gangsta imagery and tragic realism, b.i.g warns haters that he will to their encroachment with excessive violence: attack with the mac, my left hand spit, right hand grip on the whip, for the smooth getaway playa haters get away or my lead will spray squeeze off til im empty, dont tempt me only, to hell i send thee, all about the benjis what!?!?!?!? redman referenced the hater on “da rockwilder” from his blackout ( ) album with method man. redman inserts the hater ante type in his classic, farcical tag team, verbal exchange with method man: haters don't touch (what?) weigh us both up now my neighbor dope up got the cable hooked up, all channels lift my shirt all mammals you ship off keys and we ship grand pianos one of the strongest indictments of the hater is put forth by the lox. “fuck you”, from we are the streets ( ), is dedicated almost entirely to the hater. the hater archetype is prominently referenced in the song’s hook: if your hoped we wouldn't make it, fuck you (fuck you) talk with a heart full of hatred, fuck you (fuck you) and you said we wouldn't cake it, fuck you (fuck you) only my man blood is sacred, cocksucker, fuck you however, the hater can also represent someone that stands in opposition to hip-hop posturing, attitudes or values. popular cultural pundits and politicians fall into this realm. bill o'reilly, oprah winfrey, sports columnist jason whitlock, bill cosby and stanley crouch are examples of the hater archetype, “although it is far from monolithic, the hip- hop nation has demonstrated no tolerance for bill o’reilly, john mcwhorter, or robert h. bork. (ogbar, hip hop revolution, ). as ogbar points out, hip hop culture engages the “political-hater” directly. unfortunately, these cultural critiques have built upon earlier critiques of african american folk culture; they represent class fissures, that were informed by the culture wars of the late s and s (ogbar, hip hop revolution, ). many of these critiques view hip hop culture as monolithic, and they fail to contextualize hip hop within the socio-economic conditions that have impacted hip hop’s emergence and evolution: while the struggle over hip’s soul has unfolded, outside critics have lambasted hip –hop for being responsible for myriad of social ills. several high-profile politicians, academics, journalists, and activists have held hip hop culpable for violent crime rates , sexual irresponsibility, poor academic performance, and general social dysfunction….these pundits have offered little more than recycled fear of black youth as a social danger. more specifically, anti-rap pundits have pandered to racist and class-based fear of young black people and created untenable arguments to bolster their claims. these attacks have not been ignored by the hip hop community, which has consistently engaged in vigorous intellectual exchange over its own destiny and that of society at large. (ogbar hip hop revolution ) cent singles out this political strain of the hater archetype on “lifetime achievement” from the elephant in the sand mixtape. the entire song operates as a signifier of the hater archetype. he directs his distaste and disdain at oprah winfrey and bill o’reilly’s for criticizing his critique of the america’s current political state, “bill o’reilly called me pinhead for saying that shit,/ well him and oprah winfrey both can suck on some dick.” tony yayo references the hater explicitly, later in the track: niggas tried to kill me on three different occasions i guess that’s life when niggas just hatin came a long way from slingin’ dope and that hard white and my neighbors don’t speak (why?)/ they all white and the homies don’t speak cause i’m rich now my life is hermes, haze and cristal and ménage trios out in moscow, i got them trojans, magnums and lifestyles. tony yayo’s reference to the hater draws attention to the fact that the hater is not racial- specific. it is important to note that the hater can be categorically characterized as a “good nigga”. this is particularly true if the hater is an african-american and male. because of hip-hop aesthetics extensive use of the badman trope, the hater is maligned within hip-hop culture. the hater archetype appears prominently on nas’s “hate me know” featuring p. diddy and black star’s “hater players. the clipse reference hate on “trill”: why does wealth make them hate me and make chicks hearts so achy breaky rarely do i toot my own horn but y'all fellas got too far gone, now come back the clipse clearly link the hater to their newfound wealth and stardom. on “mr. me too” from their hell hath no fury album, the clipse utilize intricate boasts about their jet setting and epicurean hedonism to signify and taunt the hater. n.e.r.d member pharell inserted the hater in the first line of the song, establishing the hater as an important signifier and aesthetic marker in the song: niggas is haters, i’m doin deals like the majors ice cream sneakers, i signed my first skater you can pay and buy yourself some bapesters bullet-proof under t-shirts because they hate us producer and emcee kanye west regularly utilizes the hater as a signifier in his lyrics. on his graduation album, west references the hater on several tracks. on “everything i am”, west uses the barbershop as a social context to invoke the hater archetype, “and i’m back to tear it up/hater’s start ya engines/i hear i’m gearin up/people talk so much shit about me in barbershops, that they forget to get they hair cut.” the hater has developed into one of the most widely-recognized archetypes in hip hop aesthetics. jesus christ is another prominent iconic figure within hip-hop culture. as a historical, spiritual and religious figure, references to jesus christ are sometimes literal and at other times allegorical in hip hop narratives. however, hip hop’s reapprporiation of jesus is post-modern in its usage. during the late s and early s works such as jesus, the superstar reconceptualized jesus as an american pop icon. the growth of megachurches and evangelical television programming have also lent cultural capital to the jesus figure. within hip hop, the historical jesus figure segues purely religious interpretations. instead, hip-hop recycles and reconfigures jesus the historical figure, a jew who was persecuted at the hands of institutionalized religion and politics. hip hop narratives also juxtapose jesus’ burden on the cross with the plight of african american men in post industrial america. the influence of the black church and the rastafarian movement on african-american public discourse makes jesus an organic iconic selection within hip hop. yonker’s emcee dmx— who has penned hardcore tracks entitled “crime story”, “we don’t give a fuck”, “keep your shit the hardest”, and “what these bitches want”—included a “prayer” track on all but one of his albums. he mentions jesus, the religious figure, throughout his work. kanye west introduces jesus into his discourse with the crossover “jesus walks”. fashion is a foundational component of hip-hop expression. the adornment of “jesus pieces”, long gold or platinum necklaces with a diamond encrusted charm of jesus, are common within hip-hop culture, particularly in latino american communities. the notorious b.i.g references the jesus-figure, as a fashion icon, on “hypnotize”: so i just speak my piece, (c'mon) keep my piece cubans with the jesus piece (thank you god), with my peeps packin, askin who want it, you got it nigga flaunt it that brooklyn bullshit, we on it b.i.g positions the jesus-icon within a fashion context. as such, jesus serves as both symbolic martyr and politically-laden fashion icon. he explicitly mentions a “cuban with the jesus-piece,” a reference to a cuban-linked gold chain with a gold and diamond encrusted medallion bearing a likeness of an afrocentric jesus. more recently, nas released god’s son, an explicit and allegorical reference to the religious jesus figure. nas explores many spiritual and existential issues on this album. yet, the aesthetic value of the jesus figure is consequential. because cutting-edge fashion/style is a prominent characteristic of hip hop expression, jesus’ likeness is adorned on jewelry and tattooed on individuals’ skin. a juxtaposition of nas’s exploration of spiritual and esoteric themes on god’s son with more materialistic approaches to the jesus figure on “take it in blood” from his debut album it was written elucidate the tension between jesus the religious figure and jesus the icon: “yo; i never brag, how real i keep it, cause it's the best secret, i rock a vest, prestigious,/cuban link flooded jesus in a lex watchin kathie lee and regis/my actions are one with the seasons.” because hip hop aesthetics can be viewed as a form of expression, the utilization of jesus a trope, signified through hip hop fashion, can not be understated. virginia-based collective the clipse, approach the jesus figure from an aesthetic perspective on “ride around shining,” they place the jesus figure within the context of post-industrial self-defense: keep guns stashed under the floor board enough to start world war paradise in reaches, home next to beaches hair pressed, blowin' in the wind, shit 'bout long as jesus i still leave struggle. kweli speech for gospel, so match this jesus serves as an aesthetic vehicle upon which the clipse attempt to reconcile worldly pleasure with christian pragmatism. their references to the “gospel” and “paradise” serve as a counter-balance to their worldliness (i.e. materialism) and hedonism. jesus acts as an aesthetic bridge—“shit bout long as jesus”—which links the clipse narrative to less secular themes. some emcees emplace jesus within the judeo-christian tradition, yet the jesus figure is inserted within a broader context of a post modern hip hop pastiche. talib kweli approaches the jesus figure as a historical, pseudo-religious figure on “around my way” from the beautiful struggle situates jesus alongside other religious figures as well as contemporary martyrs: spit the gospel, truly knowing jesus like apostles do return like the prodigal son to honor mohammed too stay away from ham like abraham, lord'll follow you even when you took my man chaka god and what i'm a do you gave the hood a modern day martyr in brother amadou kweli demystifies the jesus figure, linking him to african american struggle. jesus is an accessible and approachable figure within hip hop narratives, quite often utilized allegorically or symbolically. nonetheless, despite various religious influences as diverse as the % nation, rastafarian, nation of islam, and sunni islam, the jesus figure remains at the forefront of hip hop aesthetics and epistemology. the jesus figure represents death, rebirth, political persecution, and transcendence within hip hop aesthetics. the jesus figure can also be linked to blues narratives and spirituals. (illustration . ) jesus piece (illustration . ) kanye west jesus piece hip hop icon jay-z’s alter-ego is an example of the judeo-christian influence within hip hop aesthetics. his alias j-hova is a not-so-thinly-veiled reference to the hebrew word for god: jehovah. on “a dream” (the blueprint : the gift & the curse, disc one, ), which is an ode to the notorius b.i.g, jay-z compares his suffering and struggle to jesus’. again, the jesus figure serves as a trope, linking his post modern narrative to african american struggle via. african american musical and religious tradition (i.e. spirituals and blues): i see i said, jealousy i said got the whole industry mad at me i said yourself" hip a crack then b.i. said, "hov' remind yourself nobody built like you, you designed i agree i said, my one of a kind self get stoned every day like jesus did what he said, i said, has been said before "just keep doin your thing," he said, say no more jay-z reappropopriates jesus’ persecution at the hands of the romans as a metaphor for his struggle and subsequent rise to hip hop stardom. jay-z, and the notorious b.i.g and the bad boy movement/record label created new conceptual and aesthetic space for hop narratives. they served as precursors to a new type of hip hop iconography and archetype. hip hop emcee and businessman cent represents a culmination of these trends within hip hop aesthetics. he is a synthesis of tupac shakur’s tragic realism and p.diddy’s business acumen. however, it is cent’s appropriation of real-life brooklyn stick-up kid, kelvin “ cent” martin’s street moniker, cent, that signaled a new er of hip hop iconography. kelvin “ cent” martin was unique to hip hop iconography because ) he was an african american gangster; and ) he represents the s era in new york city. the recentness of martin’s narrative speaks to a younger demographic within the hip hop generation, the end of s crack narratives in hip hop and the beginning of ultra-violent, yet commercially-viable narratives within hip hop. cent’s was an aesthetic departure utilized s gangster icons and draws on cent’s narrative as an infamous brooklyn stick-up kid that also robbed and extorted rappers. cent, the stick-up kid, had an intimate relationship on hip hop, as he was featured prominently on the cover of eric b. and rakim’s classic hip hop album paid in full . cent represents the quintessential twenty-first century businessman. he exte robert johnson’s (founder of bet), aggressive, a-cultural approach to business and politics. get rich or die trying ( ), the subsequent entrepreneurial success of cent’s business venture, and his take-no-prisoners, aggressive approach to both business and his music content is the embodiment of the best and worst of american capitalism. in other words, cent’s individualism, his annihilation of competitors, the use of violence or death—if necessary—to protect his business interests, and his rags nds -to-riches biography p, which ew d commercially- s concerned with popular culture a have how can you be mad, when they just following yo’ path are all trademarks of american self-help, entrepreneurial narratives. the g-unit movement and brand was the brainchild of cent. the grou currently consists of lloyd banks, tony yayo, and cent, has also become iconographic within hip hop. as with their leader cent, g-unit represents the end of twentieth century hip hop aesthetics, business, and attitude and the beginning of a n era in which corporate partnerships, frequent “beef” with peers, an friendly ghettocentric narratives predominate hip hop aesthetics. on “lifetime achievement” ( ), young buck, a former g-unit member, illustrates how the new wave of hip hop generationers are les icons than they are upward mobility: purple label tags, cartiers, and all them designer bags its something you might want, but not what ya gott these kids want money, nigga, fuck an autograph young buck illustrates the hip hop generation’s outward rejection of american celebrity and iconography. he suggests that the second wave of the hip hop generation is more concerned with social mobility and survival than they are with celebrity-worship: hip hop generationers identify with not only [jay-z and allen iverson’s] success but where they came from, who they continue to be, and the success. this adoration goes beyond simple fascination with or worship of pop culture icons. these hip hop generation icons have been effective at what mike tyson called, in describing the secret to his success, “turning the fear into fire.” these icons may stand out in terms of visibility, but they are not alone. (kitwana ) indifference has replaced reification within hip hop iconography. socio-economic developments have lead to a reconfiguration and repositioning of hip hop icons. though still significant, current hip hop iconography and archetypes reflect the hip hop generations desire for upward mobility. *** icons and archetypes are vital components to hip hop aesthetics. icons operate as signifiers, voyeuristic vehicles and social cues that reveal much about the attitudes of the “hip hop generation”. because hip hop is grounded in african american culture, the icons and archetypes that hip hop has absorbed represent the most radical and functional portions of african american and american figures’ biographical narratives. the newer archetypes that emerged within hip hop aesthetics represent an extension of previous african american and american archetypes. the new hip hop archetypes also reflect overarching societal socioeconomic and cultural trends. the shift from superhero to supervillain narratives in hip hop discourse represents: ) a crystallization of the hip hop aesthetics (i.e. attitude, iconography, etc.); ) the growth of the underground crack economy; ) an increase in the criminalization and incarceration of african american and latino men; ) the growth of the prison industrial complex during the os and s; and ) a rhetoric and discursive response to the mounting anti-black male sentiment in america. hip hop offers a new reading of american and african american history. traditional political, racial, religious and cultural paradigms are usurped. hence, hip hop iconology is primarily concerned with themes of self-definition, self-expression and social mobility. hip hop iconography and iconology are only secondarily concerned with the political and religious portions are secondary. as had been discussed in this chapter, african american heroic figures and american popular culture iconography serve as human models. the power of hip hop aesthetics, iconography, iconology, and archetypes lies in its ability to utilize two disparate—and sometimes competing—worldviews, theories, etc simultaneously. hip hop archetype and iconography timeline (table . ) hip hop artist origin, iconic and archetypal influence first album, track, etc. year kool herc hercules (s) n/a afrika bambaataa (a) n/a grand master flash flash gordon (s) “superrappin” kool keith (ultramag) (s) “to give you love” just ice going way back luke skywalker star wars (s) as nasty as they wanna be nwa (bm) (gi) n.w.a and the posse the jungle brothers straight out the jungle queen latifah (a) all hail to the queen scarface (gi) making trouble brand nubian (a) “brand nubian” super dj clark kent (s) “top billin” (remix) de la soul three feet high and rising , freddie foxx redd fox (c) freddie foxxx is here (lp) onyx n/a, (gi) “ah, and we do it like this” x-clan (a) to the east blackwards ( ) south central cartel (gi) south central madness( ) cash money records new jack city (gi) founded in death row records (gi) founded redman (s) whut?the album ( ) naughty by nature (gi) (bm) “o.p.p.” daz dillinger the chronic buckshot shorty (gi) “who got the props” ( ) kurupt (bm) (gi) the chronic, dre dre ( ) bad boy records (bm) (gi) founded in ghostface aka tony starks and iron man the mystery of chess boxing, (kf) ironman (s) enter the wu-tang ( chambers), ( ) smif-n-wesson (gi) black moon’s enta da stage nine (gi) "six million ways to die" ( ) souls of mischief (bm) ’ til infinity mobb deep (gi) juvenile hell trends of culture (a) trendz the notorius b.i.g frank white frank white, king of new york (gi) ready to die jeru the damaja (s) the sun rises in the east ( mac (gi) mack , ( ) group home living proof originoo gun clappaz (gi) appeared on smif-n- wesson’s dah shinin’ gangsta boo (gi) mystic stylez ( ) yaki kadafi (p) tupac’s me against the world napoleon, e.d.i mean, kastro, hussein fatal, mussolini, komani (p) tupac’s me against the world roc-a-fella records john d. rockefeller (e) founded capone-n-noreaga al capone/manuel noriega (gi)(pf) the war report ( ) foxy brown pam grier as foxy brown (gi) ill nana ( ) murder inc. records now the inc murder inc./brownsville boys (gi) founded big punisher the punisher (s) "i'm not a player”, ( ) jim jones cult-leader jim jones(e) the diplomats ( ) c-murder (gi) life or death, ( ) mf doom doctor doom (s) operation doomsday, ( ) techn ne (gi) “the anthem” ( ) david banner the incredible hulk (s) them firewater boyz, vol. beanie sigel assasin bugsy siegel (gi) the truth pimp c (ugk) (gi) cent infamous brooklyn stickup kid (gi) get rich or die tryin ( ) young gunz (gi) “can’t stop won’t stop” ( ) freeway (gi) philadelphia freeway souljah boy (gi)(s) “crank dat (souljah boy)” rick ross cocaine kingpin freeway ricky ross (gi) port of miami, rick ross, ( ) uncle murda (gi) (bm) say uncle hard for hip hop key s-superheroes gi -gangster iconography/imagery note. this category covers names that reference gangsta signifiers such as guns, gangster icons, violent attributes, etc.) c-comedic icons a-afrocentric/black nationalist iconography e-european-american icons and figures kf-kung fu films bm-badman narratives p-political figures chapter characteristics of hip-hop expression scripting “bad” within hip-hop aesthetics not meaning bad, but bad meaning good. “peter piper”, run-dmc this chapter tracks the evolution, reconceptualization, and utilization of badness as a mode of expression within hip hop aesthetics and discourses. i examine the badman and position him as an archetypal model within hip hop aesthetics, mapping shifts in the badman trope since the blues era. i focus on the early s and in particular as a watershed moment for hip hop aesthetics. i explore the ways in which hip hop aesthetics activate the badman trope as a response to anti-african-american, working-class male sentiment. i examine black male identity construction as it relates to hip-hop aesthetics and archetypal influences, particularly the development of ‘bad” and “cool” within hip- hop culture. some social scientists have viewed hip hop as a socio-political response to post-industrialism, postmodernism, and white supremacy. no doubt the postindustrial, postmodern environment has influenced the form and content of contemporary hip hop culture. however, masculine identity construction and aesthetic value, within the context of individual style and artistic production, is often understated when examining hip hop. aesthetically, then, hip hop must be viewed—first and foremost—as a form of expression. kelley addresses expressive culture within the context of masculinity, “expressive cultures, then, were not only constructed as adaptive, functioning primarily to cope with the horrible conditions of ghetto life, but were conceived largely as expressions of masculinity (yo’ mama, ). i approach hip hop in much the same way. perhaps more than any other african-american archetype, the badman/bad nigga archetype has survived within african-american male narratives. this chapter explores the complex nuances, variations, meanings, interpretations and constructions of the badman/bad nigga archetype in relation to hip-hop aesthetics. even though hip-hop scholars have discussed the bad man’s influence on hip-hop, i contextualize the badman trope within the framework of hip-hop aesthetics, connecting it to overarching cultural develops within african (american) popular culture. i am interested in the construction, function, and origin of “bad” within african-american cultural production particularly hip-hop. badness is a recurring theme within hip-hop culture, however in the s and s, badness crept into the mainstream’s consciousness. i explore the ways in which notions of bad have changed within african-american culture, particularly within hip- hop culture, as well as the influence and trajectory of the bad nigga trope within african- american culture practice. essentially, i am concerned with the trajectory and origin of “bad” within hip hop aesthetics. notions of bad are central to african-american male identity construction. “badness” is inextricably linked to hip-hop aesthetics. the badman is not only a central figure in african-american culture, but is also central to white american identity. white american identity is constructed in dialectical opposition to “bad”, in other words, the embodiment of good (morality, democracy, prosperity, freedom, etc.). yet european american constructions such as the cowboy and superhero are key components to hip- hop’s construction of bad. badness within hip-hop aesthetics borrows heavily from american popular culture icons, both aesthetically and ideologically, popular icons such as clint eastwood, charles bronson, superman, rambo, scarface, the terminator, et al build on superhero mythology and the badman trope. these figures are not “sampled” wholesale. specific themes and motifs—i.e. vigilantism, the importance of heroic male figures saving the day, and self-defense—are selected from these masculinist narratives and reinterpreted within hip-hop culture. the bad man trope—which emerged on southern plantations in the antebellum south—and its impact on the development of hip-hop aesthetics is examined in this dissertation. the bad man as archetype, as will be shown, serves as a foundational model for hip-hop. on one hand, the “bad nigga” or rebel represents a pure unadulterated survival mechanism. however, upon further examination, the emergence of the “bad nigga” represents a divergence from accepted norms and an attempt to gain black male selfhood, which was fundamental to the evolution of african american culture. the bad nigga archetype has survived african american cultural expression, despite the fear, disdain and contempt it conjured in mainstream white america. i am interested in the aesthetic implications of the retention of the badman trope in hip hop. the nat figure falls along the cultural continuum of the badman. in the slave community: plantation life in the antebellum south, blassingame identifies nat as one of three literary stereotypes: incorrigible runaway, the poisoner of white men, the ravager of white women who defied all the rules of plantation society. subdued and punished only when overcome by superior numbers or firepower, nat retaliated when attacked by whites, led guerilla activities of maroons against isolated plantations, killed overseers and planters, or burned plantation buildings when he was abused. ( ) as a counter-cultural movement, hip-hop draws from culture figures such as the nat figure. moreover, these archetypes became keystone figures within the hip-hop movement. the nat figure—the embodiment of black male agency and masculinity—is another example of african-american resistance. it must be noted that the rebel slave was dialectally opposed to the obedient, law abiding enslaved african. the nat and the rebellious fugitive were considered outlaws. as blassingame observes: the rebellious fugitive was very artful, cunning, a “well set, hardy villain,” “of good sense, and much ingenuity,” “saucy,’ ‘very surly,” ‘very great rogue,” ‘sober and intelligent,” ‘bold,” “fights like the devil when arrested,’ and often stole large sums of money and took along a “nice short shot gun.” ( ) the nat figure resisted and critiqued white authority and control. he was a threat to the southern plantation system and lived outside the confines of respectable “negro” behavior. the iconic folk hero stagoleee has been the primary vehicle upon which the badman trope has entered twentieth century african american popular culture. brown asserts that the stagolee narrative represents “a perspective, a point of view…stagolee becomes, ultimately, a form of post-modernity”(brown ). hip hop aesthetics, then, draw from the badman’s attitude and value system. the badman trope was absent from harlem renaissance literature (brown ). nonetheless, the badman trope stagolee as signifier of the “bad nigger” has continued to shape african-american culture in both literature and politics (brown ). though it can be problematic to over generalize the connections between past racial formations, stereotypes and notions with contemporary ones, a historical examination into the causes and effects of white supremacy (i.e. systemic american racism) on the psyche and socioeconomic state of africans in america can be instructive. hip-hop’s emergence, on one level, is an engagement of such systemic oppression. orlando patterson’s notion of social death addresses, at least partially, the social effects of racism, in this case the period encompassing american slavery and the ante bellum south, on african- americans. i extend patterson’s conceptualization to include other forms of death including spiritual, physical, psychic, and emotional death. since the emergence of african-american historical figures and hip-hop icons nat turner and harriet tubman, the bad (wo)man has provided hope and inspiration for african-americans, while simultaneously conjuring disdain, indifference, or loathing among european-americans. tubman and turner are commonly referenced within hip- hop lyrics and discourse and are pre-hip hop icons. concepts, notions, themes and ideas that caused disdain on behalf of white america and some middle-class african- americans were recycled and given new meaning within hip-hop aesthetics. not to say that such interpretations of american existence were not already present, but hip-hop added an additional layer of ideological and philosophical meaning to the badman. culturally and linguistically this process is evident within the funk movement. the concept of bad within african-american musical traditions embraced those characteristics that outsiders (i.e. the mainstream) would consider profane or undesirable. baraka highlights this point in “jazz and the white critic”. he links notions of bad to the african-american blues tradition and eurocentric aesthetics: as one howard university philosophy professor said to me when i was an undergraduate, “it’s fantastic how much bad taste the blues contain!” but it is just this “bad taste” that this uncle spoke of that has been the one factor that has kept the best of negro music from slipping sterilely into the echo chambers of middle- brow american culture. and to a great extent “bad taste” was kept extant in the music, blues or jazz because the negroes who were responsible for the best music, were always aware of their identities as black americans and really did not, themselves, desire to become vague, featureless, americans as is usually the case with the negro middle class. ( ) it is important to note that notions of bad have not been static within african-american cultural traditions. not only do notions of bad track male identity construction, they also highlight socio-cultural trends within hip-hop aesthetics. since the s, jazz icons duke ellington and louis armstrong dealt with conceptualizations of bad in their work. in their collaboration “i got it bad and that ain’t good”, they utilized bad within a blues idiom, which reflected african-american musical sensibilities of the time. hip hop reconceptualizes notions bad through various aesthetic tropes, for example, the king trope. the conceptualization of “king” within hip-hop aesthetics is closely tied to the bad man trope. the king trope within hip hop aesthetics is also due to hip hop’s close association with boxing, as well as hip hop’s competitive nature. as lock explains, “in jazz, …there was an early tradition in new orleans of the black community renaming its most eminent musicians “king,” the best-known example being king oliver” (lock ). as hip hop aesthetics evolved, this type of renaming and edification can be seen in run- dmc’s declaration that they were the “kings of rock”. this is interesting considering that run-dmc was firmly rooted in the hip-hop not the rock aesthetic. run-dmc’s aesthetic influence within hip hop is far-reaching. their proclamation that they were the “kings of rock” (and by inference hip-hop) was an extension of the badman trope. their engagement of rock and roll in their discourse was a direct challenge to rock and roll music in general, but is was also a covert critique of rock and roll’s sensibilities, attitudes and style. more recently, atlanta emcee ti utilized the king trope. by proclaiming himself the “king of the south”, he fomented an intense competition and rivalry—which in one instance became physical. emcees such as lil flip and ludacris were offended by ti’s declaration. an analysis of the king trope within hip hop narratives reveals how certain attitudes, icons, tropes, rituals, etc.—when they enter hip hop aesthetics accrue additional layers of socio-cultural meaning. jay-z employs the king trope as a means of establishing his dominance within the hip hop arena: ma, show me what you got hovie in the spot tried to told you i was hot tell these other dudes it's a wrap get the fuck out the throne you clone, the king's back! y'all got less than months to get y'all thing together good luck! run-dmc aided in extending and solidifying the badman trope in hip hop aesthetics. since the release of run-dmc, run-dmc has established badman iconography and posturing as a major precept of hip hop aesthetics. on “peter piper” from run-dmc’s raisin hell ( ) album, they illustrate their connection to the bad man narrative: he's the better of the best best believe he's the baddest perfect timin when i'm climbin i'm a rhymin apparatus lot of guts tricks are for kids he plays much gigs he's a big bad wolf and you're the three pigs he's a big bad wolf in your neighborhood not bad meaning bad but bad meaning good run-dmc juxtaposes traditional euro-american nursery rhymes with gritty, urban tragic realism. the double entendre in their use of the words “bad” and “hell” are also significant. run-dmc’s use of the badman trope aided in the establishment of aggressive posturing and attitude within hip hop aesthetics. and from a socio-political perspective, the “bad attitude” implicit in hip-hop aesthetics can be viewed as both a-cultural and revolutionary in tone. wheeler concedes, “rappers also subvert other people’s definitions through “bad attitude,” a cornerstone of ghetto ideology. bad attitude refuses to play by the rules of white culture, middle-class decorum, and the law” (wheeler ). conceptualizations of bad in hip-hop can be viewed as counter cultural imperatives linked to hegemonic resistance and cultural expression. up until the s, the stagolee song and mythology was performed in informal settings and was dependent on working- class social spaces (brown ). by the s, african american icons cultivated the badman trope through musical toasts: during the early s, stagolee finally became fully visible. black musicians such as james brown, wilson pickett , and the isley brothers recorded versions of stagolee that expressed a newly acquired sense of power among black males….in reciting the stagolee toast, the speaker “performed” stagolee, taking on the hero’s character along with the role. the toast became an instrument enabling young black men to assert themselves as bullies and bad men, and thus be powerful and charismatic. (brown ) brown lists five influences of the stagolee figure on hip hop culture: “stagolee’s influence persists in rap music in the use of the first-person narrator, the performer’s adoption of nicknames, the social drama, the humor, and participation in the commodity culture” (brown ). hip hop aesthetics’ african american folk roots transforms the badman into as an artistic and political approach through hip hop aesthetics’ reconceptualization and badman through popular culture iconography: black folklore can take a hero like stagolee and apply his ethos to that of living figures. this can be seen in the identification of political figures such as adam clayton powell jr., huey p. newton, and malcolm x with the “bad nigger.” all three men, coming from very different backgrounds, came to be political representations of the stagolee figure in african-american culture. (brown ) on “bragging”, the jungle brothers extend their cultural nationalist ideology and incorporates elements of traditional african-american tropes and practices, in this case boasts and the dozens. this excerpt also illustrates the badman trope, which is so crucial to hip hop aesthetics: well, i'm a sure shot shooter and i'm the big shot the big shot, yes the biggest, and i know i'm hot say i'm the baddest, just the baddest and i'm on the top sucker mc's try to stop me, but i won't stop even though the jungle brothers are part of the native tongue movement, they still utilize the bad man trope. undoubtedly, the bad man is a prominent influence on st century hip hop. it has survived assaults by conservative pundits and culture critiques. the divisions, subgenres, etc. used to classify hip hop can obfuscate its cultural meaning and impact. not only are these explanations abstract, they do not account for the common themes, motifs, and attitudes that exist across these artificial boundaries within hip hop. stated differently, there is much intra-genre discourse within hip hop. for example, so-called backpack/underground emcees engage, collaborate with and listen to hip hop that is considered gangsta. they also share in the themes and subjects they explore in their music. this wholistic, inclusive and non-judgmental approach to culture and culture production is a carryover from african and african american cultural practices. hence, badness is a central component of hip hop aesthetics. bad is a recurring theme and aesthetic modality within hip hop aesthetics. linked to the african american badman trope and american bad man icons, badness is essential to hip hop aesthetics. in , hip-hop icon l.l.cool j released “i’m bad” from his bigger and deffer album. the single was a commercial success. a young l.l. cool j appeared in the hip-hop rags-to-riches narrative krush groove. l.l’s single was significant not only because it was a commercial success, but also because it established “badness” as a characteristic of hip-hop aesthetics. l.l. extends the badman narrative, building upon an aesthetic approach that was established by run-dmc in . it is also interesting to explore the evolution of bad outside hip hop since l.l cool j’s “i’m bad”. when the badman is removed from its hip-hop (i.e. african american) cultural context, the meaning, tone, and attitude is altered. several artists outside of hip- hop inserted the badman trope into their musical narratives during the late s and early s. michael jackson offers the most well-known usage of the badman trope in contemporary popular culture. jackson’s bad, the album, debuted in . though jackson’s interpretation of the badman was culturally sanitized. in the video for “bad”, the album’s lead single, the pop icon borrows heavily from hip hop motifs. in the video, directed by famed movie director, martin scorsese, jackson’s backup dancers don hip hop fashion iconography (i.e. adidas sweat suits, jordan sneakers, etc.). furthermore, the video’s setting, an uninhabited subway station, is reminiscent of the memorable subway b-boy battle scene in the seminal hip hop film beat street ( ). the hip hop influence on the videos aesthetic is palpable. jackson had not released an album in five years since he released his chart shattering and industry changing thriller album. bad was an attempt to reconnect with a younger demographic. jackson utilized hip hop aesthetics to gain mainstream, consumer acceptance. jackson, though, was nonetheless performing bad. jackson began to explore tragic realist themes on thriller such as “billie jean” and “beat it”. tragic realism was a divergence from the wholesome pop of the jackson and the party themes of off the wall. jackson’s performance on “bad” marks a transmutation of jackson’s culturally-ambiguous persona. “bad” was an aesthetic choice, based partially on market forces. jackson’s bad persona on “bad” was constructed as a post-modern, minatory narrative employed to garner mainstream appeal. in , color me badd—an all-male, multi-racial pop group –-released c.m.b. the groups’ name conjoins the term “color” and “bad”. the former is a subtle reference to the group’s multi-ethnic, multi-racial composition. the latter is an extension of the badman trope filtered through hip hop and pop music production. what was to be gleaned from the group’s name color me badd? what does the name infer about the groups racial identity? how does the altered spelling of bad, b-a-d-d, alter the meaning and impact of the badman trope? the connotations, meanings and socio-linguistic history of the term “colored” in african american culture are well-documented. the name color me madd conjoins the term “color”, and links it to african-american (or ethnic i.e. non-anglo- saxon) identity to bad. both michael jackson and color me badd’s use of bad borrowed from hip-hop aesthetics use of the term. the authenticity and believability, though, is diluted as bad is filtered through a pop aesthetic. nonetheless, the badman trope has survived and flourished, evident in hip hop’s appropriation and utilization of it. the badman gains meaning and significance as it is filtered through hip hop aesthetics, and—conversely— loses much of its cultural meaning when it is filtered through a pop aesthetic. the functionality of the badman rests in the authenticity and believability of its execution. the badman is approached as an aesthetically. tragic realism and dual identity construction are artistic constituents of the badman trope. in , bad reemerged once again as a predominant theme and attitude within hip- hop aesthetics. the formation of bad boy records in signaled a reconceptualization of the badman trope in hip hop. on the notorious b.i.g’s “respect” from his ready to die album, he constructs an elaborate, semi-biographical narrative chronicling his birth. b.i.g utilizes the badman trope as an identity marker and aesthetic device: : , that's when my momma water burst no spouse in the house so she rode for self/to the hospital, to see if she could get a little help umbilical cord's wrapped around my neck i'm seein' my death and i ain't even took my first step i made it out, i'm bringin' maaaaad joy the doctor looked and said, "he's gonna be a baaaaad boyyyy!!" b.i.g details the frenetic circumstances of his birth, but he also manages to interject his mother and the joy his birth brought her into his narrative. b.i.g masterfully employs the badman trope in his hyperbolic description of his own birth. b.i.g eschews the multiple layer of his autobiography—i.e. christopher wallace. instead, he employs the badman trope through his alter-egos, frank white and the notorious b.i.g. (illustration . ) michael jackson, bad (illustration . ) color me badd the badman is reinterpreted and filtered through hip hop aesthetics, adding multiple layers of meaning in its transference. on “unbelievable”, a hip hop classic, b.i.g uses the badman trope, to tap into white fear of young african american men: my forte causes caucasians to say he sounds demented, car weed-scented if i said it, i meant it bite my tongue for no-one call me evil, or unbelievable b.i.g. employs the badman trope to express the value he places upon freedom of speech. he punctuates his critique with an ultimatum: white america can either embrace him or vilify. either way, listeners get the sense that b.i.g will stand morally-resilient and upwardly mobile in spite of the white establishment’s adoration. hyperbole and double-entendre are core components of the performance of the bad in hip hop aesthetics. newark, new jersey born emcee redman is an example of the artful use of hyperbole and double entendre in hip hop aesthetics. reggie noble’s alter egos, doc, funk doctor spock, and redman are the vehicles upon which nobles activates the badman. on “i’m a bad” from what the album, redman actuates the badman trope throughout his lyrics and through his performance: cause my brain is twisted, so i cock the biscuit cause shit's thick, some say i'mma bastard of a swift bitch negro, funkin it with the style in your ear bro to make you _fear_ me like _cape_ without robert deniro you big pussy, so funky that you have to douche me you can't hear me then my record label didn't push me i know i'm sayin fuck too many times in my rhymes but if i wasn't bad, i wouldn't freak it in the line redman creatively incorporates the badman trope into his narrative, which rests heavily on clintonesque funk aesthetics. by , as hip-hop gained more mainstream acceptance, articulations of badness changed. these shifts reflected hip hop’s transition into the post-afrocentric moment. though not considered a true emcee by many hip hop purists, mc hammer’s contribution to hip-hop aesthetics and commerce is undeniable. in hammer released “it’s all good” from his the adventures of the funky headhunter. the release and acceptance of “it’s all good” by mainstream audiences signaled a shift in hip-hop production, record sales, theme and attitude. the song marked a shift from tragic realism to party aesthetics within the hip-hop idiom. though bad was still a major theme during this time in hip hop aesthetics, gangsta aesthetics cloaked in party themes: hammer was attacked by many in the hip hop community for his lack of skill as a rapper and for pandering to a mass audience. there can be no denying that hammer’s success pushed rap fully into the mainstream, continuing a trend started in the mid- s by run-dmc and the beastie boys. at the same time, hammer’s pop-friendly rap style opened the door for an artist widely considered hip hop’s icon of “wackness”, the white rapper vanilla ice. (starr ) yonkers emcee style p explores the bad man persona throughout his work. the badman is activated through styles p’s various alter-egos: “the ghost”, paniro, holiday styles, and s.p. on “alone in the street” fleshes out the bad man in a first person narrative: mad live i learned to bounce out on a bad vibe or either keep a gun in your cab ride have i, thought about my life as a bad guy, made a little money sellin rocks that was cap sized robbed a lot of people like i never was baptized although styles p’s work embraces gangster aesthetics, his narratives are honest, introspective, and socially-conscious. bad is used as an aesthetic prop. within style’s badman narrative, he manages to insert religious references and symbolism. at the beginning of “alone in the street”, styles’s approaches the track from an existential, spiritual perspective. he mumbles, “fuckin wit my soul right here”. this informs the listener that styles is experiencing a spiritual conflict based on his past transgressions. in the above verse, he admits to selling crack and robbery, nonetheless, style’s is deliberate in his reference to his righteous/religious roots, in this case baptism. nonetheless, i have shown through a cursory examination of specific hip hop texts that have contributed to the extension of the badman trope in hip hop culture. the badman attitude has informed hip hop’s aesthetic response to popular, mass media. in the next section, i examine socio- cultural developments that took place during the early s in american popular culture and the ways in which the badman trope has informed the hip hop generation’s response to popular culture texts. during the early s, represent an establishment and solidification of hip hop culture’s aesthetic boundaries and principles. hard times: hip hop discourse circa was a watershed moment for hip hop discourse and aesthetics. this section offers a social, cultural and aesthetic analysis of , identifying specific icons (e.g. run-dmc), trends and narratives that shaped both hip-hop culture and american popular culture. i explore the ways in which hip hop aesthetics utilized badman posturing and positionality, urban blues sensibilities, and american popular culture iconography to engage american popular culture narratives during the early s. , in particular, is an ideal site by which to examine the interface between race, class, sex, politics, american violence, technology, and pop culture. indeed, by , it was clear that america (african-americans included) was in the throws of cultural change. was a watershed moment for hip hop aesthetics. furthermore, hip hop aesthetics coalesced into a unified and coherent form of cultural expression in . furthermore, the aesthetic framework of hip-hop culture was laid during the early s. the early s marked a significant shift in the american popular culture landscape. the proliferation of cable television and the expansion of american popular sports culture, for example, had profound and far-reaching implications for hip-hop culture. the american music industry struggled during the early s, hitting “rock bottom in ($ . million), down half a billion dollars from the peak year of ($ . billion)” (starr ). american popular culture icons in general during the s reflected a shift in american sensibilities of consumption; they also reflected shifts in racial dynamics. as optimism surrounding african american social mobility and assimilation intensified, hip hop emerged as an african-american male counterstatement to middle-class, upwardly mobile meta-narratives. by , the american popular cultural landscape had begun to embrace, and at times encourage, or at the very less tolerate, african-american male celebrity. the rise, and in some cases the fall, of the african-american-athlete was at the center of this emerging american popular culture. the sagas and impending media frenzy behind washington d.c mayor marion barry, mike tyson, len bias, and o.j. simpson all support this notion. many important cultural markers were laid during in . the early s represent a whirlwind of cross-cultural, trans-atlantic commercial activity. provides an ideal site by which to examine the formation of hip hop aesthetics and the interplay between race, class, sex, politics, american violence, technology, and pop culture. indeed, by , it was clear that america (african-americans included) was in the throws of cultural change. my goal is not to feed into some spooky conspiracy theory, however, i am concerned with the conditions and occurrences that spawned hip hop aesthetics, as well as provide a historical backdrop by which to examine hip-hop culture. by examining hip-hop culture, this research seeks to elucidate the state of both african-american, and americans as a whole. in regard to american popular culture, is an excellent site by which to examine the interplay between race, class, sex, politics, american violence, technology, and pop culture. by examining hip-hop culture, i elucidate the state of both african- american, and americans as a whole. run-dmc marked a new era in global and urban marketing. they signal the emergence of a “new” african-american male global sensibility (and visibility). they are both iconic and archetypal figures in hip hop. the year marked a major shift in the political, social and economic even though run- dmc experienced much commercial, they remain foundational figures in reference to the hip-hop aesthetic. they serve as archetypal figures within hip-hop culture. there were myriad events that occurred within pop culture in and around the year that greatly impacted hip hop aesthetics. hip hop’s engagement and incorporation of these developments within the context of hip hop aesthetics illuminate the interactivity between hip hop aesthetics and american popular media. i identify several primary and secondary socio-cultural events circa that collectively—directly or indirectly— impacted hip hop aesthetics, for example, the success of michael jackson, the debut of the cosby show, the summer olympics in los angeles, california, which featured a b-boy exhibition and the popularity of the sony walkman and “boomboxes”. collectively, these events affected the form, content, function, tone and trajectory of hip hop aesthetics. here, i focus on popular culture iconography, mass-media, and specific african american popular culture texts as a means to explore the evolution of hip hop aesthetics. how have specific cultural moments, icons, etc--circa —influenced the contours, content and context of hip hop aesthetics? mtv has been a major vehicle for the global dissemination, cultivation, commodification and exploitation of hip hop culture. however, the history of african american artists’ relationship with mtv reveals discrimination and prejudice. initially, mtv served as a platform for rock music and culture. the network reluctantly aired michael jackson’s videos. ironically, though, michael jackson’s videos were instrumental in mtvs success in the mid and late s: mtv’s relentless focus on white rock artists reminded many critics of the exclusionary practices of album-oriented rock radio of the s. out of more than videos shown on mtv during the channel’s first eighteen months, only about twenty featured black musicians (a figure that includes racially mixed bands)…the mammoth success of michael jackson’s thriller, released by colombia records in , forced a change in mtv’s essentially all-white rock music format. (starr ) mtv did not change its discriminatory practices willingly. they refused to air michael jackson’s videos until “colombia records threatened to ban its white rock groups from performing” (starr ). hip hop was not supported by mtv in any significant way until the creation of yomtv raps! in . my point here is that although michael jackson was excluded from mtv’s programming initially, his appeal and acceptance by mtv and popular culture lay in his androgynous, non-threatening, somewhat emasculated persona. jackson sang in falsetto was a soprano. by the release of thriller, jackson had become racially ambiguous. he was apolitical, and his public narrative was a-historical. michael jackson’s identity was a post modern creation. prince and madonna, like michael jackson, used alter-ego and were racially-ambiguous: both are self-conscious authors of their own celebrity, creators of multiple alter egos, and highly-skilled manipulators of the mass media. both experienced a meteoric rise to fame during the early s and were dependant on mass media such as cable television and film. and both madonna and prince have sought to blur the conventional boundaries of race, religion, and sexualities and periodically sought tot rekindle their fans’ interest by shifting shape, changing strategy, and coming up with new controversial songs and images (starr, ). the economic success of post modern popular culture icons such as prince, madonna and michael jackson literally saved the music industry in the mid- s (starr ). the intersection of various s popular media created a new commercial space for music icons and created a new archetypal model for american popular iconography: the release of a potential hit album—and of those individual tracks on the album thought to have potential as hit singles—was cross-promoted in music videos, television talk show appearances, hollywood films, and newspaper, magazine, and radio interviews, creating the overall appearance of a multifront military campaign run by a staff of corporate generals. (starr ) hence, developments within the music industry shaped and were shaped by the emergence of a new type of american popular icon. these icons were linked to celebrity charisma, which was conveyed through a mass-mediated, corporate-driven popular culture apparatus: the power of mass-mediated charisma is rooted in the idea that an individual fan can enter into a personal relationship with a superstar via images and sounds that are simultaneously disseminated to millions of people. the space between the public image of the star and the private life and personality of the musician who fills this role is where the contemporary industry of celebrity magazines, television exposes, “unauthorized” biographies, and paparazzi photographers flourishes, providing fans with provocative tidbits of information concerning the glamour, habits, and character traits of their favorite celebrities. (starr, ) nonetheless, the appeal of the new, popular culture iconography of the late s and early twenty-first century was buttressed by two types of popular culture narratives: self- help, rags-to-riches narratives and “bad boy” narratives: this field of popular discourse is dominated by certain well-worn narratives. in what is perhaps the most common of these storylines, the artist, born into humble circumstances, rises to fame, is overtaken by the triple demons of greed, lust and self-indulgence, falls into a deep pit, and then repents his or her sins and is accepted by the media and millions of fans. other celebrities manage to flaunt convention and maintain their “bad boy” or “bad girl” image throughout their careers, while others are portrayed as good-hearted and generous from the get-go. of course, these storylines are as much about the fans themselves—and the combination of admiration and envy they feel toward their favorite celebrities—as about the particular musicians in question. (starr ) both self-help narratives and “bad boy” posturing have contributed to the legitimacy and appropriation of hip hop icons. what are the implications of african american, self-help hip hop narratives? television and film were integral parts of the growth of popular icons during the s. these megastars represented a new type of american popular icon. this new iconography was primarily corporate-driven and appealed to american aesthetic desires and socio-economic expectations. the rise of the megastar had a determinant effect on hip hop production and aesthetics. hip-hop aesthetics, with its hyper masculinity and patriarchy, emerged as a backlash to not only popular music, but other mass media as well. perhaps more than any other medium, cinema offered questionable images of black masculinity. black male intellectualism was also called into question in various popular media during the s, most notably in film. from this perspective, a new interpretation of black male angst and nihilism in hip-hop can be observed. several films, both directly and indirectly, at least anecdotally, influenced hip-hop aesthetics during the s. hip-hop aesthetics emerge as a discursive response to these films. in the film revenge of the nerds, the character lamar, played by larry b. scott, elucidates the skewing of african american male, experience lamar was the only african-american character in the film. it was inferred that he was homosexual, though he did not have a love interest. ironically, lamar was supposed to be an emcee. working class, african american narratives were also scant in television in the early s. with the tagline “heroes for hire”, the a-team debuted in . the lone african american male character, sgt. bosco “b.a.” baracus, served as a foil for the other white protagonists of the a-team. the a-team was an outlaw band of misfits that were vigilantes who fought crime but somehow attempted to avoid violence when apprehending criminals. the show signaled a shift from superheroic narratives in popular culture toward supervillain narratives. b.a. baracus, played by south side chicago native laurence tureaud, was an extension of the badman trope. b-a stood for “bad ass” or “bad attitude”. (illustration . ) lamar revenge of the nerds (illustration . ) mr. t slick rick incorporated turead’s mr. t persona as an aesthetic marker. on his “mona lisa” ( ) slick rick makes one of the most well-known references to mr. t in his ode to a fictional love interest, mona lisa, “over …wear more gold than that man on a-team”. on “lifetime achievement” from g-unit’s elephant in the sand mixtape, lloyd banks utilizes simile and turead’s, mr. t badman persona to connote his adornment of ostentatious jewelry, “i slide through the p’s, neck like mr. t’s/ it’s degrees, but my wrist on freeze.” interestingly, turead’s biography speaks to the utilization of dual identity construction in american popular culture, which is utilized within hip hop aesthetics. turead stated that he adopted the name mr. t as a response his father being called boy as a child. he lamented that by incorporating “mr.” into his name, so they would be forced to call him mister. mr. t is also a hip hop icon. along with his bad attitude, mr. t’s adornment of numerous gold chains, rings, and earrings resonated within hip hop aesthetics. though baracus had minimal dialogue in the a-team, his presence served to further solidify the badman in american popular culture and, in turn, hip hop aesthetics. the significance of icons in hip hop can be observed in not only the icons that are embraced by hip hop aesthetics, but also in the icons that hip hop chooses to engage and reject. killer mike illustrates the ways in which emcees simultaneously engage and reject certain african american icons. on i pledge allegiance to the grind ( ) killer mike engages black bourgeoisie iconography and sensibilities directly; they say i dissed oprah, i'm like "so what?" i never get to jump up and down on a sofa (that's life) now watch me as i cruise like tom through the slums where the education's poor and the children growing dumb in the section of the city where civilians don't come where mr. cosby and mrs. winfrey won't come… you be hard pressed to find another rapper smart as me maybe jay-z, tupac, c-u-b-e but oprah'd rather put supahead on tv now whatcha white audience gon' think about we? the same white audience that watch bill o' reilly the cosby show and the oprah winfrey show emerged in . although both shows put forth “positive’ representations of african americans, they articulated very narrow constructions of african american identity. both shows featured african american icons, oprah winfrey and bill cosby. it is worth noting that both figures support the status quo, and are therefore more palatable to white america. cosby and winfery build on previous african american archetypes and stereotypes. cosby, in contrast to his comedic peer richard pryor—who reveled in the badman tradition—, was safe. his comedy and politics were not radical. as with winfrey, cosby was publicly, uncritical of systemic white supremacy and racism. winfrey and cosby were clearly african american, culturally-speaking, yet in many cases, their public narratives failed to address deeper racial issues. as african american icons, their narratives effected public discourse, opinion and perception within and outside the african american community during the s. as “ true power brokers, they were able to “exert a creative control previously denied to most african americans in hollywood” (bogle, ) the cosby show was extremely popular. the show was a critical and commercial success. its popularity partially rested upon its ability to adhere to the sociopolitical status quo. the cosbys were a respectable black family, headed by the family patriarch and central character, heathcliffe huxtable. deep-seated african american socio-economic issues were rarely addressed. on the cosby show, “the huxtables also escaped and provided escape from social problems then plaguing large numbers of americans. on the cosby show, drugs, crime, teenage pregnancy, unemployment, discrimination happened to other people. the family itself was immune” (collins black sexual politics, ). thrift, hard work and moral respectability was the overriding message of the cosby show. it championed a middle-class, bourgeoisie work ethic. cosby’s mainstream appeal as a comedian and actor served as the conceptual backdrop of the show. bill cosby’s iconicity as a “good nigga” cannot be understated when analyzing the success of the cosby show. due to cosby’s middle-class sensibilities, as well as his presentation as a “good nigga”, bill cosby is not a hip hop icon. donald bogle discusses cosby’s exoteric relationship with african american politics (not culture): though the mainstream culture always considered [cosby] black, he nonetheless was not perceived as being ethnic; he never had the heavy cultural baggage that might have made him seem like the other. with his concerns about family and a bourgeois lifestyle, he seemed to be the embodiment of the cultural mainstream itself… he proved ideal: playful, engaging, inventive, and reassuring; adroitly brushing aside fears of black male power and sexuality, yet again (paradoxically) without ever desexing himself. ( ) cosby’s lack of cultural baggage and his ambiguous stance on his sexuality—as compared to, say richard pryor— is responsible for his mainstream appeal and his omission as a hip hop icon. cosby’s biography is particularly significant within a postmodern context. the cosby show blurred “the lines between cosby the star and cosby the man, which worked splendidly to cosby’s advantage” (bogle ). lastly, the cosby show rarely dealt with hip hop, which— at the time—was closely linked to african american and latino folk culture. the show gave only scant consideration to hip hop music. musically, the show drew upon jazz aesthetics, which is a sign of the generation gap, which plays out aesthetically, between many baby boomers and the hip hop generation. winfrey’s public and biographical narratives, on the other hand, are protractions earlier african american stereotypes: winfrey constitutes the penultimate successful modern mammy whom african american and, more amazingly, white women should emulate. winfrey markets herself in the context of the synergistic relationship among entertainment, advertising, and news that frame contemporary black popular culture. (collins, black sexual politics ) oprah winfrey’s public narrative can be linked to washingtonian approaches to black public discourse. self-help ideology under girds winfrey’s public discourse. however, winfrey’s discourse hinges upon a bourgeois post modern, de-culturalized narratives. winfrey rarely links her self-help narrative to the collective struggles of african americans, particularly african americans in the greater chicago area. like cosby, winfrey does not engage institutionalized racism and european hegemony: winfrey reinforces an individualistic ideology of social change that counsels her audiences to rely solely on themselves. change yourself and your personal problems will disappear, advises winfrey…winfrey’s message stops far short of linking such individual changes to the actual resources and opportunities that are needed to escape from poverty, stop an abusive spouse from battering, or avoid job discrimination. the organizational group politics that helped create the very opportunities that winfrey herself enjoys are minimized in favor of a message of personal responsibility that resonates with the theme of “personal responsibility” used by elites to roll back social welfare programs. (hill-collins black sexual politics ) bill cosby and oprah winfrey’s focus on personal responsibility fails to take into account the impact of american racism and classism. though their narratives are embraced by mainstream (i.e. white) america and with some african american americans, their narratives have been largely rejected by working-class african american men. more recently, winfery and cosby have been extremely critical (and vocal) of hip hop culture. unfortunately, their critiques are often misinformed, ahistorical, and culturally insensitive. two seminal hip hop-oriented films debuted in : beat street and breakin. both films signaled the mainstreaming and commodification of hip hop culture. they offered narratives that reflected shifts in the hip hop worldview and hip hop iconography. beat street and breakin accentuated the viral transmission of hip hop culture across the country. beat street chronicled east coast developments in hip hop culture, and breakin documented developments in west coast in hip hop culture. collectively, the films simultaneously brought cohesion and visibility to hip hop aesthetics, while aiding in hip hop cultures transition from folk to popular culture. last, beat street and breakin solidified hip hop archetypes and icons aesthetics (e.g. the hater and b-boy) and aided in establishing the parameters and contours of hip hop . major developments in professional and college sports in influenced hip hop aesthetics. i identify four specific developments within sports culture that occurred in , which had a profound and determinant effect on hip hop aesthetics: ) the nba championship series—which pitted the storied los angeles lakers and magic johnson against larry bird and the boston celtics—; ) nba draft in which michael jordan, akeem olajuwan, charles barkley, and john stockton; ) michael jordan’s endorsement deal with nike—which was the genesis of the air jordan; and ) the ncaa division i men’s basketball game, in which the all-black georgetown hoyas, coached by african american john thompson defeated akeem olajuwan and the houston cougars. these events forever altered the nba aesthetic and socio- economic landscape, and turn, american popular culture iconography. african american popular culture iconography was in flux and brought to the surface many racial dynamics in america during . all four events have been sampled and utilized in hip hop’s post-modern pastiche, illustrated in the exchange of style and attitude between the hip hop generation and basketball iconography. furthermore, the basketball texts are referenced throughout hip hop narratives since . the nba championship was one a seminal historical moment of the magic/bird era, which itself became an iconic binary within hip hop aesthetics. boyd explains, “though hip hop would seem to have little to do with the magic/bird era, the racial conflict that engulfed this time certainly set he table for what was to come later” ( ). the interplay between style and race during the magic/bird era influenced hip hop aesthetics and the hip hop worldview: while much of the racial discourse of their time was embedded in the competition of these two players, the issues of both race and class would burst out in the open by the time hip hop came to have an influence on the way the game is played, around the late s. ( ) the nba draft is important to my discussion of hip hop aesthetics because two primary hip hop icons, michael jordan and charles barkley and two secondary icons, akeem olajuwan and john stockton were drafted. if the magic/bird era highlighted racial fissures in america, the michael jordan era ushered in an era of depoliticized and deracialized african american popular culture iconography. nonetheless, michael jordan was firmly rooted in urban aesthetics. jordan and barkley represented two diverse african american perspectives. jordan represented a reconstituted all-american “gold boy”. charles barkley on the other hand was outspoken, less-sophisticated, and was prone to violent “self-defense” both on and off the court. barkley’s badman approach is responsible for his iconic status in hip hop. the mash-up hip hop group gnarls barkley, which consists of avant-garde producer danger mouse and former goodie mob member cee-lo, utilize charles barkley as an iconic influence. michael jordan, however, qualifies as a hip hop icon more because of his financial success and stylistic influence on hip hop aesthetics than his embodiment of the badman trope. in this sense, michael jordan is a unique figure within hip hop iconography: jordan, unlike muhammad ali, for instance, came along at a time when it was political to be black, wealthy, and empowered by one’s own image. he was able to use individuality not only to win basketball games but to change the terms of the culture in the process. jordan, then, broke away from the group concept and established his own sense of being, relative not only to his blackness, but often above and beyond his racial identity. there was now a price that one could garner from being black and visible, thus jordan’s allegiance was to himself and not necessarily to the race. (boyd ) jordan’s individualistic approach, his lack of outspokenness in the popular media on cultural affairs and his distancing himself from african american politics in any significant way represents a divergence in hip hop iconography. jordan’s disconnect from urban, african american, working-class issues signaled a shift in african american iconography. jordan did not appear to be concerned with political and socioeconomic issues: though jordan was not hip hop per se in his politics, his timing on the nba scene closely connects to the emergence of hip hop as the primary way of representing blackness in the culture at large. on the other hand, jordan’s shaved head, his long shorts, and his air jordans all became staples of hip hop style. ( ) because hip hop iconography samples only parts of icon’s narratives, jordan’s financial success and basketball mastery are focal points and his politics and racial allegiance are deemphasized. nonetheless, hip hop aesthetics have borrowed most heavily from jordan’s competitive nature and his urban style. jay-z references michael jordan on his crossover hit “show me what ya got” ( ) as a metaphor for his mastery of hip hop lyricism: shots of patron, now she's in the zone i ain't talking about the two-thee mami in the zone like the homie - jordan or james, makes no difference boo i'm ballin the same i am the mike jordan of recording you might want to fallback from recording g-unit’s mixtape elephant in the sand, which was a taunt directed at fat joe’s elephant in the room ( ) album, exemplifies the competitive, take-no-prisoners attitude that is sampled from michael jordan. on “sunroof open,” lloyd banks asserts, “i got a conquer and win passion.” cent buttresses lloyd banks cocky, egotistical diatribe. similar to jordan, cent implies that he is unconcerned with critiques of him, whether they emanate from popular media or the certain sectors of the african american community, ““i got a fucked up attitude, i don’t care/ rock hanging from ear like a chandelier”. on “sunroof open”, cent admits that he has a “bad” attitude, yet he is indifferent. however, cent links his ambivalence to external critiques to his material success. michael jordan aided in the establishment of this type of capitalistic approach. michael jordan represented a new type of african american icon, and he also created new conceptual space for african american public narratives. aside from jordan’s aesthetic contributions to hip hop culture via his air jordan brand, michael jordan’s approach to business and his superior confidence—which bordered on arrogance and was the result of his superior athletic ability—have had a profound influence on hip hop aesthetics and public discourses. the ncaa division i men’s basketball championship game featured the georgetown hoyas versus the houston cougars. the game was significant to hip hop aesthetics and narratives for several reasons: ) john thompson became the first african american coach to win an ncaa division i title; ) the intra-racial overtones of nigerian-born houston star akeem olajuwan; and ) the racial overtones and aesthetic approach of the all-black georgetown hoyas. georgetown’s win over the university of houston in the ncaa division i championship title game, similar to the nba championship series, which pit larry bird against magic johnson, was symbolic and representative of american racial dynamics. more importantly, the georgetown hoyas : the critical mass of black men also foreshadowed the arrival of hip hop and its relationship to the game of basketball. hip hop often intimidated many because, at its core, it is a site defined by large gatherings of black men. georgetown demonstrated this on a basketball court….georgetown, like hip hop, never attempted to minimize these fears by softening its image. the hoyas used the negative perceptions against them as a form of intimidation. the team could be called an early version of “niggas with attitude” (boyd ) the georgetown hoyas represented african american male agency. the significance of their aesthetic contribution to hip hop aesthetics is evidenced in the popularity of georgetown paraphernalia in hip hop culture during the s, as well as the introduction of the nike terminator basketball shoe in , which was created specifically for the georgetown hoya basketball team. the socio-economic implications of the release of air jordans and nike terminators for corporate america are illustrated by nike’s surpassing $ billion in . hip hop aesthetics borrowed heavily from professional and college basketball iconography, but besides popular culture iconography, a dearth in strong african america, working-class narratives in mass media—which served as implicit critiques african american masculinity, and cross-currents in the nba in , there were eight additional socio-cultural developments in american popular media that influenced hip hop aesthetics. one, clara peller’s appearance in a wendy’s commercial on january , in which she introduced the popular catchphrase “where’s the beef?” illustrates hip hop’s reappropriation of popular media. the phrase "where's the beef?" has been appropriated by hip hop aesthetics. it has morphed and evolved into an abbreviated version, “beef” and, and has been fully absorbed into hip hop’s lexicon. beef connotes a disagreement or a physical altercation (or the threat of bodily harm) quincy jones’ son quincy jones iii (qd ) further popularized the term with his beef dvd series. (b.i.g “what’s beef”) two, hulk hogan’s january wwf championship win over the iron sheik introduced the world to hulkamania and the reinvention of the white superhero. three, michael jackson's scalp receiving second and third degree burns due to pyrotechnics during filming of a pepsi commercial illustrates hip hop’s reappropriation of and interplay with popular media. four, marvin gaye’s murder on april at the hands of his father signaled highlighted african american inter-generational shifts between baby boomers and the hip hop generation. marvin gaye is a hip hop and african american icon. his murder represented the growing generational rift within the african american community, which was exacerbated by drug culture, gun violence and overall difference in worldview. it reinforced the hip hop generations’ notion that violence was inescapable even if one receives fame and fortune. five, vanessa williams becoming the first african american miss america and the first to resign when she surrendered her crown for after nude photos of her appear in "penthouse" magazine highlighed gender dynamics within the african american community. this event further obsfucated and complicated african american feminity for african american hip hop genrationers. six, the release of a nightmare on elm street on november , influenced hip hop aesthetics and increased the threshhold of blood and gore within hip hop narratives. dana dane’s “nighmares” from dana dane with fame is an example of the early influence of horror films in general and a nightmare on elm street in particular. seven, the release of tina turner’s “what’s love got to do with it” impacted gendered, malecentric hip hop narratives. “what’s love got to with it” represented a shift in african american women’s discourses. turner’s narrative enouraged anti-african http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/michael_jackson http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/pyrotechnics http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/pepsi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/television_commercial http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/miss_america http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/nudity http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/penthouse_magazine mle sentiment in popular media. as a feminst text, the song documented the spousal abuse turner experienced at th hands of her then husband ike turner. however, “what’s love got to do with it” heightened the tension between african american men and women in the early s. and eight, the shooting of four african american youth (barry allen, troy canty, james ramseur, and darrell cabey) by bernhard hugo goetz on december, in the bronx heightened racial tensions for hip hop generationers, which aided in the embrace of black nationalist discourse in hip hop. by , “elaborate props and rigid codification all give their performances a kind of large-scale grandiosity foreign to most early –clearly less formal—hip-hop music” (dimitriadi ). not so ironically, the gun became a recurring symbol within hip-hop culture during the s. as noted, post-modern constructions of male identity with in american popular culture gave way to realist renderings of urban life. “the gun came to signify (referentially) a gun and gun alone. the power of this symbol stood on its own. realism in the realm of the mass-mediated became more important than engaging live crowds or working with the language itself (dimitriadi ). urban, young african-american male voices did not reappear on american television until with the debut of the arsenio hall show and the sketch comedy series in living color. hall, who was a year-old comedian at the time the show aired and a burgeoning actor, introduced a witty, hip hop influenced talk show. the arsenio hall show’s represented a toned-down version of what was “hip” in the late s. it clearly catered to the hip hop generation featuring african american guests such as minister louis farrakhan, de la soul, buster rhymes, et al. in loving color on the other hand adhered to a much younger, and one could say, more urban, hard-edged aesthetic. executive produced by keenan ivory-wayans--the boding patriarch of the wayans comedy klan—the show featured a hip hop influenced theme some performed by emcee heavy d. similar to the arsenio hall show, in living color definitely hip hop as a musical and aesthetic backdrop. the arsenio hall show and in living color served as cultural agents in the sustenance, proliferation, dissemination, commodification and cultivation of hip hop aesthetics. hip hop music enjoyed a symbiotic relationship with in living color and the arsenio hall show. the shows marked a shift in working-class, african american male voices in american popular culture. the interplay between comedy and hip hop aesthetics can be seen in the appeal of both shows as well as the maturation of hip hop discourse in the late s, which were anchored by these two shows. run-dmc’s run dmc and raising hell, nwa and the posse ( ), and krs- one’s criminal minded served as tragic realist narratives that chronicled the emerging crack economy, the aids epidemic, and american public policy of the early s. not only did these albums foreshadow the post-afrocentric movement in hip hop texts, these narratives stood in direct contrast to more mainstream, middle-class african american narratives, which were generally more light-hearted, television shows such as the oprah winfery show, the cosby show, revenge of the nerds, and family matters represent this trend. by , the expansion of urban, working-class african american male discursive spaces aided in the rise of more aggressive and explicit content in hip hop discourses. run-dmc as hip hop icons and archetypes (illustration . ) run-dmc in the previous section, i offered an analysis of early s popular culture texts. in this section, i examine the significance of run-dmc—particularly their debut album run-dmc— as countercultural text in order to highlight the emergence of a distinct hip hop worldview. however, i extend kitwana’s hip hop worldview rubric and illustrate how the hip hop worldview reached maturation within the context of a unique cultural moment. marked a dearth of resilient and viable representations of working-class african american men, as well as a shift in african american popular culture iconography. run-dmc serves as hip hop archetypes that solidified numerous features of hip hop aesthetics and expression. numerous hip hop scholars have studied run-dmc’s musical and physical texts. however, many have overlooked the significance of their debut, self- entitled album, run-dmc within the context of early s american popular culture discourse. run-dmc was a seminal and foundational album in its carving out of discursive space in american popular culture, as well as its influence upon hip hop aesthetics. run-dmc serves as a blueprint for hip-hop posturing, style and discourse. the emergence of run-dmc also marked a significant shift in hip hop aesthetics. on one hand, the group solidified bad as an aesthetic in hip hop. on the other hand, run- dmc signaled a shift from folk hip hop culture to popular, mass-mediated popular culture production: run-dmc played down the body because they saw themselves above all as professionals. by acting normal and solemn, they played out their audiences fantasies and maturity…[their] personae represent a ‘narrowing down” of the broad scope of festivity.(wheeler, ) as a seminal rap group, they serve as iconographic, and as archetypal figures in hip-hop culture. aesthetically, they serve as foundational figures. run-dmc embodied the attitude of the s b-boy. they challenged notions of rock star masculinity. there were several prominent features of run-dmc’s brand of cool. bravado, name brand clothing, street vernacular and aggressive posturing were all part of run-dmc’s aesthetics and narratives. a juxtaposition of african american public discourse in popular media and run- dmc’s narratives on run-dmc illustrate the existential and discursive disparity and ideological fissure between working-class, urban african american men and middle- class african americana in . while popular renderings of african american life in television and film chronicled upward mobility and middle-class values, run-dmc stood in direct contrast to these narratives. the albums first track “hard times” served as a response to the candy-coated and/or emasculated african american narratives of the early s. “hard times” raised the ante on tragic realism in mainstream hip hop discourse. ironically, run-dmc’s appeal lay in the group’s ability to balance mainstream appeal with gritty, realist narratives. as a response to more mainstream narratives of american social mobility within popular culture, run-dmc made an aesthetic choice to deal with themes such as inflation and unemployment: hard times spreading just like the flu watch out homeboy, don't let it catch you p-p-prices go up, don't let your pocket go down when you got short money you're stuck on the ground turn around, get ready, keep your eye on the prize and be on point for the future shock (“hard times”) “hard times” was unabashedly poignant, offering listeners a glimpse into the realities of the post industrial environment, while offering glimmers of hope (e.g. “keep your eyes on the prize”). run-dmc’s narratives were linked to african american, urban struggle. yet, run-dmc’s stylistic choices—tightly wound call-and response flows, aggressive posturing, donning all-black attire, their utilization of the b-boy stance—became the foundation for an emerging hip hop aesthetic. on “it’s like that”, they expand upon their tragic realist narratives, emphasizing their discontent with the lack of economic opportunity within a post-industrial economy, “unemployment at a record highs/people coming, people going, people born to die/ don't ask me, because i don't know why/but it's like that, and that's the way it is.” run-dmc was the first rap group to headline a national tour and the first to appear on mtv. they popularized rap among the young, predominantly white audience of rock music; gave the genre a more rebellious image; and introduced hip-hop sartorial style— hats, gold chains, and untied adidas sports shoes with fat laces—to millions of young americans. the now familiar connection between rap music and athletic wear was established in when the adidas corporation and run-dmc signed a $ . million promotional deal (starr ). during the s, popular culture media rarely dealt with the ills of america’s urban poor. as discussed, the urban african-american male narratives was absent from popular media, particularly heroic african-american figures. due to the absence of radical, heroic narratives and anti-working class african american male sentiment in popular culture during the s, the badman trope was embraced within hip hop aesthetics, and, in turn, became a central feature of hip hop aesthetics. the badman—a carryover from pre-hip hop african american iconography—served as a creative vehicle upon which certain expressive modes—hyperbole, bravado, double-entendre— were accentuated in hip hop narratives. in sum, the year marked the maturation of hip hop aesthetics. the emergence of run-dmc signaled shifts in american popular culture, as well as an overall shift within hip hop aesthetics. run-dmc solidified hip hop aesthetics through their use of aggressive posturing and attitude and their use of fashion to convey messages. hip hop sensibilities emerged during this era as a response to a rise in african american male visibility in american popular culture on one hand and a blatant invisibility on the other hand. popular media represented working-class african american men as caricatures. by , films such as the color purple, though a powerful womanist account, supported the proliferation of flat african-american male characters. in other words, it was not the portrayal of black male violence in the color purple that was problematic, as crenshaw ( ) observes, but “the absence of other narratives and images portraying a fuller range of black experience” ( ). developments in american popular media and culture in influenced the trajectory and contours of hip hop aesthetics. professional and college basketball, popular culture texts, and popular culture icons interfaced with hip hop culture and created a new worldview that would serve as a socio-cultural foundation for hip hop aesthetics. although hip hop aesthetics have subtle socio-political underpinnings, hip hop aesthetics are covertly political. the badman trope activated through an engagement of popular culture texts and iconography is an example of how hip hop aesthetics capture discursive space and cultural capital. in other words, the badman trope is utilized as a form of creative expression. the badman as literary devise is utilized not only in hip hop lyrics, but also hip hop attire, posturing and attitudes. the badman trope was embraced within hip hop culture and aesthetics and operated within the context of pop culture, counter-narratives. the dearth of strong african american male characters, figures and icons within popular media (with the exception of professional sports icons), the rise of the megastar, and public policy all contributed to the development of hip hop aesthetics. furthermore, was an important year for hip hop culture and aesthetics. numerous crosscurrents, ambiguities, and contradictions operate concurrently within hip hop culture and aesthetics, which reflect america’s historical inconsistencies, african american’s quest for upward mobility, and the skewed representations of african americans in popular. characteristics of hip-hop expression this section "characteristics of hip hop expression" is an attempt link hip hop to african american cultural traditions. zora neale hurston’s “characteristics of negro expression” serves as a crucial link between hip hop culture and early twentieth century african american cultural practices. i utilize hurston’s construct as a starting point to create a theoretical framework to examine and understand hip hop aesthetics. characteristics of hip hop expression outlines prominent features and characteristics within hip hop aesthetics. this is not an exhaustive analysis of hip hop aesthetics. based on hurston’s construct, characteristics of hip hop expression is based on ethnographic observation and textual analysis (i.e. music videos, interviews, songs, etc.). it is an attempt to identify specific characteristics of hip hop aesthetics, building upon hurstons’ earlier narrative describing inner-city african americans of the early twentieth century. in short, i provide a perfunctory rubric—characteristics of hip hop expression—, which identifies thirty-two characteristics of hip hop expression. by discussing hip hop aesthetics within the context of expression in order to move away from approaching hip hop culture as a political movement and to broaden discourses on hip hop which take into account hip hop’s focus on style and its reconfiguration and renegotiation of african american epistemology, ontology, and axiology. table . characteristics of hip hop expression characteristic example(s) ) the concept of the underground see dissertation text (sdt) ) cultural/economic alchemy (i.e. scratching, graff, entrepreneurship) -transformation of experience into capital via lyrical content -scratching is a manipulation of time space ) the hater -spit in beat street -c. delores tucker -bill o’reilly -(sdt) ) self-critique n/a ) collectivity/cooperative economics -a strong team (e.g. the zulu nation, wu-tang, -g-unit, death row, bravehearts, etc.) -the crew ) transgeographic, diasporic dialogue n/a ) place symbolism (representin’) -see also nas’ “represent” from illmatic ( ) -“l.a, l.a.” the dogg pound ) upward mobility -get rich or die trying, cent -bootstrapping (washington) ) self defense -“death before dishonor.” ) lived practice -(sdt) ) hyperbolic expression/exaggeration -rerun from the (freshest kids) -(sdt) ) symbolism n/a ) attitude/swagger (sdt) ) signifying (sdt) ) dual meanings/encoded messages (sdt) ) attidtude/keepin it real/bad -“i’m bad” ll cool j -(sdt) -“the realest nigga” styles p -(sdt) ) absence of the concept of privacy (sdt) ) street knowledge (sdt) ) postmodern pastiche (sdt) ) da hustler (trickster, etc.) n/a ) the badman/badwoman trope (sdt) ) being “fresh” -hurston “the will to adorn” -(sdt) ) style relayed through non-verbal communication of symbols, signs, and meaning (sdt) ) freedom of speech ) a message -grand master flash and the furious five circa (“the message”) ) competition n/a ) double-entendre, allegory, double meaning and signifying -run dmc -jay-z -(sdt) ) tragic reaslism -(sdt) ) cathartic -jay-z -ll cool j -russell simmons ) respect for the dead -r.i.p. murals -libations ) non-judgement -(sdt) ) a commandeering and reappropriation of public space (the boom box, b-girling, block parties (pinkster celebrations, graffiti) -(sdt) (sdt)-see dissertation text conclusion like its african american-influenced predecessors blues, jazz, and so-called rock and roll, hip-hop culture is in desperate need of critical analysis and scholarly input. as early african-american scholars such as zora neale hurston have attempted to tease out “characteristics” of african american expression, so must the new cadre of scholars within the academy. hurston, as well as other early african american scholars, laid an adequate theoretical and methodological foundation from which hip hop scholars can operate. by making connections with earlier scholarly works, analysis of african and african american musical production situates hip hop as part of a cultural continuum and not an abruption. unfortunately, many contemporary scholars have not examined these texts closely and have in turn created somewhat ahistorical/acultural analyses of hip-hop culture. african american popular culture iconography and iconology are important, yet neglected, spheres of twenty-first century african american life. since hip hop’s birth, american popular culture iconography has gone through many phases. nonetheless, the s witnessed the emergence of a new media landscape, which spurned the birth of the mega star (e.g michael jordan, michael jackson, and bill cosby. the rise of celebrity, product branding, hyper-consumption, and middle-class optimism undoubtedly impacted shifts in african american iconography. moreover, critical analysis of hip-hop culture, icons and aesthetics is paramount to its preservation and its maturation. without a historical context from which to do so, though, hip-hop runs the risk of cooption, exploitation and/or extinction. in qd ’s beef series, which chronicles internecine rivalries in hip hop music culture, hip hop icon krs-one labeled the current era of hip hop as the ice age. hip hop’s ice age is marked by the increase of corporatization, commercialism and conspicuous consumption within hip hop. it also marks a distancing from hip hop’s essence (or golden age). the current state of hip hop iconography and iconology reflects not only trends within larger american society, but they also represent trends, currents and attitudes of the hip hop generation. many hip hop artists, purists, casual listeners and aficionados are beginning to echo krs’s sentiment concerning the current state of hip hop. however, art never exists in a vacuum. hip hop music is an extension and representation of african american cultural attitudes, on some level, no matter how distorted. this was true since hip-hop’s beginning, even though hip hop has become increasingly mass mediated. i am not suggesting that hip hop culture represents a facsimile of african american existence. the tension between authentic african american imagery and african americans’ heterogeneity cannot be neglected. in its popular phase, hip hop emerges out of a complex matrix which include market forces, corporate interest, musical tastes and trends, racially influenced mass media and socioeconomc factors. if hip hop aesthetics reflect african american attitudes and sensibilities, then what is to be said of hip hop’s current state? hip hop narratives draw attention to the exigent and tenuous circumstances many face in african american latino community. in , getting ahead or losing ground: economic mobility in america published by the brookings institute surveys the prospects of upward mobility. this research debunks the myth of the american dream, pointing out that upward mobility through hard work is often out of reach for many poor, african americans. in short, economic opportunities for this demographic remain bleak. for many hip hop generationers, violence has become quotidian. what are the implications of downward mobility and rampant gunplay, for example, on hip hop aesthetics? many contemporary hip hop icons are ostentatious sybarites. despite the attempts of many culture critics and pundits to traduce hip hop, hip hop—at least in its more pop- oriented variant—remains a viable and, arguably, functional form of creative expression and entertainment for america’s youth. the forbes celebrity list, which is a list of the top earning celebrities, illustrates the economic and social capital that hip hop culture has garnered young african americans. the forbes celebrity list is telling in what it reveals about the twenty-first century american popular culture landscape. the list elucidates the centrality of hip hop in american popular culture. if earnings are socio-cultural indicators in a capitalist context, then the upward mobility of hip hop icons such as jay-z, cent, and p.diddy reaffirms self-determination as an important characteristic of hip hop aesthetics. hip hop’s underdog aesthetic, undergirded by the hip hop characteristic “hustle and flow”, bleeds into all sectors of american society. because hip hop culture is a form of expression, hip hop manifests itself as an attitude, an aesthetic approach to existence. armed with valuable african american historical narratives and iconography, hip hop culture approaches the american landscape and its challenges with a competitive aggression. jay-z underscores the acute historical awareness within hip hop culture. historical awareness informs hip hop culture’s proclivity to economic mobility. on “izzo (h.o.v.a)”, jay-z interposes legendary rap pioneers cold crush into his narrative, connecting the group’s exploitation in the record industry to historic wrongs committed against african americans in the music business: i do this for my culture to let 'em know what a nigga look like, when a nigga in a roaster show 'em how to move in a room full of vultures industry shady it need to be taken over label owners hate me i'm raisin the status quo up i'm overchargin niggaz for what they did to the cold crush pay us like you owe us for all the years that you hoed us we can talk, but money talks so talk mo' bucks jay-z, cent, and p. diddy followed an economic blueprint that emerged in hip hop aesthetics in the mid- s. jay-z’s reference to cold crush—“i’m overchargin niggaz for what they did to cold crush”— and his explicit reference to the industry being ‘shady exemplify hip hop’s awareness of past exploitation of african american artists. this awareness informs these hip hop icons’ aggressive approach to business, whether illicit or licit. cent’s critically-acclaimed debut album, get rich or die trying, takes the hip hop characteristic of self-determinative upward mobility to another level. get rich or die trying also signaled the acceptance and entrenchment of capitalist ideals within hip hop aesthetic. hence, upward mobility—as opposed to mere collective struggle—has become a central theme of contemporary hip hop. what does twenty-first century hip hop discourse’s embrace of upward mobility say about the state of poor, african americans and latinos? to what extent does this trend reflect the actual circumstances of the hip hop generation? as discussed in chapter , the shift toward upward mobility is reflected in african american popular culture texts of the s. moreover, this decline in black nationalist narratives in hip hop is also reflected in the transition from the afrocentric movement to the post-afrocentric era in hip hop discourse. these hip hop icons’ earnings surpassed many film and sports icons. historically, sports icons were at the top of the african american iconographic hierarchy. this trend reflects not so much a decline in interest in sports icons in hip hop aesthetics, for sports icons remain lionized figures in the african american community and within hip hop aesthetics; nonetheless, it does speak to hip hop’s renown amongst african american youth. more importantly, these african american, male icons are anomalies. they represent new archetypal models. for the hip hop generation, though influenced by older african american iconographic and iconological models, professional sports icons have taken a backseat to icons and figures that necessarily reflect the hip hop generation’s values, expectations, worldview and aesthetics. within in this new iconological model, politics are secondary to social mobility and expression (i.e. style, freedom of speech, etc.). lil wayne provides insight into the hip hop generation’s apathy toward sports culture and icons in general: they said i couldn't play football, i was too small they said i couldn't play basketball, i wasn't tall they said i couldn't play baseball at all and now everyday of my life, i ball and they say you ain't great, 'til someone assassinate and i feel like mlk yeah, +i have a dream+ to be your worst nightmare corporate titaness and american icon oprah winfrey was the highest-earning celebrity to make the list for . winfrey’s ascendance represents on one hand the upward mobility and palatability of as an african american women in popular culture. on the other hand, winfrey’s ascendance ushers in a more stringent—albeit misinformed—critique of african american male hip hop figures and discourse. though oprah winfrey’s success remains somewhat of an anomaly—winfrey is a testament to african american women’s resiliency and agency, she has successfully managed to ignore and silence many of hip hop’s more provocative male voices. she has eagerly joined the chorus of critics such as bill cosby, john mcwhorter and jason whitlock who have lambasted and vilified hip hop culture instead of dealing with the deeper systemic and historical factors that have led to hip hop’s emergence. because winfrey and cosby are african american icons, they have become bellwethers of african american public opinion. hip hop mogul jay-z ranked ninth behind winfrey, madonna ( ) and the rolling stones ( ). jay-z, who earned $ million, earned more than steven spielberg ( ), tom hanks ( ), david letterman ( ), donald trump ( ) and kobe bryant, who ranked twenty-three. cent ranked ahead of michael jordan ( ), rush limbaugh ( ), and jerry seinfeld ( ). p.diddy ranked ahead of lebron james ( ) and derek jeter ( ). jay-z, diddy and cent represent a new wave of african american business moguls. they differ in tone, approach and intent from previous african american business archetypes such as jack johnson, michael jordan, and michael jackson. cent, in particular, represents a new breed of hip hop archetype and icon. the forbes celebrity list has far-reaching implications for hip hop scholarship. it illustrates the importance placed upon american celebrity evidenced in the market value of celebrities and icons. what does the forbes celebrity reveal about the economic, aesthetic, social, and discursive changes/current that have occurred within (and outside) hip hop culture since its birth in ? what are the implications of jay- z’s high-ranking as a young african american male from the marcy housing projects in brooklyn, new york? lastly, has hip hop culture reached its apogee? in this dissertation, i have attempted to show how hip hop has proliferated partially because it has filled a void in what the hip hop demographic would consider strong african american male voices and leadership in popular media. the invisibility and emasculation of working-class african american, men’s discourses in american popular media was the spark that led to hip hop’s flowering. hip hop emerged in the maelstrom of anti-working class, african american male sentiment that augmented american popular culture of the late s and early s. since the institution of american slavery, radical african american male narratives have been overlooked, rebuked, silenced, and ignored. don imus’ derogatory description of the rutgers women’s basketball team and the subsequent hip hop bashing campaign it ignited are glaring examples of how race and gender dynamics play out in popular media. furthermore, many winferian critiques of hip hop echo older critiques of the badman trope and so- called low culture. it extends previous black bourgeoisie critiques of folk culture (i.e. blues, the jook, rock and roll, and bebop). hip hop iconography, iconology and aesthetics elucidate the inter-generational fissure within the african american community between the hip hop and baby boomer generations. kanye west illustrates this point on “can’t tell me nothing” featuring young jeezy from his graduation album: so i parallel double parked that motherfucker sideways old folks talking bout back in my day but homey this is my day, class started hours ago oh am i late? you know i already graduated and you can live through anything if magic made it west reifies basketball icon magic johnson, while simultaneously critiquing older african americans. hip hop icons, iconology and aesthetics encapsulate the hip hop generation’s pessimism of american reform and ambivalence toward elders conceptualization of work and success. lastly, the presidential campaign and its impact on hip hop iconography is noteworthy. barack obama has already attained iconic status within in the hip hop community. barack obama’s national and international appeal, particularly in the african american community, lies more in his reification as a popular culture figure. in other words, obama’s image as a charismatic celebrity and popular culture icon has been as important as his political agenda. african american presidential candidate his campaign has appealed to the hip hop generation due, partially, to its utilization of technology and his approach to marketing. if barack obama is indeed elected as the first african american president, he will alter the contours of african american, and as a result hip hop iconography. overall, icons and archetypes are the building blocks of hip hop aesthetics. as role models, hip hop’s icons and aesthetics reflect shifts in african american attitudes, values, and expectations. because hip hop utilizes post modern pastiche, there are multiple layers of meaning embedded in hip narratives and icons. hip hop narratives iconography, iconology and aesthetics are currently in the process of an aesthetic and generational shift within hip hop culture. the theme and sociopolitical impetus of nas' new album--which was originally entitled n.i.g.g.e.r ( ), the success of jay-z and cent in the entrepreneurial sphere, and the recent "beef" between soulja boy and ice t are just three examples of recent developments that signal notable shifts in hip hop culture. far from tangential, these shifts reflect and track societal trends, as well as african american attitudes, values and expectations. this is why the new cadre of african american studies scholars must dialogue about these developments in hip hop culture. more importantly, hip hop culture is the primary form of cultural expression for today’s african american youth. i view the african american community's reappropriation and subsequent harnessing of hip hop 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(autumn, ), pp. - . winning, brolin. “redman: still smokin'”, march , http://www.mp .com/features/stories/ .html. http://libproxy.temple.edu: /view/ /ap / a / ?searchurl=http% a//www.jstor.org/search/basicresults% fhp% d % si% d % gw% djtx% jtxsi% d % jcpsi% d % artsi% d % query% dhip% bhop% wc% don&frame=noframe&dpi= &userid= bf a a @temple.edu/ cce f e d dd fba&currentresult= % bap % b a % b % c effb &backcontext=page&backurl=/cgi-bin/jstor/viewitem/ /ap / a / % fsearchurl% dhttp% a//www.jstor.org/search/basicresults% fhp% d % si% http://libproxy.temple.edu: /view/ /ap / a / ?searchurl=http% a//www.jstor.org/search/basicresults% fhp% d % si% d % gw% djtx% jtxsi% d % jcpsi% d % artsi% d % query% dhip% bhop% wc% don&frame=noframe&dpi= &userid= bf a a @temple.edu/ cce f e d dd fba&currentresult= % bap % b a % b % c effb &backcontext=page&backurl=/cgi-bin/jstor/viewitem/ /ap / a / % fsearchurl% dhttp% a//www.jstor.org/search/basicresults% fhp% d % si% http://www.mp .com/features/stories/ .html weheliye, alexander, g. phonographies: grooves in sonic afro-modernity. durham: duke university press, . welsh-asante, kariamu. “the conceptualization of nzuri.” the african aesthetic. ed. kariamu welsh-asante. westport, conn: greenwood publishing group, . - . westbrook, alonzo. hip-hoptionary. new york: harlem moon, . www.wikipedia.com ya salaam, mtume. “the aesthetics of rap (in popular music)” african american review, vol. , no. , special issues on the music. (summer, ): - . discography cent. “what up gangsta.”get rich or die tryin. interscope, february , . rob base. “it takes two.” it takes two. profile, . mary j. blige. “what’s the .” what’s the ?. mca, july , . , big pun. “intro.” capital punishment. rca, april , . black moon. enta da stage. nervous, . boogie down productions (krs-one). criminal minded. b boy records, . brand nubian. one for all. elektra, . the clipse. “mr. me too.” hell hath no fury. re-up gang / star trak, november , . common. “the th sense.” like water for chocolate. mca, march , . -------“i used to love h.e.r.” resurrection. relativity, . dead prez. “they schools.” lets get free. relativity, . d’angelo. brown sugar. virgin, july , dr. dre. “a nigga wit a gun.” the chronic. death row/koch, . erykah badu. “afro (freestyle skit).” baduizm. umvd, february , . ------“the healer/hip hop.”new amerykah. motown, . foreign exchange. “sincere.” connected. bbe, . a tribe called quest. people's instinctive travels and the paths of rhythm. jive, april , . ----- low end theory . jive, september , . goodie mob. “free.” soul food. arista, . goapele. “ease your mind” featuring pep love. columbia/skyblaze, . group home. living proof. fontana london, . g-unit. “lifetime achievement.” elephant in the sand, . jay-z. “show me what you got.” kingdom come. roc-a-fella, november , . jeru the damaja. “come clean.” the sun rises in the east. fontana island, may , . jill scott. “jilltro.” who is jill scott? words and sounds, vol. . hidden beach, january, . the jungle brothers. “straight out the jungle.” straight out the jungle. warlock, septmber , . kanye west. graduation. roc-a-fella, . killer mike. i pledge allegiance to the grind . grind time, . krs-one. by all means necessary. jive/rca, may , . leaders of the school. future with a past. elektra/wea, the lox. “f**k you.” we are the streets. interscope, january , . me'shell ndegeocello. “pocketbook.” cookie: the anthropological mixtape. maverick, . michael jackson. thriller. sony, . mint condition. meant to be mint. perspective, july , . -------from the mint factory. fontana a&m, october , . mobb deep. the infamous. rca, -------juvenile hell. fontana island, . m.o.p. “howabout some hardcore.” to the death. select, . mos def. “umi says.” black on both sides. rawkus/umdg, june , . -------“got.” black on both sides. rawkus/umdg, june , . nas. illmatic. sony, . ------“n.i.g.g.e.r (the slave and the master).” nas. def jam, notorious b.i.g. ready to die. arista, . naughty by nature. “o.p.p.” naughty by nature. rhino/ada, . onyx. bacdafucup. fontana/def jam, . pryor, richard. the anthology: - . rhino/wea, . public enemy. “fight the power.” fear of a black planet, def jam, . -------it takes a nation of millions to hold us back. def jam, . queen latifah. all hail the queen. tommy boy, november . -------nature of a sista. tommy boy, august , . rick ross. trilla. def jam, . run-dmc. “it’s like that.” run-dmc. arista, . -------“hard times.” run-dmc. arista, . slick rick. “mona lisa.” the great adventures of slick rick. def jam, . souls of mischief. til infinity. jive, . styles p. super gangster extraordinary gentleman. koch, . talib kweli. “country cousins”. eardrum. warner bros., . tony! toni! tone!. the revival. motown, . -------sons of soul. motown, . wu-tang clan. “c.r.e.a.m (cash rules everything around me) enter the wu-tang ( chambers). rca, november , . x-clan. to the east blackwards. fontana island, . 	the beautiful struggle: 	the beautiful struggle: 	the urban north 	african aesthetics and hip hop aesthetics 	the oral tradition 	african-american musical aesthetics 	statement of the problem 	hip-hop as culture 	chapter 	the urban north 	imitation within the african aesthetic functions as a pedagogical tool. as in jazz, the basic format is mastered, usually through imitation and then individual style can be attained. in jazz, imitation is used more as a mentoring process and/or a sign of respect and admiration. this musical-cultural epistemology has been absorbed into hip-hop aesthetics. the notorious b.i.g elucidates this point on “the what” from his classic album, ready to die: 	speech and music frequently were integrated, with varying degrees of gradation among the four kinds of expression—speech, recitative, chant, and song…a song might move into speech and back to singing during its performance; a story might employ songs during the course of the narrative. call-and response structure made ample allowance for the interjection of speech into song; for example, the group might sing or chant refrains instead of singing them. (southern - ) 	 how can originality and imitation co-exist? originality and imitation appear, on the surface, to be in direct opposition to one another. in hip hop’s formative years, sampling was viewed as unoriginal and non-music because of its lack of live instrumentation. nonetheless, sampling is an aesthetic carryover from african aesthetics and is also closely linked to african american approaches to imitation. bartlett asserts “african american musical aesthetics are historically little concerned with the exactitude of imitation” ( ). in hip-hop culture, originality and imitation are not constructed as dialectically-opposed to each other. bartlett goes on to state: 	 imitation within the african aesthetic functions as a learning tool. as in jazz, the basic format is mastered, usually through imitation and then individual style can be attained. in jazz, imitation is used more as a mentoring process and/or a sign of respect and admiration. this paradigm is evident the hip-hop aesthetic. biggie smalls raps in “the what” from his classic album, ready to die: 	works cited outside looking in case studies of the effects of study abroad on female african american university students’ identities nicole sol girton college submitted october this dissertation is submitted for the degree of doctor of philosophy. faculty of education • university of cambridge declaration i hereby declare that my dissertation entitled outside looking in: case studies of effects of study abroad on female african american university students’ identities: • is the result of my own work and includes nothing that is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text. • does not exceed the prescribed word limit of , words. this dissertation has , words, excluding these opening pages, reference list, and appendices. date: ____________________________________ signature: ____________________________________ print name: nicole sol summary in the - academic year, black university students comprised only . % of all study abroad students in the united states, despite being . % of all university students. in an attempt to better foster the experiences of these students, this thesis seeks to understand the evolution of black women’s self-concept from studying abroad. this qualitative empirical research focuses on the individual experiences of five u.s. black university women who studied outside of the united states for one term or academic year during - . these case studies gathered data through interviews and field texts, including oral history interviews prior to the participants’ departure, field texts collected while the students were on their abroad experiences, and a follow-up interview after their repatriation back to the united states. too often, academics seek refuge of analysis in conventional theorists to look for new connections and understandings. using these frameworks with marginalised communities does a disservice to these individuals. we cannot hope to understand the experience of alternative ways of being if we presume that all people fall into mainstream cultural theory. therefore this study uses african american psychologists (instead of white psychologists) to examine the participants’ understanding of their identity. specifically i utilise intersectionality and africentric theory to understand how these women regard themselves in relation to their family structure, nationality, and religion. black feminist thought is also employed to analyse the participants’ understanding of their gender with regards to sexualised imaging, physical appearance, and hair. i examine academic achievement (including personal and professional advancement, as well as racial contribution) through a black psychological lens. this research found that study abroad does indeed have a powerful impact on black women’s identities. all five women expressed higher self-confidence and shifts in how they understood the various aspects of their identities. yet the shifts that occurred varied for the individual woman, which i attribute not only to the different destinations where these women studied abroad, but also to the complex and unique identities (and individual understanding of those identities) that each woman carried with her into her study abroad experience. these differences indicate that study abroad practitioners should be attentive in offering custom support to every student to allow him or her to reap the most growth from their time abroad. acknowledgments this thesis has taken many long hours, mugs of green tea, almonds, and iterations. i have been amazed how it has evolved from a simple idea to what it is now. however, this thesis would never have come to existence without the support of people from so many areas of my life. foremost to the five remarkable young women who participated in this thesis’s research: your amazing stories are an inspiration and i appreciate your willingness to let me into your lives, especially during such a time of personal growth for you all. my supervisor, hilary cremin: thank you for taking me on, challenging my ideas, guiding me through the process, and believing that i have a contribution to make to our wider understanding of intercultural education. my family has been supportive all of my life and my doctoral studies gave them another chance to truly shine. mom (debra sol), dad (josé sol torres), uncle ted (brletic), and aunt candy (england): thank you for your selfless and unconditional love. josué gómez parada: your encouragement and love through this has not gone unnoticed or unappreciated. te quiero. barbara cooke, stephanie andrews, kaylan schwarz, and garth stahl: my boundless appreciation for being my sounding board here in cambridge as friends and academic contemporaries. the hours of conversations whether regarding this thesis or the drama of everyday life kept me sane while it was all happening. tom kynaston: thank you for helping me to take care of my fitness, while i took care of these intellectual pursuits. you challenged me every time, and i know it not only made me a healthier person physically, but a healthier person mentally. i have benefitted from having some truly amazing supervisors and mentors during my career in higher education. tracy cree: without your professional encouragement, i would never have sought a phd. lisa mcadam-donegan: without your infectious enthusiasm for the work, i would never have fallen in love with study abroad as hard as i did. a special thank you as well to brenda wickes, kent warren, and monika popp for your support of me professionally. and to the rest of my family, friends, and colleagues around the globe, there are so many of you who supported and loved me through this process; i am grateful for it more than you know. “all my life i had been looking for something. it took me a long time… to achieve a realization everyone else appears to have been born with: that i am nobody but myself.” – ralph ellison 	
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   contents declaration i summary iii acknowledgements v contents vii list of figures xi list of abbreviations xii part one: background to research i. introduction . statement of problem . research aims . contributions & significance . a word about vocabulary: definitions of terminology usage . overview of thesis ii. the evolution of higher education . roots of higher education . women in higher education . shifting experiences . changing contexts of higher education internationally . . changing contexts of higher education in the united states . summation iii. the african american experience of education . history of african american education . inequality in education . african american mindset and the disconnect . the african american experience of higher education . african americans at university . historically black colleges and universities and predominantly white institutions . the experience . summation iv. the evolution of study abroad . roots of study abroad . study abroad versus international education . history of study abroad . changing contexts of study abroad in the united states . changing contexts of study abroad internationally . benefits of study abroad . personal growth . academic growth . programme length . minority ethnic populations and study abroad . hindrances to studying abroad . institutional response . effects of study abroad on minority ethnic groups . summation 	
   viii	
   v. theoretical framework . identity components . intersectionality . african american psychology . family structure . . nationality . . religion and spirituality . gender . . sexualised images . . physical appearance . . hair . academic achievement . personality . summation . research questions part two: the research vi. methodology . epistemology and ontology . black feminist standpoint epistemology . the ‘truth’ of being black . my positionality . life history . constructing black life histories . life histories of minority ethnic communities . case study . research participants . interviews . field texts . analysis and interpretation . analysis methods . rigour and authenticity . ethical issues vii. mia: florence, italy . race . race and family . race and nationality . race and spirituality . gender . sexualised images . physical appearance . hair . academic achievement . personal advancement . professional advancement . racial contribution viii. vanessa: seoul, south korea . race . race and family . race and nationality 	
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   . gender . sexualised images . physical appearance . hair . academic achievement . personal advancement . professional advancement . racial contribution ix. taylor: venice, italy . race . race and family . race and nationality . race and friendship . gender . sexualised images . physical appearance . hair . academic achievement . personal advancement . professional advancement . racial contribution x. tasha: tokyo, japan . race . race and family . race and nationality . race and friendship . gender . sexualised images . physical appearance . hair . academic achievement . personal advancement . professional advancement . racial contribution xi. rhonda: paris, france . race . race and family . race and nationality . religion and spirituality . race and friendship . gender . sexualised images . physical appearance . hair . academic achievement . personal advancement . professional advancement . racial contribution 	
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   xii. discussion and conclusion . recurring and contradictory themes . application to study abroad . theoretical applications: africentricity and intersectionality . limitations and future directions . my journey . summation references appendices a. study abroad office solicitation letter b. participant solicitation letter c. pre-departure interview questions d. repatriation interview questions e. field texts questions f. examples of field texts g. descriptive analysis coding h. informed consent 	
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   list of figures figure . population and education attainment between non-hispanic white and black u.s. americans figure . comparative enrollment of black undergraduates at pwis and hbcus figure . student participation by programme length from ay - to ay - figure . non-hispanic white and black student participation in study abroad from ay - to ay - figure . research participants figure . data collection timeline 	
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   list of abbreviations ay academic year asc african self-consciousness dmis developmental model of intercultural sensitivity gpa grade point average hbcu historically black colleges and universities hei higher education institute iie institute of international education lsat law school admissions test nces national center for education statistics nsse national survey on student engagement oecd organisation for economic cooperation and development pwi predominantly white institution uncf united negro college fund 	
   	
   part one: background to research 	
   chapter i. introduction the following comes from a u.s. american white female who studied abroad in nepal in fall : “i studied in nepal because i wanted to go somewhere that would be difficult to go on my own. the culture was fascinating, the language difficult, the alphabet indecipherable, and it lies on the opposite side of the world. by the time i left nepal, i could find my way around kathmandu using the bus. i drank more tea than i thought possible. i saw mt. everest. i went to sacred hindu and buddhist sites. i received blessings in the form of red rice on my forehead. i knew how to sing nepali songs and dance nepali dances. i had beaten nepali trekking guides at cards. i had watched a herd of yaks pass by my window as i tried to bathe in a small room. i went trekking through the himalayas, visited the jungle, stayed with a family in a village for a week, was stared at to the point i could stop traffic. i was considered higher caste as a vegetarian. i did research in the everest region on sherpa women's empowerment in community development. i met some of the most incredible, inspiring people. going to nepal allowed me to experience something i never could have done on my own – the friends, the homestays, the language training. it helped me prove to myself that i can thrive when things aren’t easy and that i can find my way around anywhere. it also gave me a perspective on how others in the world live and think that i still draw upon. i made friends that mean a great deal to me and that i am still in touch with today.” testimonies such as this illustrate a powerful example of the potency and overwhelming cultural experiences of study abroad. professionals in the field have established that studying abroad can offer enriching opportunities for individuals who take part; new locations, different people, diverse ideas, and other worlds offer adventure for students willing and able to seek it. research finds that most participants say their lives were changed by the experience. anecdotal reports suggest that international opportunities leave deep and lasting impressions. the organisation for economic cooperation and development (oecd, ) reported that in over . million students studied abroad worldwide, with the majority coming from asia (china, india, and korea being the most highly represented), a % increase from just the previous year. in the united states, according to the institute of international education (iie, ), over a quarter of a million u.s. undergraduates studied abroad in the late s, compared to numbers fewer than , in the mid- s. with this increase and growing demand for study abroad opportunities, researchers have posed questions regarding the impact upon students, particularly in chapter . introduction 	
   	
   relation to the effects on people’s concept of themselves and their relations to others, and the optimum practices to ensure that students get the most from their experience (fry, paige, jon, dillow, & nam, ). however, inequalities in the accessibility of study abroad for marginalised communities have received minimal attention. this qualitative educational research examines the experiences of five african american students who studied abroad during their undergraduate degree. through case studies focused on life histories and african american psychology, i seek to understand how their time abroad affected their understanding of the multiple facets of their self-concept. . statement of problem during the - academic year (ay), , u.s. students studied abroad for academic credit, comprising under . % of the national university student population (iie, ; nces, ). females made up . % of study abroad students, and white americans composed . %. in that year, only . % of african americans and . % of hispanics studied abroad (despite making up . % and % of the undergraduate population that year, respectively), while asian/pacific islanders went abroad at . %, and american indian/alaskan natives at . %. the national survey on student engagement (nsse, ) and picard, bernardino, and ehigiator ( ) reported participants are likely to be white, female, attend elite schools, study arts or humanities, and have highly educated parents, showcasing the exclusion of many marginalised groups from study abroad opportunities. the romance of studying abroad remains restricted to a very small percentage of the university student population, which is itself a limited segment of the overall population. the commission on the abraham lincoln study abroad fellowship program ( ), subsequently known as the lincoln commission, proposed to have one million u.s. american students studying abroad by the - academic year, which would amount to roughly half of all undergraduates who receive degrees annually. the reasons delineated for this goal mirror those written by the u.s. department of education ( ), including globalisation and economic competitiveness, national security, u.s. leadership, educational value, and active engagement in the international community. the commission also pushed for destinations outside europe, since around % of study abroad participants go there (p. ), though iie ( ) reported the number at . % for the - ay (and . % in the - ay). one of the main recommendations of the lincoln commission was that participation in study abroad reflected the chapter . introduction 	
   	
   undergraduate population demographics, which represents one of my key interests in investigating the study abroad experience of an ethnic minority group. the senator paul simon study abroad foundation act of (house resolution of the th u.s. congress) sought to establish an executive branch foundation that would distribute $ million worth of grants to u.s. undergraduates and higher education institutes (heis) to promote study abroad in non-traditional destinations. the goal of the bill was to increase the number of u.s. students studying abroad to million annually within years. the bill passed the house of representatives, but never came up for a senate vote, though it may still be reintroduced. heis’ focus on international education must also be noted. wanner ( ) and che, spearman, and manizade ( ) found that the majority of university mission statements support their students’ growth as ‘global citizens.’ the researchers suggested that because of this goal, study abroad plays an important role in the development of students’ ability to understand themselves within the global context, as well as the global context itself. in addition, the nsse ( ) reported that % of faculty members believe that studying abroad is an important experience for undergraduates. mestenhauser ( ) highlighted, “hundreds of millions of private and public dollars have been spent promoting and developing [international education in colleges and universities]” (p. ). with the government and heis stating the need to increase study abroad numbers, the relevance of this topic is essential for scrutiny; we must understand how study abroad benefits participants. with the unique place that african americans hold in u.s. history, as immigrants or slaves in a well-established colony, research has examined how that history has impacted upon the experiences of black people and their place in u.s. society. the increase in their population and improved civil rights has resulted in some augmented participation in higher education, though these students still struggle to not only obtain university degrees, but also to matriculate into university in the first place. and even though the number of black students studying abroad has steadily increased over the past decade (iie, ), african americans are still the most unequally represented minority ethnic group to study abroad. with marginalised populations poorly represented in study abroad, understanding how the few who do participate make sense of their experience in relation to their self-concept can help better inform where study abroad programs needs to go to offer the most support to these groups. chapter . introduction 	
   	
   . research aims in this thesis, i explore some of the psychosocial questions that arise in relation to black female university students who engage in study abroad. i seek to answer these questions within the framework of african american psychology and its application to identity, instead of traditional theoretical paradigms created from eurocentric perspectives. i do so with the aim of understanding the influence of study abroad (often an educational and personal pursuit) on students’ understanding of their self-concept – a topic upon which study abroad literature surprisingly barely touches. my aims are as follows: • to expand our understanding of the relationship between study abroad and my research participants’ (young black women) self-conceptions relative to the various components of their identity. • to use culturally appropriate analysis techniques, in order to comprehend the psychosocial dimensions of study abroad for these young black women. • to consider, given the data, how best to foster positive study abroad experiences for young black women, and possibly other marginalised student populations. . contributions & significance as shall be illustrated in my review of current literature, researchers have begun significant work into the study abroad experience. however, that research has often been superficial in its scrutiny. as stated earlier, the u.s. government and heis hope to advance international education for students, as well as to increase minority ethnic participation in study abroad. this thesis offers timely insight into a population where research is lacking but which government and organisations hope positively to impact. through my research, i present new ways of understanding the student experience of study abroad drawing on intersectionality and african american psychology. with these contributions, practitioners can better consider how to support study abroad students, particularly those from marginalised backgrounds, so that this specific demographic gains the most from their time learning overseas. through my analysis, i challenge the way in which conventional researchers undertake their analysis of individuals by examining participants through their own cultural lens, instead of mainstream methods. too often, it could be argued, many researchers feel they must use predictable theorists because others set that status quo. by chapter . introduction 	
   	
   looking beyond predictable frameworks, i seek to understand the experience of my participants from new angles in the hopes of gaining innovative insights into identity and the processing of individuals’ experiences. . a word about vocabulary: definitions of terminology usage to understand the vocabulary used in this thesis it is important to understand the historical context of certain words. in relation to common labels such as ‘black’ and ‘african american,’ even people who identify as either cannot agree on usage. the term ‘black’ is seen by some as derogatory and inaccurate and thus they eschew its usage, while others feel ‘african american’ does not accurately represent them, such as immigrants from the caribbean or africa, or those who feel too far removed from african heritage to claim it as part of their identity. because of disagreement and labeling preferences, and that ‘african american’ and ‘black’ often refer to a similar social identity for people of this descent in the u.s., the two terms will be used interchangeably to indicate u.s. citizens of african descent via the caribbean or africa. additionally, some researchers dismiss the use of the “race” as an identifier (gilroy, ); my research does not seek to take on the sociological or biological debate of this terminology. it is beyond the scope of this research to debate the ‘rightness’ of any of these terms, and i will use the terminology with which participants self-identify. the terms ‘college’ and ‘university’ have distinct meanings in most parts of the world. the u.s. population uses these words interchangeably to mean all heis and the experience of attending them. thus, ‘college’ and ‘university’ will be used interchangeably to mean any degree-granting higher education institution. . overview of thesis this thesis is divided into twelve chapters, including this introductory chapter. the first part of this thesis (chapters to ) delves into the foundation upon which this thesis is built. in the next chapter i focus on the evolution of higher education globally and in the united states, and how the contexts of a university education have shifted over the past century to a more inclusive but competitive environment. chapter investigates more deeply the specific educational experiences of african americans and the struggles this particular group has endured in seeking an education. following these overviews, i turn my attention to the evolution of study abroad itself, including its history, the researched benefits for those who participate, and the research on minority chapter . introduction 	
   	
   ethnic participation and study abroad. in chapter , i examine the theoretical framework i use for my research in regards to identity, intersectionality, and african american psychology; i also pose the thesis’s specific research questions. the second part of this thesis (chapters to ) explores the research questions i presented. chapter considers the methodology i use in my research, including my epistemology and ontology, my positionality, specific data collection methods, the analysis and interpretation i use, and ethical considerations. given the abundance of data collected, each participant is analysed in her own chapter (chapters to ) through the theoretical framework previously outlined. the final chapter discusses the overall findings, including recurring themes, potential applications to study abroad practitioners, limitations of the thesis, and possible future directions. chapter ii. the evolution of higher education this chapter seeks to understand the foundations of higher education. the hope is to create a synthesis of the current literature’s understanding of how higher education has evolved and how higher education’s scope has shifted both internationally and domestically. with the focus of this thesis on african american females attending u.s. universities, this and subsequent chapters examine the literature on the u.s. american experience of higher education, though this itself is varied. however, i also seek to position this account within the context of international experiences of higher education. understanding these conditions allows for a better understanding of the context of this thesis and the context of the participants’ experience. . roots of higher education in the united states the first u.s. higher education institution, harvard university, was established in , just sixteen years after english settlers first landed at plymouth rock in massachusetts. the early u.s. universities were modeled after their english counterparts, often requiring a religious affiliation. according to brickman ( ) and thelin ( ), wealthy white men matriculated at these schools, as they were cost-prohibitive to the majority of the population. the universities sought to educate the new leaders for a young colony, and later a young nation; therefore higher education was not deemed necessary for just anybody. archibald ( ) noted that it was not until and the passage of the morrill land act (and its sister act in ) that larger reforms occurred within the u.s. higher education system. while envisioned mostly to establish agricultural colleges around the country, this act expanded the scope of universities’ studies beyond the arts and humanities to also include science and technology. universities in the mid-nineteenth century were led by presidents with white protestant backgrounds who believed in the strong work ethic. the literature suggests the vision and guiding values of these men advanced the idea that higher education would establish a middle class in u.s. american society (bledstein, ; thelin, ). we note a sudden shift from heis merely educating leaders to educating other parts of the population that will further foster the nation’s growth, though one still had to possess some affluence to attend. attendance at universities continued to expand into the twentieth century, especially with the prosperity following world war i. however the major shift in the chapter . the evolution of higher education 	
   	
   student population of higher education institutions occurred during world war ii. the gi bill of allowed military servicemen to enrol in colleges with the u.s. government dispensing grants to cover full-time study at these institutions. “all told, during the post-war period, veterans accounted for as many as percent of enrolled students at colleges and universities” (batten, , p. ). suddenly, the face of the student body had shifted from the affluent to the everyday man. with the advent of financial aid in the mid-twentieth century, a college education became accessible to even more citizens. universities began expanding their offerings not only in terms of academics, but also in terms of student services. however even as early as , lazarus found that the costs of attending higher education institutions had also become exceedingly expensive, so much so that the cost of going to college surpasses the economic returns for the majority of attendees. even more recent research by baum, ma, & payea ( ) indicated that college-educated workers’ earnings might not justify the large amount of borrowing that some of them do to obtain their degree. so while more students are attending heis, some may not be reaping the financial benefits heis supposedly offer. . women in higher education note that women and black people were not as proportionately represented during these major changes. solomon ( ), a leading scholar in u.s. women’s higher education, reported that with the birth of the nation, women’s higher education was of minimal concern, as “their identities derived from their family membership” (p. ), which determined their employment possibilities. according to lucas ( ), proper post- secondary colleges were not established for women until the mid-nineteenth century when they evolved beyond finishing schools. the struggle revolved around justifying the equal enrolment of women in any college, which required breaking down the belief that women should not receive a higher education because it would serve them no purpose. into the first world war, the majority of women who did attend university belonged to upper social circles from families who could afford the expense of higher education. solomon ( ) stated that during this time, while many of these women would end up in stereotypical roles such as teaching and nursing, they did begin to expand their professional interests beyond jobs expected of them. because of this shift, more women began to seek a university education. chapter . the evolution of higher education 	
   	
   between the world wars, women continued to pursue higher education in greater numbers, with more continuing on to graduate school, and a steady rise in those seeking to enter the work force (solomon, ). while women did not make an equal salary to their male counterparts, many acknowledged that their university education afforded them more economic advantages than if they did not have a degree. world war ii brought about an increase in the number of women studying sciences and afforded more opportunities as women were needed to fill the roles left vacant by men fighting. solomon ( ) reported that the end of the war saw reduced options and expectations. the gi bill mentioned earlier further lessened women’s access to higher education, as returning veterans now had priority over women’s matriculation. as the twentieth century progressed, more educated women combined their careers with marriage, something that before had been discouraged. the women’s movement in the s saw further expansion of women’s rights, including an upsurge in the educational opportunities available to them. those advancements have continued to the present day, as (according to nces, ) women have surpassed men in undergraduate enrolment rates in the united states, and continue to seek higher education to better their career opportunities. i examine the specific history of black women’s higher education in the next chapter. from this précis the role that universities have played in their larger societal contexts becomes evident. the literature shows the shift in how society perceived universities’ roles from educating the public’s leaders to offering a means of socioeconomic advancement to being needed to ensure socioeconomic stability. we also note the changing attitudes toward women in universities throughout the history of the united states. i contend that having these larger societal attitudes transform in a relatively short period affects the experiences of today’s students, including my research participants. i now examine the literature into exactly how these adjustments affected students’ experience, particularly in the last few decades. . shifting experiences due to the different foci of universities over the centuries from concentrating exclusively on humanities to later including science and technology and real-world applications, students’ encounters with higher education varied. this section examines how these experiences have altered both in the global context, as well as the u.s. context. chapter . the evolution of higher education 	
   	
   . changing contexts of higher education internationally higher education existed for centuries in the old world and, much like the united states higher education system, evolved over the centuries in response to historical and cultural events. according to lucas ( ), throughout medieval times and the enlightenment, universities acted as a reflection of what societies deemed important. these institutions sought to educate the upper echelons of society to prepare them to contribute to larger society as doctors, lawyers, and statesmen. universities worldwide have had to navigate the changing landscape (from curriculum to student body) of higher education while trying to honour the spirit of higher education’s mission of preparing students as educated thinkers. altbach and umakoshi ( ) explained, “the idea that the past influences the present and the future applies especially to universities, where historical tradition plays an important role in influencing contemporary realities” (p. ). in europe the past few decades has seen a shift in universities’ missions as well as their student demographics. while not as inclusive as some might argue these institutions could be (archer, hutchings, & ross, ), universities are no longer just for the wealthy elite. in asia, according to altbach and umakoshi ( ), where eastern teaching methods were largely discarded in the nineteenth century for western ones, colonialism had a large impact on current educational structures. with china and india’s burgeoning populations and voracious demand for top-quality higher education, foreign universities have discovered a ripe market. zeleza ( ) found that even africa, with higher education stretching back to the third-century bc saw colonialism alter the way higher education is delivered to students. the power of western thought has influenced the structure and philosophy of universities worldwide. altbach & umakoshi ( ) noted that the challenge for most universities, whether in europe, asia, or elsewhere, is how to be a part of the globalisation of education, as more and more students seek all or some of their education abroad, while also meeting the specific needs of their national interests. the need to function in the global context, but also be competitive with it, has created a symbiotic relationship among nations’ universities. with more students seeking higher education to make themselves marketable in the global economy, universities have had to adapt to these needs. this adaptation includes an international component to their missions, which pertains to this thesis as my research participants all have sought this professional edge by studying abroad at universities in asia and europe. chapter . the evolution of higher education 	
   	
   . . changing contexts of higher education in the united states prior to world war ii, college was a place for the elite; yet with the influx of veterans suddenly the hardworking everyday american citizen could pursue a higher education. “the shift in americans’ perceptions about who should go to college was perhaps the largest and most obvious consequence of the massive influx of veterans into the educational system” (batten, , p. ). people began to associate a college degree with a means for improving their social and financial standing. and while the numbers were not as vast, this shift included more racial and ethnic minority participation. i inspect participation of these groups more closely in the next chapter. lazerson ( ) characterised this shift as a focus from higher education for the public good (i.e. educating future leaders) to private benefit. he stated, “higher education had been converted from a land of opportunity to a necessity for many in order to prevent the loss of status” (p. ). the issue now has become that in order to even achieve a certain socioeconomic status in the united states, one almost needs a higher education. according to ehrenberg ( ), for over the past century annually tuition rates have outpaced the rate of inflation by two to three percent. additionally beginning in the s, the median family income was also being outstripped by tuition fees. between – and – , prices for undergraduate tuition, room, and board at public institutions rose percent, and prices at private not-for-profit institutions rose percent, after adjustment for inflation (nces, ). college is becoming less and less affordable for most of the u.s. population. even with universities’ large endowments and some with generous financial aid packages, these drastic changes in the cost of obtaining a higher education has created issues for those from certain socioeconomic classes from paying for school outright. seventy-one percent of students took some form of financial aid during the - ay (nces, ). therefore a struggle again exists for the cultural imperative that has been set in the united states which asserts students need a college education to maintain or strive for middle-class status. as mentioned earlier, the cost-benefit of receiving a university education has come into question over the past few decades as costs have skyrocketed (lazarus, ; baum et al, ). students look for ways to save money, while also making sure that they are as marketable as possible once they receive that degree. study abroad has become one of those avenues that allows students to stand out to potential employers, chapter . the evolution of higher education 	
   	
   and thus increase the chances of a higher salary and hopefully obtain a firm standing within the middle class. . summation the evolution of higher education has been rapid, no more so than in the past century. the literature has shown that universities have shifted in the make-up of their student populations, their academic offerings, and their global outlook. as each university seeks to make itself relevant in today’s fast-paced and interconnected society, the cost of higher education has also become a concern to students, as they seek the best way to ensure their futures with adequate education. where does this competitiveness leave racial ethnic minority populations, particularly african americans, the focus of this thesis? this group has struggled constantly to receive equal education since first arriving in the u.s. in the next chapter, i examine the educational experience of african americans throughout history, including their unique experiences of higher education. 	
   chapter iii. the african american experience of education to understand better the context of this thesis, the reader should have a grounding in how african americans have experienced academia. this chapter analyses these educational experiences by looking at the history of african american education, including the inequality that has often been prevalent in their education as compared to their european american counterparts. additionally, i examine the black experience of higher education, given my thesis focus on university-level african americans, looking at the evolution of black americans attending institutions of higher education. . history of african american education the literature on african american education is potent and rich. the struggle for african americans to receive a proper education in the united states stretches back to when they were first brought there in shackles as slaves. fleming ( ) reported that because they were deemed inferior in every way, including intellectually, an education for black people was not considered necessary by their owners. to ensure these individuals could not make any gains in their new land, legislation made it illegal for slaves to learn to read and write. however, many black slaves would learn in secret realising that an essential way of fighting their enslavement was intellectually to better themselves. when slavery was abolished, jackson ( ) reported only % of newly freed slaves were literate by . states slowly began to provide education to african americans, even though these accommodations were allowed to be “separate but equal” as upheld in the supreme court decision plessy v. ferguson. this doctrine meant that as long as the same education was provided to both black and white children, that education could be administered in segregated schools. yet while separate, the education was scarcely equal. a series of supreme court decisions during the mid-twentieth century the federal government eventually dismantled segregation in public schooling from the primary to post-secondary school levels, integrating schools for the first time in u.s. history. yet even now studies show a disadvantage for many black students in u.s. public schooling (jackson, ). . . inequality in education howard ( ) reported that between and black students increased their attendance and graduation levels at secondary and post-secondary levels, and chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   parental involvement increased substantially. indeed, academic circumstances have vastly improved for african americans from the time of slavery through the civil rights movement to present day. yet despite these promising advancements, jackson ( ) insisted, “inequality, disparate representation, and denied access to opportunity are key challenges that have long plagued african americans in their pursuit of education in the united states” (p. ). the inequity of black students has left many in the community to feel frustrated and powerless against a system that does not seem (from the black perspective) to care about african americans. according to nces ( ), many african americans fall far behind other ethnic groups in almost every area of academic achievement. the research has continually indicated that the majority of black students underachieve academically and struggle to adjust socially in primary and secondary school settings (shujaa, ; wirt, ; perry, ). additionally, black americans are disproportionately represented in special needs and remedial classes at every level (harry & anderson, ; ford, grantham, & bailey, ). jenks and phillips ( ) reported that black students still score % lower than white students on standardised tests, as well as significantly lower on tests that supposedly measure intelligence and scholastic aptitude. while gains have been achieved since the mid-twentieth century, black students still lag substantially behind other u.s. ethnic groups (including asian, latino, european, and native americans). as a whole the literature suggests that family dynamics, society as a whole, socioeconomic disparities, and/or other factors are failing black children in their educational pursuits. . african american mindset and the disconnect given the startling statistics about the large gap of achievement between black students and other groups, one might assume that perhaps african american families do not place a strong emphasis on education. yet perry ( ) explained how families of some of the seminal black americans in history, including fredrick douglass and malcolm x, emphasised the importance of education in order to advance in u.s. society. she wrote that for them, “education was how you claimed your humanity, struck a blow for freedom, worked for racial uplift, and prepared yourself for leadership” (p. ). indeed, many black families encourage educational excellence as a way to distinguish one’s self and succeed. thus a disconnect seems to be occurring between the education that black families want their children to acheive and the education that those children are actually chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   receiving. one reason fordham ( ) posited is that collective black identity often conflicts with the individualistic nature of educational norms in the united states. perry ( ) noted, “there are extra social, emotional, cognitive, and political competencies required of african american youth, precisely because they are african american” (p. ). oakes ( ), fordham and ogbu ( ), smith ( ), delpit ( ), nieto ( ), and evans-winters ( ) discussed through historical analyses the stereotyping that african americans face in primary and secondary schools and how it can hinder their education. mickelson ( ) conjectured that students hold multilayered conceptualisations of education and, depending on a student’s background (race, socioeconomic status, gender), contradictory abstract and concrete attitudes can manifest. perry ( ) theorised that african americans must precariously balance their position with other americans. she claimed black children are simultaneously a part of, but outside, the whole, not encouraged by society toward achievement. the africentric notions of education will be further examined in chapter . jairrels ( ) explained the formal education system perpetuates beliefs that black people are intellectually inferior with african americans often underperforming in standardised testing. these tests do not take into account the philosophy of education supported by african american culture that differs from the mainstream philosophy of education, and when black students do exhibit high achieving performance, they have been accused of cheating (steele, ). harris and nettles ( ), steele and aronson ( ), and steele ( ) argue that black students must overcome stereotype threat, which is “the threat of being viewed through the lens of a negative stereotype, or the fear of doing something that would inadvertently confirm that stereotype” (steele, , p. ). ogbu ( ) suggested that the white american ethnocentric structure of schools has disadvantaged black students and other marginalised populations by providing inferior education and creating a caste-like system. these structures have made it difficult for many african americans to thrive in the academy. researchers have found that african americans face an uphill battle in receiving an education remotely similar to their white peers. while this might also reflect certain class issues, the literature focuses on the collective experience of the black community and not as closely on the role of class. fordham and ogbu ( ) reported black students also face the expectation from black peers of not being too academically focused, as this attribute is seen as ‘acting white.’ fordham ( ) explained that this contradiction between historical cultural perspectives of excelling academically (from family) and not being concerned with school chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   (from friends) leads to high-achieving black students embracing a ‘racelessness’ toward their educational achievement, where they adopt behaviours and attitudes outside their cultural norms in order to succeed. all of these expectations from family, society, peers, and institutions become a battle of contradictions for black students as they navigate through their educational experience. the participants in this thesis have all steered through such complex contradictions throughout their education. . the african american experience of higher education when examining the black experience of higher education, i look at the statistics surrounding african americans in higher education, different types of higher education institutions that african americans attend, and the actual experience that research has found black students to have while at university. . african americans at university many u.s. higher education institutions did not initially allow the matriculation of african americans when they were first established. brown ( ) reported: “african american males and their european american counterparts have generally had dissimilar experiences regarding the acquisition of higher education. from slavery through jim crow, african americans were [mostly] categorically excluded from collegiate participation” (p. ). since black americans knew that a university education was an important component of increasing their social mobility, they began establishing their own institutions in the s and s in the northern united states (lucas, ). these colleges were not established in the south until after the end of civil war. these historically black colleges and universities (hbcus) became the places where the majority of african american who went to college attended (freeman, ). while the gi bill of allowed black servicemen to pursue a college education funded by the government, the distribution of funds was left to individual states. as a result, many returning black soldiers were shunted into institutions that were considered ‘separate but equal’ (as plessy v. ferguson was still in effect). additionally many of these institutions did not have the capacity to handle the demand; many were turned away so that only % of black veterans were able to pursue higher education, compared to % of white veterans (turner & bound, ; jbhe, ; batten, ). even after desegregation in , many black students struggled to attend higher education institutions in the south (lucas, ). aries ( ) noted, “the emergence of chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   the civil rights movement in the s brought with it a dawning awareness among leaders of government, business, and education of the importance of reaching out to underrepresented minorities” (p. ). as african americans were granted more civil rights, they slowly increased their university matriculation levels across the country. new strategist ( ) reported the black population in the united states to be around million in , accounting for . % of the population. in that same year, . % of all u.s. americans possessed a bachelor’s degree by the age of ; almost eighteen percent of black people did, while % of non-hispanic whites did (new strategist, ; shapner, ), showing a marked difference in higher education attainment between these two groups. see figure . yet black students’ enrollment rates have continued to steadily increase over the past few decades. according to jackson ( ), from to alone, black undergraduate enrollment increased . %, and . % more african americans earned bachelor’s degrees in that same timeframe. in the following decade, the u.s. department of education ( ) reported the undergraduate enrollment of black students at heis has increased an additional % between and at -year and -year institutions. 	
   figure . population and education attainment between non-hispanic white and black u.s. americans despite the promising increases in higher education among african americans in the last century, the completion of degrees is another matter. aside from native americans, attrition rates for black university students are higher than any other racial or ethnic group (nsse, ). according to nces ( ), . % of african americans will graduate in six years, while the overall average is . % (with asian americans and % % % % % % % % % % % total population bachelor's degree by u.s. americans non-hispanic white americans black americans chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   european americans having graduation rates at . % and . %, respectively). tinto ( ) and harris and nettles ( ) found black students are more likely to delay entry into university, experience more academic difficulty, and (along with hispanics) are more likely to leave college earlier than their white counterparts, usually in their first or second year. the reasons for this phenomenon include lack of academic preparedness, less social and intellectual support from the institution, and usually lower socioeconomic status that puts a strain on a student’s ability to continue (tinto, ). so it is worth noting that the difficulties experienced in primary and secondary education outlined earlier have long- lasting impact on black students who do manage to enter into university from completing their degree. . historically black colleges and universities and predominantly white institutions african americans who do attend university have a choice between hbcus and predominantly white institutions (pwis). while at first black students mostly attended hbcus because they did not have many other options, a shift has occurred in matriculation patterns in the united states. in , % of black university students attended pwis (new strategists, ). research has investigated the characteristics of african americans who attend either type of these heis, as well as the experiences that students have while at them. fleming ( ) reported that hbcus have welcomed members of the black community since the end of the u.s. civil war. with predominantly black populations, these academic communities have fostered greatness in their students, including dr. martin luther king, jr. and thurgood marshall. these schools embrace, as perry ( ) termed it, “deliberate socialization” with traditions of affirming students’ black and american identities: “they were designed to forge the collective identity of african americans as a literate and achieving people” (p. , original emphasis), assisting young black adults to understand all facets of their identity, providing a nurturing and supportive environment to learn and grow. according to the united negro college fund ( ), hbcus grant around a quarter of bachelor degrees awarded to african americans (despite having only % of black undergraduates) and over half of all black professionals attended an hbcu. see figure . allen ( ) reported, “black students on black campuses have advantages over black students on white campuses in many respects. for instance, they display more positive psychological adjustments, more significant academic gains, and greater chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   cultural awareness and commitment” (p. ), despite often coming from lower socioeconomic backgrounds and performing less well academically in secondary school. fordham ( ), allen ( ), tatum ( ), mccowan and alston ( ), and flowers and pascarella ( ) echoed these findings, commenting that these students “achieve higher academic performance, enjoy greater social involvement, and aspire to higher educational goals than their peers do at [pwis]” (tatum, , p. ). figure . comparative enrolment of black undergraduates at pwis and hbcus looking at pwis, we notice a different environment for black students. bakari ( ) explained: “too often, the experience of african american students attending [pwis] underscores a general institutional ambivalence toward their educational needs, a lack of appreciation for their cultural heritage, and callousness toward values other than those held by the majority population. as a result, many african american students experience feelings of alienation, isolation, and racial hostility” (p. ). he argued that unless pwis made an effort to understand the identity development and cultural needs of students of color, these students would continue to feel undervalued and thus underperform. supporting the work of bakari, bennett ( ) reported, “the attrition rates of black students [at pwis] are five to eight times higher than the attrition rates of white students on the same campuses” (p. ). the reason? “[first-year students] of color often experience difficulties beyond the generic adjustment problems…. experienc[ing] minority status stresses” (p. ). african americans face unique challenges where white counterparts do not, which can lead to leaving university % % % % % % % % % % % black undergraduate enrolment degree granted pwis hbcus chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   without a complete qualification, which arguably limits employment prospects. thus arguments have been made that african americans who attend pwis do not benefit as much academically and socially as those who attend hbcus (allen, ). with one of my research aims of better fostering black student support during study abroad, these findings showcase the importance of the need to understand the black university experience. . the experience as the numbers of marginalised students have increased over the past several decades, universities have sought to meet the needs of students through academic and student affairs programs. carlson ( ) stated, “the modern american college campus may be the most visible and best example we have of [the] new vision of multicultural community that is beginning… to emerge in the united states” (p. ). finding the correct balance in order to meet the varying needs of a diverse student population can prove difficult. the african american university experience varies depending on many factors, including the student’s background. like all disadvantaged populations, these students require particular types of support in order for them to make the most of their educational experience, both academic and social. they can face a lack of social and cultural support, further increasing their odds of attrition. even within their own cultural group, african americans must overcome stereotypes about their ability to succeed academically. therefore the black student is often seeking support to navigate through their university experience. tatum ( ) stated, “black students turn to each other for the much needed support they are not likely to find anywhere else” (p. ). she postulated that better to cope with the struggles of being a minority, african americans will look to other african americans for aid. yet researchers disagree on exactly where black students are in their racial self- understanding upon entering university, and thus if this seeking of other black students will occur. white ( ) found college students do not experience a linear or predictable identity development model. she observed students developing more holistically in the understanding of their racial self-concept, and keeping separate tempos for understanding their cultural identity. additionally, several researchers found that black university students, in order to handle difficulties, adjust to their academic and social situations based on where they are in understanding their racial identity (fleming, ; chapter . the african american experience of education 	
   	
   	
   tatum, ; bennett, ). students who enter university with stronger ethnic identities often seek connections to reaffirm their identity, while those with weaker ethnic identification often feel more stress and lower self-esteem (ethier & deaux, , p. ; parham & helms, ). these latter individuals may not have received the resources to know where they should seek support for any problems they may suffer. . summation we see the difficulty in how to properly foster the undergraduate experiences of black students. the research shows that they are a varied group with differing needs and challenges. a goal of this thesis is to better understand the self-concept and experiences of undergraduate black women. i have illustrated in this chapter how the educational experiences of african americans have been volatile and hard-fought, particularly for those who do partake in higher education. for generations, societal structures hindered, and in many ways continue to hinder, the academic advancement of black americans. through shifts in policy and individual struggles, african americans have grappled to earn the education that is so highly honoured in their culture. more can continue to be done at all levels to further break down the obstacles still in place. an impactful opportunity of the university experience is the opportunity to study abroad during part of your undergraduate education. with the concerns outlined in this chapter about black students even completing their degree, study abroad may seem superfluous to that experience. yet the next chapter surveys study abroad’s place in the modern university experience, and how that experience can impact the students who choose to participate in it. 	
   	
   chapter iv. the evolution of study abroad it has been argued that too often international educators use anecdotal evidence instead of research-based data to demonstrate the power of international study (mestenhauser, ). this chapter examines the research conducted into study abroad and its place in u.s. higher education, as this research provides a starting point for my research goals of understanding the effects of study abroad on african american females. first, i inspect the roots of study abroad in the united states and globally, before looking at the shifting experiences of study abroad for students. next, the literature on the benefits of studying abroad is examined. lastly, i look at the research on study abroad participants from marginalised backgrounds. i synthesise the research into how study abroad currently functions in the united states and the impact of this experience on particular marginalised groups. i also identify the strengths, weaknesses, and potential limitations of previous research that informs my own research design. . roots of study abroad study abroad has become a unique feature in students’ higher education. this section examines the difference between what study abroad is versus the wider concept of international education. i then examine the history of study abroad and how the experience has evolved over the past decades to be more inclusive and far-reaching. . study abroad versus international education it is important to understand that study abroad is a part of the wider concept of international education. while the exact definition of international education is debated, i work from the definition that international education is comprehensive education that fosters the personal growth of individuals to realise their influence in an interconnected global community. this education might take place in any location, from inside one’s home or local school to travels beyond one’s home borders (however that might be defined) either as part of a structured or unstructured experience to learn more about the world’s machinations. study abroad is a subset of international education. usually this type of education takes place between secondary and post-secondary levels of education, up to and including graduate studies. according to the iie ( ), the majority of students who do study abroad do so during their undergraduate careers. for the purposes of this thesis, chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   study abroad refers to university students who do part of their degree program requirements outside of their home university and their home country for a temporary period. . history of study abroad according to hoffa ( ), study abroad can loosely be linked to study trips stretching back as far as ancient times and into the middle ages when scholars would travel outside of their home countries to learn at academic beacons like athens or rome. in seventeenth century england, young aristocratic men would partake in a ‘grand tour’ of the continent. they would explore european capitals taking in the art, language, and culture in order to ‘complete’ their classical education. hoffa ( ) and lewin ( ) explained that over the next two centuries, this idea of experiencing european high culture expanded to other countries’ affluent populations, and young men would crisscross europe educating themselves. hoffa ( ) reported that the oldest recorded study abroad programme in the united states came out of indiana university in (though the university of delaware lays claim that theirs was the first in ). faculty members took a group of students to europe for a three-month period to learn about the art, history, language, and culture of a handful of countries (indiana university, ). however, it was the success of delaware’s foreign study plan, which eventually came to be known as the junior year abroad, that offered a model for u.s. universities’ study abroad programmes. brown ( ) and bowman ( ) stated that after world war ii, more u.s. universities became involved with study abroad programs in europe, and by the end of the s, programs were beginning in other regions of the world. universities continued to diversify their opportunities abroad for students and by the s third-party providers (for-profit study abroad businesses not affiliated with heis) were developing programs to send students overseas. goodwin and nacht ( ) noted the s saw an expansion of study abroad as the dollar grew stronger against foreign currencies and u.s. americans opened more to the idea of foreign travel. university academic credit allowed for students to break away from their colleges for a time while still earning credit toward their degree. since that time study abroad in the united states has advanced to offer various overseas studies in different contexts to meet different students’ needs and desires. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . changing contexts of study abroad in the united states the evolution of study abroad is evident in the myriad programmes now offered for university students. internships in foreign law offices, scientific research in jungles, and complete language immersions in small villages have replaced the finishing tours of the nineteenth century. students have the option of choosing to study abroad for as little as a week for up to an academic year. they can choose whether they want to experience academic work with foreign students or other u.s. american students, as well as how they want their social life to look outside of the classroom. engle and engle ( ) and williamson ( ) described that now several models for study abroad exist: integration, island, hybrid, and field-based. with integration, university students directly enrol into a host university and take courses alongside local students. island programmes have students in a host country, but they take their classes along with other u.s. american students at a study centre. hybrid programmes combine integration and island programmes so that some coursework is done at a study centre and others at a local host university. finally, field-based programmes are often experiential in structure, allowing students to focus on a specific theme or research in a host culture. additionally, faculty from a university might have a specific study tour that they want to host in another country, and bring a small group of students along to explore particular topics. these different models appeal to different types of students. some students might not feel they are well-prepared to study in a new university structure, so will opt for an island programme, while others might have a passion for a particular topic they want to explore in depth and will thus enrol in a field-based programme. while abroad, depending on the length of the programme, students have the option of living with a host family, taking up residence in campus housing, or securing private accommodation. throughout the past decade, the diversity of study abroad destinations has expanded. the iie ( ) reported that while western europe still remains the most popular abroad destination, non-traditional destinations in asia, africa, and latin america have seen a marked increase in enrolment by u.s. university students. given the varying lengths, models, and destinations for studying abroad available to students, we begin to appreciate the variety available. with the ability of students to fund their study abroad not only through scholarships and grants but also through their financial aid packages, the possibilities open even further. the iie ( ) research shows how the sheer composition of study abroad students has shifted. between the - and the - academic years, the number chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   of u.s. university students who studied abroad increased over %. indeed whereas in the s only a few thousand students sought overseas education annually, now each year over a quarter of a million university students take part in study abroad trips. in that same timeframe, those students who identified as white decreased by . %. more science-based majors are traveling abroad to study than before. however, many abroad students now opt for shorter length programmes. obst, bhandari, and witherell ( ) reported that the majority of students participate in short- term programmes lasting eight weeks or less (more than %), with less than % taking part in year-long programmes. iie ( ) reported that between ay - to ay - , students taking part in yearlong abroad programmes dropped from . % to . %, whereas -week or less programmes and summer programmes saw an increase of . % and %, respectively, in the same timeframe. and while semester-long programmes are still one of the most popular duration lengths (with . % of students doing a semester in ay - ), summer study abroad programmes now lead with . % of the market. see figure . 	
   figure . student participation by programme length from ay - to ay - universities have pushed for more internationalisation on their campuses and to establish campuses abroad, and this goal has included a push for students to study abroad. the increased diversity of students and the types of programmes being offered has made this experience one that each student can make his or her own. they have an option of customising their abroad experience depending on their financial constraints and their academic, personal, and professional ambitions. year-long semester summer weeks or shorter chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . changing contexts of study abroad internationally research finds that study abroad on the international stage has also seen an evolution since the grand tours of europe. neave ( ) discussed how european universities have begun to focus more on internationalisation since european integration began, including the push for increased student mobility. jones ( ) investigated the impact of erasmus (european community action scheme for the mobility of university students) on higher education; its advent in began a commitment by european countries to not only the betterment of individual citizens, but to the idea of a better european community. overseen by the european commission, the programme has had over million students participate. even the expansion of erasmus shows the heavy influence of study abroad in higher education. when started in only countries participated sending students abroad, while in almost a quarter of a million university students from different countries partook (european commission, ). jones ( ) explained, “the idea is to ensure that future professionals in all fields and walks of life will be able to act as multiples of further european co-operation and contribute to a long-term process of building stronger foundations of inter-cultural understanding” (p. ). erasmus venerates the value of a person going beyond his or her borders to seek knowledge. this vision of international understanding through education is a theme throughout government policies worldwide. since this thesis focuses on the experience of a particular population of u.s. americans, the international research is not a major focus of this literature review. however, the international literature on study abroad focuses on the reasons and hindrances of studying abroad (araújo, ; gatfield & larmar, ; raikou & karalis, ; celik, ), the cultural adaptation of international students (dorozhkin & mazitova, ; huang, ; xiaoqiong, ), and students’ impact on the host communities (arber, ; bolsman & miller, ; ratanakarn, ). researchers are beginning to investigate how study abroad impacts individuals, communities, and nations. pan ( ), for instance, studied china’s very deliberate strategy of education abroad for many of its citizens. in fact, iie ( ) reports that over % of all the study abroad students coming into the united states in ay - were from china. lee ( ) examined how study abroad affects south korean students’ identity causing an ‘in-betweeness’ for students in the united states, as they straddle both countries. yang, webster, and prosser ( ) investigated how hong kong study abroad students can enhance their time overseas if they set goals for their experience. with the chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   high priority put on international education, researchers currently seek to understand the mechanisms and consequences of study abroad, and will continue to build our knowledge of how this experience functions across the globe. . benefits of study abroad initially research did not exist to provide empirical evidence into the positive changes that study abroad effected in students (sell, ). however, current research on study abroad benefits shows why international programmes continue to be developed as researchers have discovered positive outcomes for participants. first, study abroad students differ from their university cohort. schroth and mccormack ( ) documented that motivation and achievement in these students were higher than in students who did not study abroad. since study abroad is mostly a voluntary activity, the students it attracts are those who see themselves as more internationally oriented, adventuresome, high achieving, tolerant, and multicultural (mccormack, ), with more knowledge of, interest in, and positive attitudes towards other countries, higher criticism of u.s. government and culture, more openness to graduate school and career possibilities, wanting to learn more about other cultures (carlson, burn, useem, and yachimowicz, ), and more likely to graduate (sutton and rubin, ). these findings reach rational conclusions; all three studies used large samples (hundreds of students at different universities) to draw their conclusions, allowing for greater reliability. students willing to travel to foreign locales logically possess the attitudes and behaviors listed, as they are more likely to thrive with these traits. however, questions might be asked as to how these students attained those characteristics. given most abroad participants are affluent white females (nsse, ; picard et al., ) questions arise as to the societal upbringings that may have instilled higher motivation to succeed in school and curiosity in other cultures. students without this background might not have been exposed to notions of adventure and scholastic achievement or might simply not have the possibility available to them because of factors like cost. additionally, study abroad students may have higher college completion rates, but most students study abroad in their junior (year three of four university years) year and are farther along in their schooling, while college dropouts usually leave school in their first and second years (new strategists, ). thus, while noting these characteristics is important, we must also keep in mind the personal histories that enabled study abroad participants to have such traits. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . personal growth this section examines the research into study abroad’s effect on individual growth, particularly personal development, national identity, as well as social and long- term individual evolution. cushner & karim ( ) noted that scores of studies have examined the impact of study abroad on students. gillespie, braskamp, and dwyer ( ) and che et al. ( ) found that abroad experiences aid in students’ development as individuals, as they are forced into situations where they must reexamine themselves, their status, and position as cultural beings in the larger global order. engle and engle ( ) argued that the benefits of study abroad are largely dependent on the individual. depending on one’s background, values, and aspirations, each person will take something different away from the experience. because students are thrown into a state where what is not normal to them is normal to everyone else, they are given “lenses through which to view oneself and one’s culture, as well as other cultures, from vantage points that were previously inaccessible” (che et al., , p. ). their research suggests that study abroad may offer opportunities for reflection on the highly variegated nature of how a person views himself/herself and others when living under radically different cultural conditions. this variation provides an important base for this thesis as it highlights the power of mobility in the shaping of one’s cultural and social identity – questions which are central to this thesis. gillespie et al. ( ) described how global learning occurring during study abroad may help intrapersonal growth “to understand oneself, and to gain self- possession and a clearer sense of identity” (p. ). they argue that this step of intrapersonal understanding is important to developing an understanding toward others. their case study of ies abroad, a third-party provider, examined how faculty and staff assisted with the personal development of the students that ies abroad sends overseas each year. the analysis offers insights into how abroad programs may positively affect student growth. however, a major concern with the study is that the data are collected from the professionals who worked with the students, not from the students themselves, who might offer different notions about how their abroad experiences affected their personal development. yet many researchers have focused on the impact that students perceived study abroad to have on themselves. gmelch ( ) found in his analysis of study abroad students who traveled to austria in the mid- s that they saw themselves as developing more self-confidence, adaptability, and self-reliance. the perceived personal development indicates that the chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   study abroad experience enhances these skills as students navigated different cultures. van hoof and verbeeten ( ) discovered that % of participants saw the experience as extremely ( . %) or very ( %) relevant to their personal development, as did pfnister ( ), nash ( ), kauffmann and kuh ( ), yachimowicz ( ), carlson et al. ( ), kauffmann, martin, weaver, and weaver ( ), miller ( ), sharma and mulka ( ), drews, meyer, and peregrine ( ), bates ( ), thot ( ), christie and ragans ( ), dwyer ( a), gore ( ), guerrero ( ), and martinez, ranjeet, and marx ( ). the institute for international education of students ( ) surveyed , study abroad participants who went abroad between and , and found that % reported an increase in their ‘personal development,’ including the understanding of their own cultural values and biases ( %), resulting from studying abroad. the iies pilot study conducted by akande and slawson ( ) unearthed similar findings. all of these studies show comparable results spanning over years, indicating a high degree of reliability, and how personally impactful students see their abroad experience. in relation to students’ national identity, dolby ( ) discussed the effect that study abroad had: “as students became aware of the negative sentiments that are often expressed about the united states and americans, they recognized that they had to negotiate this perception, whether they agreed with it or not” (p. ). students developed an understanding of their identity as u.s. citizens, since others labeled them as americans first and foremost. yet what specific incidents occurred and how are students reacting to and internalising these experiences? unfortunately, dolby ( ) looked at a small group of students from one university who all traveled to australia. her findings are limited to how these students were affected in one country. students from another university, programme structure, or in another country might react differently regarding their national identity. additionally, she stated that these students negotiated their self- perceptions, but the details are neglected. finding that these occasions occur is important, but so is the process. a next step must be taken in the research, and this thesis seeks to understand that process and how it affects identities. fry et al. ( ) conducted a longitudinal study looking at study abroad individuals and how the experience impacted them into young adulthood. participants ranged from recent returnees to those who had studied abroad years prior. major findings included a twice as likely chance to attend graduate school and a % participation rate in organized international programmes (e.g. peace corps or fulbright). chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   former participants stated that the main impacts from their experiences included: ) language fluency; ) appreciation of other cultures; ) broadening one’s perspective; ) gaining a greater understanding of other countries; and ) the experience itself (p. xii). fry et al. ( ) used qualitative and quantitative methods that employed substantial samples from different backgrounds, universities, and experiences, giving strength to the validity and reliability of the findings. however, they themselves pointed out that the interview respondents were more likely to share a positive study abroad experience, which might indicate a selection bias. this limitation of selection bias is important to note when considering the findings, while bearing in mind the powerful impact that fry et al. ( ) discovered for those individuals who did respond. these numerous studies show a multitude of benefits for studying abroad. they have used surveys, interviews, and case studies among different student groups going on different programmes over a range of years at a variety of universities in a variety of countries. thus the fact that the findings have been consistent with one another indicates the validity of the conclusions. however, the research has only asked very general questions. studies like ies ( ), van hoof and verbeeten ( ), and fry et al. ( ) give ideas of what participants are reporting about their abroad experiences but they do so in vague fashion. additionally, they seek information after study abroad has occurred, and outside of individual contexts. the nature of these studies indicates that many students are experiencing significant changes in themselves, their self-perception, attitudes, and values from their abroad experiences. however, why does a student feel s/he has a better appreciation of other cultures? what occurred for that person while abroad that shifted his or her thinking? did something in particular cause the individual to examine his or her personal history or cultural beliefs? what role does a student’s understanding of himself or herself play in these changes? study abroad is not the only place where these opportunities for growth can occur, but (according to the research) offers a rich setting for such growth. delving into the hows and whys about the nature of change and study abroad has not been asked, particularly in relation to the cultural status of the study abroad student. not understanding the process of the transformations has left a gap in our knowledge of what exactly is occurring to university students while abroad. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . academic growth researchers have found academic gains in study abroad participants (hansel and grove, ; melchiori, ; kaufman et al., ; bates, ; mizuno, ; lathrop, ; dwyer, a; guerrero, ; and picard, bernardino, & ehigiator, ). carlson et al.’s ( ) longitudinal study of study abroad alumni discovered that over % of the sample had obtained a post-bachelor’s degree, over % had professional- level jobs, and almost % said their study abroad experience was directly relevant to their careers (pp. - ). mckeown‘s ( ) study indicated that students who went abroad for the first time developed more intellectually on the measure of intellectual development than students who had been overseas prior to studying abroad. a major issue with this study is that this measure has received a lot of criticism in the field (king, ; murray, ), since it does not focus on the complexity of intelligence. can one test based on a few written paragraphs by subjects truly gauge intellectual growth? however, alongside personal growth, academic growth appears to be a common theme for abroad participants. carlson and widaman ( ) found that students who studied abroad in their junior year showed “higher levels of international political concern, cross-cultural interest, and cultural cosmopolitanism” (p. ) compared to non-study abroad juniors. hanvey ( ), yachimowicz ( ), zhai ( ), douglas and jones-rikkers ( ), and williams ( ) noted study abroad students had greater increases in intercultural communication skills and understanding, world-mindedness, and global perspective than non-study abroad contemporaries. these studies indicate growth in global perspective, but some of these publication are old, while zhai’s ( ) sample included only respondents from one university who together showed no shifts in global perspective, but qualitatively did. douglas and jone-rikkers ( ) relied solely on one survey, which the authors themselves remarked “needs greater range of reliable subscales” (p. ). these shortcomings show the importance of having more than one data collection method, as well as a diverse pool of applicants, to gather more comprehensive data. opper, teichler, and carlson ( ) conducted an expansive study on the impact of study abroad on participants from five different countries and found that study abroad positively affected academic progress and opinion of the higher education in the host country, increased knowledge of the host country’s culture and language, and increased expectations that the experience would positively contribute toward achieving professional goals (p. ). one limitation is these gains were self-reported; more chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   accurate findings might try to gauge these changes through testing subjects about their host country and conducting longitudinal follow-up. the ies ( ) found of their participants, % obtained an advanced degree beyond their bachelor’s, while the national association of colleges and employers reported that roughly only % of all bachelor’s degree holders go on to pursue an advanced degree, showing a remarkable % difference in graduate school participation. sutton and rubin ( ) investigated learning outcomes of students in the university system of georgia who studied abroad during summer or fall. they found the only statistically significant effects were functional and world geography knowledge. though not statistically significant, studying abroad did powerfully affect knowledge of global interdependence and cultural relativism (i.e. individuals seeing the world based on others’ cultural perspective), but did not affect a student’s verbal acuity or cultural sensitivity knowledge (p. ). however, the majority of this study’s subjects participated only during the shorter summer term, which might be too short a period to impact factors where there were no significant findings. this limitation poses the question of how programme length might affect student growth. . programme length regarding length of study abroad programs, longer stays are found to be more beneficial than shorter trips (dwyer, b). these findings shape the methodology of this thesis when determining the length of participants’ programs. with over respondents, the data from dwyer ( b) offers insight into the impact of program length. however, findings were self-reported, so while correlation can be seen, causation cannot be inferred. kehl and morris ( / ) uncovered that students who attended semester-long programs had more global-mindedness (through the use of the global- mindedness scale) than short-term (under weeks) abroad students. kehl and morris only used participants who attended island programmes, so the information is only pertinent to those students. in addition, questions arise regarding the use of the global- mindedness scale, as fielden ( ) found that respondents to the scale have differing responses when interviewed face-to-face, putting into question the validity of the scale. herman ( ) reported shorter programs do not necessarily impact psychosocial development as much as longer programs, though his study had only a sample size of ohio students who merely filled out a questionnaire before and after their program. he did not analyse the students’ cross-cultural encounters, relying on information from the chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   survey measure. adding qualitative interviews with his survey to gain more insight into what occurred abroad to these students might have improved his research. in studying programme length, medina-lopez-portillo ( , ) found students who attended the shorter seven-week program in mexico had significant changes in perception of cultural identity, compared to students who studied there for weeks. she hypothesised the semester students might have had greater cultural awareness prior to their program, allowing them to feel comfortable enough to attend a longer program, and were mostly ethnorelative (i.e. putting cultures in contexts other than their own) while the -week students were more ethnocentric (i.e. putting their own culture perspective before others). her study only recruited a small sample of students from the university of maryland. additionally, we must remember that while certain tendencies might be reported, each person will react differently to his or her study abroad experience because of myriad factors. medina-lopez-portillo ( , ) looked at the intercultural sensitivity of her participants, but did not go beyond the use of bennett’s developmental model of intercultural sensitivity (dmis). while the dmis has been empirically proven over the past two decades across cultures to measure intercultural sensitivity (paige, jacobs-cassuto, yershova, & dejaeghere, ), interviews and in- depth analysis might have allowed her to determine the factors that influenced the attitude shifts, as this thesis aims to do. most research has focused on how study abroad can help develop a student’s intrapersonal, interpersonal, and intercultural communication, as well as enhance academic performance and prepare for future careers. these studies have sought to explain how study abroad can benefit the individual; however, they have not looked beyond general conclusions and generic definitions in terms of student development. they look at a collective whole, instead of how individual circumstances influence the changes they discovered. with heis’ emphasis on the importance of study abroad, understanding specific effects and processes within students are imperative. stepping into the perspectives of study abroad participants is essential to understanding the alleged transformation that arguably leads to all the personal, academic, and professional developments reported. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . minority ethnic populations and study abroad as noted earlier, the number of students of colour who study abroad is woefully low. only asian americans and native americans come close to being proportional with their university enrollment rates. monalco ( ) reported only . % of participants in third-party study abroad providers were african american in the - academic year. only . % of black students studied abroad in the - academic year (iie, ), when the most recent data is available. see figure . and while iie ( ) reported that the number has been steadily increasing from year-to-year, the numbers still indicate a poor representation of this group going abroad as part of their undergraduate education. 	
   figure . non-hispanic white and black student participation in study abroad from ay - to ay - wanner ( ) remarked that with the current number of study abroad participants, african americans rank far below other groups, stating that for all groups to reach a four percent participation rate by , white students would require an increase by a factor of . from levels in , while black students would need an increase by a factor of . (p. ). with current projections of minority percentage growths indicating that % of university students will be non-white by (ladson-billings, ), the current rate of % minority ethnic participation in study abroad (when they make up % of university students) is abysmally small. this section focuses on the issues that serve as a barrier for marginalised students to go abroad, heis’ response to minority total non-hispanic white black chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   participation, and finally the research completed on how study abroad affects marginalised students who have participated. . hindrances to studying abroad research done into marginalised students studying abroad has focused mostly on what hinders these students from participating (campbell, ; mattai & ohiwerei, ; cole, ; conciatore ; carter, ; hembroff & rusz, ; carroll, ; craig, ; washington, ; perdreau, ; doan, ; zambito, ; clemens, ; van der meid, ; gore, ; jackson, ; dessoff, ; green et al., ; brux & fry, ; salisbury, paulsen, & pascarella, ), how to get more minorities to study abroad (jackson, ), and how these students are affected by going abroad, described as mostly positive (zambito, ). picard et al. ( ) found in their georgia state university case study that the main factors deterring marginalised students from studying abroad were “insufficient information, indifference, lack of curiosity, limited or no travel experience, individual and family fear, lack of peer influence, financial challenges, and few if any mentors” (p. ). martinez et al. ( ) explained these factors can be difficult to overcome and advisors must be supportive of helping students see beyond concerns and embracing the potential for personal growth. mcclure, szelényi, niehaus, anderson, and reed ( ) found similar reasons for why latino/a students did not engage in study abroad, citing familial obligations (including financial ones) despite a desire to undertake study abroad as part of their undergraduate experience. taken together, these studies have done excellent work of identifying obstacles to particular communities’ study abroad involvement as the research examined students from hbcus and pwis, private and public universities, and different geographic and socioeconomic backgrounds. ascertaining these issues is essential in order to increase participation. while financial means might not be as large a deterrent for a student from a higher income bracket, other factors apply (e.g. fear, indifference, lack of information). the next step requires understanding what does occur when these students go abroad. this insight could better prepare professionals to support these students’ distinct needs so that participants can maximise their experience. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . institutional response as noted earlier, heis are keen to increase their international scope. obst, bhandari, and witherell ( ) highlighted strategies that a few universities have initiated to increase minority study abroad participation, including faculty education, financial support, and peer mentoring. dessoff ( ) stated the importance of making study abroad seem like a mainstream university experience essential for success. morgan, mwegelo, and turner ( ) reported hbcu students are less likely to study abroad than black students attending pwis. however, brown ( ) found many hbcus have slowly begun to integrate study abroad into their institutions’ goals. with globalisation being a vital component that impacts higher education’s recruitment and marketing, hbcus have realised the importance of sending students to experience and learn in other cultures. yet due to budget cuts across much of the higher education industry, progress has been slow. brown ( ) reported that hbcus like dillard university in new orleans are seeking to increase study abroad participation from . % participation before to % in the coming years. gasman ( ) conveyed the creation of a foundation, which will act as a national clearinghouse of hbcus’ study abroad programs, can help increase involvement. as more universities embrace internationalisation (at least in their rhetoric), they are moving to enable all of their students to be part of the goal. . effects of study abroad on marginalised groups the preceding background has helped elucidate issues confronting heis handling marginalised groups’ study abroad involvement. these studies have shown an area of higher education research receiving scant attention. some researchers have delved deeper into the effects of study abroad on individuals in marginalised groups. this section looks at these studies and their contribution to our body of knowledge. beck ( ) did a textual analysis on w.e.b. du bois’s (a sociologist, historian, and civil rights activist) experience in germany in and how it positively affected him as an african american. he reported du bois grew intellectually, and better understood himself within global cultural contexts. evans ( ) used textual analysis of diaries, letters, and other written materials to discuss the history of black women who have studied abroad since the late s. specifically she looked at dr. anna cooper, who studied at the sorbonne for her phd. while in france, cooper reflected on being a doctoral student while also being an african american woman. among the historical accounts, evans ( ) found women recognised (intra-)connections between their racial chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   and national identities (p. ). a shortcoming of both studies is relying on beck’s and evans’s interpretation of du bois’s and cooper’s writings without being able to verify the original authors’ meaning. additionally, neither researcher delved deeper into how this self-understanding manifested in du bois’s and cooper’s lives, and they look at experiences from over one hundred years ago. gillespie et al. ( ) found in ies’s french immersion program that minority ethnic participants better trusted their own cultural identity, i.e. how the students understand their own cultural background. however, they did not articulate their particular definition of this terminology, which might detract from our understanding, as different meanings exist. gingerich ( ) discovered study abroad increased cultural sensitivity and white racial consciousness, more so than in university students who did not study abroad. guerrero’s ( ) study of fifteen study abroad latino/a students discovered changes in over % of the students, including academic and language improvement, as well as identity questioning when confronted with racism or being identified as white or american as opposed to latino/a. while a small sample, these students’ dissonance unveils a psychosocial component affecting them when labeled as something other than what they consider themselves to be. this, we deduce, has implications for transformation of self-concept and value structure. martinez et al. ( ) quoted one black participant in the university of connecticut’s liverpool program (who all come from low-income and often minority backgrounds), as saying, “the identity change shocked me. in england, i was american, but in america, i am something else” (p. ). this statement ties back into dolby’s ( ) discussion on national identity formation while abroad, with students being defined by the host population rather than students defining themselves. cushner ( ) wrote about the experience of a black student studying in australia baring his identity as an african american. another participant commented, “i felt more welcome as an african american in europe than i typically do [in the u.s]” (p. ). in fry et al.’s ( ) study, . % of the respondents said they gained a “better understanding of [their] own culture, language, people, and self” and . % felt they had “general personal growth and development”(p. ). another subject commented: “my perception of race and ethnicity changed dramatically after studying and living in the dominican republic (d.r.) for a semester. for the first time in my life, i was told that i was not black, but “morena” because of my lighter skin tone. however, because i grew up in the u.s., i always thought of myself as black until i went to the d.r.” (p. ). chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   cushner & karim ( ) described these experiences as role shock where the student has “the loss of personal status. . . to a new role that is required to function in a new culture” (p. ). students’ understanding of their identity is often transformed when confronted by other cultures. these studies obtained first-hand information from students in how being abroad affected how they saw themselves. talburt and stewart ( ) found the students they interviewed in a five-week program to spain experienced race and racism differently. the one african american on the trip found that because of spaniards’ sexualised stereotypes of dark-skinned africans, she experienced negative encounters that highlighted her racial identity and her attitudes toward racism. she internalised her experiences to better understand who she was as a black woman and how others viewed her, including spaniards and her fellow students. ganz ( ) and luqman ( ) reflected on similar experiences of african american women traveling to spain, and the cultural reasons behind it. the fact that these other studies had similar findings gives credibility to the generalisability of this phenomenon of spanish behaviour toward black women. however generalisability is not the only matter of importance; the young woman in talburt and stewart’s ( ) study had a specific response to her personal interactions in spain. while it is important to remember she was but one respondent, how she felt about those encounters is important, as it illustrates her personal development from her abroad situation. this thesis seeks similar understanding of individuals’ abroad experience. landau and moore ( ) wrote about black and white americans’ experiences in ghana. while white americans often attend the programme (an immersion programme at a university in accra) to gain insight into african culture and have personal adventure, black students usually attend as a “quest for personal history and roots” (p. ). they found, however, that african americans are often treated with indifference upon arrival, despite the students expecting a ‘welcome home’ embrace from the people and land of their ancestors (p. ). in contrast, ghanaians have different perceptions and (mis)conceptions of african americans. ghanaians do not associate themselves with african americans and label them differently than how the students label themselves. these differences have led many african americans to “examine their domestic racial codes” (p. ) and what being african american means to them. this research brings forward interesting concepts pertinent to this thesis. landau and moore ( ) conducted detailed interviews and journal textual analysis into their participants’ chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   african experiences, which brought forward the complexity of african americans’ self- understanding in relation to their heritage. ganz ( ) analysed the experiences of black students and how their identities as african americans were highlighted by the other culture, from a housewife in austria calling her student “die schwarze” (the black) to another student coming across an englishman explaining the culture the student “should” have as a black american. these women were able to use these instances as opportunity for self-reflection and self- definition, yet ganz does not go beyond reporting incidents into how these instances affected the subjects’ self-understanding. tucker ( ) and dungy ( ), african americans who studied abroad, wrote auto-ethnographies about how their time abroad allowed them to reflect on racism in other parts of the world. day-vines ( ) and day-vines, barker, and exum ( ) discussed the ethnic identity growth of twelve african americans guided through psychological education intervention while studying in ghana. they found, while not quantifiably measurable, qualitatively positive shifts in the students’ understanding of their ethnic identity. these studies, though limited, help to inform this thesis, but the two findings (quantitative insignificant versus qualitatively affective) are contradictory, and do not go beyond the ethnic identity of the participants to consider other facets of their identity. morgan et al. ( ) similarly reported benefits of black women studying abroad and sharing experiences with western african women, stating they unite through increased awareness of cultural roots. we see different research finding black students’ self-concept being formed and influenced by studying abroad. however, as will be discussed in the next chapter, identity is comprised of many different components and understanding shifts within the context of the whole person. african americans are not the only students to receive attention regarding study abroad’s effects. park ( / ) wrote about her student experiences in mexico and africa and how they educated the understanding of her asian american identity: “my ethnic identity. . . . has never really been static but always in flux. it has continued to change and shift as i have moved within and through different circumstances and contexts” (p. ). while her research is insightful and rich in detail, it is the experience of one woman who went abroad at a later life stage than most university students. yet this research offers rich insight into how her identity has been crafted by her life experiences. chapter . the evolution of study abroad 	
   	
   . summation overall research into study abroad has shown positive development for participants with students growing academically, professionally, and personally. some inquiry has focused on several marginalised groups and how study abroad affected them on different levels. kauffmann et al. ( ) wrote, “living abroad provides potent new experiences that give ample opportunity to see oneself in a new light” (p. ). with the research completed into study abroad’s effects on university students, some light has been shed on what a potent experience it can be. research has ranged from longitudinal quantitative studies with hundreds of respondents who studied in scores of locations to qualitative studies focusing on a few students in a specific program. most of this research has been cursory and far too sparse. researchers have asked generic questions about the effects of study abroad. considering how minority ethnic students might react to study abroad has not been scrutinised as thoroughly as it could be, and requires more consideration. the groundwork laid offers a basis on which to continue research into study abroad. this thesis seeks to take the research further, with inquiry that takes into account the whole persons and how their life histories shape their experience abroad as a student and the multiple facets of their self-concept. with this goal of understanding an individual’s study abroad experience within their personal context, we need to understand the context of identity theory and how it pertains to the individuals in this study. additionally, we must consider how one’s cultural background can shape identity transformation. the next chapter examines the theoretical framework of identity, as well as african american psychological theory in relation to the formation of black self-concept. chapter v. theoretical framework with the goal of this thesis to determine how study abroad affects african american women’s self-concept, it is important to define the different identity contexts this research explores. sociologists, psychologists, and philosophers often disagree on identity’s definition. some researchers recoil from using the term ‘identity,’ since their definition does not coincide with others. it is beyond the scope of this thesis to engage in the sociological critique of this terminology. however, i do seek to develop an integrated theory of identity and self-concept in a way that allows me to delineate a vast field for the purposes of my research. for the purposes of this thesis, identity encapsulates the self- concept that a person possesses in understanding himself or herself in relation to other people and within the context of his or her history, culture, and unique biography. this thesis’s use of identity theory within a specific cultural context seeks to recognise the intricacy of being human, by striving to understand both the individual and social aspects of self-concept. this chapter outlines various theories into the components of identity, intersectionality, and african american psychological theory. while i do not subscribe to one theory, i use these theories to frame and educate my methodology and data analysis in this thesis. . identity components defining identity is a difficult task. corbin and pruitt ( ) stated, “the development of identity is a complex process that involves a multitude of psychosocial factors. ultimately, identity achievement includes defining who one is and hopes to be within a social context” (p. ). intellectuals have spent a good deal of time trying to understand the processes underlying identity formation. erikson ( ), a pioneering developmental psychologist, argued that individual identity is composed of our social, cultural, and historical contexts; in understanding our place within these contexts, we begin to understand who we are as individuals. like erikson, hall ( ) asserted that we all have distinct histories that define who we are. “we all speak from a particular place, out of a particular history, out of a particular experience, a particular culture” (p. ). a person’s identity occurs within multiple frameworks that inform one another and how that individual sees himself or herself (singh & doherty, ; kelly, ). dei, james, karumanchery, james-wilson, and zine ( ) expanded: “identities are often referred to as ‘multiple and shifting’… chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   [that] are not static or immutable categories, but rather… represent fluid boundaries” (p. ). an individual’s sense of self can create and recreate itself based on numerous different factors and different degrees of exposure. che et al. ( ) explained one’s identity is enhanced through dissonance: “development is facilitated when this discomfort is experienced within a social setting that provides safety and nurture. when new understandings are constructed this implies reaching a different level of development though the modification of one’s prior cognitive structures” (p. ). bauman ( ) stated, “in a state of social crisis, frightened individuals huddle together and become a crowd” (p. ). look at the effects / had on the u.s. psyche, when patriotism and identification as a u.s. american became the coping mechanism against the act of terrorism. when in distress (major or minor), we as cultural beings are more likely to feel the salience of our identities within certain contexts. grotevant, bosma, de levita, and graafsma ( ) argued identity comes not only from self-understanding, but how others define us and how we internalise those definitions. bauman ( ) discussed how we may identify who we are by identifying who we are not. group exclusion is a potent identifier telling us where we do not belong and who we cannot be. individuals must reconcile who they are in terms of their uniqueness, and in terms of the in-groups and out-groups of which they are (not) a part. bauman ( ) stated, “[there] are those whose access to identity choice has been barred… and in the end are burdened with identities enforced and imposed by others.” (p. , original emphasis). some intellectuals (postcolonialists) argue that past ills (e.g. war, genocide) have shaped current societal power structures (fanon, ; gilroy, ). valadez ( ) commented, “people’s sense of self-respect is affected by the way which their ethnocultural group is perceived” (p. ). cass ( ) distinguished this identity as the perceived identity which others attribute to an individual, as differentiated from the presented identity, which a person displays to others, often based on the person’s self- concept (pp. - ). benwell and stokoe ( ) argued, “identity is located not in the ‘private’ realms of cognition, emotion and experience, but in the public realms of discourse, interaction, and other semiotic systems of meaning-making” (p. ). while i concur that the public sphere has a potent influence on how individuals understand their self-concept, identity occurs on various levels of experience both public and private. sen ( ) argued that while this tendency to define one’s self in relation to how others define you can occur, every individual has a choice of what identities s/he wants chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   to be most salient. a black female may wish to be defined by her muslim religion rather than her race or gender. sen ( ) asserted that the cultures in which others place us might influence us, but that placement does not necessarily determine what identities we choose to project or feel: “we are not as imprisoned in our installed locations and affiliations as the advocates of the discovery view of identity seem to presume” (p. ). our perceived identity does not necessarily affect our presented identity; we can choose to some degree how we want to be perceived by what we present. bauman ( ) discussed identity’s many mediators that lead to a person’s self- understanding as a community member. he wrote most people do not notice their identity since they already “belong” to the collective, and only when displaced from that collective is their identity more salient. this moment might manifest in myriad ways or through a number of identities. a woman may feel her female identity more in the context of male-dominated societal norms. however, that same woman could have her jewish religion thrown into sharp relief in a methodist church. park ( / ) found often identities are “social and political constructions firmly placed within given contexts of both time and place” (p. ), indicating a malleability depending on context. who you are greatly depends on where you are and your identity can shift dependent on various factors. this shifting offers interesting implications within the realm of study abroad. anderson ( ) noted, “identity crises [are] the more or less natural outcome of contact with an alien culture” (p. ). she maintained that cross-cultural adaptation allows for personal development, where a person becomes something more than s/he was before, building upon one’s old identity into something more integrated and transcultural. in relation to identity, fry et al. ( ) found study abroad places participants in circumstances where they have to discover themselves, because, as one participant put it: “i think in a lot of ways it makes you have a firmer sense, in some ways it makes you lose your sense of self, and in other ways it makes you kind of develop a stronger sense of yourself, because you’re in such a foreign environment, and you’re just left with who you are, you know, and you have to figure out who you are” (p. ). zaharna ( ) wrote how intercultural situations can challenge one’s self- concept, identifying the concept of self-shock, where a person confronts conflicting self- identities because of encounters with people unlike himself or herself. a sojourner is attempting to understand various self-concepts and define who s/he is based on outside stimuli. a person will use self-attribution, meaning-making through host culture chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   perspectives, and creation of internal equilibrium while in the midst of cultural ambiguity. zaharna ( ) outlined, “self-shock emerges as a mismatch between need to confirm self-identities with ability to confirm self-identities” (p. , original emphasis), but where the need outweighs the ability to balance those self-identities. building on zaharna’s hypothesis, sen ( ) elucidated on the multitude of different identities that make up one’s whole identity. he claimed we all belong to numerous groups and the saliency of those identities depends on context. despite these different identities and their varying degrees of prominence, sen ( ) remarked: “the recognition that identities are robustly plural, and that the importance of one identity need not obliterate the importance of others…. a person has to make choices… about what relative importance to attach, in a particular context, to the divergent loyalties and priorities that may compete for precedence” (p. ). he stated we must “( ) [decide] what our relevant identities are, and ( ) [weigh] the relative importance of these different identities… [which] demand reasoning and choice” (p. ). the individual must choose which identities come to the fore, though this choice might not always be possible in certain contexts. thomson ( ) and tatum ( ) found, “our awareness of the complexity of our own identity develops over time. the salience of particular aspects of our identity varies at different moments in our lives” (tatum, , p. ). she stated we shall each understand our identities at different points in our lives, based on individual experiences and the pace of our unique psychosocial development. additionally, different facets of identity develop at different times. understanding yourself as a female might come at a different time than when you understand your caribbean or christian identities. she explained, “just as we don’t all reach puberty and begin developing sexual interest at the same time… identity development unfolds in idiosyncratic ways” (p. ). since we are all on different journeys, everyone travels different roads at different paces to different destinations, though all with an objective of self-understanding. to summarise, identity has several components, and to understand it within the context of my research questions, being aware of those components is imperative. researchers have shown identity is ) linked to personal contexts; ) fluid; ) enhanced by dissidence; ) defined by in-groups and out-groups, ) within present circumstance; ) multifaceted; and ) individually paced. within these findings, we see the complexity of understanding any one person’s self-concept. with so many influential factors, we must be vigilant of each and how they affect one another. chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   . intersectionality with increased globalisation, a new complexity of the identity components just outlined has emerged. as different communities interact with one another in new ways, “globalization appear[s] to be bringing about mixing and inter-connection on a scale which was becoming increasingly hard to comprehend” (wetherell, , p. ). the ways in which researchers have gone about understanding these new relationships have remained static, using outdated western-focused philosophies. given the complexity of identity, understanding how these identities manifest becomes important. returning to benwell and stokoe’s ( ) argument about identity occurring within the public sphere and wetherell’s ( ) observation about the deep impact of globalisation on identity, we must consider how various aspects of our self-concept interact with our environment, and how in a globalised world we experience more environments than generations before. where do the facets, fluidity, dissidence, self- and group-definitions of identity converge in relation to societal norms? given the argument made in the last section, can this convergence be the same for everyone with our unique experiences? what role does societal power structures play in these experiences? here, the critical concept of intersectionality surfaces. with roots in feminist theory, intersectionality evolved from the initial assumption that all women’s experiences of oppression were the same; the combahee river collective in highlighted these differences among women’s encounters with power structures. the woman to first coin the term ‘intersectionality,’ crenshaw ( ) argued, “[identity politics] frequently conflates or ignores intergroup differences” (p. ). intersectionality acknowledges that the differences caused by the multi-faceted nature of identity can lead to differing forms of oppression within our societal interactions (crenshaw, ; brah & phoenix, ; alexander, ; parekh, ; collins, ; phoenix, ; wetherell, ). phoenix ( ) explained, “intersectionality [means] that people are always simultaneously positioned in many categories so that there is no essence to any category…. [and] all categories are associated with power relations and cannot be neutral” (p. ). an individual cannot merely be one thing, whether female, old, japanese, or disabled. each component plays off the others, making contributions to the whole person in a nonsummative equation, including determining the (un)privilege that the individual possesses. when studying identity, swanson, cunningham, youngblood, and spencer ( ) noted, “multiple ethnic identities and situational and developmental changes in chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   identity are clearly important” (p. ). with these complexities, understanding any african american’s identity (or any identity, for that matter) becomes problematic. cokley and chapman ( ) contended, “it is important to consider the ways in which research questions [investigate]… the multifaceted nature of african american identity” (p. ). exploring identity cannot be dichotomous, as in-group heterogeneity exists. belgrave and allison ( ) contended, “exploring the regional, historical, and cultural variability within the african american experience may also support a richer understanding by avoiding assumptions of the monolithic nature of the african american community” (p. ). this thought reflects sen’s ( ) theory mentioned earlier of the multiple identities each individual carries. every person is unique and brings various aspects and experiences to his or her entire self-concept. phoenix ( ) asserted that using intersectional consideration facilitates multi-level analyses ranging from statistical to single-case analyses; however, she also noted, “no concept is perfect and none can ever accomplish the understanding and explanation of all that needs to be understood and explained” (phoenix, a, p. ). to gather more comprehensive and meaningful data, researchers must honour the intricacy of how all of these factors relate with one another in personal and public spheres. given these complexities, my research aims to understand self-concept within the intersectional paradigm. davis ( ) argued that the ambiguity of intersectionality allows for researchers better to serve the search for knowledge. we are not bound within constraints which intersectionality seeks to discard anyway. she went on to state, “it promises an almost universal applicability, useful for understanding and analysing any social practice, any individual or group experience, any structural arrangement, and any cultural configuration” (p. ). within this thesis’s context, i question how identity, intersectionality, and the process of self-understanding might take hold within the study abroad experience. students travel to an alien setting where the culture they are in is not the culture in which they were raised, causing discomfort and requiring the student to examine and possibly modify self-understanding. how do they understand themselves when outside their norm? what life experiences have students brought with them? when placed in another culture, how do they negotiate their perceived versus presented identities? how does their marginalised status in their home culture affect their response to another culture? what power relations in their host culture affect how they perceive themselves? the experience of study abroad may be a time when students must (dis)associate with particular identities to negotiate their experience. chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   phoenix ( b) commented that scholars may feel overwhelmed by the seemingly endless intersections available to understand anyone. however, she went on, “researchers and other social analysts necessarily have to make creative judgments about which intersections to analyse when” (p. ). my intention is to comprehend my participants’ experiences from a psychological perspective that seeks to respect a specific group’s ontology. i now consider how african american psychological theory informs the black american experience, particularly one’s understanding of his or her self- concept and its many components and intersections. . african american psychology one commonly researched identity component is race. while a social construct, race is not an unreal experience (parham, ; elam & elam, ). power constructs have dictated the impact that race has on one’s understanding of identity, at both the individual and group levels. white ( ) argued that the conventional theories used to explain behaviour are not sufficient in explaining black behaviour, saying that the composition of the black experience is too contrary to the white lifestyle, making black people look inferior or maladjusted through deficit models of analysis. elam and elam ( ) concurred, stating, “race has the potential to be employed productively: it is a mistake to equate it with merely destructive impulses and effects” (p. ). it is imperative that different frameworks be used. myers ( ) complained, “african culture has been badly misunderstood because of the imposition of alien world views in its analysis” (p. ). scholars who advocate for black-specific psychological theory claim that current theory is eurocentric in nature, and does not honour how culture might affect psychological understanding (parham et al., ). this unwillingness to accept the culture’s influence in human development has led to culturally-bound findings being presented as universal. however, some psychological theory attempts to take into account the role that external influence (such as culture) plays on internal understanding. vgotsky’s ( ) social cognitive theory argued that culture shapes both what a child thinks and how a child thinks. bronfenbrenner’s ( ) ecological theory also emphasised context’s role in psychological development. therefore one’s character as well as one’s environment (e.g. family structure, community, etc.) interact in a specific way to determine how an individual will develop. scholars have sought to understand what is specifically shared psychologically by individuals of african descent. here i examine how current theory chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   frames the understanding of african american psychology, and how this applies to this thesis’s data analysis. the literature on african american psychology has grown extensively in the past decades. belgrave and allison ( ) write extensively on african american psychology as a field of research. they point out that this area of study has two research perspectives. one perspective is based in the belief that “psychological concepts and theories are universal” (p. ), taking the belief that psychological notions developed by western thought are applicable to everyone. however, the other perspective focuses on africentric psychology, which “considers the core values, beliefs, and behaviors found among people of african descent that are central to understanding african americans” (p. ). the difference that arises in studying these two perspectives is in observable behaviour. whereas western psychology champions the idea of prediction and control of human behaviour, africentric psychology also embraces the influence that intuition and self-knowledge play on individuals. parham et al. ( ) indicated that a debate continues as to whether an africentric norm actually exists, as some scholars argue that conforming to white norms is at one end of the spectrum (thus taking a eurocentric perspective), while others insist that african roots should be the focal point of analysis. parham ( ) discussed the importance of trying to understand african americans beyond the mindset of white psychological theories. he stated, “traditional psychology, in its attempts to understand the lifestyle, thought, feelings, and behaviors of people of african descent, fails to capture their ethos, or ‘emotional tone’” (p. , original emphasis). he continued, “using eurocentric norms as a template from which to measure the thoughts, feelings, and behaviors of people of african descent places black people at a conceptual disadvantage, resulting in a tendency to characterize our behaviors as pathological” (p. ). african americans must not only try to carve out a life for themselves in a white-dominated society, but then they must also be labeled and constructed through eurocentric lenses. additionally, phoenix ( ) remarked that white identity is so unacknowledged by white people that they do not understand the collective identity of black people (p. ), therefore can they ever truly understand the black experience? myers ( ) explained that to understand the african mind, researchers must understand “the dynamic interplay between mystical intuition and scientific analysis” (p. ). according to africentric theory, the european perspective is one-dimensional, chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   neglecting crucial components of what being a black person actually means. for instance, parham et al. ( ) stated: “general psychology [has] failed to provide a full and accurate understanding of black reality…. black psychology… attempts to study, analyze, and define appropriate and inappropriate behaviors of black and african people from an africentric frame of reference” (p. ). quoted by many scholars in the field of african american psychology is the asante proverb, “i am because we are; we are, therefore i am.” africentric philosophy has a different definition of self that is not typical for western thinkers. here, conceptions of ‘the self’ are inextricably linked to the notion of ‘the group’ – a divergence from the individualised conception of identity that is normative within western scholarship. specifically, “the [africentric frame of reference] begins with a holistic conception of the human condition. there is no mind-body or affective-cognitive dualism. the human organism is conceived as a totality made up of a series of interlocking systems…. the basic human unit is the tribe, not the individual” (parham et al., , p. ). because collective consciousness is not often considered or valued within traditional (eurocentric) understandings of identity, black people may automatically fall outside what is deemed ‘normal’ (swanson et al., ). in response, african american psychologists have been working to create theories of black psychology that explicitly incorporate notions of interdependence, and that are situated within wider black history (akbar, ; nobles, a; nobles, b; williams, ; myers, ; kambon, ). these models all embrace the idea that african americans’ self-concept requires individuals to understand not only their personal identity, but also their location within a collective historical past, present, and future, including the natural world and their interdependence. nobles ( a) stated that by understanding these concepts of african philosophy, one begins to comprehend their effects on behaviour and the validity and value of those factors. according to belgrave and allison ( ), africentricity seeks to understand a person’s worldview, and how that individual interprets and harmonises his or her experiences, much like theorists search for patterns in other marginalised communities’ experiences (e.g. feminist and queer theory). already we observe some differences from the identity theory laid out earlier in this chapter. africentric theories often run parallel with many of researchers subscribing to a uniform idea of african thought (herskovits, ; diop, ; ford, ; nobles, , , ; wobogo, ; asante, ; boykin, ; ani, ; holloway, chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   ; shade, ; akoto, ; kambon, ). parham ( ) identified eight facets from which to understand eurocentric and africentric worldviews: self, feelings, survival, language, time, universe, death, and worth. he stated that where african americans fall on the spectrum of these dimensions is completely opposite to where european americans fall. parham talks about how self for african americans comes from a holistic, spiritual integration, rather than fragmentation as in european americans experience. feelings are to be expressed and not suppressed by logic. africentric tendency promotes survival through a collective orientation instead of individual preservation. african people honor language through the spoken, not the written word, emphasising the interconnectedness between the speaker and listener. for time, african americans tend to be more present-oriented while referencing the past, and their relationship toward the universe promotes harmony and balance. finally, according to parham ( ), death is merely a transition from one life to the next, embracing the spirituality this entails. worth comes from your contribution to the collective, instead of one’s material possessions. these ideas are ones reflected in most researchers’ thoughts on african philosophy. yet each of these variables seems to be on a continuum, despite parham’s insistence of either/or scenario for each individual. perhaps the theme prevalent throughout the various incarnations of africentric psychology is the idea of collectivism. loneliness and alienation do not exist in african tribes because each member is interconnected, and there is concern and responsibility for one another (belgrave & allison, ). baldwin, duncan, and bell ( ) looked at african self-consciousness (asc), which is “the awareness and knowledge that african americans have (possess and practice) of themselves as african people historically, culturally, and philosophically” (p. ), as well as africanity: “a bio-genetically defined psychological disposition or propensity that all black people possess” (p. ). they discovered that a higher asc level is an important determinant on whether black students had positive black psychology functioning. this finding mirrors other africentric scholars’ insistence that to have a healthier black personality, black people should be more socialised into the african american cultural reality (myers, ; parham et al, ; pierre & mahalik, , sellers, copeland-linder, martin, & lewis, ). baldwin et al. ( ) indicated that though there are many intergroup differences between black peoples, the similarities of interdependent tendencies that occur among various african descendants makes it impossible to ignore the black consciousness idea. chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   yet one could argue that many africentric theories do not seem to take into account the integrated lifestyle of african americans. is there really only one ‘african american cultural reality?’ the assumption that the ‘healthy black personality’ that baldwin et al. ( ) and parham et al. ( ) define is, in fact, the optimal reality for every single african american may place some black americans on the outside of what is ‘normal’ according to africentricity. this idea seems to take away from the fundamental idea of africentric psychology that each person’s self-knowledge creates his or her own truth, and the idea of intersectionality allowing for different experiences for people’s various identities. additionally baldwin et al.’s ( ) suggestion that that people of african descent are genetically different from other humans does not appear to have any scientific basis, and one that would be met with vehement criticism by most biological anthropologists (templeton, ). belgrave and allison ( ) take a different approach to understanding black psychology: “it is important to note that there are variations in the africentric and other worldviews, and individuals may function along a continuum, with some people of african descent having some eurocentric worldview beliefs” (p. ). they note that, “africentric beliefs have been linked to self-esteem and self-worth. high africentric beliefs may be linked to self-esteem through involvement in positive family and community activities that promote feelings of self and communal worth” (p. ), but they still champion the argument that while africentric thinking has its place, it is not the only perspective that can offer understanding for people of african descent. this thesis seeks to use africentricity as a focus of analysis, while appreciating the complex layers of identity, as discussed in the first two sections of this chapter. the question of validity and reliability about these conclusions might plague some eurocentric academics. parham et al. ( ) noted: “african-american psychology has struggled and continues to struggle with how best to understand, study, and appreciate africanness in an american context…. black psychology has yet to achieve the paradigmatic coherence necessary for it to achieve discipline status” (p. ). however, myers ( ) found that the theory of the structure of africentricity had an independent convergence from several scholars in the field, and that future research may continue to strengthen the theory. if credence is to be gained from mainstream academia, acceptance that validity and reliability may be immeasurable to eurocentric standards becomes essential; current understandings of validity and reliability may not adequate to chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   grasp africentricity. indeed, critical examination of culturally bound paradigms, theories, and methodologies has allowed this fledgling field to begin the dialogue of how best to understand a population outside of western origins. the field of african american psychology has seen an evolution in its own identity. while i have provided an overview of black psychology as it relates to my study, the field as a whole lies outside the scope of my thesis. i seek to explore how these conceptual frameworks can be used to understand the experience of my research participants. by giving them voice within specifically african american psychological concepts, i work to get closer to how these students’ self-concept is affected by their study abroad experience. given the burgeoning research into african american psychology, i identified some major components that appear to affect an individual’s self-concept based on the literature. i use these factors in helping to understand my research participants’ study abroad experiences. now i more closely examine these dynamics to lay the foundation of my analysis. . family structure according to parham et al. ( ): “the foundation for an authentic black psychology is an accurate understanding of the black family, its african roots, historical development and contemporary expressions, and its impact on the psychological development and socialization of its members” (p. ). billingsley ( ) reported that the dynamics and composition of a black family can be complex and varied, not fitting one single description. when considering family structure, belgrave and allison ( ) noted that the boundaries of a black family may differ from those of a white family, and that what is seen as effective family functioning might differ across cultures in certain respects. for example, belgrave and allison ( ) discussed fictive kin, those individuals who are not related (biologically or through marriage) but still feel and function as family. black families often have this kin in place, having had to rely on others during slavery and economic hardship when one’s own kin was not available. these relationships have contributed to the collectivist tendencies within the african american community (scott & black, ). parham et al. ( ) documented the different definitions of what family is and how it can change over the course of one’s life. even among black americans, the definition of family shifts for different segments of the community. they argue that the reasons that extended family plays such a pivotal role may come from “the common fate chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   of oppressive economic and social conditions” (p. ). with origins in slavery and communal thinking, relying on others outside your core family was essential to survival. the differing definitions that come from how a family should look bring about the question of who decides what a ‘healthy family’ looks like. hill ( ) reported that african american families have strong achievement orientation, strong work orientation, flexible family roles, strong kinship bonds, and strong religious orientation. these strengths enable black families to thrive through any adversity that they might face. the role of familial influence on children’s development of self-concept cannot be neglected. children developmentally progress beyond colour categories and see racial categorisation that systematically occurs in society. this development occurs through age-related stages, but how children will view racial categorisation (whether positively or negatively) is reliant on numerous factors. cokley and chapman ( ) commented on its effects: “group identity is often shaped by the content of parental socialization” (p. ). the stance that parents take on racial socialisation can determine their children’s psychological adjustment, with positive types of socialisation often associated with positive psychological adjustment (brown, ; coard & sellers, ; neblett et al., ); parents can socialise their children to better understand their race in the context of the larger u.s. american society. williams ( ) explained that black socialisation (afro-typing) has a different impact on personality and self-concept development than if a black child experiences anglocentric developmental space. the relationship with race that caregivers foster in their children influences those children’s self-concept throughout their lives. with concern to the racial socialisation process, boykin and toms ( ) discussed that black children are taught ) their participation in mainstream american culture, ) their role as an ethnic minority and the oppression that may come with that, and ) the black cultural experience. therefore we note the powerful connection of family with understanding one’s racial identity and possible life trajectory. we also note how ‘family’ might be defined differently in black communities based on a variety of factors. . . nationality it is argued that national identity is an important component of one’s self- concept (harris-perry, ); thus we must seek to understand the unique way in which black people identify with their country. with the complicated history of african americans and the united states, the relationship they have with one another is different chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   from other racial and ethnic groups. du bois ( ), a leading intellectual in early twentieth century civil rights, discussed the idea of double consciousness, a psychological state in which african americans struggled to balance the tensions between their u.s. american and african ‘souls.’ these two identities interplay with one another in a way that is not always harmonious as u.s. american culture and african paradigms can clash. as stated earlier, african thought often embraces a collective ideal that goes up against the u.s. concept of individualism. du bois argued that these opposing forces means that black people will see themselves from the perspective of the other, creating two psycho- social experiences that individuals are always trying to bring into balance. fanon ( ), an african critical theorist and scholar in postcolonial studies, argued that when black people identify with the white mainstream, it takes away from their racial identity: “the individual who climbs into society… tends to reject his family” (p. ), and therefore is subjugating himself to a power in which he has no voice. in the context of a white- racially dominated society, african americans have largely been in this category for over four centuries due to their (lower) societal positioning.	
   yet the experience of those of african descent are not all the same, nor are their experiences or understanding of what it means to “be” american. solomos ( ) discussed how national identity and race have evolved together to mean more than just the collective history of a nation. according to parham et al. ( ): “any theory of [psychological] development must consider the impact of globalization and lack of socio- economic prosperity of african americans and the ways that adaptive realities inform and transform notions of development in post modern, post industrial america” (p. ). they acknowledge that nationality might effect one’s psychology. perhaps this affect will occur differently for different black people, as their definition of what it means to be black and american could differ. patriotism and identification with a country does not have to mean that one shares the history of that country. being an ethnic minority does not mean that you cannot identify with your nation. pilkington ( ), who researched black britons, concluded, “the assertion of a black identity does not imply a rejection of britishness but a demand for respect towards a valued identity” (p. ). changes in understanding national identity comes from an embrace of multiculturalism. so being u.s. american, not only means different things for people within a particular racial group, but also that individuals can choose how their national identity fits into their overall self-concept. additionally, parekh ( ) suggested that people with the same racial background may chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   respect the values and institutions associated with that particular identity, but for different reasons: “this is common in a multicultural society where different cultural communities agree or converge on a common body of values on different meta-ethical grounds” (p. ). these divergent opinions can come from a variety of places and/or experiences. for instance, swanson et al. ( ) reported, “[some] black parents embrace both american and african-based values and endeavor to instill both value systems in their children” (p. ). again we see the potency of familial influence on one’s understanding of his or her self-concept. we also note how an individual’s understanding his or her national identity are contextually driven. . . religion and spirituality belgrave and allison ( ) found black people reported having strong religious beliefs, spending more time in houses of worship, and using spirituality as a provider of comfort more than white people. the role that religion plays in the collective lives of people of african descent often reaffirms the collectivist nature of the community. through the shared experience of religion, people are able to connect with one another on various levels, including their faith: “from an africentric perspective, spirituality is intricately linked to all aspects of one’s life and cannot be viewed as a separate dimension” (belgrave & allison, , p. ). again, identity is inextricably comprised of various components that build and strengthen on one another in meaningful ways for each individual. belgrave and allison ( ) outlined the importance of religion and spirituality when understanding african american psychology. spiritual beliefs play a large role in many black lives, with many african americans reporting more religious activity than any other ethnic group: “spirituality [is] an influential factor in helping african americans cope with problems and stressful life events. spirituality gives meaning to one’s life and provides an alternative way of constructing an understanding for life’s outcomes” (p. ). black people are likely to find their spiritual life an integral part of understanding their self-concept. . gender gender identity within the african american community has different contextual meanings. various research has shown that black women’s construction and understanding of their female identity differs from mainstream u.s. constructions of chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   female identity (shorter-gooden & washington, ; molloy & herzberger, ; fordham, ; collins, ). yet despite this different basis for understanding femaleness, fordham ( ) pointed out, “african-american women are compelled to consume the universalized images of white american women, including body image, linguistic patterns, style of interacting, and so forth” (p. ). thus, black women straddle two social worlds concerning how they might and do understand identifying as women between both black and white american norms. the role that african american females are forced to play because of mainstream u.s. american standards means these women often overlap different paradigms. how their own self-concept might fit within (and outside of) these distinct paradigms becomes an important component in understanding them. parham et al. ( ) stated, “black women’s lived experiences are affected by racism and sexism because these structures help to further maintain and perpetuate the political and economic domination of men” (p. ). they also noted that many researchers seem unwilling to think outside western- defined gender roles. black women tend to possess androgynous gender roles, meaning they possess beliefs and behaviours that can be nurturing as well as independent and assertive (harris, ; corneille, ashcraft, & belgrave, ). “the notion that the mother could reflect a balance of the traditional male and female roles with respect to mental toughness and emotional tenderness, was largely ignored because of the rigid classification of psychosexual roles in american society” (harris, , p. ). their struggle to overcome such assumptions puts them at odds with white norms. to understand the african american woman better, i consider the literature behind black women and sexualised imaging and physical appearance, and black women’s unique relationship with their hair. . . sexualised images african american women have been othered by mainstream u.s. culture since they first arrived as slaves. collins ( ) remarked, “african-american women occupy a position whereby the inferior half of a series of binaries converge, and this placement is central to [their] subjugation” (p. ). by suggesting that black women possess a jezebel stereotype with insatiable sexual appetites, they are placed outside normal behaviour. harris-perry ( ) explained, “sexual lasciviousness was a deliberate characterization that excused both profit-driven and casual sexual exploitation of black women.” this placement arguably allows mainstream culture to justify domination of black american women. chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   additionally harris-perry ( ) discussed the other african american female caricatures of mammy (the asexualised dark, fat caregiver for white families) and sapphire (the loud angry black woman). these oppressive messages are systematically reproduced through media and other means so that black american women must continually face pre- fabricated images of themselves before anyone actually meets them as an individual. african american women face the catch- of being forced into the two extreme (non-) sexualized stereotypes of the mammy or the jezebel. therefore, black women face societal structures that can hinder their ability to understand their sexual identity. “instead of changing structures, too many solutions in the public sphere involve enforced limitations on black women’s sexuality” (harris-perry, , p. ). the media perpetuates these messages of african american women’s sexuality, continuing to label the women in this community as one or the other. in fact, collins ( ) stated, “efforts to control black women’s sexuality lie at the heart of black women’s oppression” (p. ). with these oppressions coming from mainstream society, black women often find themselves in a unique and difficult position negotiating their gender identity in relation to their entire self- concept. . . physical appearance physical appearance defines another aspect of gender psychology as it relates to race. parham et al. ( ) explained: “black women appear to use a different yard stick of beauty, with standards reflecting internal cultural norms. as a result, black women, on average, tend to maintain a positive body image despite the fact that as a group they are heavier” (p. ). belgrave and allison ( ) agreed, noting that self-concept for black women might also be tied to self-image, but self-image was not always the same by eurocentric standards. molloy and herzberger ( ) found that black women’s acceptance of their non- mainstream body images comes from possessing more masculine and/or androgynous traits, which have been found to suggest more positive, accepting body images. however, even with many african american women embracing black beauty, this community faces different messages from mainstream white culture. for instance, collins ( ) wrote, “darker women face being judged inferior…. institutions controlled by whites clearly show a preference for lighter-skinned blacks, discriminating against darker ones or against any african-americans who appear to reject white images of beauty” (p. ). harris-perry ( ) pointed out, “overweight women… experience chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   significant shame in societies where feminine desirability is defined by thinness” (p. ). therefore another incarnation of the double-consciousness struggle hypothesised by du bois ( ) emerges, with black women facing the mainstream u.s. message about what should be considered physical attractiveness, and the message of african american culture which champions another ideal of beauty. black women must negotiate (often with struggle) between these conflicting archetypes of aesthetics. . . hair banks ( ) explained the complexity surrounding black women’s relationship with their hair: “black girls and women [understand] the political and material realities of black women’s hair. hair holds value…. hair can be a badge of cultural pride, as well as simply an indicator of style. hair can be used as a medium to maintain the status quo or go against it” (p. ). how a black woman chooses to wear her hair can be a powerful indicator of how she views herself. as mentioned earlier, black collective consciousness allows a means to show pride in a group identity; hair can be a powerful means of showing an embrace of that ideology. cooper ( ) stated, “fashions in body hair seem to be a question of cultural conditioning, with personal preferences and sexual inclinations taking over the individual cases” (p. .) while people outside the black community might not understand the importance, banks ( ) made the observation, “if cultural theorists want to understand how black women and girls view their worlds, it is essential to understand why hair matters to them” (p. ). because of this important value i investigate my participants’ relationship with their hair better to understand their view of the world and themselves in various contexts. black women create meaning with their hair, whether intentionally or unintentionally. given the strong reactions to hair in the black female community, the socially constructed meanings have a powerful impact. individuals respond to how others react to them, and the reaction of others to one’s hair impacts one’s self- understanding within the societal context. as banks ( ) stated, “hair emerges as a body within the social body and can reflect notions about perceptions, identity, and self- esteem” (p. ). but hair also acts as a personal statement where individuals have the opportunity to look their best. this might be in regards to identity, but also in regard to a statement on gender. perhaps the most essential finding of banks’s ( ) study is that chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   there is an intersection of appearance, identity, and self-esteem, and all of these are informed by black women’s social and cultural meanings about hair. . academic achievement parental influence can fall heavily on a child’s academic identity. as perry ( ) noted, the african american community has a long history of encouraging academic achievement. as mentioned in chapter , many black families encourage educational excellence as a way to distinguish one’s self and succeed. noble ( ) suggested that the encouragement for black children to attend university was not only because parents wished their children to benefit themselves, but also to better the race as a whole. belgrave et al. ( ) found that those who did succeed recognised that their success was in part from the contribution of others. put up against mickelson’s ( ) abstract and concrete attitudes toward education, as well as fordham and ogbu’s ( ) findings that black students also face the expectation from peers of not being too academically focused, we see du bois’s ( ) double consciousness inserting itself into african americans’ academic identity. collective and individualistic norms compete with one another as a student determines how s/he understands that academic self-concept. belgrave et al. ( ), parham et al. ( ), and hudley ( ) noted one’s self- perception in academic ability may influence the academic achievement of black students. “although quality of interaction between parent and child is an important component in school achievement, we cannot overlook a youngster’s willingness and motivation to respond to supportive environmental cues” (parham et al., , p. ). cokley ( ) took these ideas a step further, postulating the self-determination theory. he found that african americans might have high motivation levels, but that this motivation does not relate to their academic performance or self-concept. this finding would indicate that perhaps african americans have a different mode of viewing their self-concept (academic or otherwise) beyond the modes in which white researchers have envisioned and theorised self-concept. indeed, what exactly is academic achievement is another matter, when considered through the africentric lense. belgrave and allison ( ) wrote: “knowledge acquisition from a eurocentric perspective would be considered as valid and true if that knowledge is derived from measuring, counting, and quantifying information…. [whereas] an africentric framework places the origins of knowledge within an intrapersonal and social context” (p. ). chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   knowledge from an africentric perspective focuses on self-knowledge and that perceived truth might in fact be individual since it is based on a person’s perspective. parham et al. ( ) reported, “the education a student received was intrinsically linked to one’s personal development and transformation” (p. ). education is academic and social, leading to richer personal development on both outer and inner levels. academic achievement (on whatever level) comes from the student but is shaped by his or her family, peers, and community. according to the africentric perspective, an individual’s self-concept in relation to these achievements is linked on various planes, though we also see the links with intersectionality and how our identities create a unique experience based on their interactions with various power structures. we can note the value in how study abroad may influence this personal development. . personality the influence of personality is a factor that must also be considered, with its particular relationship with one’s racial identification. wetherell ( ) noted, “the key insight [of tajfel] was that the psychology of the individual might substantially change when she or he identifies with a social group…. the individual would behave in very different ways when acting in terms of social or group identity in contrast to more idiosyncratic forms of personal identity built around individual uniqueness and distinctiveness” (p. ). our individuality and inherent personality traits might, in fact, be affected by the societal clues we each receive due to our various group identities. for instance, belgrave and allison ( ) reported that thirty-five percent of black americans reported engaging in volunteer work on a regular basis. this sort of pro-social behavior could not only be attributed to individual personality, but also to the africentric value of collectivism. interestingly, the reverse is also true, according to phoenix ( ): “individuals will have a range of possible ways of describing themselves extending from group identities to more idiosyncratic senses of identity. these various possibilities for self- categorization have been shown to have a moderating impact on ethnic identity” (p. ). again, the complexity of the relationship among aspects encompassing one’s self- concept becomes apparent and warrants further investigation. belgrave and allison ( ) wrote how even the definition of success can vary from an africentric perspective. developmentally, material wealth may not be a key to happiness, but might instead focus on spiritual well-being, creative expression, and being a community or chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   familial resource. the way in which we define our successes and failures, in truth the structure of our personalities, might be culturally determined. while not considered directly in the analysis, as a general argument, i consider this aspect of identity in the context of the research participants’ relationships within the other aspects of their identity. . summation many identity theories seek to explain how people come to understand aspects of their self-concept through social processes. with the complexity of identity, most theories offer insights but do not fully explain the whole picture. whether race, ethnicity, gender, spirituality, or sexual orientation, these components create one piece of the entire self-concept puzzle. so many factors interact on various levels creating who we are and how we understand ourselves. this chapter has shown that identity formation relies on myriad aspects. struggle and strife cause us to learn, change, and grow. when put in situations with others unlike us, we must reconcile the dissonance to understand who we are in a foreign context. these struggles and the need to grow from them interplay with the fact that though we are each just one person, we all have various identities and roles that make up our self- concept, and that we come to understand and take on these various identities at different times than others. we each have our own story that affect how we grow. perceived identity versus presented identity can affect self-definition and is influenced by the labeling by others versus self-labeling. particular identities also influence our overall self- concept. identity is complex, as are individuals’ journeys to discovering themselves. i must take into account the various influences within a person’s experience to develop a full picture of what occurs with black university women studying abroad. to create a comprehensive understanding of someone’s self-concept, i utilise various techniques and draw upon a diverse literature to develop a holistic view. in addition, some black researchers have spent the last few decades using african perspectives to construct what it means to be african american. as with most identity theory, the answer is complex because so many facets play into the creation of self- concept. as nobles ( b) interjected, using eurocentric theories does a disservice to people who do not necessarily think or experience their lives in the manner that europeans do. using the research of leading feminist and black thinkers in the field, like those researchers cited here, allows progressive steps to be taken to understand the chapter . theoretical framework 	
   	
   experience and self-understanding of my research participants. by considering african american psychology, specifically in relation to family, gender, academia, and personality, a portrait of the individual can be contextualised within the cultural context of the individuals being studied. . research questions with the gaps in current study abroad research and the need to understand individuals from their own cultural psychology, this thesis seeks to answer the following questions: ) how does study abroad shape the ways in which the u.s. students in this study who identify as african/black american women think about themselves in relation to their multiple identities, including race, gender, and academic personas? ) how does this study’s participants’ personal histories impact upon their account of themselves while studying abroad? ) what specific factors in these students’ study abroad experience affect how they reflect upon their various identities? the next chapter explores the methodology to be used to answer the research questions asked within the theoretical framework presented in this chapter. 	
   part two: the research 	
   chapter vi. methodology this chapter looks at the methodology i use for answering my research questions. i relate the overall methodological plan and identify myself in terms of my position as the researcher. i then inspect the various data collection techniques used, including how i identified participants, and the process they and i went through to understand their study abroad experiences. the chapter concludes with the analysis and interpretation of the data, as well as ethical issues for the research and how i address them. . epistemology and ontology this thesis takes the perspective of cultural constructivist epistemology. seeking to understand an individual’s self-concept means i must accept the truth each person attributes to his or her personal experiences, and that truth comes from that individual’s cultural constructs (watzlawick, ). von glasersfeld ( ) argued, “[the concept of reality] is made up of the network of things and relationships that we rely on in our living, and on which, we believe, others rely on, too” (p. ). in order to determine these constructed truths, i engage in life history case studies of individuals, which include interviews and field texts, to understand the unique perspectives of the participants’ experiences before, during, and after their studying abroad. . black feminist standpoint epistemology collins ( ) contended that her preferred epistemology to understand black women and their individual contexts as requiring a twofold approach. “black feminist standpoint epistemology – placing black women’s experiences at the centre of analysis as well as interpretive frameworks that rely on intersectional paradigms” (p. ). as discussed in the previous chapter, intersectionality demands that we as researchers must seek understanding of the various components of a woman’s self-concept particularly in relation to power structures (harding, ). black feminist standpoint theory allows for this understanding to occur by seeking knowledge from each woman’s unique perspective as a woman of colour in larger society. black women can understand both the dominant and minority standpoints because of their position both inside and outside of the mainstream paradigm. chapter . methodology 	
   	
   some critics of feminist standpoint epistemology feel this theory does not examine closely enough the structures behind women’s experiences. for instance, gill ( ) argued for the understanding of the political definitions of feminist standpoints and how politics affects various women’s constructions of truth. while my thesis does not delve deeply into the power and political structures for which this epistemology is employed, it offers a method of learning the truth about my research participants’ understanding of themselves. by utilising this epistemology, i allow for my participants’ own interpretations to be voiced within the framework of african american psychology. the production of their knowledge needs to be honoured in the context of their abroad experience; otherwise any interpretation of the development of their identity from the experience becomes muted. . the ‘truth’ of being black lecompte and mclaughlin ( ) revealed the dilemma of the audience and how someone from power or privilege can arrogate the ability to research those people that might not have it. yet they also stated that often the ultimate goal of research is empowerment of those very people with whom we work (p. ). my own identification as a woman of colour, but outside the black american identity may raise some questions. parham et al. ( ) pointed out that researchers outside of african heritage do not necessarily have the correct mindset to examine the issues of black self-concept. yet one might also say that parham et al. ( ) are only sharing one possible africentric reality. while their reality is not invalid, does it make it the same reality for every other person of african descent? according to parham et al.’s ( ) thinking, it does not. “when the theorizing is done about a cultural group other than the one to which the theorist belongs, the result is often the imposition of some form of cultural bias” (p. ). while these claims may be true in many cases, again parham et al. ( ) suggest that cross- cultural understanding is nigh impossible, or that cultural bias might not also occur within a cultural group, where one’s mindset is assumed as the mindset for everyone else of a particular background. presuming that a person must be within a certain culture to truly understand it creates a danger that any given person will always understand it simply because s/he is within that culture. it further suggests that those people from a certain background should not seek truth and understanding beyond their own. yet obbo ( ) discussed the importance of researchers being able to reach beyond “territorial claims” of a community so that the researcher may learn about a chapter . methodology 	
   	
   particular community or situation. bhavnani ( ) pointed out that researchers outside a cultural group could produce theoretical notions that an insider might not see because of one’s social difference from the group being examined. nelson ( ) brought up the idea of gradations of endogeny, which suggests that even with sharing similar cultural reference points and perceptions of reality with one’s research participants, researchers must practice ‘a peculiar listening stillness that amplifies one’s own idiocultural voice, in all its subtle variations” (p. ). regardless of the placement of the researcher we must be aware “of ways in which the researcher’s identity unavoidably contributes to the kind and quality of the information we gather” (p. ). i may not be african american or come from a similar socioeconomic background as some of my participants, but i identify as a u.s. american and female, like them. these shared similarities might instill in me certain assumptions about my participants that affect my analysis of them. parham et al. ( ) stated, “the theoretical and methodological demands for authenticating truth should be developed within culture and be consistent with that culture’s worldview orientation, if it is to reveal truths to and about that culture” (p. ). the issue for non-western paradigms is that their epistemologies might not be verifiable by eurocentric standards, allowing many researchers to question authenticity. of course, parham et al. ( ) went on to argue, “it is the responsibility of the african-american scholars to reject any system of ideology, theory, and methodology that proves itself to be antithetical to the sociocultural interest of the african community” (p. ). but the question again arises of who exactly is responsible for deciding what is antithetical? while an african-centered methodological framework would help in the understanding of black psychology, what guidelines must be set beforehand? with black psychology in relative infancy as a field, how should non-western paradigms be set, and are only certain people in a place to understand them? how do various influences of the african diaspora influence africentric psychology? . my positionality given my interest in working with marginalised groups and the examination of self-concept, it is important to position myself in relation to my participants. my ancestry stretches to puerto rico and the cherokee nation, though i am a phenotypical white u.s. american. i am a thirty-three-year-old heterosexual woman raised solidly within the middle class. as a child of two u.s. army enlisted soldiers, i moved frequently growing up, living in two countries and over a dozen states. i was privileged to attend a chapter . methodology 	
   	
   prestigious university as an undergraduate, though i incurred a lot of debt to do so. while an undergraduate, i re-encountered a passion of engaging with multiple cultures instilled in me as a child. to pursue this, i obtained a master’s degree in intercultural relations, where i began more closely examining wider questions of privilege, identity, and cross-cultural experiences. now i find myself where many of my participants found themselves, as a student studying in a new country. my professional career began in higher education where i worked directly with undergraduates and graduate students in a residential context. with a student affairs mission of enriching students’ lives outside of the classroom, i used my education to help others grow interculturally, understanding not only others’ backgrounds but also their own cultural identities. my work has also required me to act as a first-responder and counselor for students handling academic problems, family crises, and personal matters, including coming out as gay, mental health issues, domestic violence, peer deaths, and bullying. professionally i have been involved with study abroad for four years when i switched my student affairs focus outside of the residential setting. however, with my background in student development, and my passion for identity self-awareness, my work in study abroad has focused on helping students make the most of their experiences inside and outside of the classroom. . life histories the use of life history interviews can help develop a comprehensive picture of an individual by answering certain questions: where do you come from? what has brought you to this space at this point in time? research offers certain tools to construct this biography. stake ( ) outlined how a case researcher can act as a biographer, obtaining the life history of a subject, usually within a contextual framework. the researcher should seek to “present people as complex creatures” (p. ), due to the uniqueness and intricacy of each individual’s experience. where does one begin to approach understanding the life history and study abroad experience of african american women? penuel and wertsch ( ) pointed out that there were two possibilities embraced by western researchers: “whereas many researchers [such as erikson] have examined development as a process taking place within individuals, vygotsky examined development as a process of transformation of individual functioning as various forms of social practice become internalized by individuals” (p. ). they suggested an integrated approach to erikson’s and vygotsky’s chapter . methodology 	
   	
   differing thoughts on identity formation, looking at something that takes into account the individual choices erikson championed and vygotsky’s sociocultural approach. they argued that these two approaches should not be examined independent of one another, but in conjunction with each other in a mediated-action approach: “a sociocultural approach to identity formation considers these poles of sociocultural processes and individual functioning as interacting moments in human action, rather than as static processes that exist in isolation from one another” (p. ). thus understanding the evolution of an individual’s self-concept requires a multifaceted strategy that takes into account various components. a person should not be confined into one way of knowing. the use of life history as a research methodology offers a different means of obtaining ‘truth.’ life history in the qualitative context allows for understanding of those individuals who are examined. green-powell ( ) noted, “[qualitative research design] is ideal when the researcher is interested in seeking insight, discovery, and interpretation, rather than testing hypotheses” (p. ). one of the objectives of this thesis is to understand the participants’ lives and the role which study abroad plays in understanding their self-concept. using life histories offers a means of reaching this aim. in my research, i conducted a life story (also called ‘oral history’) interview with each participant prior to her departure. life stories offer more than just the ability to obtain certain information from participants; it also can help the individual understand his or her own self-concept through the process of sharing one’s life story (mcadams, ; ochberg, ; rosenwald & ochberg, ; atkinson, , ; clandinin and connelly, ; goodson & sikes, ; baddeley & singer, ; thomson, ; merriam, ). these interviews not only gave me insight into these women before they embarked on studying abroad; they also gave these young women an opportunity to examine themselves in ways they might not have previously. . constructing black life histories some black scholars consider the relationship between the researcher and the participant paramount (etter-lewis, ; obbo, ; vaz, ) when constructing a life history. while a completely objective reporting of a life history is almost impossible, the two people can collaborate in a way to construct a narration that encompasses the individual’s life and experiences: “the final product of life history research is the result of dialogues between a narrator and a researcher. each brings to the project differing agendas, worldviews, and dimensions of social power” (vaz, , p. ). participants are so immersed in their lives that the objectivity an outsider can bring to participants’ chapter . methodology 	
   	
   experiences, and knowledge of theory can offer insights about participants’ lives to which they may be unaware. therefore the perspectives of both the researcher and the participant can be utilised to arrive at a shared truth. and within an africentric perspective, that truth might not be as quantifiable as some eurocentric scholars might claim. my motivation for this study, though i am an outsider to the group being examined, comes from my place as an advocate for empowerment of people often stifled by circumstance or societal structures. gilroy ( ) stated, “neither race nor racism are the exclusive historical property of the minorities who are their primary victims” (p. ). the advancement of human rights has not been accomplished alone by members of an oppressed group, but often with the aid of outsiders, such as viola luizzo’s and anne braden’s support during the u.s. civil rights movement. patai ( ) stated that scholarship should not be solely at the hands of political activism, and that intellectual freedom cannot be hindered because independent thought is not politically correct. i hope to use my identities as a woman of privilege to examine the histories this thesis aims to unveil. as discussed earlier, i seek to understand the truth of these black women’s experience by immersing myself in their histories through their perspectives, while bringing my own insights into the process of constructing those histories. . life histories of minority ethnic communities atkinson ( ) maintained life stories allow for marginalised voices to be heard within their own cultural norms, reasoning, “what may be of greatest interest in the life story is how people see themselves and how they want others to see them” (p. ). with my focus on a specific minority ethnic group, my oral history interviews allowed these participants to share their narratives from their unique perspectives. this process honours individuals’ stories while also obtaining perceptions on self-concept. the participants could share as much or as little as they wanted, which gave me further insight into their perceptions of the research process and me as an interlocutor in their lives. my hope was to create a researcher-participant relationship that fostered trust in the process and myself that carried into the rest of the data collection period. the literature into doing oral histories specifically on marginalised women has developed over the past few decades. more researchers are interested not only in the stories that these women have to share, but also how these women share their lives. brown ( ) wrote: chapter . methodology 	
   	
   “oral history is a valuable tool for stimulating interest and motivating students to do research and learn of past and present accomplishments of black women. through this medium, knowledge can be expanded by recording and highlighting the changes that took place and discovering what did and did not work in the lives of these black women. in addition, one can discover how women viewed themselves and how this view affected the choices they made” (p. ). with the emphasis of this thesis on how a specific event (study abroad) affects the lives and self-concept of the research participants, life histories offer a powerful method to understand these women. efforts to overcome the large hurdle of masculine norms have been shifting the perspective of how researchers understand black women. hambrick ( ) asserted, “historically, life experiences were talked about in terms of male structures. these structures were thought to be the epitome of human existence” (p. ). with male perspectives dominating most modern civilizations, people have accepted that those perspectives are the standard. obbo ( ) stated, “even in societies where women’s public discussion is not restricted, men still assert their mastery over cultural knowledge on public occasions” (pg. ). the same could be argued for white and black discussion in the public discourse. vaz ( , ) discussed received knowledge or the “taken-for-granted categories and interpretations that have been produced… by a community of experts, predominantly white men, who engage in a process of validating each other’s knowledge” ( , p. ). she noted that an issue with this tradition is that the information one obtains is free from judgment. that tradition, she continued, has often led the white knowledge base to be the standard for all understanding and further reflections to build upon. thus black women face misunderstanding on both the levels of their gender and their race. as will be discussed later in this chapter, this thesis uses african american psychological theory outlined in the last chapter to avoid this received knowledge. etter-lewis ( a) delved into the process of examining women of colour’s lives through life histories, and the complexities involved. she noted, “traditionally, it has been convenient for researchers and educators alike to regard women as an undifferentiated collective” (p. ). she goes further to illustrate that the ‘universalism’ that has been hoisted on the population is in fact a european cultural imperialism that diminishes those individuals who do not fall within this cultural paradigm. “denial and ignorance establish a comfort zone or buffer that allows the cycle of neglect to continue” (p. ). as researchers, we cannot allow ourselves to fall into this trap of looking through chapter . methodology 	
   	
   our eurocentric and male-dominated lenses. being open to other ways of knowing might be foreign and uncomfortable, but as researchers we must be the ones to adjust. we should not expect to understand our research participants within our own cultural perceptions and paradigms, as this does an injustice to those individuals that we seek to truly understand. for african americans, the sharing of life histories goes beyond stating chronological events. since much of african history has been transmitted orally, the importance of this oral tradition has permeated throughout the generations. slaves used stories to report accomplishments of others and these have been passed to present-day researchers who collect african american life histories. etter-lewis ( b) stated, “african americans have persisted in articulating their life histories within and outside their communities” (p. ). life histories have been a way to share truths and insights about the world learned through one’s life experiences. “african american oral family histories are significant because of their sociohistorical content, but also because of their function as a means of establishing group solidarity” (etter-lewis, b, p. ). phoenix ( ) argued the importance of recognising how these narratives unfold, looking at not only the events being shared, but also how the telling of these events unveils deeper aspects of a person’s life beyond just the actual vignettes. africentric psychology hypothesises that african americans can better understand themselves within the context of the collective, and life histories offer an avenue for that understanding by taking into consideration these various levels of a narrative. the crossing of intersectionality with narrative constructivism seems not only natural, but also necessary. as ludvig ( ) wrote, the complexity of any person means “the list of differences is endless and even seemingly indefinite” (p. ), so in hopes of reaching any modicum of ‘truth’ means, researchers must seek to know the entire individual and understand her within her own contexts. prins ( ) noted how these multiple constructs also have the influence of the social spheres in which everyone is a part, whether willingly or unwillingly. with so many aspects of one’s self interacting in a multitude of ways in certain settings (for my participants both in their home and host countries), trying to obtain the most complete picture possible can only help with getting as close to the ‘truth’ as possible. as buitelaar ( ) wrote, “analysis is done in terms of dialogues between various voices within the self, each one embedded in field-specific repertoires of practices, characters and discourses informed by specific power relations. chapter . methodology 	
   	
   it allows the exploration of how particular identifications are always co-constructed with other categories of identity” (pp. - ). the research into black women’s oral narratives opens exciting opportunities for analysis. over the past few decades, researchers have sought to understand these women’s stories, and not necessarily with the aim of developing theory or making generalisations. hambrick ( ) wrote about her own use of a small sample size of black female inventors, stating that the project was an opportunity to hear personal stories with analyses that looked for themes within the context of just those stories, not to be generalised to the masses. green-powell ( ), who examined black female school principals in florida, noted with her own qualitative case study of six women, “the primary aim. . . is to gain an in-depth understanding of a particular phenomenon or specific phenomena, rather than to generalize or state what is generally true across populations” (p. ). she went on, “conclusions apply, therefore, solely to the group investigated in this particular case” (p. ). while i do hope that this research might begin to offer some insight into black students and study abroad, i do recognise that foremost this thesis aims to comprehend these five participants’ study abroad experience, and that i seek this understanding within the africentric context. as suggested earlier, hambrick ( ) explained, “story in the black community is important. here we can recollect and renew ourselves and our creative genius” (p. ). the use of narrative enables african americans to build their own understanding of themselves, even as they share it with others. however, peterson ( ) cautioned that each narrative must be put within its own context and not within paradigmatic portrayals: “the stereotype of the strong-willed black woman has been a double- edged sword. if used as a compliment, it is, in fact, recognizing the resilience, the fortitude of character that many black women seem to possess. but often it has been used to depict a ‘super’ woman who can make it on her own, who does not need the same kind of nurturing and support that other ‘more feminine’ women need” (p. ). each story must be allowed to unfold within its own right. placing a woman into this archetype takes away from the individuality of the person and her experiences. etter- lewis ( b) noted that african american women tend to center their narratives around character traits rather than episodes about past events (p. ). being aware of tendencies, but also honouring the stories that each woman has (and how she tells it) is imperative to drawing an accurate picture of that individual and her self-concept. chapter . methodology 	
   	
   . case study my research consists of five life history case studies of university students who studied abroad in the - academic year. the purpose of following only a few participants is to allow for in-depth understanding of the students’ experiences. lincoln and guba ( ), yin ( ), and stake ( ) explained that case studies are not done to understand other cases, but instead to understand the particular case under scrutiny: “we want to appreciate the uniqueness and complexity of [the case], its embeddedness and interaction with its contexts” (stake, , p. ). thus the ‘unit of analysis,’ as yin ( ) termed it, will be each participant, as i seek to understand each individual, her study abroad experience, and its impact. gitlin and russell ( ) stated the importance that both the researcher and participant “are united by the quest to examine the topic at hand. . . . [and] to scrutinize normative ‘truths’ that are embedded in a specific historical and cultural context” (p. ). my goal throughout the data collection process is to create an atmosphere of trust with participant-driven methods where the students and i can discover together the answers to my thesis’s questions. equally important for the reasoning behind this data collection method is the constant appeal from africentric psychologists: the need for proper methodology when examining different cultural groups (myers, ; parham et al, ). for instance, belgrave and allison ( ) stated, “according to africentric scholars, self-knowledge is the most important type of knowledge and is the basis for all knowledge. self-knowledge then is more important than knowledge that is acquired from the external environment” (p. ). therefore, using a typical psychological experiment might not be the best methodology for gaining knowledge about black people, but instead focusing on personal interviews for data collection (carruthers, ; semaj, ; kambon, ). the reasoning is: “self knowledge is derived from asking people about themselves, not from observing them under experimental conditions” (belgrave & allison, , p. ). i aspire to showcase the intricacy of these students’ lives and grasp the role that study abroad played in their life experience and self-understanding. in order to build a comprehensive picture, several data collection techniques were employed to understand the participants’ life histories. johnson, onwuegbuzie, and turner ( ) explained that using several methods allows for greater breadth of understanding and corroboration of findings (p. ). this thesis utilises life history as a means to understand these participants’ self concept in relation to their study abroad experience, with interviews and chapter . methodology 	
   	
   participants’ field texts while they studied abroad. each of these methods will be discussed in greater detail later in this section. i turn to the participants of this research. . research participants the participants of this research are five u.s. american females between the ages of and during data collection. they were all enrolled full-time in a four-year u.s. college or university. the participants personally identified as someone of african descent whether they choose to call themselves african american, black american, or something else. each participant took part in a study abroad programme in the - academic year at a higher education institution outside of the united states, either for one semester or for the entire academic year. sampling was purposive and convenient as potential participants met certain characteristics for the research as outlined above. i used professional contacts in the field of study abroad as gatekeepers to help identify participants, by contacting u.s. colleges’ and universities’ study abroad programs. (see appendices a and b for the letters of solicitation sent to study abroad offices and students, respectively.) the heis did not select whom to contact, but instead sent my letter of introduction to their entire outgoing study abroad participants who then self-selected to contact me with their interest in participating. universities from different areas and demographics were targeted for participant identification. these heis included privately-funded institutions with various enrollment sizes and locations in the northeast varying from small towns to large cities. several public state-funded universities from around the u.s. were also solicited for participants. the final group was hbcus based in the south. with such a small percentage of black students studying abroad annually, i solicited for contextual diversity to increase the number of initial participants. of the thirty-plus different colleges and universities contacted, ten schools agreed to forward my letter of introduction to their students. of those heis, five had students respond to my request. eight students total responded, though the two from an hbcu had to withdraw not meeting all of the criteria, and one of the students withdrew being unable to set up an interview before departure. goodson and sikes ( ) noted, “research samples for life history research are usually quite small” (p. ). since life histories are a part of the methodology to be used, this small number of case studies creates a meaningful group with which to answer the research questions. since i analyse each participant in her own chapter, i use more description there. see figure regarding this study’s participants and their characteristics. chapter . methodology 	
   	
   figure . research participants . interviews interviews allow for researchers to gather unobservable information and discover the unique experiences of those interviewed (yin, ). this thesis had each participant taking part in two interviews each. the first interview occurred from one day to three weeks prior to participants’ departure to their abroad destination to obtain life stories and assess their thoughts on their self-concept. this interview lasted approximately one and a half to three hours. both vanessa and rhonda’s interviews were in a meeting room of a public library. taylor’s interview took place in her home, while i interviewed both mia and tasha at a café which was not preferable due to background noise. i will briefly examine the structure of life story interviews and their context within this research. i used my computer to record these interviews for later transcription. see appendix c for the questions used to guide the pre-departure interview. the route for obtaining oral history might be a strict formal interview with set questions, but other styles might include a semi-formal interview or conversational process which allow for more flexibility in finding answers and getting experiences from subjects (merriam, ). etter-lewis ( a) stated that the method of information elicitation might differ depending on the participant: “efforts to adapt interview methods to the needs of the informant are neither consistent nor widespread” (pp. - ). as each individual is unique, so is the style of the interview. the participants all responded more to a conversational style, but few required more prompting than others. some would weave elaborate stories (e.g. mia) while others wanted to ensure that they answered the mia tasha vanessa taylor rhonda home region ne us ne & southern us southern us southern us ne us generation and ethnicity first-generation haitian american multi- generation black american multi- generation black american multi- generation black american first- generation (nigerian) american type of university large rural state university large urban state university large urban state university large urban state university ivy league university subject area communication disorders applied linguistics international business economics french study abroad location florence, italy tokyo, japan seoul, south korea venice, italy paris, france chapter . methodology 	
   	
   question asked (e.g. taylor). as the interviewer, i had to respond to the specific personality of the participant and how they perceived the interview and its progression. i invited participants to bring visual artifacts to their interviews to begin the process of exploring their biographies, including their family life, education, and defining events. with the artifacts, family stories may also grow, so that insight into a participant’s narrative in relation to his or her family evolves. the use of visual artifacts in life history interviews can help shed light on stories by directing interviews, sharpening memory, and drawing out participants (collier, ; walker & kimball moulton, ; cronin, ; goodson & sikes, ; bach, ). collier ( ) took an anthropological approach to photography in his research and, though dated, shows how this tool helps foster a positive environment where information can be gathered, by reducing the stress of participants as they can concentrate on the pictures instead of worrying about being the object of discussion. bach ( ) agreed, “having conversations with photographs may bridge psychological and physical realities for participants and researchers…. [by] building trust and rapport for self as a researcher working with participants” (p. ), maintaining that this method allows for the research to become a collaborative process. some of the issues with my artifact-elicitation include that participants get to self-select the images they bring to the discussion, and that their interpretations of photographs may indicate a distorted self-image (cronin, ). however, since my questions hope to understand participants’ self-concept, students’ presentations of themselves through their visual artifacts allowed me better to understand those self-concepts. only one participant (tasha) brought photographs to her pre-departure interview. i also conducted semi-structured interviews approximately one month (rhonda and tasha) to three months (mia, vanessa, and taylor) after repatriation to gauge participants’ views on their experience and the evolution of their self-concept. these interviews lasted one and a half to two and a half hours, and i conducted them at the participants’ home university, either in the campus library (mia, taylor, tasha, and rhonda) or classroom (vanessa). the hope was to allow participants time to settle back into their lives in the u.s. and reflect on their experiences overseas. the main goals of the post-interview was to debrief the event, review field texts as necessary (discussed below), and gauge each participant’s self-concept after her experience. these interviews allowed me to delve into each participant’s thoughts and ideas regarding herself, her life, and how study abroad impacted her. see appendix d for repatriation interview guidance questions. chapter . methodology 	
   	
   . field texts thus far i have described my methods for gathering data regarding participants pre- and post-departure. while this data provided rich information about the students, their background, and self-concept, my research questions also seek to understand what occurs during the abroad experience that act as significant moments in participants understanding their self-concept. yin ( ) stated, “documents play an explicit role in any data collection in doing case studies” (p. ). for this reason, i collected data through different field texts generated by the students themselves, mostly as journals or letters. simons ( ) contended that non-face-to-face interviews allow subjects time to reflect more deeply on their experiences. my use of field texts allowed participants to contemplate their abroad encounters in their own time, and write about it. the field texts focused on their initial experience, abroad events, understanding of others, and understanding of self. questions guided their field text submissions, with specific questions being asked every month, as well as any follow-up questions to what they may have written about the previous month. see appendix e for the standard questions asked for the field texts. clandinin and connelly ( ) noted that letter writing formats allow participants to give a personal account, make meaning of their experience, and the experience of others. letters allow for a personal, conversational tone to be taken about topics covered (pp. - ). students might share the initial impressions, critical moments, or travel occurrences that capture their experience and insight. taylor wrote her field texts as letters to me, and they were often vivid in their description of her experience and thoughts on her experience. participants and i determined in the initial interview which method would best capture their experience, as some may be more inclined to one over another, or have easier ability to execute a specific one. for example, a participant might not have regular access to the internet, so blogging might not be the best option. participants were asked to write at least every month in one of the mediums available, and make these entries available to the researcher within another two weeks, though all participants were encouraged to write more often if they had something to share. as mentioned earlier, my goal was to create an atmosphere where participants felt they could be open and honest with me about their experiences in their field texts. all the participants chose email correspondence as their preferred method of submitting field texts. they all sent in their chapter . methodology 	
   	
   entries in a (mostly) timely manner, though because of the busyness of the final weeks abroad or perhaps a lack of motivation while finishing their time abroad, all were tardy in their final entries and submitted them after repatriating to the united states. for a complete timeline of the data collection, see figure . figure . data collection timeline	
   the field texts themselves started out differently for each woman but became more uniform for all of the participants throughout the course of the study. i contacted participants on the day of the month that they arrived in their host country requesting their field texts. for example, tasha arrived in tokyo on the th, so i always contacted her on the th of each month. as mentioned earlier, all the participants were asked uniform questions regarding their experience, but additional questions were also asked regarding responses from the previous month. since i had specific aspects of identity that i wanted to examine (e.g. religion, gender, race) as well as trying to immerse myself in their experience from afar, i tried to garner as much detail as possible from each woman’s day-to-day life and thoughts about her host country. see appendix f for examples of different field text responses and supplementary questions. my third research question asks, “what specific factors in these students’ study abroad experience affect how they reflect upon their various identities?” these field texts informed a large part of the analysis in order to answer this question. i could put into detailed contexts how studying abroad was influencing the participants’ identity components. i could distinguish specific themes that were central to the women’s identities. for instance, rhonda showed her need for a religious support group, while vanessa highlighted her feelings of otherness in public. therefore each participant’s field texts allowed for the important factor often missing in previous study abroad research regarding the actual events (and the students’ reflections on them) transpiring that makes study abroad so impactful. clandinin and connelly ( ) outlined the importance field texts play in creating a narrative inquiry; they allow the researcher to move between intimacy with participants semester participants (mia, vanessa, & taylor) pre-departure interview (aug ) monthly field texts (oct -jan ) repatriation interview (mar ) year-long partipants (tasha & rhonda) pre-departure interview (aug ) monthly field texts (oct -jun ) repatriation interview (aug ) chapter . methodology 	
   	
   and a reflective stance on the questions. they explained that interwoven field texts can create an intricate picture of answers to questions being asked by the researcher. for this reason, many of the questions from the repatriation interview were drawn from what participants shared in their field texts, in order to clarify and build on how participants experienced and interpreted their time abroad. additionally, i hoped that referencing events mentioned in the field texts a few months after they occurred would give the women time to reflect and integrate what those instances meant to them in the context of their self-understanding. . analysis and interpretation i used different but complementary methods for the interpretation of the data collected. mccall ( ) discussed the various analysis techniques used with intersectional research, and mine focuses on the intra-categorical complexity approach. yin ( ) outlined five analytical techniques for case studies, including pattern matching, explanation building, time-series analysis, logic models, and cross-case synthesis. this thesis focuses on explanation building, time-series analysis, and cross-case synthesis through an intra-categorical complexity approach defined through the lens of africentric theory. i examine each of these and then how i account for rigour and authenticity in my research. . analysis methods mccall ( ) discussed the appeal of using case study research when examining the complexity of intragroup differences, as it allowed the researcher to more closely examine the diversity within a selected intersection of identities. explanation building is a more advanced form of pattern matching where the researcher can look for associations within a phenomenon (yin, , p. ). looking for relationships between different abroad experiences and thoughts about self-concept, i seek to understand if and how the two are linked. stake ( ) discussed the use of direct interpretation and categorical aggregation for case study analysis, where the researcher uses a direct instance to explain something or uses several instances to draw a conclusion, respectively: “our primary task is to understand the case. it will help us to tease out relationships, to probe issues, and to aggregate categorical data, but those ends are subordinate to understanding the case” (p. ). the intersectional analysis approach of intracategorical complexity allows the researcher to “focus on particular social groups at neglected points of intersection…in chapter . methodology 	
   	
   order to reveal the complexity of lived experience within such groups” (mccall, , p. ). using the theoretical framework discussed earlier, i see if events affect how different participants understand themselves in the context of africentric psychology, and the identity structures discussed that are key to black women’s self-concept, as outlined in the previous chapter. clandinin and connelly ( ) argued that narrative inquiry can be difficult when it comes to analysis, with a plethora of information. however, using interpretive-analytical considerations, the researcher can make sense of the data and can begin to put it in contexts of research literature. miles and huberman ( ) stated that qualitative analysis for case studies should include ) data reduction, selecting and summarising the copious amounts of data collected into a workable, coherent form, ) data display, producing logical means of presenting the data, and ) conclusion drawing and verification, placing the data in context and assuring that it is both valid and reliable. they went on to list several ways that meaning can be generated from qualitative data, which are used in this thesis during data analysis, such as noting patterns, logging key events, noting relationships between variables, and building a logical chain of evidence. all of these analytical methods are employed to understand the case studies in relation to the research questions. because of the time-sensitive nature for answering my research questions (i.e. how a specific event in the participants’ lives affects their self-concept), time-series analysis must also be considered. i aim to understand any shifts in individuals over a certain timeframe and place, with my theoretical framework in mind. i look for shifts caused by the time spent abroad and how that factor affects my participants’ self-concept in relation to the assorted elements i identified as important to black women’s identity. richards ( ) discussed how the analysis of qualitative data can seem a monumental task, noting, “[the records] have to be generous enough to show the complexity and context of the stories or accounts of behaviour you are gathering” (p. ). yet when it comes to the analysis of life histories, etter-lewis ( ) commented: “content alone cannot reveal all of the information present in an oral narrative. it is equally important to look at the structure of a narrative. the very words and phrases selected by a narrator give a distinct shape and meaning to her story” (p. ). she seems to advocate for a discourse analysis, but wants even more thoughtful scrutiny to occur to reach the truth: “on a macro level or the level of the whole [narrative] text, several variables must be considered such as story structure, narrative style, and chapter . methodology 	
   	
   suppressed discourse. each of these variables influences the whole text in distinctly different ways” (etter-lewis, , p. ). she continued with the white, eurocentric tendency to report stories chronologically, even though many cultures will share recollection outside a linear timeframe. “the final text contains a complexity of live events and crises woven into a multifaceted whole, shifting between past and present” (p. ). i underwent a process in developing the actual analysis that appears in this thesis. with an initial intention of allowing the data to speak for itself, i composed a descriptive account of vanessa’s life story and her experience studying abroad, using broad categories of character, education & professional development, identity, and relationships. these categories in turn had sub-categories for further dissection of her experiences and attitudes. (see appendix g for an example of the descriptive analysis coding.) the analysis gave vanessa a distinct voice as she described herself within the context of these various categories, using the story structure advocated by etter-lewis ( ). however, the sheer quantity of data created a fifteen thousand-word examination without viewing her from any specific perspective, except how the reader might choose to interpret her. given the length limitations of this thesis and the research aim to utilise a culturally appropriate analysis technique, i reworked vanessa’s analysis by choosing to focus on the data within the specific contexts of the theoretical frameworks outlined in the previous chapter. with the copious amount of information, i present each case study through the lens of these theories; i reference the vignettes and insights from the participants’ interviews and field texts. for this reason, my analysis strives to understand my participants’ experiences within the context of their oral histories. with this and africentric and intersectional theory in mind, i used the recordings, transcripts, and field notes from my participants to distinguishing the major themes emerging from the data. identifying stories, ideas, and insights that the women reported, i structured my analysis around how these women framed their experiences within african american psychology and black feminist theory. however, i also sought to put my participants’ voices before theoretical standpoints so as not to demand that these women must fit into preconceived notions of experience. even the creation of themes for data analysis and interpretation causes some disagreement. richards ( ) stated: “the researcher discovers themes, or threads in the data, by good exploration, good enquiry. by handling the data records sensitively, chapter . methodology 	
   	
   managing them carefully and exploring them skillfully, the researcher ‘emerges’ ideas, categories, concepts, themes, hunches, and ways of relating them” (p. ). yet etter-lewis ( ) contended: “separating an oral narrative into various components can be problematic in that the totality of a text is rarely the sum of its parts…. [each component of analysis] can uncover numerous and different shades of meaning submerged in the social fabric of a text” (p. ). a balance must then be struck. the categorical aggregation advocated by stake ( ) might appear too eurocentric from the africentric standpoint, but using africentric theory through which to understand the truths of my participants seems a reasonable avenue for analysis. the richness of the data provided by these five young women offers in-depth understanding through the lenses of africentric perspective outlined previously. . rigour and authenticity it is important to ensure the information i collected was analysed accurately and appropriately. i utilised member checking to assure the authenticity of the analysis. stake ( ) defined ‘member checking’ as the process of allowing subjects to review information written about them to check for accuracy (p. ). each participant verified my analysis of her case study. if discrepancies were found between my interpretation and theirs, steps were taken to ensure that the proper meanings are articulated. yin ( ) supported the use of multiple sources of evidence in order to triangulate data and ensure that the information gathered and the conclusions drawn are more convincing and accurate. besides assembling a more vivid picture, this ability to triangulate data shows another reason why multiple data collection methods are being used within each case study. for academic rigour, yin’s ( ) suggestion is “to make as many steps as operational as possible” (p. ) so other researchers cannot doubt the research’s structure and findings. one technique for accomplishing this is maintaining a transparent chain of evidence; having the ability to show directly from where statements, incidents, and ideas are pulled to substantiate the findings. and while generalisation is not a goal of case studies, stake ( , ) asserted that modifications in generalisations may occur based on the findings as readers often find others’ experience to be the basis for generalisability. this thesis does not seek to understand the identity evolution of all black students who study abroad; it seeks to understand the histories and processes of the chapter . methodology 	
   	
   participants examined in this research, as an illustration of the kinds of experiences that other students might have. . ethical issues my research seeks to understand intimate aspects of a student, from their life story to how they understand their core selves. merriam ( ), yin ( ), and simons ( ) outlined the importance of ethical behavior in the case study process, especially so “participants [do] not feel let down, ‘at risk’, or disempowered” (simons, , p. ). respecting the subjects’ rights becomes paramount. to ensure these goals, i laid out several safeguards to assure my research meets ethical standards. my study received ethical approval by the faculty of education at the university of cambridge. all participants received and signed an informed consent form that laid out the purpose, procedures, risks, and benefits of the research, as well as protection of data and who owns and has access to it. (see appendix h.) all information regarding subjects’ identities is confidential and anonymised, and participants could opt out at any time without penalty. as the researcher, i had access to all the data in password-protected files; my supervisor had access to information in forms of various drafts, though all subjects remained anonymous to everyone but me. these students’ home universities are not identified beyond certain demographic information, though the students’ host universities are identified by name to put in specific context. each academic year participant received $ , and each semester participant $ , for costs incurred from participating in this study. because of the research’s correspondence nature, this benefit compensated students for expenses such as transportation, journals, or internet usage required to contact me. money was paid at the conclusion of the follow-up interview. because my research questions ask students to be self-aware and reflective, they also had an opportunity to more deeply understand their study abroad experience than if they were not participating, as they considered their history, identity, and how studying abroad interplayed with the two. of course, delving into their self-concept could be seen as a potential psychological harm, as students might have to face aspects of themselves and their lives that they have not considered before. as stated earlier, participants were free to withdraw at any time, or were free to decline answering any question. vanessa declined to answer a question about her early childhood but otherwise all of the participants were very open about their lives and opinions. in addition, at the initial chapter . methodology 	
   	
   interview and throughout the data collection phase, i provided all participants with the contact information for their universities’ counseling services which are offered free of charge and can support students if they feel the need to speak with a professional regarding anything that may have been brought up through the research process. at the final interview, participants were debriefed about their experience as a research participant, and i reminded them of university counseling resources available to them. for instance, when rhonda disclosed to me about a specific incident that occurred during her time in paris, i reminded her of her options should she choose to discuss it with a professional. my own background as a student affairs professional was also of relevance, as i do have a background in counselling. however, my role in this study is that of the researcher, and i utilised my supervisor to ensure that i stayed within the territory of researcher and not counselor. mostly this research offered little opportunity for harm (physical, psychological, or emotional) to befall participants, and no participant had any obligation to complete this project. i am also aware how culture plays into people’s self-understanding. andrews ( ) remarked on the importance of honouring the different cultures being voiced. while all the participants were u.s. citizens, they do not all come from the same place, and i had to remain cognizant of that fact. the researcher might often look at data through his or her own cultural lens, which might affect the truthfulness of any findings. for this reason, i have made visible my own background and my analyses were checked with participants to ascertain that i have not misinterpreted what was actually experienced. clandinin and connelly ( ) suggested that researchers using narrative inquiry, “owe [their] care to compose a text that does not rupture life stories that sustain them. but as researchers, [they] also owe [their] care and responsibility to a larger audience” (pp. - ). i balanced these responsibilities so participants’ truths may be articulated, while allowing my research questions to be answered honestly and efficiently. researchers like jackson ( ) have argued that collection of such narratives do not always allow the attainment of these objectives given a dilution of first the individuals’ self-selection of what to report, and then the researcher’s own biases with her interpretation. i do not necessarily dispute these concerns. the methodology of this thesis seeks to understand the participants’ experience of study abroad in a particular context. as jackson herself noted, “narratives entail processes of representation, chapter . methodology 	
   	
   interpretation and reconstruction” (p. ). by laying bare my own positionality as well as the purposefully-chosen theoretical constructs, i hope to allow the reader to understand that the truth presented here is subjective for both the participants and for me. these frameworks act as a guide to enable me best to honour these participants’ experiences in the way i feel will get me closest to the ‘truth’ of my research questions. in this chapter, i inspected the methodology used in this thesis. i use a life history case study format to understand each of the participants, whose criteria were outlined. i discussed the data collection methods used for these case studies, including interviews and field texts. the plan for data analysis and interpretation was presented, and i closed the chapter with ethical issues i have considered for this research. chapter vii. mia: florence, italy “i'm more than [just an american].” mia is a first-generation haitian american woman who lives outside a major city in the northeastern united states. before she went abroad, she was twenty years old attending a large state research university in a rural setting about two hours from her hometown. a petite woman, she studied communication disorders for her degree. the advancement of mia’s understanding of her identity following her time in florence, italy indicates the potent impact of study abroad on this understanding. i examine the evolution of different aspects of her self-concept, including racial, gender, and academic identity from this time abroad. . race mia’s understanding of her racial identity shows the complexity that comes from being a first-generation u.s. american. with her parents emigrating from haiti, her self- conceptualisation is built upon her understanding of what it means to be u.s. american, haitian, and first-generation, and how (at times) that can place her outside of even mainstream black america. i examine her family and nationality in relation to her racial self-concept, and how her experience as an abroad student in florence contributed to this understanding. . race and family her parents’ largest gift to mia as she grew up was their trust: “they respect my independence and they encourage it.” they supported mia to make mistakes and grow from them. belgrave and allison ( ) noted that this encouragement is the norm among many african american families: “african american parents are more likely than white parents to value and stress autonomy among their children” (p. ). black children, therefore, tend to be socialised to function more independently. this encouragement might seem contradictory to the collectivist nature emphasised by africentric theory. however, it does not mean that the group is less important, but that independent exploration allows for black individuals to be better prepared for independent problem-solving and societal structures. collins ( ) explained, “the conceptualization of self that has been part of black women’s self-definitions is distinctive. self is not defined as the increased autonomy gained by separating oneself chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   from others. instead, self is found in the context of family and community” (p. ). trust given to children offers them the opportunity to find their own voices and understand their place within the larger community. it is about empowering a new generation toward self-reliance instead of following blindly. the trust mia received from her parents better prepared her for her experiences in florence and her travels throughout europe. because she was supported to try new things on her own and not be discouraged by setbacks, she faced the challenges of being abroad with the confidence that she could negotiate her way through them. in a field text, she noted, “despite all the traveling stress, which added to the experience, it was the one of greatest additions to my life accomplishments.” mia reflected upon repatriation that she felt her independence expand while abroad. she controlled her life, making decisions for herself and having to accept the consequences of those decisions. “i have always claimed that i am an independent being, but being in italy has reiterated that statement to a whole other level.” mia was challenged in new and various ways, and it was her parents’ trust that gave her the confidence she needed to grow in that independence. she felt she could travel by herself around europe, and navigate different cultures. when her parents first immigrated, mia’s family would be considered members of the lower-middle class. her parents made certain sacrifices to allow her to attend dance classes and the like, but her father and mother worked long hours to provide for the family. miller ( ) wrote about the trickle-up effect, which she defined as “a progression of increased socioeconomic status through generations” (p. ). she stated that the reasons for this effect could be found in the social support that black women receive, usually in regards to the family network structure, which allow them to have higher self-esteem and trust levels that can help them navigate through more negative life events. mia’s mother came from a large family where mia’s grandmother struggled to support eight children in an impoverished country. currently mia’s family falls into the upper middle class, which mia attributes to her mother putting herself through school to obtain an advanced nursing degree. in turn, mia’s mother was able to obtain that degree because of the support of the extended and fictive kin of their family. the mantra of work hard was a constant message for mia as she grew up, both in words and the actions of her parents. families can have a powerful effect on how people understand the intersections of their socioeconomic class with their racial identity. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   fictive kin and extended family perform an important role in mia’s self-concept. belgrave and allison ( ) and parham et al. ( ) described how african american families often have family and or close friends taking on varying roles in the raising of a child, like other collectivist cultures (e.g. many asian cultures). mia’s childhood was no exception, being surrounded by family that might not have been blood-related: “usually, when you say aunts, half the time you call them ‘aunt’ and they’re probably not really your aunt.” older cousins would take on the role of mother throughout the generations. along with her parents, the rest of mia’s family influenced how she understood herself as a first-generation haitian american. these additional family members would at times take up residence with her nuclear family, adding to message enforcement. even with their wide geographic dispersion across three countries, they all conveyed to mia that she should strive toward success and independence, while remembering that she has obligations toward her family and community. the trickle-up effect and the fictive kin and extended family have grounded mia, enabling her to have the confidence to better herself academically so that she might succeed financially. mia also did what many of her family members did for her by taking on a “half- parent” role for her little brother colin, six years her junior. she stated plainly, “my brother is my responsibility.” when asked why she took on this role of keeping up with her brother’s academic work and at times giving consequences for not achieving goals, she said, “i don’t know. it’s love. responsibility. i have no choice.” mia does not appear to question or protest fulfilling this parental role, but rather, accepts it as a normative feature of her family structure. when she discussed colin, she spoke both as a big sister would (for example, noting his annoying tendencies) but also as a mother would (for example, highlighting his potential and strengths). the flexible family roles discussed by parham et al. ( ) are illustrated in mia’s variable relationship with her brother. upon her return from florence, mia saw how colin continued to struggle with school, even though he had the goal of attending university. she said she made it clear to him how studying abroad should be a part of his education: “he knows [he needs to have a study abroad experience].” she also saw how, through his failures, he was learning about life choices. much like their parents’ push for her independence during her childhood, mia acknowledged that colin has a different pathway for personal growth. “we grew up a different way; i don’t care what anyone says. but you know, those six years somewhere- something was different down the line. but i think he is going to get it. he’s getting it.” mia’s time in italy allowed for this acceptance of growth. prior to her chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   departure, she indicated slight bitterness about being treated differently as the elder sibling. the differences in sibling roles which she saw in italy allowed her to put in perspective these variant childhoods. for mia, family (whether real or fictive) is about respect and keeping those connections strong, a mantra she received from her mother. “you keep close to the family,” she said in her initial interview. and her experience abroad in italy reminded her that she has obligations to that family. belgrave et al. ( ) noted that black achievers often recognise and honour those people in their lives who helped them to excel. after repatritation mia made it clear that she would not have had the experience she did without copious support from her various family members. they were the ones who aided her in not only getting to italy, but also giving her the psychological and emotional tools to get the most out of her experience. . race and nationality several researchers (parham et al., ; coard & sellers, ; brown, ; neblett et al., ; cokley & chapman, ) discussed how familial influence shapes a person’s understanding of his or her racial identity in relation to being u.s. american. interestingly for mia, this understanding comes differently for her as a first-generation u.s. american compared to multi-generation u.s. americans. her parents emigrated from haiti as adults, and thus have a different understanding of what it means to be u.s. american than she does (parekh, ). she does not consider herself black or african american, but labeled herself in her initial interview as haitian american. “i don’t really like to say i’m black because it’s like, my skin is technically not black. it’s actually brown. and then, i’m not african american because…. i don’t know relatives who were slaves, who are slaves and anything like that.” being a first-generation u.s. citizen has specific meaning for mia. “we [first- generation children] grow up on the morals and the basis of our parents coming there…. as first [generation] kids, we have to figure it out.” identifying as a u.s. american is based on the lessons of her parents, as well as the influence of the united states. it is about striving for the american dream: “i’m able to be who i am at least and look for opportunity.” mia has negotiated this aspect of her identity without many of the traditional methods available to multi-generational u.s. americans who carry the history of being u.s. american from generation to generation. with her parents having a different national history from which they draw, mia received those messages as well as chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   u.s. american messages through school, media, and other sources; she in turn had to shape all of these into her own unique understanding of what being a u.s. american means to her. interestingly, upon her repatriation, mia focused on a different aspect of being haitian american beyond being first-generation and crafting her identity from that. instead, she mentioned how being haitian american was about the history of haiti that she carries within her. “i’m still in touch with my roots, and where i came from, and the back history. and even though i wasn’t born in haiti… all that still runs through my blood.” this appreciation for cultural heritage could come from her experiencing a country where their history stretches back thousands of years and is on constant display as she walked through the florentine streets. she noted during her history lectures how florence became her classroom, offering her the opportunity to experience a location’s history intimately. additionally, mia traveled to haiti upon her return from italy. her first time in her parents’ native country might have put into perspective her own familial history after seeing italians live with their history. belgrave and allison ( ) maintained, “situational and environmental factors have an impact on one’s ethnic identity. identity change may occur if an individual moves into a new situation or a new environment, or has a change in life circumstances” (p. ). mia’s first-generation status had always been the point from which she crafted her relationship with the united states. being haitian american now had a different context from first being in florence where italians take pride in their heritage, and then traveling to haiti and experiencing her personal heritage. while abroad, mia was surprised by the touristy nature of florence, and that this tourism had an impact on being a u.s. american there. “[the florentines] form their stereotypes of ‘americans’ or ‘american students’ so they already expect a set behavior or attitude…. there are a few preconceived notions made towards american students such as the fact that we are wild and crazy, or easy (in the case of girls), or [have a] lack of respect for the way of life.” mia described how some of the italians she met consciously avoided parts of the city where they felt that americans were too crazy with their partying. she admitted, “that stereotype was definitely played out when you go to bars,” but it annoyed her that for most italians it was the only aspect of her identity that mattered to them, especially since with that label came the assumption that she was wild, crazy, and easy. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   mia’s reaction to florentines’ stereotypes of u.s. americans testified to her persona. “i try not to be so american, where some people are so oblivious to culture differences and values…. but i can say that i am adapting as much as i can and trying to live as the italians do.” mia made the conscious choice to work outside the stereotypes that others created. harris-perry ( ) noted that this behaviour is typical for black women because it is a habit that they must constantly practice. according to her, “[usually] there are clear connections between public misrecognition and black women’s experiences. it is painful to labor under negative stereotypes” (harris-perry, , p. ). thus black women work hard to overcome those stereotypes through their public persona. mia did this in florence, but not just for her ‘black’ identity, but also for her u.s. american identity. she adapted this behaviour to a new environment where it is not her race, but her nationality that instills negative assumptions in the mainstream culture. we can observe an intersection of nationality, race, and power occurring with mia’s interactions with italians. as davis ( ) explained, “intersectionality initiates a process of discovery, alerting us to the fact that the world around us is always more complicated and contradictory than we ever could have anticipated” (p. ). mia experienced a new level of oppression unknown to her before because of the new environment and the identity with which her host nationals marked her. mia also appreciated when others looked beyond the negative stereotypes of her nationality and saw the complexity of her as an individual. “i grew up in a very multicultural society so it was nice for someone to realize and recognize that.” she found that others from diverse backgrounds (like an iranian man living in london) were those people most likely to appreciate the multiple facets of her identity. they would ask where she was from in the united states, what her background was, and try to find out more about who she really was. this open-mindedness on the part of others gave mia an appreciation of others’ complexity of identity. she herself could begin to see how the intersections of her various identities created meaning for how others perceived her and for how she perceived herself. another method which mia utilised to adapt to her host culture was striving to learn the language. she wrote in a journal entry, “though many people speak english here, i still want to know the native language to be able to converse easily and get my thoughts across.” mia already speaks a few languages, so her willingness to learn came from a desire to want to understand her hosts. she felt having increased language capacity would make her more accepted by her hosts, while also allowing her to feel chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   more confident to enjoy her experience abroad. she does note that because she was involved with an island programme with only other u.s. american students, she was unable to develop her abilities as much as she would have liked. living and learning with other u.s. americans, instead of mixing with italian students or living with an italian family, meant that upon her exit from italy she could understand what was being said to her, but her “response[s] might be a little botched.” mia’s desire to master italian (and her seeing ways that she might have done so) indicates an open-mindedness to learning about her host culture, and seeing beyond the superficial. “learning another language opens doors for you…. i feel speaking another language also plays into culture or in how one acts. you learn that language, but you also learn a piece of the culture as well.” having been bilingual since childhood, mia appreciated how her ability to speak creole gave her a deeper connection to her heritage. meeting europeans who spoke multiple languages while she lived in florence and traveled around the continent allowed her to appreciate the multicultural understanding that is capable through knowing another language, and the national identity that one may associate with their native language. mia’s increased appreciation for different perspectives also translated into grasping the priorities that other cultures might have in life. “i think i could say i love the way [italians] live life. everyone more or less seems relaxed and easy going. it makes me realize that there is so much to enjoy in life. eat, laugh, and drink wine all in good company.” still, this appreciation did not overshadow her ability to critically analyse difficulties faced by italy as a whole. mia could perceive the benefits of embracing an italian mindset, but she could also acknowledge the problems plaguing italy’s economic and political structures. in fact, seeing italy as a whole facilitated mia’s deeper understanding of how even with its flaws, the united states offers her a range of opportunities as one of its citizens. as a black woman she may face certain setbacks, but overall she indicated feeling empowered by the institutional structures in place for her. despite others’ presumptions about her u.s. identity, there were certain aspects of being u.s. american that were important to mia. while she made traveling a priority during her time abroad, thanksgiving to her meant not traveling: “i felt obligated…. i just feel like i needed to stay home. florence at that time was my home. so we had a nice thanksgiving dinner which was really touching because we still could make it work thousands of miles away.” she expressed a need to respect certain traditions engrained from her familial experience and making up part of her national identity. collins ( ) chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   explained, “because american citizenship is so often taken for granted among u.s. black women, [they] often have difficulty seeing how deeply nationalistic u.s. society is, but how nationalisms affect us” (p. ). while collins made this observation in the context of mainstream u.s. culture not respecting black women’s part in that patriotism, the statement holds true for mia’s thanksgiving experience. mia identifies as haitian american. she feels u.s. american; she does not feel haitian. she does not feel less u.s. american because of her first-generation status. pilkington ( ) and solomos ( ) discussed how even if someone does not share the entire history of their nation (e.g. immigrants), it does not mean that they are less patriotic than multigenerational citizens. perhaps mia felt compelled to honour her u.s. american traditions while in italy because being out of her national context made this aspect of her identity more visible to her. so while negative stereotypes from her italian hosts about her u.s. identity might have frustrated her, those stereotypes did not diminish her pride in taking part in an annual celebration of thanksgiving. mia appears to have successfully navigated with balancing the double consciousness that du bois ( ) discussed. as mentioned, parham et al. ( ) and parekh ( ) alleged how some black americans can understand their u.s. and black identities differently from the majority of other black americans. mia’s status as a first- generation u.s. american and having to delineate what that signifies for her means that her self-definition created a unique perspective on this identity. but it does not mean she does not struggle with the collective nature of her haitian heritage and the individualistic tendencies of being u.s. american. as will be discussed later in this chapter, mia experienced a shift into thinking about her future and how she needs to spend her free time: “i want to be on the go for the [coming] summer, but i also realise that i do need to take some time to spend with some people that i haven’t been with.” mia has obligations to her family that she had to neglect during her abroad experience, but she also acknowledged her need to focus on her future and career. she stated she must find the time to do both because of their equal importance in her eyes. as swanson et al. ( ) conveyed black parents often work to instill both american and african-based value systems in their children. mia continued to embrace this ideal after her time in italy. studying abroad allowed her to better comprehend the multiple layers that she not only has as a first-generation haitian american, but also the multiple layers that others carry within their own personal histories. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   . race and spirituality mia converted to seventh-day adventist from catholicism with her mother when she was a young child, attending church regularly. her mother taught her to put faith in god to carry her through life, emphasising the power of prayer. “she’ll definitely put that god-factor, prayer…. but definitely i just love her for that.” belgrave and allison ( ) noted how spirituality offers african american communities a way not only to connect to a higher power for guidance, but also a means to connect with the larger community. mia’s mother had a potent influence on mia trusting in a higher authority, and understanding how religion supports her bond with others. harris-perry ( ) observed that black women empower their daughters to achieve greatness through these approaches of identifying a community in which to belong. mia felt she was able to stay connected to her religious beliefs while abroad. she was hesitant to attend church in florence because most of the places were catholic, until her mother reminded her, “church is church.” mia therefore attended mass at the duomo in florence, and stated that despite the experience not being her particular christian denomination, “it was still respect at the end of the day…. and i felt really good to do that.” again, her mother reminded her of the importance of holding to her spirituality. the label of being seventh-day adventist was not as important as connecting with god and connecting with the community. a black mother’s role in emphasising these ideals demonstrates the powerful role she plays in ensuring her daughter’s successes. her ability to have that connection while also seeing the important role catholicism plays in the italian lifestyle allowed mia to grow in her religious identity. faith for her had started out as a notion of specific practices. perhaps conversion at a young age had made her think that the particular label of the religion was an important factor. but with her mother’s continued guidance and her own observations of italians’ relationship with religion, she adopted a more encompassing understanding of the role spirituality plays in life decisions. “[it] just made me to realize this is the reason why [italians] act like this.” and her own reason for acting certain ways and making religion important in her life have become for her about respect and being thankful for the many gifts with which she feels god has endowed her. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   . gender as shorter-gooden & washington ( ) indicated, black women rarely detach their race from their gender. mia’s understanding of herself as a woman is linked with her roots as a haitian american. mia acknowledged a preference for maintaining traditional gender roles, particularly within the context of marriage. mia’s parents performed very typical gender roles during her childhood, helping to shape her own beliefs that, for example, men should drive the car and women should provide a stable home life. at the same time, mia expressed her appreciation for the evolution of female rights and how that affords her opportunities. she stated that being a woman for her means being in control, being able to make decisions that were not available to women in the past, and above all, feeling empowered. collins ( ) explained, “black women intellectuals from all walks of life must aggressively push the theme of self-definition because speaking for oneself and crafting one’s own agenda is essential to empowerment” (p. ). indeed, black women have a tendency to refer to their identity as being strong. shorter-gooden and washington ( ) suggested: “a sense of strength is the key to self-definition and survival when one has nothing else to fall back on—perhaps when, as a black woman, one is forced to survive in a sexist and racist society. a sense of strength may be an important coping mechanism for african–american women” (p. ). mia may have discovered that for her to succeed as a first-generation haitian american, she has needed to focus on the empowerment and strength that black americans have used over the decades to advance their place in u.s. society. examining her views on sexualised images, physical appearance, and hair in regards to her racial identity, especially in the context of her study abroad experience, i unearth how these factors play into her overall self-concept. . sexualised images mia’s gender identity is about empowerment and looking beyond the stereotyped images of black women as jezebel, mammie, or sapphire discussed in chapter . mia reclaims her sexuality from these stereotypes by being comfortable with her appearance, her intellect, and her choices. mia stated upon repatriation that while she did not experience any blatant racism in italy, she did note, “you would see underlying things, like just even someone looking chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   at you too hard.” however, mia realised that much of this scrutiny did not come from her being a black american (even though there were presumptions about her nationality, as discussed earlier). mia noted, “many of the black population… in italy more or less are african immigrants that are there illegally.” because of the large influx of illegal immigrants from africa, austerity issues, and raised crime rates, italians display a bit of distrust toward obvious foreigners. mia did not encounter u.s. stereotypes, but italian stereotypes of black women. mia felt that italians perceived black women as sexualised beings trying to entice men. she therefore had to renegotiate how she perceived her own gender in relation to her skin colour, and within the italian context. intersectional encounters arose, so mia tended to forefront her u.s. american identity (as well as her identity as a student) as a means to downplay her racial identity in order to cope with these stereotypes and power structures in place. “they could tell [i am] not an immigrant, but [i am] definitely a foreigner.” prior to studying abroad, mia drew on her belief in her own empowerment as a black woman to handle being an ethnic minority in her country. in italy, she relied on others’ acknowledgement of nationality to distance herself from being perceived as an illegal immigrant who might be harming the country (as she felt black women in italy are seen). the contextual climate of her host country required mia to find a new avenue to understand that aspect of her self-concept. thus, the power and privilege associated with the label of u.s. american citizenship provided a sort of protective feature, allowing mia to feel comfortable navigating a different cultural context. that empowerment does not necessarily translate to being a black woman from another country when in the italian context. . physical appearance mia displayed a lot of confidence regarding her self-image. she noted that she does have some passing insecurities about her petite height and the extra weight she carries: “not that i’m saying i’m uncomfortable, but i’m little and i do feel out of shape.” molloy and herzberger ( ) found, “caucasian and african-american women hold significantly different definitions of beauty and perceptions of themselves. african- american women’s perception of beauty is more flexible and fluid than caucasian women’s” (p. ). mia’s slight discomfort with her body might come from that continuous struggle that du bois ( ) discussed of understanding one’s self within both the african and u.s. american concepts. mia has a strong haitian american chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   identity, but as a u.s. american she received all the mainstream messages in u.s. media about what constitutes beauty for (white) women, including being tall and slender. fordham ( ) noted, “african-american women are compelled to consume the universalized images of white american women, including body image, linguistic patterns, style of interacting, and so forth” (p. ). having slight misgivings about her physical appearance while also overall accepting her body implies this double consciousness struggle. while in italy mia made a conscious effort to assemble positive wardrobe choices. “i was always [nicely] dressed every time to go the class, and it’s funny because people took notice of that.” she had read prior to departure how italians take pride in their public appearance, and so she decided she would as well. “[italians] have this saying la bella figura. basically you put your best foot forward; how you are should reflect on when someone looks at you.” mia identified with this sentiment. even with her own insecurities about her appearance, she discovered that taking time on her appearance helped boost her own conceptions about herself. mia was able to better define her self- concept in terms of her physical appearance by spending time on her outward appearance. prior to this time abroad she might attend class in pyjamas or run an errand with track bottoms. seeing the importance that italians put on this concept of la bella figura exposed mia to a new idea of embracing her physical appearance. schlenker ( ) explained, “self-presentations function to create definitions of the situation and social identities for the actors and these influence what types of interactions are appropriate and inappropriate for the interactants in the situation at hand” (p. ). mia took control of her appearance so that she might better influence the types of interactions she had with others. looking her best for her meant dressing up, and that, in turn, positively shaped how she perceived herself and others perceived her. out of this experience, mia has come to value her appearance as one avenue to put her “best foot forward,” and as a source of positive female identity. . hair as mentioned earlier, hair for black women can be a contentious point. banks ( ) stated that a black woman’s relationship with her hair often reveals how she perceives herself. mia commented in her initial interview about her hair, “mainly, i usually wear my hair in an afro, twist outs, natural, nothing, no perm, no chemicals per se.” as a teenager, she often wore her hair in braids. however, when she left home to chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   attend university, mia decided she wanted to go totally natural. revisiting schlenker’s ( ) idea of self-presentation to influence social interactions, for mia, it meant accepting the nappiness of her hair, and allowing people “to meet me, just me.” having only relaxed it once or twice in her life, she found her more authentic self in letting her hair be what it is. thus, presenting herself with her natural hair meant mia felt that she would have a more authentic experience with people if she was not hiding behind braids. firth ( ) explained, “woman’s… hair is a symbol of her femininity in general, the mode of wearing it may be an index to the quality ascribed to that femininity” (p. ). as mentioned earlier, mia indicated strong beliefs (both before and after her abroad experience) that being a (black) woman is about being empowered. thus, one way that mia expressed her empowerment, and her femininity, was through wearing her hair naturally. the negative feedback she initially received from childhood friends concerned her at first, making her rethink her decision to go natural. eventually, however, she made peace with others’ discontent. “my hair is my hair. and it’s mine and i like it. so if you don’t, that’s your business but i love it.” banks ( ) wrote, “at the core of these daily and seemingly casual dialogues [about black women’s hair] exist complex narratives of identity politics” (p. ). in this instance of others not appreciating her hair shift, mia decided not to play into the identity politics associated with hair. by saying that others’ dislike over her hair is their business and not hers, mia claimed back the power her hair gives her from individuals who tried to disenfranchise her for her choice of not accepting a more mainstream hairstyle. though it is difficult to pinpoint where this confidence manifested for mia, her parents’ support of her independence and choices seems one likely source, displaying an overlap of how facets of identities influence one another to inform her whole self-concept. with regard to the future for her hair, mia said, “unfortunately you have to succumb to the professional environment ways. okay, maybe you can’t really wear a fro over a time.” banks ( ) made mention of this submission to mainstream standards: “women make attempts to conform to a norm they believe will yield personal and social rewards” (p. ). mia’s willingness to alter her hair for professional betterment shows that even individuals with strong self-concepts, even in regards to divisive issues like hair, might bend to societal pressures in order to advance. the dominant societal paradigm about acceptable hair indicates interesting intersecting oppression for a black woman regarding her hair choices. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   mia’s priorities, however, do not necessarily mean that she thinks less of herself as a haitian american, or feels disempowered by having to alter her appearance to be more accepted in certain circles. if anything, these alterations indicate the intrinsic problems in wider society, the unwillingness of mainstream society to accept different standards of beauty, and mia’s own agency to adapt yet acknowledge that adaption. “black women’s hair, in general, fits outside what is considered desirable in mainstream society” (banks, , p. ). collins ( ) might label mia’s readiness to submit as an acquiescence of her power as a black woman: “self-definition speaks to the power dynamics involved in rejecting externally defined, controlling images of black womanhood. in contrast, the theme of black women’s self-valuation addresses the actual content of these self-definitions. many of the controlling images applied to african-american women are actually distorted renderings of those aspects of [their] behavior that threaten existing power arrangements” (pp. - ). however, mia does not feel shame about her hair and stated she would not feel disempowered in altering it; white society is ashamed of her hair. until white mainstream culture adjusts its views, mia is willing to shift herself without relinquishing the power she claims for herself as a black woman in u.s. society. mia decided prior to departure: “when i go away to italy, i’m definitely putting in braids just ‘cause i don't want to deal with it ‘cause it is a lot of maintenance.” she knew that she did not want to spend her time worrying about the presentation of her hair and decided on a low-maintenance style that she had favoured in high school. while in italy, mia found those long braids to be a point of interest in making friends with others when she was out. both u.s. americans and italians responded positively to her hairstyle. additionally, she enthusiastically stated in her repatriation interview, “i loved my hair myself.” individuals respond to how others react to them, and the reaction of others to one’s hair impacts one’s self-understanding within the societal context. as banks ( ) stated, “hair emerges as a body within the social body and can reflect notions about perceptions, identity, and self-esteem” (p. ). an interesting question, however, is whether people’s positive reactions made mia love her hair as much as she did, or if with her loving her hair as much as she did, that positive self-esteem came across in how she carried herself and others responded to that positivity. hair also acts as a personal statement where individuals have the opportunity to look their best. this might be in regards to identity, but also in regards to a statement on gender. perhaps the most essential finding of banks’s ( ) study is that there is an chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   intersection of appearance, identity, self-esteem, and societal pressures; all of these are informed by black women’s social and cultural meanings about hair. mia’s experience in italy allowed her to appreciate her hair’s ability to influence her self-concept. with her conscious effort to appear her best in public mentioned in the last section, her hair played into her ability to better appreciate her gender through physical appearance. . academic achievement parham et al. ( ) and cokley ( ) suggested that academic achievement among black youth can be attributed to their own self-perception of their abilities. mia always took advanced classes throughout her primary and secondary education. she constantly received top grades and recognition for her intelligence. mia’s abroad experience transformed not only how she interpreted her ability to achieve academically, but also how she defined achievement on the personal, professional, and racial levels. . personal advancement as noted earlier, fordham ( ) suggested that black women, in order to achieve academically in mainstream white society, must deny a part of their blackness that does not mesh with scholastic success. for mia, however, this has not seemed the trend. perhaps her first-generation status altered her self-concept in relation to academia, where she had to discover her own balance of being educated as a haitian american. her mother working hard to put herself through university while raising two children might have indicated to mia that hard work, even though it might be labeled as eurocentric, can mean success. still mia showed indications of having a very africentric experience in her schooling. she was garrulous and did not mind challenging ideas. when she recounted her school experiences, she did mention her academic achievements, but mostly she reported on the relationships she built with others. as parham et al. ( ) and belgrave and allison ( ) noted, education from the africentric lens is academic and social. mia’s connections with others were the most salient outcomes from her school years. for mia, the knowledge component of academia was about doing her best. “in high school, i was able to realise that, ‘mia, you do things for yourself and you get through it.’” she wanted to achieve scholastically for herself, and she focused on being a good student because it made her feel better about her self-concept. given her ruminations on her brother’s lackluster schooling mentioned earlier, mia shows an chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   understanding that academic success leads to positive consequences, whether meaning a better university experience or more opportunities opening up in the future. studying abroad reminded mia of this mindset. rumours had circulated that studying abroad was a time for personal exploration and the academic work was not as important. but mia’s first field text indicated the dashing of those rumours. “it was a real smack to reality that i actually still had to deal with legitimately studying and cracking down.” mia learned quickly that studying abroad was more than just the africentric notions of learning within intrapersonal and social contexts which belgrave and allison ( ) discussed. in a later letter to me, mia wrote, “let me be completely honest, the course load is about the same as back home, but it only seems worse because i am here [in italy].” mia faced copious novel stimuli in florence and the rest of europe. she had to learn to negotiate her two academic identities of eurocentric knowledge acquisition in the classroom and africentric contextual understanding outside of it. fordham ( ) stated, “black women’s struggle to commingle or fuse two divergent [academic] lives concurrently” (p. ). yet while mia may have laboured with this task, she did find that equilibrium where past experiences were mediated through self-concept. she made the dean’s list during her semester in florence, even though she wrote at one point, “i must admit that i know i could have done better.” this statement indicates that mia still held herself to a high eurocentric standard of academic success, even while being open to africentric aspects of learning (i.e. social contextual construction). mia had to negotiate several differences in her learning experience while in florence. she discussed how one of her professors decided to post grades publicly, as is the custom at many italian universities. in the united states, universities are very strict about the releasing of students’ private academic records, so this practice was new for mia and her classmates. she found that not only did it really make her look at how she performed for her midterm test, but also feeling an inward competition with the others in the class. she discovered with small classes, the intimacy of her academic experience made her rethink how she built relationships with faculty. “i never was really one who would always go to the teacher…. but in italy… you’re there; you have no choice. if you have a question, you just ask the professor.” these new experiences of balancing schoolwork with cultural immersion and the incorporation of different teaching methods gave mia a new skill set with which to handle issues, and also began a slow shift in perspective-taking and her learner identity. chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   immediately after repatriation, mia noted in her last journal entry: “i’m not sure if i can say that i have experienced a drastic change in myself. maybe now that i’m back and continuing to get into the groove of things, someone will see the change or i will eventually realize it for myself.” her final interview, six weeks later, had a different insight. “i realise slowly through different little things that it has changed me…. i look at things on another level.” mia stated that she sees how decision-making processes might differ between cultures, and the reason behind those differences. mia felt she shares a common language with others who have studied abroad. even if they traveled to different countries, being outside of the u.s. culture has created an understanding: “there’s a same trend between our conversations.” mia’s ability to adopt perspectives beyond her own (and appreciate others’ ability to do so) indicates an integration of her eurocentric and africentic learning foci. she cannot only take in factual knowledge, but also place it within context. the early mention of her tying language learning to cultural understanding is an example of this. her academic advancement through study abroad demonstrates that perhaps study abroad is about the merging of different perspectives, and not just cultural perspectives of the host country. mia’s experience allowed her to not only push her eurocentric knowledge acquisition because she found herself within a compelling environment that vied for her attention outside of her schoolwork; it also afforded her the chance to put the knowledge she learned in the classroom into a contextual framework of the italian mindset. there does not have to be the eschewing of one’s racial identity that fordham ( ), collins ( ), and harris-perry ( ) state occurs within mainstream u.s. education systems. study abroad appeared to offer mia a pivot on which to find the balance between these two ideals of learning. . professional advancement prior to being abroad, for mia work was about accepting responsibility for yourself: “it was just that at , it was like, ‘okay, it’s time for me to work’…. everyone started getting jobs.” even though it offered her more independence, mia knew working was a part of growing up. her time in florence has allowed her to evolve to the next dimension in her work life. upon repatriation from florence, mia has put careful consideration into her future. whereas previous summers outside of school have been spent working at a summer camp for children, she instead thought about how she could focus more on her career and her major. reading for a communication disorders degree, chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   she found a summer research program at a midwestern university that encourages minority students to pursue postgraduate degrees. even though she is not certain if graduate school is the option for her, mia noted, “i hope i could see what my options are… especially for professionals and then move on from there.” harris-perry ( ) discussed how black women must learn to overcome the stigmatized views that other cultural groups have of them. “black women accommodate other people’s expectations by shifting their tone of voice, outward behaviors, and expressed attitudes” (p. ). mia’s decision to attend a summer research institute for underrepresented minorities indicates that she understood on some level that to make herself marketable to graduate schools and employers, she can benefit from the workshops the institute offer in preparing applications, resumes, and interviewing techniques. harris-perry ( ) might say mia is shifting herself to meet the expectations others would have of her so that they would consider her successful. . racial contribution upon an initial, cursory glance, mia does not necessarily exhibit the marks of someone who might be thinking about racial contribution through her educational opportunities. for instance, she consciously chose not to attend a historically black college or university (hbcu): “i had no interest in going to an hbcu; it didn’t occur to me. a lot of them had my major. it would have been nice, it would have been fun but i really thought about it. and unfortunately, it’s just…. i need to embrace everyone.” she felt that being at an hbcu would be too restricting after having grown up in such a diverse town. as perry ( ) stated, hbcus “were designed to forge the collective identity of african americans as a literate and achieving people” (p. , original emphasis). however, because mia had a stronger black identity, she probably did not feel she would benefit from being at an hbcu (allen, ). interestingly, mia’s strong black identity and academic achievement could be attributable to her relationship with a mentor from her church. this man gave mia and other black teenagers in her church time to visit universities when they were still in high school. he assisted with their applications, essays, and financial aid forms. he pushed mia to go abroad and to look at destinations that would challenge her. sanders and campbell ( ) found that community-based organisations, like the local black church, can positively influence the scholastic achievement and self-concept of students. with this man, racial contribution comes from his commitment to the young people in his chapter . mia: florence, italy 	
   	
   church. mia is a beneficiary of this commitment; she looked beyond safe choices in her education because she had someone pushing her to think bigger. mia’s study abroad experience offered an opportunity for the racial advancement which africentric psychology also espouses (noble, ). for the most part, mia never indicated in her interviews that she thought much about black advancement, showing more of a focus on her own growth in relation to her academics and career. however, when speaking about her academic experience in broader terms, mia did display consideration of her place in the black american community. upon repatriation, she stated she has started pushing her black friends to study abroad: “i want everyone to experience, because it’s such an experience…. it’s everything to take in and it just gets you outside of america – what you are used to. even if most of us grew up with dual cultures being american and second- or first-generation.” mia demonstrated a desire to help other black americans (particularly her friends) realise their full potential through an abroad experience. since she saw how being abroad allowed her to expand her own perspectives and how that will help her in the future, mia wanted that for other black americans. she knows that having those multiple perspectives will “open doors” previously closed as more first-generation black americans can see beyond their own viewpoints. she has taken a similar role to her mentor by challenging others to better themselves academically. mia’s time as a student in italy allowed her to better understand her self-concept. she saw shifts occur in how she understood her place as a first-generation haitian american. her gender and academic identities were also enhanced, as being immersed in a foreign culture permitted her new insights into that self-understanding. 	
   chapter viii. vanessa: seoul, south korea “i’m straight from the south.” vanessa is a multi-generation black american woman who lives outside a major city in the southern united states. before going abroad, she was twenty years old attending a large urban research university just miles from her hometown. studying for a degree in marketing with a focus in international business, vanessa is a short woman who wears her hair in braids. to understand the evolution of vanessa’s self- concept from her semester-long study abroad experience in seoul, south korea, i examine different aspects of her identity, including racial, gender, and academic identity. i consider how the intersections of these various components shifted vanessa’s self- understanding. by looking at these components, i demonstrate how studying abroad provided a powerful tool for helping vanessa better appreciate herself within these contexts. . race this section investigates vanessa’s understanding of her racial identity within the context of her family and her nationality. it also seeks to reveal how this identity evolved through her study abroad experience. . race and family vanessa grew up in the south, only leaving once prior to traveling to south korea. her values reflect her southern origins, with an emphasis on manners and respect. her family has been in the south for generations, and she sees how this history has shaped her perspective. the large meals and gatherings she discussed are common in southern black families as a way to spend time with one another, indicating the africentric notion of collectivism (parham et al., ). she is accustomed to everyone contributing to the whole of the family and the family unit as a site of identity formation. vanessa has a close and complicated relationship with her mother, explaining in her initial interview, “we don’t like each other, but we love each other.” through discussing her upbringing and values, vanessa came to realise the acute impact her mother has on who she is. collins ( ) reported: “the mother/daughter relationship is one fundamental relationship among black women. countless black mothers have empowered their chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   daughters by passing on the everyday knowledge essential to survival as african-american women. black daughters identify the profound influence that their mothers have had upon their lives” (p. ). vanessa and her mother, petra, are no exception. vanessa grasped that a great deal of her traits and behaviours come from her mother: “i understand some of the ways i act now. especially when she’s not around, i’m like, ‘oh my gosh i get it from her.’” vanessa also recognised the impact that petra had on her character: “just seeing my mom and seeing everything she’s had to go through to get where she is now in life. and that she’s able to provide for us a lot better than before. so i think that’s why i act the certain way[s] i do.” petra was very strict in vanessa’s upbringing and that she was “raised to be understanding” shows in many of vanessa’s values and goals. she mentioned that she constantly thinks of how she can help others through her actions. the bond between these two women created an intense dynamic that affected vanessa deeply. black collectivist thinking presumes interdependence between an individual and those around him or her (swanson et al., ). vanessa’s compassion shines through with her relationship with petra. she may not like her mother, but vanessa’s actions indicate that a lot of the decisions that she made for her future are focused on making things better for her mother. she appreciated the sacrifices that her mother made for her, and she hopes to reciprocate. vanessa’s goals, actions, and thinking are tied to her relationships, especially the one she shares with her mother. petra provided for vanessa. individualistic societies might value this behaviour as preparing another generation to care for themselves; vanessa sees her mother’s actions as more than a unidirectional act. vanessa feels she has just as much obligation to her mother. she talked continuously about succeeding financially so that she could provide for petra. collins ( ) delved into the role that mothers play in helping build strength or weakness within their children: “motherhood as an institution occupies a special place in transmitting values to children about their proper place. on the one hand, a mother can foster her children’s oppression if she teaches them to believe in their own inferiority. on the other hand, the relationship between mothers and children can serve as a private sphere in which cultures of resistance and everyday forms of resistance are learned” (p. ). vanessa’s understanding of being black american versus being african american also comes from her mother, petra telling her when she was nineteen, “you’re not african chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   american, you’re black…. i’ve never associated myself with being african american and neither should you.” vanessa had never really considered the differences until her mother made the clear distinction that she saw between the two labels. not only throughout her childhood, but also into her young adulthood, vanessa continued to be influenced by her mother’s messages about her role as both a woman and a black woman. upon repatriating vanessa voiced her complaints about the different expectations from her time in seoul where she only had responsibility for herself and her return to her household; petra said, “you are not [in korea] so you need to just get over it.” petra reminded her daughter that vanessa continued to have responsibilities, not only to herself but also to her family and community. vanessa realised that her studying abroad was not only about the experience itself but also a means to an end to achieve her goals of being financially secure in the future to provide for others. “through the lived experiences gained within their extended families and communities, individual african- american women fashioned their own ideas about the meaning of black womanhood” (collins, , p. ). vanessa applied petra’s influence to interpret her experiences and to understand her self-concept as it evolves. additionally, vanessa’s family structure illustrates the inherent flexibility outside of standard white american familial paradigms (billingsley, ; belgrave & allison, ). vanessa’s half-brother, malcolm, is eight years her junior and, as she stated, is her “best friend in the whole world.” vanessa adopted a somewhat motherly role toward malcolm, which links into the africentric thought about shifting family roles. malcolm has a diagnosis of asperger’s, and she wants him to succeed, and thus pushes him to do his best: “hopefully i can try to promote him to do a bit better in school and encourage him to focus on his grades more.” because her mother always encouraged her to focus on succeeding academically, vanessa wants the same for her brother. when at home from school, she often takes on the mantle of caring for malcolm, not only because she loves him dearly, but also to help her mother and stepfather out. “sometimes my parents will refer to my brother as my son, because… i kind of raise him a little because i’m always telling him what to do.” as hill ( ) indicated, flexible family roles have become important to the successful functioning of african american families. family members will take on the roles needed. these flexible roles indicate the intersection of class structures to race, with the socioeconomic (in)ability of families to provide support to the family’s needs (e.g. hiring a nanny for a child or a home nurse for an ailing chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   grandparent). vanessa has contributed to the family unit by taking an active maternal role in her brother’s life. “black daughters learn to expect to work, to strive for an education so they can support themselves, and to anticipate carrying heavy responsibilities in their families and communities because these skills are essential to their own survival and those for who they will eventually be responsible” (collins, , p. ). vanessa’s responsibility is not just to be malcolm’s sister. she strives to fill in the gaps, which her parents might miss in the raising of her brother. she does not feel burdened by this role, as it is merely an accepted part of her place within her family unit, and there is not an expectation of equitable return for this “added-on” role (miller, ). even upon her return from south korea, vanessa continued to display this function toward malcolm. they both missed one another, “[be]cause he’s my heart and soul secretly.” vanessa was able to share her experiences with him and told him how travel can expand his perspective beyond their home state. she promised her brother that when she has the money, she will take him to asia. this goal continues to show the expanded relationship beyond sister toward him, but also her overall goal of being able to provide for her family by being financially prosperous. collins ( ) noted, “black women intellectuals from all walks of life must aggressively push the theme of self-definition because speaking for oneself and crafting one’s own agenda is essential to empowerment” (p. ). vanessa empowered herself through studying abroad. she is able to put her understanding within the context of her experiences, as well as her mother’s upbringing of her. “my mom has always been so honest with me since a young age. some days i am just like, ‘oh i wish it was not difficult.’ but at the same time i understand that it just is.” and vanessa saw it was difficult every day in seoul, where she was a constant object of fascination as a black person in an extremely homogenous society. “i now feel more comfortable in my skin after being there and being [the] center of attention. i do feel like i can do anything in that sense; my race doesn’t stop me from doing anything or wanting to do something. that’s one of the benefits because i have been in a society which i’ve been different and i was able to cope with it for the most part of it.” again, vanessa has been able to integrate her mother’s lessons of being a black american to her own life experiences, and the personal growth that comes with it. she took the experience of being abroad and being a super minority in her host country as a means to define herself in her own way. chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   . race and nationality as mentioned earlier, du bois ( ) wrote about the double consciousness struggle of african americans between the african-part and u.s. american-part of their identities. prior to studying abroad, vanessa showed pride in her nation and the positive opportunities that it offers. her background as a multi-generational u.s. american feeds into her identification with her country. but she acknowledged that with that label came an avalanche of negative stereotypes to which she did not want to be attributed: “i… feel there’s a big stereotype on americans just as a whole – that you still have to deal with – about being overweight, lazy, arrogant, all those things.” she understands that her upbringing in the united states has molded her to a certain type of lifestyle. vanessa believes in the american ideal of working hard to achieve your goals, as that value is a core part of her self-concept. vanessa sees that there are positives of being american, in that her country is innovative and she has received a lot of privilege from her citizenship. a complicated link exists for vanessa as a black american woman. collins ( ) discussed how black women must negotiate the fact that being u.s. american allows them to “pursue focused educations and challenge [negative] portrayals of u.s. black women,” but that in order to do so they must do it within the mainstream u.s. american context (p. ). additionally, both swanson et al. ( ) and fordham ( ) noted african american women are pushed by parents and mentors “to flee the african- american community and, in the process, paradoxically, enhance their affiliation with the large american society” (fordham, , p. ). vanessa found herself initiated by others (her mother, for one) into the american dream of working hard to make it. but to her, “making it” does not just mean being able to provide for just herself which is often the individualistic focus of white u.s. americans; it means that she can provide for her loved ones, because she also embraces the africentric idea of being a part of a collective, especially for her family, which i discuss later. she found the balance of double consciousness that du bois ( ) discussed in this regard. perhaps the most important part of the evolution of her understanding of being a u.s. american in relation to her korean experience is that vanessa shows understanding that no nationality is superior. “i do realize that as an american, you do have a lot of freedom and privileges that other people don’t have who aren’t american…. [but] i think it’s a double-edged sword because in a sense i do think freedom- wise, we do have more freedom. but when it comes to just say living, i feel [south korean] society is probably more – there’s a little more harmony in their society than in ours.” chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   she respected the value that korean culture places on family, but struggles with the notion that family or government might determine the future that an individual may have. while she comprehended the cultural norm, her u.s.-centric background finds the idea outside her realm of comfort. like with notions of race in regards to family, vanessa’s self-concept has grown from her studying abroad by putting ideas within context. prior to going abroad, she had very basic thoughts about how nationality affected her and what it meant to her. her appreciation for being u.s. american, and being a black u.s. american has evolved by seeing people with different rights and different notions about what is proper and acceptable in relation to being a citizen of a particular nation-state. she also grasped how her national identity affords her certain rights and privileges. . gender like mia in the previous chapter, vanessa’s understanding of her identity as a woman ties in closely with her identity of being black. the two are closely intertwined because she sees them both as giving her disadvantages over which she must prevail. “i feel like being black and female just kind of adds on and so, i just try personally to just do the best that i can.” but she also acknowledged that these two identities provide her a reservoir of strength because of the history of black women. she told of how her great- grandmother built a life where she could raise and provide for her family despite little education and fortune. if african american females from the lowest socioeconomic status could find that power, vanessa knows she possesses it as well: “i feel like being a female, you have to be more strong and independent because people have this mindset that females just are these people who want to be taken care of, who don’t want, or have, a mind of their own. and it really disappoints me, because i definitely have a mind of my own.” here we can see the intersections of race, gender, and class, as vanessa identified the need of black women to be powerful and able to care for themselves, particularly financially. she feels the societal pressures where these points converge that she takes as the message to be strong, independent, and capable. this section discusses how vanessa shaped understanding of her gender in regards to sexualised imaging of black women, her physical appearance, and her relationship with her hair. chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   . sexualised images when asked what being a woman meant to her, vanessa conceded, “it’s hard being a girl.” she and other black females must continue to toil against stereotypes about their gender and appearance. prior to departure to seoul, one of vanessa’s study abroad colleagues showed a hyper-sexualised music video of black women in bikinis who had money being thrown at them, commenting on how he thought it was funny. here was a prime example of the jezebel (or evolution of jezebel into a modern-day hoochie, i.e. a seductively promiscuous woman) being fostered through contemporary media (harris- perry, ). “images like that – i really hate when people see that. especially if they don’t have any friends of colour to show them that we all just don’t act like that.” vanessa and another black woman in their study abroad group felt they had to make certain that everyone knew that they themselves did not act that way. vanessa’s efforts to present herself as a certain type of woman who is the antithesis of these stereotypes has made her gender identity a prominent part of how she understands herself. the intersection of her race and gender has created a power paradigm that places black women in a disempowered preconception. vanessa is all too aware that she faces this preconception with every new encounter. yet even while abroad, vanessa was not immune to these presumptions. collins ( ) noted, “the growing influence of [media] constitute[s] new ways of circulating controlling images. popular culture has become increasingly important in promoting these images, especially with new global technologies that allow u.s. popular culture to be exported through the world” (p. ). vanessa took a module at korea university on popular culture; during one lecture, race was discussed. when asked about what black people they knew, the korean students (two-thirds of the class) named actors, musicians, and athletes. vanessa again faced the influence of the media and the stereotypes that have been constructed of african americans in general, and women in particular. prominent figures like harriet tubman or condoleeza rice were ignored for names like beyonce and halle berry. the ability of media to control the global perceptions of african american women and the world’s willing consumption of these messages speak to the privileged societal structures that disadvantaged groups face in different ways. vanessa realised, after speaking with her mother and with the passage of time, that koreans really only had the experience of black people through the media, what they saw on television and the internet. she comprehended that her presence at korea university acted as a powerful means to shift the preconceptions they may have created chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   from their sole exposure to black women through media. when reflecting on the lecture a few months upon repatriating, vanessa commented, “it put things back in perspective. at the time it was just so random. it showed me, even the korean people only have what you see on tv. it’s not like i can be mad. that is why i don’t even feel they’re even that racist to begin with because they don’t have people there to prove what they see on tv to be wrong.”	
   	
   this observation in and of itself shows vanessa’s ability to empathise with her host nation’s limitations in appreciating difference. but vanessa’s following comment shows how her presence at korea university offered her personal growth. “[their ignorance toward black people’s diversity] opened my eyes…. that’s why they are probably so shocked that [i am] there and in school. you have to do these type of things to try to help fight against these stereotypes because now these people can say, even though they thought only black people can be kanye west and beyonce, they met people who got into the same school that they went to…. it was a big deal and so i was actually really proud to say i did that…. so for me it was really empowering.” vanessa found meaning in her presence as a black female in south korea as a means to further break down stereotypes about african americans, and reclaim some of the power that media stripped from this aspect of her identity. her achievements are not just her own but, as belgrave and allison ( ) noted, also the successes in the collective african american community. “rather than an individualistic model of… achievement and progress, work is described within a communal framework and linked explicitly to a sense of interdependence and responsibility for members of the group” (p. ). wanting to or not, vanessa represented black women to the people of south korea, beyond their previous media- fueled conceptions of sex symbols or diva singers. that vanessa recognised how her actions benefit both herself and the black community indicates that her abroad experience allowed reflection into her role not just as vanessa, the undergraduate student, but also as vanessa, a u.s. black woman. . physical appearance while abroad, vanessa had to confront her conception of her physical appearance. before her departure, vanessa’s opinion implied acceptance of her physical appearance. within the black american communities, beauty standards are different from those of mainstream white u.s. standards (parham et al., ; belgrave & allison, chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   ). while the u.s. mostly favours slim body types, african societies often favour larger bodies with robust rears and buxom tops. vanessa expressed this view: “black people aren’t really that big into being skinny in comparison to other races. we really appreciate having a shape and having a body…. i do believe in america there are different standards of beauty…. as a whole black people, we just want to [have] shape, with curves and hips. it’s okay.” while overweight herself, she stated it never really troubled her: “i never really worried about my physical appearance that much. because i know that if i really want to do something about it, i can…. i wish i could lose more weight but at the same time, it doesn't really bother me.” vanessa indicated her ability to control her physical form. she has chosen to have the body shape that she does. if she wanted it to be different, she could change it. vanessa may also have learned to accept her size because it has been an issue since she was a child. with her asthma causing her to gain a lot of weight, she was the target of bullying. “i remember people used to just make fun of me, because i used to… be really overweight.” as an object of bullying, vanessa had the option of feeling inferior about her appearance, or accepting that she was different from what others found acceptable. she understood that her weight might affect people’s opinions of her in the u.s., and thus is another stereotype that she must work hard to surmount. the intersection of her physical appearance, her race, and her nationality creates a friction because of the larger u.s. cultural expectations about weight. with her experience in south korea, vanessa discovered new extremes in beauty construction among koreans. in one of her field texts, she wrote, “i realized that korea is a very vain country…. people really do care about their appearance and will do anything to look good physically.” upon repatriation she expanded on this observation, “they are probably the vainest country on earth. i am hundred percent sure.” she discussed how koreans seem to be obsessed with their skin (wanting it as pale as possible, and investing heavily in blemish balm (bb) cream), hair, make-up; they also consider plastic surgery to be a non-taboo method of improving one’s appearance. vanessa mentioned, “weight is a really big issue. one of my korean friends [told me] she really hates the standards there because she feels really pressured to be skinny.” vanessa’s exposure to korean beauty paradigms had an interesting effect on her own self-image. “i knew i was automatically different to begin with so honestly there was nothing i could do to ever fit in. i won’t even attempt to do half those things myself.” vanessa’s position as a super-minority enabled her to feel more comfortable with her chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   own appearance while in seoul. since she knew she was so far outside korean culture in terms of physical appearance, she did not feel any pressure to conform. she stated, “my physical appearance, i am okay with it. even being in korea – even being in this society where everybody wants to look the same – i never let that phase me because overall i like how i look as a person.” for her, seeing an entire culture fixated on one ideal, and going to extremes to reach that ideal, helped vanessa reaffirm her own culture norms in terms of her physical appearance as a woman. however, though vanessa indicated both before and after her study abroad experience that she accepted her body shape, she also mentioned at both points that she would find losing some weight amenable. it would appear that vanessa struggles somewhat between the black women’s appreciation of larger body shapes and the u.s. white mainstream messages that slimmer is better. this struggle ties back into du bois’s ( ) theory of double consciousness, where vanessa tussles, like mia, with beauty standards from the two cultures of which she is a part. in this aspect, the acute views that korean people take on beauty, and vanessa’s exposure to those views did not necessarily cause sweeping shifts in her self-conceptualisation of her physical appearance, but it did confirm her self-conceptualisation of accepting her body how it is. she did not agree with taking drastic measures to alter physical appearance, and finds self-acceptance the preferable avenue, which could tie back into her upbringing and a mother who never encouraged her toward a particular physical ideal. the korean obsession with beauty also had an impact on vanessa’s ability to read motives behind certain cultural behaviours. vanessa showed learned empathy for her host country’s extreme (to her) ideas and behaviours about appearance. “i appreciated that people really care and people have a sense of style and fashion…. [the market’s] really competitive there, so they are trying to do anything possible to get a job and stuff.” despite the skin creams and hair treatments and cosmetic surgery, vanessa perceived that the reason her host nationals were so willing to spend copious amounts of money and time on their appearance was so that they could have better chances at employment opportunities or to find a partner. while she might not agree with the methods used (or that the methods are even needed), vanessa learned that the underpinnings of korean culture required koreans to adapt accordingly to achieve economic and social ambitions. chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   . hair vanessa’s response to my initial question about her hair shows the volatility of the question. “oh, fuck! wait, what about- wait. how do i feel about my hair? i mean hair is just – it’s a challenge. i always tell my friends, ‘you guys don’t understand how hair makes or breaks you as a person’…. if i’m having a bad hair day that will just put my whole mood down for the day. and so i feel like hair is just a constant challenge.” vanessa had a very passionate response about her hair, cursing the moment she realised i was asking about it, despite not having cursed in the previous hour of the interview. a white woman asking about black hair often creates tension (banks, ); though hair is a private decision, it is also a public display (synott, ). vanessa’s hair holds a key facet in how she understands her physical appearance, and (in turn) her self-concept. this complex relationship with her hair originates from the context within which vanessa finds herself. as a u.s. american, vanessa has been exposed to the media about how hair should be. as a black woman, she has received messages from family and friends about the significance of her hair. these messages can be contradictory, as mainstream u.s. media often shows long flowing locks, which are not genetically customary in the african american community. oftentimes to obtain such hair black women must purchase expensive weaves, which illustrates another societal oppression of a white standard of beauty requiring a higher disposable income to achieve. this incongruity can lead to the fiery reaction like vanessa displayed, as she seeks to understand herself within the black and u.s. american communities. one statement from vanessa in particular highlights again the significance of her relationship with her hair: “that’s the only thing i will care about more is my hair over my physical appearance.” she went on to state, “i do view hair as being special.” vanessa’s self-worth can be tied to how she feels her hair looks. in this way, hair is perceived as a form of power that vanessa can claim (or not claim) for herself. with her studies taking her to seoul, vanessa realised that she was traveling to a country with a fairly homogenous population that does not have a substantial black community. she admitted that with going to south korea, her hair was the one thing about which she was truly worried. she remarked, “i’m pretty picky about who does my hair to begin with. i just don’t want anyone’s hands in it.” our personal control over our hair and how we choose to display it can be a telling marker of how we understand ourselves and how we wish others to perceive us (firth, ). vanessa feared the loss of chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   power her hair gives to her self-concept, feeling she would have to relinquish it because she did not know if there was anyone in seoul that she could trust with her hair. to try to preserve that sense of power, vanessa researched (before departing the u.s.) what she might be able to do with maintaining her hair while she was in korea, finding a salon near a u.s. military base that stated it could work with any type of hair. vanessa’s researching allowed her some control over the unknown – that she is not going totally blind into a possible threat to her identity (i.e. being unable to maintain her hair, which she has stated is important to how she views herself). two months into her stay in seoul, vanessa did get her hair re-braided, which “surprised even [her].” this self-surprise indicates that vanessa was wary of the idea of relinquishing control of such an extremely important aspect of her self-image to a stranger. her willingness to do so (thus surprising herself) implies a readiness of vanessa to have a less-than-optimal hair experience. vanessa stated, “the overall quality wasn’t exactly what i was hoping, but i didn’t complain since i didn’t expect too much anyway,” giving the rebraiding experience a out of compared to her u.s. experiences. before departing, vanessa had made clear the importance of her hair to how she felt about herself, yet here she was allowing and being content with a mediocre result for her hair styling. perhaps because koreans are not as familiar with african hair, vanessa was not as concerned about the message that it sent to them if it was not perfect in her (and other black women’s) eyes. she may also have shifted the importance of her hair in defining herself while abroad. either way, vanessa showed a conversion in the meaning she places on her hair, at least while in south korea. this ability to suspend elements of how she understood herself shows the transformative power of being placed outside one’s native environ. vanessa had to adjust to a place where the power she might usually have over her hair (and thus her self-worth) was lessened. in seoul, vanessa found her hair a feature of marvel for her host country’s population. people would approach her to ask about it or to touch it, having never seen anything like it before. she said that hardly a day passed without someone coming up to her to compliment her hair. she found, “some people would just stare or some people would just have to come up and touch me to see if i’m real.” as a novelty to koreans (and one that they found “pretty”), the reaction her hair received possibly contributed to the power that vanessa had always attributed to her hair. the positive response from people unfamiliar with her hair type sent vanessa signals that hair that is usually dismissed in mainstream u.s. culture can be attractive and appreciated by individuals chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   who do not have that hair. banks ( ) explained, “because hair is attached to physical and social bodies, it is given meaning… because of its very relationship to self” (p. ). black women create meaning with their hair, whether intentionally or unintentionally. given the strong reactions to hair in the black female community, the socially constructed meanings have a powerful impact. individuals respond to how others react to them, and the reaction of others to one’s hair impacts one’s self-understanding within the societal context. with koreans’ reactions, vanessa built upon her previous notions of herself in regards to her thoughts about her hair. vanessa also had to reconcile with the fact that the curiosity her hair generated made her a focus of attention. according to banks ( ), black women struggle because of the intercultural curiosity about black hair. “the ‘price’ is an invasion of personal space, and a reluctance to permit such an invasion is read by nonblacks as blacks’ attempt to be mysterious” (p. ). vanessa admitted that she was not sure if she should tell people to stop touching her on the subway when they would come to investigate her. perhaps koreans felt that as a super minority, vanessa owed them some explanation as to her existence. yet despite having to yield this privacy, vanessa did not allow it to disempower her. while it frustrated her at times the constant attention she received, she realised after her repatriation that it benefitted her immensely. “i now feel more comfortable in my skin after being there and being… [the] center of attention.” so while banks ( ) painted this invasion of privacy as negative, in the intercultural context of studying abroad, vanessa found it empowering. with reflection, she found that these challenges added to her ability to define herself despite how others might define her (e.g. koreans considering her a curiosity). the extreme attention she received forced vanessa to decipher how she viewed herself. the initial reaction may have been discomfort and self-questioning, but vanessa found inner understanding and appreciation through other people’s scrutiny. and with the narrowed control over her hair due to lack of resources to maintain it as she might have in the united states, vanessa became more comfortable with herself and found power in however it might look. . academic achievement as mentioned earlier, black american families have long pressed their children to excel academically because they see it as an avenue to secure a better future (perry, ). this security served the twofold purpose of allowing the individual to live comfortably, but also to further african american people as a whole. vanessa, before and after her chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   study abroad experience, showed indications of how her academic work and her attitudes toward her academic work affect her self-concept. . personal advancement vanessa always strove to do her best in school. even before she attended school, she was passionate about learning, and free time was spent reading historical fiction. petra was strict about vanessa’s schooling, “she’s always pushed me to try to make good grades – the best grades you can. she’s instilled that in me…. i don’t like to make bad grades now. she’s made me want to make good grades.” petra’s influence had a stark impact of vanessa so that she internalised the desire to excel. this desire propelled vanessa through her primary and secondary schooling as a high-achieving student, and ensured that she did not rebel when opportunities arose to miss classes or try illicit substances. “i didn’t even have those desires. and i think that’s one thing i can be grateful for my mom is because i was raised the way i was. i never had those tendencies to wanna be… rebellious.” the deep influence that family has on academic attitudes (parham, ; perry, ; belgrave & allison, ) affected vanessa’s belief that in order to succeed in life, she would first need to succeed in school. vanessa never struggled with the eurocentric academic structure in her schooling discussed by africentric theorists (fordham and ogbu; , harris & nettles, ; delpit, ; steele & aronson, ; ogbu, ; nieto, ; steele, ; perry, ). perhaps her personality allowed her to adapt to the eurocentric style, or she felt the pressure to excel so that she adopted what fordham ( ) described as a ‘racelessness’ where she assumed behaviours and attitudes outside her africentric norms in order to excel. she displayed parham et al.’s ( ) africentric notion that self- determination has on academic progress. either way, vanessa thrived which allowed her to attend university on a merit scholarship. university set another challenge for vanessa academically, which showed that she would need to adapt again to different scholastic mindsets. her academic experience there helped her to grow and better understand herself. seeing the competitive nature on campus, vanessa had to adapt to a new way of learning and studying. the workload at her university challenged her. “even though i’m a hard worker, and i try to do good in school, that doesn’t necessarily mean i’m a straight-a student, ‘cause i’m not actually.” but that did not stop vanessa from working hard. with the strong work ethic instilled in her by her mother, she maintained at least a . gpa to keep her merit scholarship, chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   knowing her degree was essential to achieving her goals. again vanessa adapted to what is required of her academically because she desires to be financially secure in the future; that desire stems from her mother’s wish for her to do well. vanessa needed to study abroad in order to satisfy a requirement of her international business certificate, a part of her undergraduate degree. she was able to choose the location, and settled on asia because of her longtime interest in asian culture. while she wanted to travel to japan, the programme there was more expensive than south korea. even academic choices like study abroad destinations can rely on socioeconomic circumstances and create power structures on where a person may or may not travel for education. even at higher education levels, we notice intersecting oppressions; they may not be as extreme as other intersections, but do still create an unequal balance of accessibility. aside from the requirement of her certification, vanessa had other reasons for wanting to study abroad. “i feel like i need to go on this empowerment trip. and i feel like doing this is gonna empower me honestly.” with vanessa’s ambitious life goals, she knew she needed to challenge herself to grow personally, and she understood that throwing herself into another culture would accomplish that. since she has never really been outside the southern u.s., she saw the opportunity for development. “that’s mainly why i wanna go abroad so badly is because i feel like i haven’t been able to really see the world…. i really just can’t wait to see if there’s any differences [sic] on how other people live in other places. and also making those connections [with other people].” while these ideas might seem outside the scope of personal academic advancement, africentric psychology finds it fully encompassed within it. belgrave and allison ( ) discussed how simple knowledge acquisition is not the only aspect of growing academically; being able to put knowledge within social and interpersonal contexts is essential (from the africentric perspective) for scholarly growth. vanessa displayed these africentric notions with her desire to immerse herself in and understand a different culture. this understanding, she felt, will have the twofold benefit of not only educating her on korean culture, but also allowing her personal development on the social and interpersonal planes (parham et al., ). korea university, like many of south korean academic institutions, emphasises rote learning. vanessa reported, “academics here focus more on memorization of everything rather than critical thinking.” she struggled with adapting to this new style of learning. attending as an exchange student showed vanessa an entire new way to chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   understand the learning process. “i never thought how difficult it would be to adjust to campus and dorm life here at korea university. the classes here are difficult not because of the workload, but rather the teaching and test-taking style.” at ku, students are usually assessed with two or three exams and/or projects. “this in itself is a big culture shock since i am use to having multiple assignments and exams throughout the semester.” while she found the course load to be easier than her home university, the attendance policies, essay writing, and exam formats challenged her understandings of how a university education should be implemented. even after repatriation, vanessa still found the korean system of learning arcane: “i hate how they do memorization. to me, it makes me think they don’t care about what you think but rather if you can just repeat everything you learned word-for-word, without any personal insight included.” she did not see how learning mere facts could prepare someone to excel in life. with both her u.s. american and africentric mindsets, she understands education to be something more involved beyond the simple ability to recite facts. so even though she was able to adapt to the learning style in order to do well, she was not able to understand the reasoning behind why koreans value this type of learning over her own, and that a student’s own insights have no place in academic discourse. given african americans’ constant effort of having their own academic inclinations accepted by mainstream u.s. culture (ogbu, ), vanessa’s empathy is lacking in the realm of understanding academics. vanessa’s reaction indicates that while she was able to learn from the content of her courses at korea university, she was unable to show awareness of the value in these teaching methods. . professional advancement as discussed earlier, vanessa committed to a goal of becoming financially successful so that she will be able to provide for herself and her family. she obtained her first job when she was sixteen at a fast food franchise; she wanted to be able to buy things for herself and knew she could not ask her mother to pay for her personal expenses. her initial jobs were not career-focused, but she stated that she learned a lot from them, especially handling relationships with other people. she worked nearly full- time while finishing high school and when she started university, and when asked why she confessed, “i just love making money!” for that reason, she stated she knew she had to study business. thus she majored in international business, despite her friends thinking she might read for asian studies given her long-term interest in far eastern chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   cultures. her practicality prevailed, with her desire to want to care financially for her family. vanessa stated upon repatriation that studying abroad had solidified her desire to work abroad. “it’s made me more determined that’s for sure…. [it] opened my eyes to show that there are other options for me. so the fact that i have back up plans just in case something doesn’t really work out, i can go to option b or c or something.” prior to going abroad, she had lofty goals and a general plan on how to achieve them (work hard, get a degree, get a good job). afterward, she was able to state specific action items to reach those goals, and alternatives if one does not work out. this maturity indicates vanessa can see practical avenues to attaining her desires, which includes providing for her family. study abroad exposed her to these ideas through the people she met in seoul and the volunteer opportunities in which she took part. . racial contribution as mentioned earlier, academic achievement within the africentric perspective is also seen as an opportunity to advance african americans as a whole (noble, ; belgrave et al., ). while not a primary reason for study abroad, vanessa did find that this was an outcome of her time in seoul. returning to the lecture on race in her popular culture course at korea university, vanessa spoke with her mother about how frustrating the korean students’ perceptions were of african americans. “[my mom] put it back in perspective because she said, ‘that’s all they know… that’s why they are probably so shocked that you are there and you are in school. but you have to do these type of things to try to help fight against these stereotypes because now these people can say even though they thought only black people can be kanye west and beyonce, they met people who got to the same school that they went to.’” merely being a student at a prestigious institution like korea university, vanessa begins to normalise different experiences. by vanessa living her life and striving to achieve her goals, she is helping to advance views on african americans. she demonstrates to strangers that their stereotypes of black americans might not be accurate. she shows that black americans can be not only musicians or sports legends, but also business students with career goals in international marketing. this by-product of racial advancement for black americans had an effect on vanessa’s self–concept. “for me, it was really empowering to know a lot of things that i am doing – i’m even the first or one of a few to do it, even though for me i wish i can get more people to hop on board.” vanessa felt her own personal growth and power in chapter . vanessa: seoul, south korea 	
   	
   helping other black americans, however small, by being a positive example of what can be accomplished. these feelings show vanessa’s ties to the africentric notion of collectivism discussed earlier. she is part of the whole and makes contributions to that whole in her own ways (parham et al., ). vanessa’s evolution in her understanding of self occurred on various levels from her time studying abroad in south korea. she grew in her self-concept in relation to her race, including family, nationality, and gender, as well as her academic work. vanessa’s comprehension of her identity became clearer to her as she put it within the context of her abroad experiences. chapter ix. taylor: venice, italy “i feel unstoppable.” taylor self-identifies as a multi-generational black american woman; she lives outside a major city in the southern united states. she attended a large urban research university to study economics just miles from her hometown. a tall striking woman with an athletic build, taylor was twenty-one when she traveled abroad. taylor’s understanding of her self-concept does not appear to have altered much after three months in venice, italy. while her experience abroad does seem to have helped enhance certain aspects of her gender and academic identities, she appeared to evolve little in her racial understanding upon repatriation. this chapter examines taylor’s understanding in regards to these factors, and how studying abroad affected her. . race taylor’s awareness about her racial identity is complicated. she knows that she is a black woman, but she prefers not to label herself as having a race, because she feels that it should not matter. yet she explained that being black in the u.s. places certain impediments in the way of being treated as equal. this section considers how taylor’s self-concept about her race manifests in relation to her family, nationality, and friends, and any impact that her time in venice had on her understanding about these aspects of her identity. . race and family taylor’s main familial relationships are with her nuclear family: mother, father, and two brothers (one older, one younger). her family had their struggles while she grew up, including moving consistently every few years and her parents separating for a year while she was in elementary school. these events took an emotional toll on taylor, as she said she did not really understand the separation as a child. she reflected that while her family had a lot of problems, they were not unhappy and she felt her childhood was a good one. for the most part, taylor indicated tense relationships with various family members. she showed a love-hate relationship with her brothers, stating, “i have to love them because they’re my brothers… [but] they get on my nerves so much.” despite them all attending the same university and sharing a living space in the basement of the chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   family home, taylor seemed to tolerate her brothers more than engage with them. as for taylor’s extended family, she mentioned in her initial interview that while her numerous aunts and uncles had a presence in her life, they were not close knit. she stated, “they’re not the type to be really involved.” she vehemently stated that she did not like her cousins because they are “crazy.” the distance in her relationship with her extended family indicates a divergence from africentric theory about the role that extended family plays in the upbringing of children. taylor’s key familial connections appear to be with her parents. despite her parents both being very religious, taylor noted that she and her brothers are not religious. “it’s not like i don’t feel like religion is important. it’s just that it’s not the top of my mind and i actually do feel guilty about that. i think you need something to believe in.” taylor does not see attending church as indicative of being religious. while she believes in the christian faith, it is not a priority in her life. yet her parents’ commitment to an organised faith still creates some dissonance for taylor, as she does not carry that faith with her as readily. taylor’s father, one of thirteen children, grew up happy and content despite living well below the poverty line. her mother, one of five, was raised in the inner city but still found a way to thrive. taylor’s first descriptors of her parents was that they were both hard-working, and have been so since a young age. just a few months prior to her departure to study abroad, they started a company together for her father’s career as a lorry driver. and even though all three of their children are adults attending university, they continue to provide for them. yet her parents’ willingness to maintain financial control over their children created some interesting reactions from taylor. she said in her initial interview, “i love my parents but i don’t want to be under their control anymore.” taylor also looked forward to her italian abroad experience because it meant she would be moving out of her parents’ home for a while. “[i’m looking forward to] being on my own.” her parents appear to come from a higher economic bracket, as taylor mentioned that her parents might purchase her brothers and her a home for them to stay in and use exclusively. however when we discussed socioeconomic class, taylor indicated that her family lived in relative poverty compared to some of her classmates in secondary school. “i knew there were rich black people but i never knew there were so many in one place. so when i saw that, it made me feel like… an outcast.” she felt she should be a part of this rich black community, even though before she was exposed to chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   them, her socioeconomic status had never crossed her mind. suddenly, taylor faced an intersecting conflict between her race and how she understood it within the context of class. taylor showed a lot of presumption regarding her classmates. she said she would rarely have people over because she was embarrassed by the fact that her home was tiny in comparison with her friends, indicating a sense of shame that came with not being of a higher class. the one rich friend that she allowed to see her home, taylor stated, “wouldn’t judge me, so it was okay for her to come over.” taylor seemed to have a distorted view of her socioeconomic situation. even though she always felt that her parents were not as well off as other black families, she indicated that she owned a pony as a young girl. taylor appeared to be very aware of what she does not have, as opposed to what she does. additionally, she seemed deeply concerned what image her socioeconomic status projected to others. during her initial interview when i laid out the timeline of her parents’ meeting and having children, taylor interrupted me because i had not mentioned their marriage in that timeline: “they had us after they were married. they were very sure to have us – they didn’t want to have a child out of wedlock.” she wanted to make clear that i knew her parents married prior to having children. given her parents’ religious background, their desire to do so makes sense; yet taylor’s insistence that i was aware of this fact again indicates a preoccupation with others’ perception of her (by extension of her family). shorter-gooden and washington ( ) found, “most [black women] talked about an identity based on the need to overcome the negative aspects of being black…. there was a positive sense about black identity… because struggling against society’s negative views of blacks impelled the woman to work harder to accomplish her goals” (p. ). taylor stated that she has personally witnessed the manifestation of the stereotype of african americans as unwed parents; her proclamation of her parents marrying before having children demonstrated a need to overcome her assumption of my presumption (as a white woman) of a negative black stereotype. while abroad taylor began to notice differences in family structures that were not typical to some of her experiences in her home state. “i hardly see any single unmarried mothers around here. they are very family-oriented so if a couple has a child, they are married, end of story. no broken families. the fathers are very involved with their children’s lives. in fact i see more fathers [than mothers] with their children. their mentality is different and very refreshing compared to those [at home].” while these chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   observations may not indicate any shift in taylor’s personal understanding of her identity, they do allow taylor to understand the different cultural values that create family structures around the world. african americans, while deeply family-oriented (parham et al., ; belgrave & allison, ), have had to adjust family structures to handle societal constructions like slavery and high imprisonment rates among black men. even her own family, which has the more mainstream structure of a nuclear family, appears different from what she witnessed in italy, with fathers heavily involved with hands-on child-rearing (instead of just providing financial stability). being abroad has offered up to taylor an understanding that families, no matter what their composition, can provide an atmosphere for children’s growth. . race and nationality growing up taylor believed that having more white people around was what was normal. her family’s mobility allowed her to see that different communities existed with higher concentrations of black people. her exposure to various neighbourhood racial compositions may have led to taylor’s convoluted understanding of her racial identity. when asked in her pre-departure interview how she defines herself culturally, she stated she considered herself american: “i’m not from africa. i think that they just call me african so that they can identify me as a brown person, but i see myself as an american.” so when asked about what being black meant to her initially, taylor said, “i know society would disagree with me big time but i don’t really feel there’s any difference between being black or white. i try to see us as people, so that’s what i’m trying to do…. being black, i don’t like to think there’s a difference even though, there is.” taylor appears to believe that while the societal constructs of race exist within u.s. society, there is no point to having them, which might seem paradoxical given her desire to portray a certain persona, as mentioned previously. though she could readily mention how discrimination and oppression occur regularly against black people, taylor appeared to struggle between what her ideal would be for race relations and the reality. bennett’s ( ) dmis (mentioned in chapter ) would probably place taylor’s thinking into the minimisation stage, where human similarities (biological structures) outweigh any cultural differences that might exist among people from different backgrounds. inequalities she personally experienced, including being referred to as a ‘nigger’ when she was thirteen years old, seem to have manifested as superficial reflections of societal constructions. instead she appeared to chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   have formed an identity based on rebuffing prejudice with the unconventional approach of trying to discard race as a component of identity all together. she stated that after the incident, “i was thinking, ‘what did i do?’ i know i didn’t do anything.” but people’s ignorance and vulgarity confused her. taylor’s desire to see beyond colour might manifest from these situations where she has been reminded that her race gives her an inferior status in some of her fellow citizens’ eyes. given these conflicted opinions about being black in the u.s., taylor’s understanding of her national identity might be better formed, seeing that she does not see herself (according to her own words) as being black but rather being u.s. american. in her initial interview taylor was emphatic about the importance of independence day above other holidays: “i love th of july. i celebrate th of july because that actually is like a real purpose to it. i don’t know how to explain it but it’s like that’s when, america got their independence so that’s actually something to celebrate.” yet later in the same interview, taylor admitted: “i’m not really that patriotic to be honest, but i really do want to leave america. i do want to live in another country. not that i don’t love america, [i] just feel like there’s so much more out there to experience.” taylor seemed to struggle with her understanding of what being u.s. american actually means to her, even after claiming it to be an important part of her identity. identifying exclusively as a u.s. american might be a way to divorce herself from a history of extreme prejudice (that she personally has experienced), or she presented an identity to me that she felt i wanted to see and struggled to maintain that presentation. her self- reflection in this area, prior to studying abroad, appeared under-developed and/or conflicted. being abroad offered taylor an opportunity to examine her identity as a u.s. american when placed in relief against other nationalities. while abroad, taylor felt she did not really experience any negativity from others about her u.s. american identity. her friends might observe when she made a particularly american comment: “i would complain about walking; they would say, ‘that’s such an american thing.’” but mostly she discovered that they found it amusing about her. taylor also learned about how problems can differ across cultures. “other people’s problems: they aren’t anything like mine. other people’s cultures…. what we in america would consider weird is just normal for them.” she began to see how her u.s. identity shaped how she understood chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   the world. “so there are good things and there are bad things that i noticed.” like mia and vanessa, taylor could acknowledge the privilege that her u.s. american identity gives her, such as being able to have certain things that others might not. taylor had an objective while in italy of having “authentic” venetian food, but she stated that she was never really able to find any outside of her friend alessio’s home (discussed later). food that she could have in the united states did not seem to count to her: pasta or pizza. even though these are common food staples in italy, taylor did not seem to recognise them as being authentic. taylor witnessed the pride that venetians take in their city. “the people there are really proud of their past and its ancestry. and with good reason; they should be.” she remarked in her first letter while abroad, “venice is a dying city but for now it is full of life.” venetians preserve the history and lifestyle of the past, watching people pass by while they read newspapers. when pressed as to why venetians might prefer newspapers to e-readers, taylor said she did not know why they would continue to read newspapers. here taylor does not seem to realise that a preference for “out-dated” media might simply further reflect a culture that prides itself on not being in a hurry. so while taylor gained some ability to analyse what being u.s. american means in relation to privilege, she appeared to have some difficulty in being able to analyse beyond her own cultural lens in other aspects. as for her understanding of her racial identity in the context of being u.s. american, taylor did show some growth in understanding her blackness. when she saw other people with black skin in italy, taylor found them peculiar: “i found it strange that all the black people there: none of them spoke english…. they were strange to me.” she stated that she only saw a few every month, and she assumed most of them came from africa. here were people who looked like her, but were beyond her realm of experience. being abroad allowed her to start acknowledging that differences exist for people of various races, even if those differences are just societal constructions. taylor stated in her repatriation interview, “my identity as a black person in america: people are going to discriminate against me. i’m ok with that but it’s not going to stop me from being who i am. it’s not going to stop me from being what i want to be, despite what people think when they look at me.” before italy, she was unable to see herself as a black woman, but now can acknowledge that it is a part of her experience. chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   yet she went on to state, “i think being around so many different people helped me realise that it’s okay to be different because it’s actually our differences are what bring us together.” when asked to delve into what about her experience abroad made her realise these parts of her identity, or the similarities people share, she could not state why beyond simply being around a lot of different people. again, taylor demonstrated some personal growth in her self-concept in relation to her race and nationality. studying abroad has initiated a deeper understanding for taylor into who she is as a black u.s. american and some of the oppressions she will face, even if she wants to turn a blind eye. . race and friendship taylor stated in her initial interview that she is not one to make a lot of friends: “i don’t tend to have a lot of friends only because i don’t really trust a lot of people…. you can’t really trust people, especially females. so i avoid having that -- this is unnecessary drama that i avoid.” while taylor stated that most of her friends are male because she cannot deal with the drama of females, when asked to talk about her friends, she mentioned her four closest friends as being female, and rarely mentioned male friends. again she appeared to present a self she wanted me to see, while later giving me paradoxical information. when she was younger, the majority of taylor’s friends were white, given her time spent in mostly white schools. “i guess i identified better with white girls when i was younger. as opposed to now, i just have all black friends.” given her family’s motility, taylor’s initial friendships with white children make sense as that community was to what she was exposed. when her family settled in an area with more black people, she found more commonalities with other african americans, as well as more physical acceptance which will be discussed later in the chapter. in her pre-departure interview, taylor acknowledged that she has a short temper. with her self-reported abrasive attitude and general mistrust of people (which does not embrace the africentric collective spirit), she preferred to focus on shaping strong relationships with a few individuals. yet for those with whom taylor has forged a friendship, she is exceedingly loyal. she will take up the mantle of financial caretaker and big sister. her closest friend is her baby sister who helped taylor transition into the life of her last high school. taylor stated in her initial interview that because of that kindness, taylor needed to help her friend in whatever way she could. she stated that this idea of chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   reciprocation came from her parents, “if you do something for me, i’m going to pay you back, one way or the other.” this give-and-take arrangement is slightly outside of africentric theory’s view of friendships (belgrave & allison, ). given the collective focus on africentrism, reciprocity is not as clear-cut as taylor regards it. taylor seemed to display more u.s. american individualist tendencies about the expectations in friendships. while abroad, taylor noted that she amazingly got along with everyone, which she said is not normal for her. taylor found the diversity of her classmates refreshing, as her home university has a large african american population. “i liked how there was no one who looked like me. as strange as that sounds, you like to surround yourself with other people that look like you, but that didn’t bug me.” she noted of her other abroad classmates, “we’re not so different – really, we’re different.” taylor displayed an understanding of seeing the biological similarities that all human beings share, but that there are still differences that make us unique. “i now know the world is not as big as you think, we are different cultures. we speak different languages; we come from different places but we’re really the same.” taylor did feel she could “communicate better with different types of people and cultures around the world” as there were people from five different continents in her programme. the diversity allowed her to see others’ perspectives about the world that she had not previously considered. however, taylor also stated that she was able to communicate with all of her friends in her own language, not having to adjust in any way to them (whereas they automatically had to adjust to using english). to her, cultural differences seemed trivial, on the level of cuisine eaten or media preferences. so while she may have been exposed to and started to gain an understanding of the vast differences that exist among the world’s citizens, she did not articulate to me any complexities beyond these superficialities. taylor’s experience with friends in italy paralleled her observations about friendship while younger. her first letter from venice talked about the various friends she had met from around the globe, yet her attention shifted to one friend from italy. as she stated, “i would be his best friend forever if we had time…. not surprising, i am spending all my spare time with alessio.” while she might go out occasionally with others from her programme, she found herself drawn to alessio, a -year-old italian man she met at a party. he became her cultural informant on italy, taking her to places that tourists rarely visited, and sharing the history of the veneto region. she remarked in her follow-up interview, “he became my best friend, really…. i miss him. sorely.” chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   alessio became one of those friends with whom taylor forms deeper, stronger relationships. he offered taylor insight into italian culture she might not have normally received because of her personality that makes her want to focus on a few choice friends. yet taylor’s understanding of how culture can have an impact on how individuals understand themselves appeared distorted. when asked in her follow-up interview about what being a u.s. american means to her personally, she stated that it meant that she lived in america: “really. if i was born in europe, i would probably speak a different language, i’d probably look a little different, but i’d be european and that’s because i was born in europe.” taylor appeared not to think that her nationality impacts her view on the world or herself. her understanding of herself in relation to being a black american woman appears to focus more on mere geography and not the impact that her culture has on her world view. . gender taylor, like vanessa and mia, considers her race and her gender to be intertwined, which (as stated earlier) is very common for many black women (shorter- gooden & washington, ). her feeling on being a woman, particularly an african american woman, is: “this stress of trying to be perfect…. i feel like females have to work harder, to break that glass ceiling. but the fact that i’m a black and i’m a female is a double whammy, you know what i mean? and i feel like i have to work but we got to twice as hard to get where you want to be. and so i’m not actually prepared for that actually.” taylor appears keenly aware of the intersecting oppressions of her race and gender, and how this affects how she must behave if she wants to succeed. this section looks at taylor’s understanding of her racial identity in relation to her gender, specifically sexualised images of being black, her physical appearance, and her relationship with her hair. . sexualised images taylor’s parents encouraged her to respect herself when it comes to being a woman. for her that manifests itself in terms of sexual behaviour. in her pre-departure interview, she revealed, “i am still a virgin right now and i’ve had boyfriends but they didn’t feel right so i’m not just going to sleep with someone because they’ve chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   pressured me to or because i feel obligated because you’re my boyfriend.” she found strength in this decision because she saw the pressure women are placed under to behave a certain way. she reported that the media holds a lot of responsibility for the sexualised images of women, not just african americans. “all the [tv] shows tend to show not how women should act but how women are acting and how women there tend to be more loose…. they sexualise women a lot: black and white, asians often.” as banks ( ) noted, women are given constructed ideals not only of beauty, but also the behaviours expected of them as those behaviours ‘add’ to the beauty of a woman for being a ‘woman’. taylor found while in italy, “it is usually the males that are kind or helpful and the females that are rude to me… for obvious reasons.” when asked in her repatriation interview what these obvious reasons were, she said, “a lot of the men were helpful because i am beautiful and they want to help me.” but she felt that the italian women were cold to her because she was a non-italian woman who did not belong (though her beauty might have been another unnamed factor). taylor stated in a journal entry that she felt u.s. american women are more submissive than italian women, who are often domineering and the head of the household. she found it fascinating that women must impress italian men’s mothers because men respect their mother’s opinions so much. she stated that she felt that what it means to be a woman depends on the country you are in. that taylor can make this observation, but not see how her nationality might play into her cultural identity is interesting, and somewhat paradoxical. she can observe the respect that familial women command in italian culture, but cannot see how her own u.s. american identity might shape her views of herself as a woman. collins ( ) noted, “because american citizenship is so often taken for granted among u.s. black women, [they] often have difficulty seeing how deeply nationalistic u.s. society is, but how nationalisms affect us” (p. ). while collins made this observation in the context of oppression of black women in mainstream u.s. society, the implications of this statement in taylor’s abroad experience take a different context. in the next section, i look at taylor’s self-concept in regards to her physical appearance. the idea of nationalism in this regard and how it hinders taylor’s self-understanding will become apparent. chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   . physical appearance taylor showed in her initial interview insecurities about her appearance as when she was younger she often felt that others were prettier than she, and she was in direct competition with them for men’s attention. she admitted that as a teenager, “i definitely had a period where i was obsessed with trying to be skinny.” in fact, when asked about the effect of being black on her life, she stated that she felt, “the only time that bothered me about the media when i was younger was just my weight…. it’s more like that image i put out to people that bugs me more than my blackness.” taylor was bullied for being smaller when she was a young child. however, she went through a growth spurt when she was ten and grew to be over centimetres by the time she was fifteen. these issues with bullying and media messages shaped taylor’s struggles to accept her physical appearance into young adulthood. prior to her departure, taylor stated, “physically? i look all right. i’ll rock a two- piece in florida. i mean i’m not thin or anything.” she asserted that her height has allowed her to get away with having more weight. she showed acceptance, even though it appeared to be an ongoing struggle as she stated that the biggest challenge in her life has been accepting who she is, particularly, since she’s “not going to be a size seven ever again.” throughout the preliminary interview, taylor made continuous allusions to losing weight, even though by most people’s standards, they would not view her as overweight. she blamed media for distorting women’s ideas of attractiveness, something which fordham ( ) asserted is particularly difficult for african american women who often have different body types from white women. molloy and herzberger ( ) discussed white and black women’s varying definitions of beauty where black women would outline differing body shapes as beautiful. fordham ( ) stated, “the academy’s penchant for universalizing and normalizing white middle-class women’s lives compels black women and other women of color to seek to appropriate the image and attempt to consume the lives of the female ‘other.’” taylor mirrored these comments in her second interview, “in my race we’ve been taught to hate everything about... you know, back in slavery. hate our hair, our skin tone, hate our facial features, our thick bodies.” black women struggle with these messages that they receive from mainstream media about what is beautiful and what is not, and often find that they (black women) do not measure up to that standard; they must continually navigate the double consciousness (du bois, ) of being black and chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   being u.s. american in this context, and the intersecting power dynamics that accompany it. for taylor, her time in italy helped her make some peace with the contradictory messages she received as a child. she received a lot of attention in venice to which she was not accustomed initially. in a journal entry, she noted, “people stare at me a lot. of course i get stares at home but not long drawn out stares or double takes…. and the fact that i am so tall makes me feel like i am part of a zoo attraction. i do not blend in at all, no matter how much i try. i usually just ignore it: what else can i do?” while this attention caused taylor dissonance, upon her return she was able to put that attention into a different light, “people started to recognise me. ‘aren’t you the girl that i see everyday walking. do you live here?’ kind of. but mostly the locals that began to notice that i was there because i stood out so much and i understand why and that’s okay with me. i’m okay with that…. i understood why, i can understand why they were staring at me. but i think it might be an italian thing, they’re just observing you, what you’ve got on, how you’re groomed. i don’t think it’s considered rude like how it is in america. i think it’s just a cultural thing.” being exposed to this cultural norm of intense observation allowed taylor to become more comfortable with how she thought others perceived her, but also how she perceived herself. whereas before departure she “look[ed] all right,” taylor showed up to her follow-up interview wearing a stunning red dress carrying herself with confidence. she asserted in that interview, “i feel like nowadays more [black] people are embracing it and i’m proud of who we are naturally. i guess going to italy made me realise that i’m different but it depends on where you are but it shouldn’t really matter at all and it didn’t. it didn’t matter while i was over there.” she received positive attention for her appearance while in venice (especially from men), and she saw that women were given positive attention even if they may not have been classified as beautiful by mainstream definitions. she used those messages to shift how she understood her physical appearance as a black woman in the united states. . hair taylor’s relationship with her hair indicates some of the binary ties she possesses with both the white mainstream ideals of beauty and black standards. when she attended a predominantly white high school, she said the (white) boys found her hair chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   unattractive in its braids and not flowing down her back like the white girls’ hair. she was made to feel that her hair was inferior to the white standards. yet when she transferred to a school with more black students, the (black) boys told her how pretty she was, and she began to feel more attractive. her hair was not abnormal in her new environment: “when i got to [the other high school], i felt beautiful.” she was not ostracized for having different hair. “because hair is attached to physical and social bodies, it is given meaning… because of its very relationship to self” (banks, , p. ). black women create meaning with their hair, whether intentionally or unintentionally. given the strong reactions to hair in the black female community, the socially constructed meanings have a powerful impact in both the black community and wider society. individuals respond to how others react to them, and the reaction of others to one’s hair impacts one’s self-understanding within the societal context. as mentioned in mia’s chapter, black women’s hair can reflect how someone feels about herself in the social body (banks, ). taylor’s early childhood experiences made her feel inferior about her hair because the people she was around indicated to her that it was undesirable. with these messages, taylor’s self-understanding vied with itself and may have linked into the self-esteem issues she had with her physical appearance, as discussed earlier. it was not until she was in a community with other african americans that taylor began to feel positive about her hair because others responded positively to it. before her departure for venice, taylor reported, “i like my hair but… the only time that i feel like i’m really free… is when i have braids. but i just wished it would grow any longer…. i got it permed and then every year it would just get shorter and shorter, and shorter…. but overall, i have to say it could be worst. i do have thick hair [compared] to most black people, my hair is healthier than most black people because i don’t use a flat iron. i do braid out some of my hair. i actually decided to stop perming it. i’m going to get braids on my hair when i’m going to italy. when i get back, i’m not going to perm it out. i want to see how long it can get. and maybe about years, i’ll take another look at it.” perhaps most interesting is taylor’s long term plans for her hair. she knows the effects of different treatments, and has a desired state for her hair, with it being long and flowing down her back, since at the interview she stated that it “just tickles [her] shoulders.” this view about her hair did not shift while she was abroad, “i wish my hair was longer. i wish my hair was natural. i wish my hair was all natural.” as stated previously, black women may seek social acceptance by conforming to the hair norms of white american (banks, ). taylor believed, and still seems to believe, that having chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   her hair a certain way (long and flowing) makes her more attractive to others, as well as herself, and is an important facet of her self-assessment. hair acts as a personal statement where individuals have the opportunity to look their best (banks, ). for taylor her best means having more “white” hair in terms of length, even though she also chooses not to perm her hair straight for aesthetic reason (though she also noted that she has ‘better’ hair than many african americans, in that it is thicker and not as coiled). our personal control over our hair and how we choose to display it can be a telling marker of how we understand ourselves and how we wish others to perceive us. “men and women in specific kinds of society at specific periods are using their own physical raw material in terms of the social norms to provide indices to their personality and make statements about their conception of their role, their social position and changes in these” (firth, , p. ). taylor’s time abroad did not change her attitude about her hair in relationship to her self- concept. before and after her journey, her hair helped her to portray a beautiful, confident woman. though her personal standards might be considered outside africentric norms and more in conformity with mainstream white beauty standards, taylor has considered her relationship with her hair and the message she sends with it. . academic achievement taylor indicated in her initial interview that she has always been proud that she was able to maintain high grades so that she could go to college. interestingly she noted herself that she would put very little effort into her schoolwork, but still benefitted from good grades. “i do take real pride on my school work. i do like making good grades. it makes me feel good to make good grades. and so i definitely do care a lot about school.” her attitude is interesting as she likes the benefits that her high grade point average has afforded her, even though she did not have to work hard for them, making her unsure if she is a “lazy smart person.” taylor knows that she possesses the intellect necessary to achieve academically, which parham et al. ( ) and cokley ( ) state is an important factor for black youth’s achievement: self-perception of their abilities. taylor’s abroad experience challenged her academic identity by helping her to better understand it, on personal and professional levels. chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   . personal advancement taylor appears to get her drive to excel from her parents’ standards. she noted that her father barely finished high school, and her mother struggled for several years to finish her undergraduate degree. her father’s struggle with education made him a proponent for his children to do well in school. taylor said her father’s relentless mantra to her and her brothers was, “do what you gotta do now so you can do what you wanna do later.” she learned to prioritise and not procrastinate so that she can meet her different obligations. additionally, taylor’s parents’ drive for financial success for themselves, and their children, meant that she received the notion that she should ‘do what she needed to do’ in the framework of white society, which rewards a certain type of learning. as discussed earlier, fordham ( ) mentioned the issue of gender “passing” where black women’s experience with education should be a particular way. by taking on a white male role as a student, black women can find societal and economic success. messages received from parents indicate that this white role that should be adopted in their academic journey is superior and should be part of their self-concept. her desire (and her parents’ desire) for her personal advancement means taking on a mainstream white mindset for her academic identity to thrive in the u.s. educational system. perry ( ) and mickelson ( ) commented that educational attainment is a cornerstone of africentric thinking. taylor always knew that she would go to university. “i couldn’t imagine what i would be doing if i hadn’t gone to college.” this decision was a natural choice for her, because she knew her parents would want nothing less: “i would have disappointed my parents if i wasn’t in college. they didn’t care what college i was in, as long as i was in college.” as noble ( ) noted, black parents want their children to be able to better themselves (financially, socially, etc.) and they see a university education as key. the message taylor received about education was so engrained that when she was asked why she decided to go to university, she stated ardently, “i really never saw myself not going to college.” while abroad, taylor did not have the best experience with her academic programme. “it’s too small and it’s so isolated, being on an island. i miss school, how big and exciting it was.” taylor was accustomed to the large metropolitan aspects of her home university. taylor found the assessment methods at her italian university to be outside of her comfort zone. “you need to write so many papers: papers really long and really specific. i prefer testing, which is why i found it harder…. i’d rather do tests; i chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   don’t like papers. it’s not my thing. it’s not my niche.” however, she wrote that the increased workload that she experienced at her host university allowed her to feel more accomplished academically, and prepared to face future academic challenges with ease. while she struggled with the format, taylor seemed able to learn more about her own academic attitudes and learning style. as graham ( ) reported that the motivation of african americans academically comes from a variety of factors, including perceived self-consistency (p. ), meaning that taylor did not have a previous standard for herself (self-consistency) when being assessed with essays instead of exams. however, she adapted, achieving good grades for her semester abroad. prior to being abroad, taylor stated she was looking forward to learning a new language, yet upon her arrival in italy, she “became lazy. i completely gave up on using italian when i went to stores because they never understood me anyway.” she stated she was unable to learn the language because her teacher had a style of complete immersion into the language that did not work for taylor. again, graham’s ( ) argument for african american educational motivation comes forward, as she found that black students often evaluate future success on current performance (p. ). in the case of taylor learning italian, she felt “daily humiliation” when she attempted to use her italian in public. she probably used that information to tell herself that it would continue like that, and that is when she gave up learning it. while taylor earned a respectable grade for her italian class in the end, she found her failure at speaking italian frustrating: “anytime i suffered it was because of the language barrier. i just couldn’t get my point across; i would try to say something in italian and it would be completely wrong.” this barrier stopped taylor from immersing into different aspects of italian life simply because those individuals were unreachable in her eyes. one of the aspects of her friendship with alessio allowed her to experience parts of italian life that many do not get to see. “that was the best part of it, being just submerged completely into italian culture. it was really intense and i really enjoyed it.” for taylor, this was just as much an education for her as anything she learned in her courses. yet her submersion was itself superficial, as she often stated herself that she could not communicate in italian, presenting again dual selves to me. while alessio may have been able to show her parts of italy she might not have normally seen, she was not able to immerse herself independently. belgrave and allison ( ) discussed the social aspects of learning in africentric thinking. for taylor, this aspect was an area with which she aligned: “education is chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   important but at the end of the day it’s how you live your life.” she did what her father had taught her to do and prioritised her learning and also her desire to travel with others and see europe. she got her assignments done so that she could explore, indicating her dedication to being a good student as graham ( ) indicated an already-motivated african american student would. oftentimes, black students must learn to balance these dual urges of being a good student academically and respecting the need to see beyond the scholastic. from being abroad, taylor found a way in which to strike that balance by working hard when she needed to and enjoying herself afterward. . professional advancement taylor obtained her first job when she was sixteen. her early job experiences revolved mostly around taylor earning enough money to purchase specific items (like an ipod or a laptop). she stated she quit several jobs because she did not like the people. the jobs allowed her the opportunity to fill up her summer. before going to university, taylor knew she did not want to graduate with any debt. she worked hard to ensure that she covered her finances so that she did not owe money to anyone upon obtaining her bachelor’s degree. this was a decision she made herself, stating she wanted to concentrate on herself after graduating. taylor’s practicality with her finances from her first jobs and funding her university education may stem from the struggle that her parents had in acquiring financial security. collins ( ) explained, “persistent racial discrimination means that black middle-class women and men are less economically secure than white middle-class individuals” (p. ). taylor’s parents had to work for professional advancement with a more limited education, and taylor’s thoughts about money could possibly be from seeing those efforts. she was clear that her parents never really talked to her about finances, but that she learned these aspects on her own and it was her decision not to take out loans to pay for school. even before her departure for italy, taylor noted that she spent her time preparing for her future by thinking about internships and the like that might help her career path. taylor stated that her desire by the time she is is to have a successful career, and to have started a family with a husband. she strongly felt before she studied abroad that she would live abroad, and even upon her return to her home institution she was very clear that she would return to europe, hopefully to work and live. “studying abroad made me realise that i really do want to get a job internationally.” as fry et al. ( ) and carlson et al. ( ) found, study abroad students are more likely to want and chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   to pursue internationally focused careers, and taylor seems to be no exception, talking about her desire to return to europe or try working in the far east. she noted that the idea of an international career does not faze her because she was able to navigate a study abroad experience. taylor’s reason for choosing venice was not only because of the beauty she had heard about the city, but the practical part of it being a city of commerce. with her reading for an economics degree, she appreciated that she could get hands-on experience in this commercial city. she found the decision to be in line with her long- term career goals. again, her parents’ practical approach to life and employment fueled by an entrepreneurial drive appears to have affected taylor’s decision-making process. before leaving for italy, taylor commented that her life is a journey and she does not have to possess all of the answers now. “i still have long way to go and there’re still a lot of roads i haven’t taken, but i plan on getting there the best way i know how.” her individualistic drive to excel and the opportunity to have fun along the way reveals a woman who can identify what she wants and the path that she would most like to take to get there. consider taylor’s professional advancement under the scope of fordham ( ) observation: “nurturing a black female for success – as defined by larger society – is far more disruptive of indigenous cultural conventions and practices than previously thought” (p. ). according to her, black women take on a mainstream white role and deny part of their black cultural identity. taylor’s reluctance to classify herself as black because she feels that “it shouldn’t matter” could indicate a black woman driven to obtain mainstream success, and feeling that to attain that success she cannot acknowledge her racial identity as being a part of who she is. . racial contribution when taylor reflected on her primary and secondary school experiences, she had a lot of memories from which to draw. because she moved around so much as a child, she saw the different kinds of schools offered within the same state, and often the racial differences among them. her schools were never really very diverse, being either very white or very black. when at one predominantly black school, she observed, “there were so many kids on my bus – kids had to sit on the aisle. three to a seat and we had to sit in the aisle and so -- that was mostly, ‘cause that’s how they do black kids. they don’t really give them enough buses.” taylor is able to see educational inequalities in the u.s. chapter . taylor: venice, italy 	
   	
   (which she denied during parts of her initial interview) with merely the transportation offered to get to and from school. however, taylor does not seem to consider how educating herself and excelling in her career might contribute to the black community. fordham ( ) claimed, “child- rearing practices of the parents and teachers of the high-achieving female unwittingly cremate these young african-american women’s efforts to flee the african-american community and, in the process, paradoxically, enhance their affiliation with the large american society” (p. ). taylor’s parents have always been focused on climbing the socioeconomic ladder. they went from being a lower-middle class family when taylor was small to being able to possibly purchase their children a second home to use. her father’s constant refrain of, “do what you gotta do now so you can do what you wanna do later,” has instilled a drive to succeed, even if that success is only personally. with her natural intelligence, she appears not only be following that mantra, but also linking more closely with mainstream white american society, as fordham ( ) suggested as a consequence. taylor’s experience in venice, according to her, helped her to better understand herself and her place in the world: “i feel more confident.” taylor never thought she would be able to visit europe, let alone live there, indicating an upward mobility in her socioeconomic class experience. while her experience abroad does appear to have helped enhance certain aspects of her gender and academic identities, repeated contradictions arose throughout her reporting on her experience and understanding of them. these contradictions might suggest an inability to self-reflect or articulate her feelings. taylor has been exposed to more of the world and showed a rudimentary appreciation of cultural difference; she is beginning a long process of discovering herself within the context of her and others’ culture, to which studying abroad may be the impetus. chapter x. tasha: tokyo, japan “ i'm a big black girl going to an asian country.” tasha is a multi-generation black american woman who lives outside a major city in the southern united states. she studied linguistics at a large urban research university miles from her hometown. a petite woman with a large build, tasha was twenty when she traveled abroad. tasha spent a year studying abroad in tokyo at sophia university. she evolved in how she understands herself in certain aspects of her self- concept, while she did not see a change in herself in other areas. however, it should be noted that due to scheduling, tasha’s repatriation interview occurred only a few weeks after her return from japan. she admitted, “i feel like i still may have a little bit of a japanese filter on right now.” thus the analysis in this chapter must take into account her limited time to reintegrate into u.s. society before reflecting on her experiences in japan. this chapter examines how her racial, gender, and academic identities developed during her time studying abroad in japan with that caveat. . race race appears to play only a minor part in how tasha understands herself. in this section, i explore the impact that studying in japan had on her racial identity in the context of her family, nationality, and friends. . race and family though her family is originally from the south, tasha was born and raised in new york city, spending most of her childhood there with her single mother, grace, as well as her grandparents, aunt, and cousin. she moved to the south with her mom when she started high school because her mother did not want her attending school in new york. moving around a lot as a child, extended family was an important part of tasha’s life. “my grandmother tries to emphasise the whole family unit.” as discussed with mia, the extended family can play an integral part in african american children’s lives (parham et al., ). tasha found that even when grace moved for a time to tennessee when tasha was about six, they relied on extended family (great uncles and distant cousins) to help them through it. she always had more than just her mother to help raise her and instill values in her. when she discussed growing up, tasha always mentioned these other family members in her childhood. in the black community, these collectivist chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   tendencies have allowed families to survive because others ensured that no one would be left alone and uncared for. tasha knows her father (who lives in a neighbouring state with his wife and their children), but is not close with him. “it’s kind of awkward and we’re both a bit scared of trying to connect.” grace was always honest about her father’s situation (he went to prison for a time when tasha was little), and never tried to keep them apart. tasha stated that she wished she had a better relationship with her father, “but i’ve learned life is never that easy and families are always made up of different types of people.” africentric theory suggests that families may not always be those with whom you share blood (scott & black, ; belgrave & allison, ); tasha had to learn to appreciate this fact because of the absence of her father from her childhood. interestingly, tasha’s travels to japan seemed to have an impact on her relationship with her father. she visited him and his family before her departure, which she found overwhelming because he has a large family and she had grown accustomed to a household with just her mother and her. she also began relying on him before she repatriated, with him agreeing to care for her dog for a time. currently, they are trying to build a relationship, and tasha stated upon returning, “i kind of wish i could talk to him more but i feel that it’s just awkward on both parts…. right now it’s just a horrible icky feeling.” her time in japan allowed her to see the importance of this relationship, but she also recognised that the type of relationship she wishes for them will take time to develop. tasha’s relationship with grace has always been one of love and respect: “she’s awesome; i love her. she tried her best to give me what i needed and what i wanted.” africentric researchers have identified that the profound relationship between black mothers and their daughters has allowed women to be empowered through the belief in their own self-worth (collins, , p. ). grace was no exception. having had tasha when she was just a teenager, grace worked hard to provide for her daughter, even forgoing some of her own dreams. tasha feels she was firmly raised in the middle class, knowing that she did not have the higher disposable income of the wealthy, but still not really wanting for anything. “i’m living great. we get to go shopping every other week. i have a car.” her experiences in japan did not shift her views on the socioeconomic aspect of her identity, as she did not have any experiences that exposed her to different ways of thinking about it. while collins ( ) described african american mothers as often being overprotective and strict, grace appeared to be the opposite. “she gave me freedom…. chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   i don’t take that for granted at all.” tasha appreciated the autonomy afforded to her, and was a well-behaved child because of it. belgrave and allison ( ) explained this good behaviour may manifest because a child identifies with her parents, and thus does not need to seek approval from disobedient friends much as vanessa also described how she never had a desire to rebel against her mother. belgrave and allison went on to state that black parents are more likely to underscore independence than white parents. for grace and tasha, the good conduct came from a relationship based on the trust grace gave her daughter through independence. tasha’s family (grace, grace’s boyfriend, grandparents, a great-uncle and great- aunt) came to visit her for a week in tokyo. this holiday brought into perspective the differences in familial relationships between the u.s. and japan: “me and my mom are kind of affectionate; we’re touchy-feely but i didn’t realise how much until she was in japan…. even to me because i would probably be used to this in america and i wouldn’t even think about it. but when i was on the train [in tokyo] i thought, “what is she doing [touching me]? you’re not supposed to do that.” in this vignette, we see not only the powerful relationship between a black woman and her daughter (shorter-gooden & washington, ; collins, ; belgrave & allison, ), but we also begin to see an evolution in tasha’s self-understanding about familial differences. she noted that in japan public displays of affection might be okay for a parent with a small child, but not for adult children. che et al. ( ) described how study abroad allows students to perceive their own and other’s culture more clearly. here, tasha can appreciate her cultural norms and those of her host country in this particular aspect. before her return to the states, tasha received the news that her mother had decided to move out of state. during her repatriation interview, tasha explained: “[my mom] wanted to give me space… she planned that by the time i came back she would be gone, because she knew i had been independent for a year and how awkward to be back with mom…. she needs to find herself… we’re both at that point where we need to find ourselves. so i’m doing it here while she’s doing it in [another state].” collins ( ) noted that black women want to instill in their daughters assertiveness and self-reliance. grace considered how best to do this given her daughter’s yearlong experience in tokyo, and knew the answer was to give tasha the freedom she had been giving her all of her life to make her own choices. gmelch ( ) stated that one of the biggest takeaways for abroad students is the feeling of self-reliance. tasha demonstrated chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   this feeling: “i feel like in certain situations i might react differently, probably better at more independent type situations because i had to do things, mostly by myself.” she felt that she gained the confidence to be independent because she had navigated her life in a foreign country for such a long time. and while her own understanding as a black woman might not be as apparent (as will be discussed later), grace’s influence and a year abroad gave tasha more insight into her place within the family unit and how she wants that to evolve into the future. . race and nationality tasha struggled somewhat in understanding how her nationality and her race fit into her self-concept. when asked how she defined herself culturally, tasha said she has always defined herself as american. yet when asked specifically about being u.s. american and what those values mean to her, tasha stated she did not know: “i just went with ‘american’ because that’s just the default, because i don't know anything else.” tasha knows that her national identity informs who she is, but she does not seem to reflect in what ways it has done so. she believed that being u.s. american is about “enjoying your life the best way you possibly can.” this enjoyment, according to her, differs among people because of the diverse make-up of the country’s population. tasha acknowledged the role that being u.s. american plays in her identity and how she views the world. in fact, she claimed one of the main reasons she looked forward to studying in japan was because, “it’s just looking at people not in america, just experiencing how they live their lives outside of a major city not in america.” she was ready to understand the world from a non-u.s. perspective, indicating her own open- mindedness toward differing viewpoints (carlson et al., ; mccormack, ; schroth & mccormack, ). tasha went to japan through a third-party study abroad provider, which supplied an in-depth orientation to ensure the students were well prepared for the new culture into which they were entering. “i was mindful of others while i was out in public which is basically what you do when you’re in japan.” while abroad she took as many opportunities as she could to experience japanese traditions, such as gathering with other people at a shinto temple on new year’s to pray for good blessings. through her extracurricular travels around asia (taiwan, south korea, and other parts of japan), she came to understand the differences and uniqueness of those cultures. all of these experiences helped tasha to realise her own u.s.-centric perspective was not necessarily chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   superior to these cultures. while in tokyo, certain parts of tasha’s u.s. identity came forward. like mia in florence, she and the other americans on the programme celebrated thanksgiving with their international friends because, “we couldn’t miss out on thanksgiving.” because the end-of-year holidays are ubiquitous in the united states, it is unsurprising that tasha and her friends felt their absence abroad. these holidays were obviously important to tasha because of her identification as a u.s. american, and their lack of presence in japanese everyday life. her identity as a u.s. american by her host country was also apparent. one episode that frustrated tasha occurred when she and some of her other non-japanese friends were stopped by police on a night out and were told to produce their papers. “at the time, it was shocking, embarrassing and insulting that they would stop us to check us without any warrant. something like that has never happened to me before in america, so i certainly didn’t expect it in japan.” graham ( ) wrote how these anti-american (or in this case, anti-foreigner) sentiments can hinder a person’s experience abroad: “those without a thick skin will not enjoy a true overseas experience, because they will be too self-conscious to gain cultural insights beyond the uninformed or negative comments” (p. ). this incident also showcases a new oppression which tasha had never personally experienced. her and her friends’ ages and appearance as foreign nationals shifted power out of their hands and into the police’s. additionally tasha’s experiences with the tokyo elderly left her annoyed: “they are pushy and grumpy and just all around rude. it’s like everyone else is just trying to be polite and i think they have this thing where they think because they are old, they can just do whatever they want and people should respect them.” luckily, tasha did not let these occurrences obstruct her ability to learn from her time abroad. reflecting on her host country, she commented, “japan is like any other country; it has groups of people with different personalities to shape the nation. it is unfair to say that japan acts one way or another. japan has different traits, whether good or bad.” even her ability to reflect on why the tokyo elderly were rude (respect for the elderly is an important japanese value) indicates that tasha can comprehend the cultural reasoning, even if she did not agree with the behaviour itself. like mia and vanessa, tasha has been able to appreciate the positive and negative aspects of her host country, neither romanticising nor denigrating it, indicating meaningful cultural adaptation (bennett & bennett, ). her own understanding of being u.s. american reveals only subtle shifts. when chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   asked in her repatriation interview what being u.s. american meant to her, she again stated she was not sure because she found the question hard, as she has either never really considered it or does not place her nationality high in her self-understanding. yet when asked if she had felt american at all while she was in japan, she immediately stated, “of course!” when asked why, she was able to talk about the differences in ideals and gave an excellent example of “with [americans] it’s get more for less; with [the japaense] it’s pay for only what you need.” she commented on how difficult it was for her to think that you might pay the same amount of money for different quantities of the same product; obtaining the best deal was a u.s. cultural value to her. so while she is able to see those distinctions, tasha had troubles vocalising them in terms of her own self- concept. africentric theory discusses the co-mingling of an african identity with a u.s. american one (parham et al., ). as mentioned, these identities might come into conflict with one another (du bois, ), or they may find a way to co-exist more amicably for an individual (pilkington, ). for tasha, her blackness does not appear to play a major conscious role in understanding herself, as she does not articulate her racial identity throughout the entire data collection period. when asked, she stated that she preferred the term black: “it just seems like african american seems like you’re trying to appease somebody…. i think ‘black’ works perfectly fine.” tasha reflected a bit on the use of the term negro as a racial identifier and its re-introduction into the u.s. census in . she noted that people from different generations often put different meanings onto words. yet when asked about what being black does mean to her, tasha repeatedly stated that she did not know. phoenix ( ) explained, “individuals will have a range of possible ways of describing themselves extending from group identities to more idiosyncratic senses of identity” (p. ). tasha does not seem to consider her race an imperative self-descriptor. yet tasha does realise that her race was a factor in how others identified her. she found herself drawn to anime (japanese animation) and japanese when she was in middle school. when the opportunity arose in high school to learn the language, she jumped at the chance. this interest, however, created a dynamic where tasha had to deal with other people’s assumptions about where her interests lay: “i took interest in things that people may not consider being black. i just had to grow up with [hearing], “well, that’s not what black people do. why do you listen to white people music and why are you interested in japan? black people don’t go to japan.” chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   her desire to take a non-traditional language could indicate her u.s. individualism or her own personality choices. people from all cultures have a tendency to stereotype (schneider, ; marsh, mendoza-denton, & smith, ). others placed tasha outside what was ‘normal’ for someone of her race: “people just started pointing out ways that i wasn’t black. and it raises the questions: are we looking at just the skin colour or are we looking at the culture of black people? are we going to have commonalities? how does one consider themselves black?” despite her ability to reflect on these issues, tasha herself had not really considered herself within this context. she did not verbalise if being black was more than just skin colour for her, or a mindset determined by that particular population. she knows she is black, but does not seem to consider what that means for her personally. when asked again during her repatriation interview, tasha again struggled with answering what being black meant to her. when she talked it out a bit, she decided that she related most to the more materialistic identifiers of blackness, such as music and hairstyles. her own inability to verbalise this part of her self-concept might be due to the tendency of caretakers to push black girls into more mainstream u.s. society and shun aspects of their black identity to ensure broader community success (fordham, ; swanson et al., ). however, this conclusion is difficult definitively to draw without further investigation into an area that tasha had trouble elucidating. the study abroad experience affects students differently depending on the individual (engle & engle, ). though tasha may not have come to a clearer understanding of how her race and nationality inform her self-concept, her time in japan did make her more self-reliant and confident. wetherell ( ) described how an individual’s personality can determine how that person identifies with a particular social group to which he or she belongs. tasha is someone who had not spent a lot of time considering her race and nationality in relation to her identity. she grasps that they play some role, but her personality has largely helped her understand herself. a large factor of that personality is the relationship she has built with friends, which the next section examines further. . race and friendship as a child, tasha had a difficult time making friends and did not enjoy elementary school. it was not until middle school that she felt she was able to connect with people on a friendship level. she described herself as being very reserved, which at chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   times hindered her making connections. but in high school, tasha found her core group of friends with whom she is still connected. “i don’t have a lot of friends but i know they’re really good…. it’s more about quality over quantity.” they are a very diverse group with backgrounds ranging from black, white, filipino, japanese, and indian. belgrave and allison ( ) described the importance of a black adolescent female’s peer group in helping her to develop her sense of self-worth and identity. for tasha, she had found a group of friends with whom she could relate and share common interests. she described her closeness with her circle of friends as being a bit creepy because of how easily they understand each other and finish one another’s thoughts. the relationships that tasha built with her friends are an integral aspect of her self-concept. even after two years at her university, tasha had not made new friends at college, but kept close to those friends from high school, despite them going to different schools. in japan, tasha connected mostly with the other students in her study abroad programme. “a few of my new friends are very sarcastic, humorous and witty, which i love to see in people as it shows intelligence and quick thinking.” while they did go out into some of tokyo’s more famous neighbourhoods for clubbing and meals, she reported that they also spent a lot of time in their residence hall simply talking. while tasha stated she did not make as many japanese friends as she thought she would, she reflected in her field notes on something she had said during her initial interview: “but maybe it doesn’t matter how many japanese friends i have. perhaps it’s quality over quantity?” she also found that she had to adapt to new ways of mingling: “japan is very serious about social gatherings and usually it involves a large amount of alcohol, so i’ve found myself attending many nomihodai (all-you-can-drink) parties.” for the japanese, drinking was about socialising, whereas for tasha and her other u.s. american friends, it was about getting drunk. when asked if these two ever came into conflict, tasha explained that some adaptation occurred on both sides. “the japanese would probably drink a little faster while we drink a little slower because we are socialising with the socialising people while they are drinking to get on our level.” this simultaneous adaptation is what bhabha ( ) called the ‘third space’ in which two different cultures create a new ‘culture’ where they can meet and relate to one another. the reciprocal shift of drinking patterns during the nomihodai shows tasha’s and her friends’ ability to generate a third space for better intercultural relations in the context of relationship building. chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   if anything, tasha noticed how being in a foreign environment made her become more outgoing in order to make connections with others. joining an exchange student club and the university’s baseball team in her second term allowed her to interact with japanese students in structured activities. here she discovered that the best way to engage her japanese acquaintances was to practice effective listening, as they appreciated her effort to engage in the conversation even if she was not fluent in the language. by thrusting herself into situations that in the united states would have made her uncomfortable, tasha discovered new parts of herself; she was able to be outgoing and connect with people beyond her immediate circle of friends back home. upon her return to the u.s., tasha initially found her interactions with her old friends awkward. she admitted, “honestly in my mind i was comparing the two.” those friends who had seen her through adolescence suddenly seemed different to her, because she knew her own perspective had shifted and affected her interactions with them, while they expected her to be the way she had been before spending a year in japan. she was hesitant to share her experiences abroad, because “i didn’t want to bombard them with [my stories],” but instead wanted to listen to their stories and concerns. tasha said, “i guess i’m reintroducing myself to my friends again.” due to the short timeframe that tasha had been home when discussing her friendships, this initial disorientation seems understandable. tasha knew her time abroad had changed her, but was still figuring out who that was, and how that related to her friendships. tasha never seriously dated, usually only talking casually with men she might be interested in. she reflected in her initial interview, “i think i have sort of a fear of commitment to men, only because of the type of men that i’ve seen in my life.” with an absent father and her mother’s boyfriend not committing to marriage, tasha admitted to being scared to exposing herself to that type of vulnerability. just six weeks before her return to the united states, tasha reported that she had fallen in love. “there is a (japanese) guy that lives in the dorm that i’ve grown very attached to. he has become honestly, one of the best friends that i have ever had, and i began to really like him. i told him just recently how i felt, but in the end we decided to remain friends. it was awkward at first, but now, we’ve gone back to feeling comfortable with each other again. i say that this is memorable because, since i have entered adulthood, i have never felt any romantic feelings towards anyone before. so for it to happen while i was away studying abroad seems like a thing i will remember forever. i now cherish every limited moment i have with him.” when discussing him during her repatriation interview, she described how she was able chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   to connect with him because he too grew up with a single mother. because that circumstance (of single motherhood) is rarer in japan, she felt a bond with him she had not experienced before. the changes in tasha’s understanding of her identity appears to have shifted due to her experiencing different manifestations of friendship and relationships while studying abroad. seeing new ways of relating to others while abroad allowed her to appreciate how she makes her own connections with those around her. . gender tasha’s understanding of her gender changed minimally during her time abroad. prior to studying abroad she had not considered how her gender informed her identity, and even after her repatriation she struggled with expressing her identity as a woman. as mentioned, shorter-gooden and washington ( ) discussed how black women often tie their black identity with their female identity, but tasha strained to articulate both of these parts of her self-concept, which does not mean they were not present. seeing another culture’s beliefs about gender differences did help her to somewhat appreciate her own gender identity, including in the context of sexualised images, physical appearance, and hair. . sexualised images when asked what being female meant to her, tasha stated she did not know: “i feel like i should have an answer to it but i guess some questions just don’t have any answer.” when asked the same question during her repatriation interview, she stated she did not know. like with race, she felt that reflection on such matters required too much to be considered, whether personality, behaviours, or cultural norms. yet, even when asked for her personal definition, she could not answer. tasha struggled with self- reflection and expressing how gender plays a role in her identity. however, tasha was able to reflect on how cultural differences can impact her own future. tasha stated that she was disappointed in some of japan’s views on women, particularly in business. she noted in her repatriation interview: “women aren’t expected to have a high position in the company only because they are expected to quit after maybe or so, to raise children and stuff. and [the companies’] idea is why invest in this person if she’s going to become a housewife. so it makes women not even want to try and have a high position.” chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   she observed the norms in japan toward career-oriented businesswomen and found the positioning of women by japanese culture makes it difficult to excel professionally. (i examine this impact on tasha’s professional development later in the chapter.) to tasha, women are sexualised in terms of their ability to bear children, and she was able to appreciate how these intersections of gender and nationality manifest in relation to power structures in japan as compared to the united states. harris-perry ( ) noted, “black women are no longer enslaved, and they enjoy the constitutional assurance of full citizenship. centuries of struggle, sacrifice, and achievement have altered basic economic, political, and social realities for black women in vast and meaningful ways” (p. ). while gender equality in the business context is still disproportionate in the united states, tasha observed an even greater inequality in japan. beyond the stares (whether covert or overt), tasha did not experience any stereotypes from being a black woman. this might be attributed to the japanese penchant of being mindful of others’ space. it might also be from tasha’s difficulty in reflecting about her gender in relation to her identity or the interactions she shared with others regarding this issue. . physical appearance tasha is a heavy-set woman with darker skin than the other research participants and a broad face. the pressures that black women feel from white women can be daunting to contend with. as quoted earlier, “african-american women are compelled to consume the universalized images of white american women, including body image, linguistic patterns, style of interacting, and so forth” (firth, , p. ). tasha responded when asked how she felt about herself physically: “i could use some improvements. i’ve always been a heavier-set-kind-of girl…. i still get kind of depressed when i look at myself in the mirror at times. especially with my friends; i think they’re so pretty and gorgeous, and i am just there.” tasha stated that at times she does feel sexy, but being teased throughout school made her insecure about the size of her body, especially in high school when she developed large breasts which became a target for ridicule. trepagnier ( ) explained, “very few women can satisfy the requirements of ‘beauty’ perpetrated in western societies; however, since the standard of beauty portrayed in the mass media designates whiteness, black women are presumably at a disadvantage” (p. ). tasha appeared to internalise these messages of beauty, as she struggled with finding self-acceptance of her body while chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   comparing her appearance to that of her white and asian friends. the power that others, whether bullies or media imaging, control over how she understands herself are intense. having been to japan once before during high school, tasha knew that her appearance would be a point of interest for her host country. “i’m just so completely different from everyone else that’s going to be around me.” she knew beforehand that stares and comments would be standard. after a month in japan, she found this presumption to be true: “i’ve often seen people staring at me, both with side-glances and full-blown staring.” tasha found this attention off-putting, as she reported, “i usually just want to remain another face in the crowd, but in japan, it is much harder to do so.” after a few weeks, tasha started to adjust to the constant scrutiny as she realised (like vanessa and taylor did) that most of them were not negative but simply curious, and she cannot do anything about it. tasha reported that she felt most at home in japan when she was at her university because she did not get the stares there, as there are so many foreign nationals attending sophia that she was not a point of interest. upon returning to the states, tasha said she felt “plain” again, since she no longer stood out in a crowd. she commented how odd it was to see so many faces like hers and how while in japan she had created a way of understanding herself in relation to others. schlenker ( ) described how everyone creates social identities to define their interactions with others. for african americans this might mean restructuring one’s identity in regards to the social circumstances (mama, ; belgrave & allison, ). tasha had to shift her identity in japan to one where she had to cope with being conspicuous and the reactions she would garner from that; while in the united states she could again meld into the crowd and thus her identity was not as defined by her skin colour. a physical change also occurred during tasha’s year abroad that affected how she understood herself in regards to her physical appearance. she lost twenty pounds (over kilograms) when she and some of her dorm mates started insanity, an intense home workout. tasha said that the weight loss added to her confidence in interacting with others. with the intense scrutiny of the japanese on her and her own corporeal evolution, studying abroad allowed tasha to understand how she relates her physical appearance to her identity. while she still might hold more westernised views of beauty, she found how she can best incorporate her beliefs about appearance into her self- concept because of the curiosity she received while abroad. chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   . hair tasha has a tumultuous relationship with her hair. “i hate [my hair]…. i just feel like i have the worst hair ever…. it’s such an effort to try to take care of it and it’s so expensive.” she indicated to a white friend once that she wished she could have her hair, which was long and flowing. banks ( ) indicated that these feelings are quite common among some black women, explaining that hair is often tied into self-esteem. she went on to explain that some black women may experience self-hatred because they have internalised eurocentric ideals of what beauty is and not africentric ideals of beauty. that tasha declared that she hated her hair indicates the power that it (and white cultural norms) holds over her. tasha started perming her hair when she was twelve. for a while she had braiding done but that became cost-prohibitive and she returned to perming. as noted earlier, banks ( ) remarked on black women conforming to white norms to gain social reward. for tasha, this norm meant more westernised hairstyles. she never considered wearing it natural because she said she did not like how it looked; she found it personally unattractive and thus felt others would find it unattractive. hair in the black community is a way of making both personal and social statements (cooper, ; synott, ; firth, ). perms and braids were tasha’s way of portraying herself in the best physical light where her hair was concerned. when tasha first learned that she would be studying abroad, one of her main concerns was figuring out how she would maintain her hair. because of the expense of styling in japan, she decided that she would braid it before departure so that it would last her a few months, and then perm it herself afterward for the remainder of her year abroad. while abroad, tasha’s braids were a novelty for the japanese: “i looked more exotic as opposed to all my white friends.” people would come up and ask to touch them, which banks ( ) reported as being common when black women cross borders where their hair becomes a curiosity. tasha said she found the attention off-putting at first but knew she had no choice but to adapt. interestingly, after tasha changed her braids to a perm, the interest diminished, as the japanese were more accustomed to it. tasha also preferred the perm more; she felt more able to integrate as the style did not call as much attention to her as her braids did. our personal control over our hair and how we choose to display it can be a telling marker of how we understand ourselves and how we wish others to perceive us. firth ( ) explained that people use their hair as an indicator of their self-understanding of chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   their role in a society at any given time. tasha wanted to be just another face in the crowd. her uneasiness with her natural hair made its maintenance in japan not just about expense, but also the attention it drew to her because of its uniqueness. she took the cues from how society treated her to find her own comfort levels with her hair. upon repatriation, tasha admitted to feeling further like an outsider because of her hair. hair has complex meaning for black women, and tasha’s self-esteem was already fragile from being under scrutiny because of her skin colour. synott ( ) explained, “hair is perhaps our most powerful symbol of individual and group identity powerful first because it is physical and therefore extremely personal, and second because, although personal, it is also public rather than private” (p. ). tasha’s hair was an aspect that she could control, whereas she could not with her colouring. by taking on a more mainstream style, tasha felt empowered about the (nonverbal) dialogue she created with her hair, making a personal and public statement about how she wanted to be viewed as a woman of colour, which was not as an anomaly to be gawked at by strangers. her time in japan reinforced her belief that her hair has a certain declaration to make about how she perceives herself and how she would like others to perceive her. . academic achievement african americans value academic achievement through personal, racial, and professional advancement as well as wider contribution to the african american community (perry, ). this section examines tasha’s academic progress through these particular aspects, and how her experiences in japan affected her self-concept in these areas. . personal advancement ever since she was a child, tasha loved learning. “i like to question things. i’m not satisfied with just one answer because it’s never that easy.” although she did not particularly like the work required of school she enjoyed going to school and questioning things. tasha stated that her family never really pressured her to do well in school. “i made the connection early on in life that if i do good, i get stuff. so that was a bit of my motivation for a while, until i actually started liking doing well.” this statement indicates that while she might not have felt pressure from her mother and grandparents, they did influence her scholastic achieveement with rewards like money and gifts. black families do put a high value on education (lewis, ; collins, ; fordham, ; perry, chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   ; freeman, ), and tasha’s family took an approach of incentives when she did well to reinforce this value. the one time she received a lower grade for an arabic class at university, tasha relayed that she was extremely distraught. by that point, her intrinsic motivation became a bigger drive for her than any academic values her family might force on her (parham et al, ). “i already know it in my head [that i need to excel academically]. there’s no need for them to pressure me.” she did not struggle with the eurocentricity of academic work hypothesised by africentric theorists (fordham and ogbu; , harris & nettles, ; delpit, ; steele & aronson, ; ogbu, ; nieto, ; steele, ; perry, ). this may be due to her lack of awareness of her black identity’s influence on her overall self-concept. however, as mentioned earlier, tasha’s mother was a teenager when tasha was born. grace did not get to pursue the dreams she wanted, but instead looked to obtain training that allowed her to provide for her young child. tasha said that because of her mom feeling that she missed out on her chances, the refrain tasha heard growing up was, “you can do whatever you want to do as long as you apply yourself to it.” hard work would allow tasha to reap benefits, whether financial or personal. according to thomas and quinn ( ), grace’s lack of higher education statistically worked against tasha attending university. and while tasha’s mother told her that she did not have to attend university, tasha knew that college was a part of her education. “it just seemed natural. once i finished high school, i’d go into college.” when asked why, tasha said, “i was just hoping it would help figure out what my goals would be in the future.” she felt that with her love of learning, university would give her the opportunity to explore her interests and then decide on future goals. collins ( ) explained that black daughters are often taught they must learn self-sufficiency (particularly through academics) in order to excel in their lives. while tasha may have been told that university was not expected, she had figured that for her this route was the best for her self-sufficiency, perhaps from seeing grace’s struggles. tasha reported that her main challenge was finding an area in which she truly excelled instead of settling for mediocrity in another area. when she discovered her knack for learning languages, tasha decided to read for a degree in linguistics. studying abroad in japan seemed a natural choice for her because she realised her learning style would benefit from immersion in the country. “[i will] get experience for what i’m trying to do. i felt the first time i went to japan, i picked up on the japanese a lot easier than i did just sitting in the classroom and learning it.” as mentioned, knowledge acquisition chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   from the africentric perspective is not merely about learning facts, but being able to put the information within social contexts (belgrave & allison, ). additionally, collins ( ) defined aggressive measures as essential for self-empowerment among black women. tasha decided to push herself academically (and immersion was a novel avenue for her), because she saw the edge that a broader knowledge of japan in context will give her. one of her biggest hopes while in japan was becoming more confident in her use of the language. however, she struggled with her confidence while abroad: “socially, i get uncomfortable talking to people in japanese. it is probably the only way for me to become better at the language, but i am constantly doubting my capabilities and conscious of making mistakes.” these instances were made more difficult when japanese people would presume she did not speak the language: “it brings back the fact that here, i am a gaijin [a foreigner].” however, tasha became adept at finding patterns in conversation and using those patterns to increase her confidence. parham ( ) discussed how africentric theory suggests that for african people, language is more about the spoken word than the written, and the interactions that occur between the speaker and the listener. tasha used her ability to find information in new ways to succeed in her contact with her host nationals. while some might have felt disempowered by host nationals’ insistence on speaking english to them, tasha chose to conquer the presumption about her inability to speak japanese because of her nationality. while in japan, tasha attended sophia university, allowing her to take classes conducted in english. she noted that because of the large number of exchange students at the university, she and other study abroad students did not feel outnumbered by japanese students. this backdrop allowed her a certain amount of comfort in the education setting, as other foreigners surrounded her. tasha, however, did have difficulty adjusting to the teaching style in japan: “the japanese academic system has not been my favorite method of learning…. i undoubtedly think this has been my hardest semester ever only because of the extreme difference in the method of teaching. with classes back home, i felt i interacted, even in larger classes. in [these] classes, that is not the case.” as noted earlier, tasha knows that she is a critical learner who loves to question information and discuss the various perspectives about a topic. with japan’s emphasis on rote learning, like vanessa in korea, tasha felt challenged in a different way intellectually. she found herself rarely talking during her classes, and she was unable to take many of chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   the courses she wanted, and thus ended up in classes that did not engage her. “it made me just not really want to go to school.” when reflecting on her academic experience after repatriating, tasha reiterated, “i hated it but i sort of had to get used to it because that was the only way i was going to get credit for it.” she found sophia to be at times archaic with chalkboards, wooden benches, and a lack of air conditioning. she stated, “[they] need to catch up with the rest of the world. i felt they were so far behind, and not education-wise, just the method; they are behind.” tasha struggled with embracing a different style of teaching and learning. she liked being able to explore ideas through conversation, a very africentric ideal for learning (parham et al., ), which was not encouraged in her japanese classrooms. tasha adapted to ensure she could succeeded academically, but like vanessa, she was unable to appreciate the teaching methods used at sophia because they did not coincide with her own learning styles. overall, tasha’s academic experience in japan allowed her to advance personally in regards to more practical and interpersonal knowledge. she did not have a great university experience at sophia, but she gained the ability to navigate different situations and different contexts. as parham et al. ( ) explained, education is not just about the academics, but also the personal transformation on intrapersonal and interpersonal levels. because she immersed herself in an alien culture, tasha acquired skills that may have taken her longer to develop had she never studied abroad. . professional advancement according to fordham ( ) and collins ( ), black women must often strive harder to reach the same levels of professional success as other groups. for tasha, she has taken a more relaxed view about her professional development compared to some of the other research participants. grace always told her that as long as she was in school, tasha did not have to worry about getting a job. so tasha spent high school spending time with her friends at each other’s homes or the local mall; her mother provided her with a car and paid her bills. she did not need to worry about money. tasha did not obtain her first job until she was a sophomore at university, working as a research assistant for an economics professor. when asked why she sought this particular work, tasha stated that it was a job. she enjoyed the people with whom she worked, but it was not a position to offer her any career development. when tasha returned from japan, she was not able to return directly to her university, because her chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   transcripts from japan had not yet been submitted, making her unable to register for classes. she stated she was looking for work in an office somewhere to fill her hours and bring a paycheck home, since she was no longer living with her mother. her independence abroad contributed to her feeling she could now be the self-sufficient woman her mother had encouraged (collins, ). before her year in japan, tasha asserted that with her degree in linguistics she hoped to perhaps work as a translator in the u.s. state department. with her ability to pick up languages and her interest in different cultures, she figured this ambition fit with her talents. however, upon her repatriation, she reported, “i started doubting myself after a while.” she still wanted to obtain a masters in linguistics and work with languages, but she felt she had limited herself by only considering one career. “you have this idea in mind but your one true calling – you’re pushing it aside because you still focused on one thing.” meeting people in japan opened her to other possibilities, including a conversation with someone who translates video games. she decided, “maybe i should just experiment to see what makes me the most happy.” freeman ( ) suggested, “[african americans] have generally voiced more interest in making money and bettering their position in society than in a particular occupation” (p. ). while tasha clearly has ambitions to be financially secure, she also indicated that she wants to enjoy the work she does. she is not scared of trying a job and if she does not like it (even if it pays well) moving to something that would capture her attention more. her mother’s and grandparents’ insistence that she could do whatever she wants but that she would have to work hard for it has enabled her keep open minded about her future. as mentioned earlier, tasha had hoped that attending university would help her define her goals. her experience abroad became an important component of that; interacting with people in japan told to her that she did not have to follow one set path. two parts of her identity, her familial influence and an open mind, allowed her to see different professional opportunities that will hopefully lead to her “one true calling.” . racial contribution as mentioned before, contributing to the black community is often a part of an african american’s education (noble, ; belgrave et al., ) and can have an impact on an individual’s self-concept. however, for tasha, her understanding of how her education could have an impact on the wider black community is negligible. this may be due to the tendency of parents and teachers to push black females to high chapter . tasha: tokyo, japan 	
   	
   achievement, which pushes them away from the african american community and more into the larger american society (fordham & ogbu, ; scott-jones & clark, ; fordham, ; fordham, ; evans-winters, ). tasha received the message from her mother and grandparents to work hard to get what you want, and she figured out that meant applying herself academically. yet while she might not be consciously aware of how her academic excellence benefits the rest of the black community, it does not mean that it will not. she benefits the entire u.s. (and global) community with the contributions she will make, but she also is taken to represent her race, even if unknowing or unwilling. collins ( ) explained: “by persisting in the journey toward self-definition… we are changed. when linked to group action, our individual struggles gain a new meaning. because our actions as individuals change the world from one in which we merely exist to one over which we have control, they enable us to see everyday life as being in process and therefore amenable to change” (p. ). tasha has a specific voice within her community. she is a black woman who enjoys asian cultures, different languages, and has certain views on religion, politics, and seeing the world. like vanessa, tasha is breaking moulds before considered insurmountable. and while electing to study abroad might indicate more individualism, her achievements and discourses benefit other black people even if she cannot see that advantage. collins ( ) noted, “based on their personal histories, individuals experience and resist domination differently. each individual has a unique and continually evolving personal biography made up of concrete experiences, values, motivations, and emotions” (p. ). this chapter examined tasha’s unique understanding of herself and her experiences. while she appears to lack or does not wish to express some self-reflection, particularly in regards to her race and gender and their intersection, tasha does show growth in her self-understanding, particularly in the areas of her relationships, nationality, and academic achievement. her sojourn in japan allowed her to gain confidence in her decision-making and her ability to connect with others. chapter xi. rhonda: paris, france “i'm happily overwhelmed.” rhonda is a first-generation nigerian american woman from a major city in the northeastern united states. she read for a degree in french at an ivy league university about an hour from her hometown. twenty years old at the time she went abroad, rhonda is a petite woman who wears glasses. rhonda is a very self-aware woman who used the opportunity to study abroad as a chance to better understand herself. the academic year that rhonda spent in france at université paris x nanterre and université paris st denis allowed for an evolution of her understanding of her self-concept. in this chapter i explore how her racial, gender, and academic identities evolved from her time as a student in france. . race rhonda’s understanding of her race has experienced an evolution over time. while a teenager she thought of herself as nigerian american, upon entering university she began to catergorise herself as black, and later decided to not label herself at all in relation to her race or ethnicity. however, as this section shows, rhonda’s racial background does impact her identity, and she recognises that influence. by examining rhonda’s understanding of her race in relation to her family, nationality, spirituality, and friendships, i consider what sway study abroad had on these areas of her self-concept. . race and family rhonda is a first-generation u.s. american who has spent the majority of her life in a large u.s. city in the northeast. her parents, originally from nigeria, immigrated to united states with her older brother in the late s. she and her younger brother were born in the city where she grew up. when her parents divorced when she was eight, rhonda stated in her initial interview that she experienced a shift in herself: “it is strange because i think i was not shy until after my parents divorced. i think my personality changed a lot after that.” as she worked to process the shift in her family dynamics (with her father living hundreds of miles away), she had to navigate a new home and school situation. rhonda’s father is a doctor, and her mother a nurse, and she described both as being very generous and reserved, which she thinks is why they both have careers chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   helping others. rhonda has an acute awareness of how her parents helped to shape her educational experience. when asked what the best thing was about her parents she immediately responded, “they both are very smart and they both emphasise education a lot, which helped us.” she sees the gift that this emphasis has done for her brothers and her. her older brother works in finance, her younger brother attends a prestigious university, and she herself attends one of the top ivy league schools. as the literature has previously demonstrated (fordham, ; perry, ), the african american community’s stress on academic achievement has been foundational in africentric theory. i shall examine this aspect of rhonda’s self-concept later in this chapter. yet despite the seemingly inevitable monetary success for rhonda and her brothers given their educations and career, rhonda indicated that her parents instilled in her the value to follow her passions that make her happy, and not what society might want her to do. additionally, rhonda’s mother told her that rhonda needed to keep the collective in mind: “you have to give back so you have to help people. it can’t just be all about you.” belgrave and allison ( ) noted this importance of the community in one’s vocation. rhonda’s parents have embedded in their children to be passionate about their purposeful work, and realise that the work they do should in some way give back to the larger community. for this reason, collins ( ) noted that black daughters are taught the importance of education (as rhonda was) not only so that they can support themselves, but so that they can also shoulder the responsibilities of caring for others, within the family and the larger community. rhonda’s ivy league education is not only for her betterment, but also for her family and for those whom she will help through her career. with the polygamous culture of some religious groups in nigeria, rhonda has an extensive network of aunts, uncles, and cousins, spread across the united states, the united kingdom, and nigeria. however, aside from one or two uncles, rhonda stated prior to departing for france that she was not particularly close with any of them. interestingly, she did note that this extended family is one that she planned to take advantage of while in paris. in fact, when her father and stepmother came to visit, they traveled around europe visiting some of rhonda’s extended family in england and germany: “i never realized how cosmopolitan my family was until this trip…. family has taken on a different meaning for me, because i’ve been living with a french family for a couple of months now, and recently i’ve met more members of my blood family that i haven’t seen before. i feel like i have family all over europe now!” chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   rhonda’s concept of family expanded as she realised that her extended family could offer support networks that she had not previously utilised. her nuclear family, though fragmented by divorce, had been her foundation growing up. parham et al. ( ) had commented on these shifts of understanding one’s family. while in paris, rhonda realised that her life course will hopefully include work in europe, and she has people there with whom she can find the support she always found with her nuclear family (scott & black, ; belgrave & allison, ). rhonda’s relationship with her mother has followed traditional africentric and black feminist theory, stating, “i’m closer to my mom than i like to say but we are very close.” her mother provided her care, love, and guidance while trying to shield rhonda and her brothers from some of the harsher truths of the world. indeed, rhonda noticed that her family has been incapable of seeing her as an adult, as she is the one girl in the family. their protectiveness included strict curfews and rules to follow, which she attributed to her nigerian background: “young people are treated differently. [parents] have you grow up slower.” rhonda stated she and her brothers struggled with this: “my mom wants to treat us like that and it’s hard for us because we’re in this [u.s.] environment where everything happens so fast.” these conflicting mindsets also create an interesting intersection of rhonda’s citizenship and her status as a first-generation u.s. american. balancing the nigerian mindset with the u.s. one at times frustrated rhonda, but she realised these frustrations are almost universal among first-generation children of african immigrants. yet this protective tendency is not limited to african immigrant parents. collins ( ) explained, “u.s. black mothers are often described as strong disciplinarians and overly protective; yet these same women manage to raise daughters who are self-reliant and assertive” (p. ). black mothers often feel the need to provide firm structure for their children to give them a clear path to success, usually through education and personal growth. while this structure often helps build the self-reliant assertive adults that black mothers want, the shielding can have some setbacks for personal growth. in paris, rhonda did a home-stay instead of doing university or private accommodation. rhonda initially reported to me that the first family with whom she lived for three months was not living up to the contract agreed upon, and after talking with her study abroad programme it was agreed that she should move to another home- stay. her second family was the polar opposite in providing more than they needed to and making rhonda feel welcome and comfortable: “they are always concerned about chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   me in ways that i never felt at my former host stay.” she attributed this to their african caribbean background. however, upon repatriation, rhonda revealed that the host father in her second family had behaved inappropriately toward rhonda, making suggestive comments and often making physical contact which made her uncomfortable. she did not make any fuss about it at first, because she said she was not sure if it was a cultural norm in france for someone to behave like that. she commented: “i’ve been sheltered. i mean here we’re so sheltered. you don’t know that there are people out there like this. it’s unfortunate that this happened to me, but it wasn’t so traumatic…. i do understand that i can’t just think that everyone’s gonna be nice… or that i should just trust them.” rhonda understood that because of the careful protection of her parents and even of her university, she had never really considered darker sides to human beings. she said that after the distance of time, she did not feel the need to seek any professional help about the matter, even though some friends and family had suggested it to her. however, rhonda stated that she was able to process the experience with the help of those close to her and time to reflect. “i don’t know if i have a distrust of older men because of it…. i didn’t know there were people out there like that.” the nigerian protectiveness of children had allowed rhonda to grow intellectually, spiritually, and personally. however, because of that protectiveness, she was never exposed to people with less than honourable intentions until she had this occurrence in paris. rhonda commented that she hoped the experience allows her to better understand others and their motives. while this might not seem like an evolution in self-understanding, but more understanding of others, the underlying oppressions within this situation afforded rhonda an opportunity to reflect on who she is within the context of her race and gender, which i examine in section of this chapter. overall rhonda’s experience in france shifted how she functioned within the family. her mother acknowledged pride that rhonda was able to independently navigate through her entire year abroad. yet mostly rhonda was better able to understand herself within her family: “i see family differently.” she stated that she functions as part of a whole and that everyone impacts on another, for good or ill. being far away from her nuclear family, connecting with extended family in europe, having host families that challenged her in new ways, she had to readjust her understanding of how families can function, and she within them. with collective africentric thinking, rhonda saw the interconnectedness that parham et al. ( ) and belgrave and allison ( ) stated lay the foundation of black families. chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   . race and nationality rhonda’s understanding of her race and nationality has been evolving since her adolescence. in her pre-departure interview, when asked how she would describe herself culturally she stated, “i have no idea.” she went on to describe an evolution of her cultural self-understanding from nigerian american to black american to simply american. she explained: “i realised that i didn’t really have to say i’m a black american. i can just say that i’m an american…. when you’re identified as black, you expect people to treat you slightly differently (whatever that means), but you just expect to stick out because you identify as someone that sticks out.” yet rhonda, unlike taylor or tasha, also recognises that no matter how she might label herself within the context of her race and nationality, her race and her ethnic background as a first-generation nigerian american have greatly affected her self-concept. it is difficult to decipher whether these participants all aspire to resist discourses of prejudice associated with african american culture, or whether some may struggle to articulate that part of their identity. rhonda has spent a lot of time reflecting on the complexity of all of these interactive parts of her identity. “i don’t know if the way i act – i can’t really say if it’s because of my nigerian upbringing or because of my american environment. i can’t really pull the parts distinctly.” her various identities mirror aspects of du bois’s ( ) double consciousness discussed earlier. rhonda indicated understanding that she straddles two worlds that do not necessarily coincide with one another, but they both play an integral part in who she is. while she feels that african american culture gives people a rich history from which to draw, whether through music or the strength gained from slavery, the mainstream power paradigm of the united states has created two problems: ) the co- option, diffusion, and commercialisation of african american innovations (e.g. break- dancing, music like jazz and rock-and-roll), and ) the treatment of black people by mainstream u.s. culture through disenfranchisement: “they don’t have a culture to draw from because they feel like they can’t claim a part of africa for themselves but then it’s hard to claim the united states for yourself when the united states treats you the way it treats black people.” for rhonda, understanding the disempowerment from different perspectives is essential to overcoming it. chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   she stated in her initial interview, “people [have] an obviously subconscious association of blackness and this concept of blackness.” her motive behind identifying as simply american is that she did not want to give people a reason to pigeonhole her into a set of preconceived expectations. “[we] have a lot of stereotypes to deal with… and you have to deal with these psychological effects of assuming that you’re going to be discriminated [against] because a lot of times people aren’t discriminating against you but you come in feeling like you’re going to be treated differently, so you kind of are treated differently because you already have this shield up.” for her, taking away the label allowed her to get rid of those expectations for herself, and thus others could follow suit, which ties back to my earlier comment that perhaps rhonda seeks to remove herself from the prejudicial discourse. “people have preconceived notions about… how black people will act. if you just act like yourself then people can’t generalise.” rhonda said, prior to her departure for france, that she made the conscious decision to “put the black aside for a year” and just label herself as american. she also considered how being abroad might affect her views on race in the united states: “if you are outside america and you are in the place where your race doesn’t matter, then you have to kind of identify with something else -- because you don’t really have to fight that fight anymore.” and interestingly rhonda discovered while in france that defending her race would not be a focus for her, instead it would be defending her nation. her position as a u.s. american in paris was a constant reminder to rhonda as an outsider, as “people like[d] to generously give me their opinions about [u.s. americans].” she found that often parisians delighted in telling her how they found americans “arrogant, impolite, loud, etc. etc.” while her host mother attributed this to the u.s. being a powerful country, and thus people having an opinion about it, rhonda interpreted it differently: “i feel like people are trying to prove some sort of moral superiority over american culture [to make themselves feel better], and they need to express it to me because i’m american…. i must have ‘america is perfect!!!!’ written on my forehead.” during her repatriation interview, rhonda continued to express exasperation over this aspect of her abroad experience, “i didn’t come to france for that – to defend my country or defend myself.” graham ( ) noted: “the tendency to put down americans very casually, to their faces, is not uncommon. much of this tendency has to do with perceiving the united chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   states and americans in a different category altogether when we would prefer to be seen as normal” (p. ). rhonda had to navigate these unexpected and unsolicited attacks on her country. despite knowing of the united states’s many shortcomings, she found herself angry. suddenly rhonda faced a new power paradigm where her national identity allowed her host nationals to criticise her country. dolby ( ) noted that these internal responses are common for study abroad students, as they must negotiate their u.s. american identity within the context of another culture’s perceptions of it. for rhonda, this negotiation occurred when people would tell her specifically what was wrong with her country, and her almost visceral response to those comments. for black students in particular these perceptions might have even more far-reaching implications as their race becomes negligible (martinez et al., ). upon repatriation, rhonda reflected, “america makes you think of yourself in a certain way, and then when you go to another country, that country makes you think of yourself in a certain way.” the french people with whom she interacted had preconceptions of who rhonda was based on her nationality and race. she therefore had to understand that aspect of her self-concept from a new perspective, which cushner & karim ( ) labeled as role shock. the identity that others assign to us can have just as much impact on how we understand ourselves (sen, ), as rhonda discovered. the divisions in french society along racial and cultural lines also became apparent to rhonda during her time in paris: “i feel like it’s harder to be different in french society than in american society. in american society, at least we have a dialogue. black american history starts with the birth of the united states, so the fight to be accepted already is so old, that we’ve achieved a lot, to this day. in french society, immigrants from former african and asian colonies started to come in the s, so the presence of people of different races and religions is still quite new. and consequently, there’s no dialogue – french society claims ‘equality’ as its founding tradition, much as the u.s. lays claim to ‘liberty.’ but french society is not equal, and instead of equally recognizing everyone’s differences, it seems as though french society tries to neutralize them.” graham ( ) observed similarly: “for diversity to take hold, [nonimmigrant countries] have to radically alter their perception of nationality or develop and elevate a separate concept of citizenship. for hundreds of years, the dominant culture has been the cultural reference determining who was accepted, as well as when and how” (p. ). chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   in her repatriation interview, rhonda further articulated her appreciation of how u.s. culture, despite its problems, embraces the differences among its citizens. she stated she thinks this is probably because france’s idea of equality is homogeny, even if people come from different backgrounds. “in france you have one uniform culture and everybody is expected to get with it [no matter their country of origin]… whereas in america, even if you have the black population, you have different cultures and you can tell the difference.” as discussed earlier in this section, rhonda was able to acknowledge prior to leaving for france that her various identities as a first-generation nigerian american had an impact on her overall identity. she can appreciate in-group differences and how these differences create a richness in the u.s. cultural milieu. interestingly she still preferred a generic label of ‘american’ for herself even after seeing how the french expect their national label to create conformity among its citizens. yet rhonda does not desire or expect conformity for people who may be designated ‘american’ as the french do for themselves. her self-labeling as american as a strategy, for her, suggests exactly the opposite of conformity, but instead proposes a diverse cultural composition that interacts in interesting ways unique to her. even though this self-understanding did not work out as she expected it to, rhonda’s time abroad altered her self-concept because of her encounters with the french, their assumptions about her because of her nationality and race, and the meaning they attach to their own national identity. . race and spirituality rhonda attended catholic school throughout her primary and secondary educations. however, she was raised in the anglican church since she was a baby. there are not many anglican churches in the united states, so her family went to a local lutheran church. god has been an important part of her life since she can remember. when asked in her pre-departure interview about what role religion played in her life at that point, rhonda responded, “i think i’m still trying to understand my spirituality. i consider myself a christian but i don’t believe in a lot of things that the bible says or that my pastor says necessarily.” in fact, she appeared to have spent time thinking about how organised religion can be a hindrance to leading a good life. “i don’t think it’s fair to say that one religion is right and that buddhism and islam and judaism or other things are wrong.” chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   a few months after settling in paris, rhonda started to attend a local church with a large african caribbean base. “it’s important for me to go [to church] because it’s a time and space for me to clear my head and reflect on what i’m doing with my life, from a spiritual and moral point of view.” as a self-identified introvert, she explained how she needed time to herself to quiet her mind from everything happening around her, and focus on her own thoughts. “spirituality [is] an influential factor in helping african americans cope with problems and stressful life events” (belgrave & allison, , p. ). when asked during her repatriation interview about attending the french church, rhonda pointed out that even though she does not agree with everything the church stated, it was important for her to feel part of a community. as i mentioned in chapter , black individuals often use religion to connect with others, as well as themselves. the collectivism of african psychology suggests here that rhonda used her parisian church for the dual purpose of connecting to herself and to others. with the large change of being in a new country by herself, rhonda sought comfort for coping with her stressful situation of being abroad as well as connecting with others so that she might not feel as alone. prior to her departure, rhonda had declared that her main goal for herself while abroad was self-improvement. she hoped that this personal growth would help not only her, but also the relationships she has with others. her spirituality helped her to reflect on her abroad experiences so that she could reach that goal of self-understanding. . race and friendship before entering middle school, rhonda had attended school with predominantly black and hispanic populations. transferring to a catholic school with mostly white students shifted her perspective, as she started to get bullied for her skin colour: “it’s just a different culture and you can’t relate to people all on the same things…. there are a lot of white students that i didn’t just automatically clicked with them; i had to figure out their culture first in a sense.” rhonda found herself more drawn to the other students who also had immigrant parents; her closest friends were the other three black girls in her class, even though she was friendly with everyone. as belgrave and allison ( ) noted: “relationships are central to females and to people of african descent, so positive and fulfilling relationships are especially critical to african american girls’ identity and self-worth…. during the adolescent years, chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   relationships become more salient and important to girls’ growth and development” (p. ). rhonda sought out relationships that would help her build up a positive self- understanding. those bullies did not give rhonda that support, so she found it in others similar to her. when rhonda matriculated at her university, she initially found it difficult to find her social circles, as the culture of her school revolved around drinking, which did not interest her. she joined a yoga club and her school’s association for black women. what she appreciated most about the friendship circle that she eventually formed was that even if her friends did not agree with her values, they supported her in them. but the struggles she had in forming that group during her first year at university made her reflect on how she crafted friendships: “and that’s how i acted in college and i think that’s why most of my friends are black and hispanic. not necessarily because that’s who i can identify the most, but that’s who i assumed i can identify most so i would invest more of those relationships…. you know when you see someone and you estimate the potential to develop a relationship with them? i always estimate higher for people with the same skin colour as me, even though we didn’t necessarily have the same interests.” perhaps rhonda’s initial experiences of white children taunting her about her skin colour made her consider to whom she should look for friendship. her support network as a child and adolescent came from other minority ethnic children so (according to her) that was where she looked upon entering university. while in paris, rhonda noticed the differences in the concept of friendship for the french, stating how making friends was more difficult: “the french are like coconuts: hard on the outside but soft and sweet on the inside. their conception of friendship is very different from americans. if they let you in, i think they expect a lot more from the relationship than americans do.” graham ( ) explained, “many people from more reserved cultures actually see american friendliness as a front” (p. ). rhonda discovered that her method for making connections with people had to shift in order to be successful in building relationships. with her continued persistence, rhonda was able to start developing closer friendships with french students, and not just the other u.s. americans on her programme. her experience in france allowed her to understand herself in relation to her interpersonal contacts: chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   “i think that if i was more outgoing, i would have been friends with all of them already. that’s to say, they’re curious enough to know me, but too reserved to act on it. i feel like i have more ‘social potential’ than i thought, but i didn’t act on it that much because it’s not so evident.” rhonda has gained insight through her french relationships about how she perceives and goes about making friends, and will continue to shape her future interactions. not only is she able to contrast the u.s. american versus french perspectives on friendships, but also she can place herself within her cultural context and see how her own personality fits within these different casts. as for dating, rhonda stated that it was not a part of her teenaged years. “i didn’t do it because my family – we don’t talk about that at all. that was just a moot point and my mom was very strict about everything.” rhonda also thinks that her gender also played a role in this decision not to date. as the only female child, the expectations from her family were different for her than for her brothers. and, as mentioned earlier, the nigerian expectation is that young people do not become adults until later in life, and thus do not date until later. while she did casually date upon entering university, she stated it was always secretive and nothing in which she invested a lot of energy. after being in paris, rhonda noted a shift in her perspective on relationships. “in france they’re so open. they have pda [public displays of affection] all the time. that used to disturb me, but now it seems like something normal.” again, rhonda’s exposure to a different cultural perspective, here where expressions of love are commonplace, allowed her to reconsider engrained paradigms from growing up in a strict nigerian household where she had been expected to be a chaste studious child, which she adhered to. the growth in her self-understanding from these observations shows even how mundane occurrences in a culture (french public displays of affection) can have a powerful impact on studying in a different country. . gender collins ( ) wrote, “black women intellectuals from all walks of life must aggressively push the theme of self-definition because speaking for oneself and crafting one’s own agenda is essential to empowerment” (p. ). upon initial observation of rhonda’s interviews and field texts, one might presume that gender does not play a significant role in her self-concept. before leaving for france, rhonda’s superficial understanding of her gender meant she rarely considered how it interacted with and impacted her experiences and relationships with others. indeed she stated in her pre- chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   departure interview, “i never felt treated differently because i was black or female.” yet after seven months in paris, rhonda commented, “everyday i see something about myself that i’ve been blind to all my life like… how the african culture that i’ve grown up in was actually quite sexist.” while her saliency of how gender impacted her self- concept may have been minimal prior to departure, it does not mean it did not affect her self-concept. rhonda’s time abroad allowed for increased saliency about how she recognises her gender’s influence on her self-concept. “change can… occur in the private, personal space of an individual woman’s consciousness. equally fundamental, this type of change is also personally empowering” (collins, , p. ). this section examines how rhonda’s understanding of her gender, race and identity, particularly in relation to sexualised images, physical appearance, and hair, shifted through her experience in paris and allowed her to feel more empowered about her gender because of this time abroad. . sexualised images despite initially stating that she did not feel that her gender ever held her back, rhonda acknowledged: “i do feel like i may have to work harder than males to get to a position that i want to be at. but i do feel like i could get to that position and when i get to that position, i’ll make it easier for females behind me. so there are still a lot of precedence that females need to set.” she is able to see that certain obstacles are in place that might hinder her progress to whatever path she chooses for herself. one way that rhonda seemed to cope with these obstacles is to take on what fordham ( ) described as gender-passing, where she has chosen to not identify as a black female. while she attributed this decision as coming from deep reflection about racial labeling (as mentioned earlier in this chapter), part of it might also come from a desire not to be labeled differently in hopes that it might help her not come across racial or gender bias in her career path. “nurturing a black female for success – as defined by larger society – is far more disruptive of indigenous cultural conventions and practices than previously thought” (fordham, , p. ). black women take on a white role and deny part of their black cultural identity. while part of her still acknowledged that her gender could cause problems for achievement, rhonda desexualised herself as a way of hopefully overcoming that prejudice. while in paris, rhonda wrote, “i’ve seen sexism in action in france, but not directly – i have never felt treated differently because of my gender.” however, this chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   initial report is altered when taking into account the issues that arose with rhonda’s second host family. suddenly, someone sexualised rhonda in an unwelcome way. her host father took rhonda out of the sheltered experience she had with strict nigerian parents and limited dating, and created a power dynamic regarding her gender that she had not before experienced. collins ( ) commented, “efforts to control black women’s sexuality lie at the heart of black women’s oppression” (p. ). first rhonda’s sexuality was controlled by her cultural norms, which she herself acknowledged when observing the sexism she saw within her african upbringing. next her host father tried to control the notions of her sexuality through inappropriate behaviour in the context of their relationship. “the individual agency of any one u.s. black woman emerges in the context of larger institutional structures and particular group histories that affect many others. for individual black women, the struggle lies in rejecting externally defined areas and practices, and claiming the erotic as a mechanism for empowerment” (collins, , p. ). rhonda’s time in france, whether witnessing subvert sexism within the culture which allowed her to see the sexism within her own culture, or whether experiencing a overt sexism from a trusted male in a position of power, brought about profound new ways that rhonda understood herself as a sexual being. . physical appearance rhonda is a petite woman with a soft voice, who only occasionally wears make- up, preferring her natural appearance. as an adolescent and into young adulthood, rhonda constantly heard that she was skinny and flat-chested. yet she insisted that the labels never bothered her, and she was always comfortable with the way she looked. however, rhonda acknowledged the “sticky topic” of physical appearance for women, and stated that while she has some dislikes about her appearance, she feels women need to work beyond the messages they hear about beauty. yet as many scholars have revealed, the mainstream messages of beauty can hinder positive body acceptance (shorter-gooden & washington, ; molloy & herzberger, ; banks, ; fordham, ; collins, ). while she told me at both her pre-departure and repatriation interviews that she was “okay” with how she looked physically, she still stated that she had some insecurities about her appearance. when it comes to alteration of physical appearance, rhonda always took a superficial approach. prior to leaving for france, she stated: “i think it’s fun when you chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   treat beauty as something that’s more -- not a hobby but something that’s fun and not imperative to feel good about yourself.” she described how she liked playing with make- up and trying novel approaches to changing her looks. her experience in paris showed her differing perspectives on beauty for black women, writing in a field text: “i’ve noticed… that black people here seem to accept themselves less-- they wear a lot more weave, they bleach their skin, etc. in reaction to what i’ve been witnessing in french society, i appreciate the u.s. more, because we accept more easily the fact that we are different.” after her year in france, where she noticed aesthetics were more important than she placed on them, rhonda felt that her own self-image did not shift too much. the high fashion, expensive prices, and copious amounts of time that she saw parisians spending shopping actually made her less likely to focus on that aspect of her appearance: “i’ve learned how to dress the basics, and then i just work with that.” entwistle ( ) described how dress is used as a statement of identity that one can use to articulate gender and personality. rhonda acknowledged the emphasis that parisians put on this expression, but for her that importance is not essential for how she understands herself. a person may make a thoughtful observation about her host culture (here, parisians’ devotion to fashion) but she does not necessarily have to alter a part of her self- understanding to it; in fact the observation may reaffirm a part of choices she has made for herself. . hair of all of my research participants, rhonda had the least to say about her hair. she has always worn her hair naturally or in braids. with her mother’s strong influence, rhonda never felt the need to alter her hair with weaves or relaxing. six months into her abroad experience, rhonda wrote in a journal entry: “this past month i’ve also cut my hair really short, like a boy’s hair cut. i did that as a way of expressing how much i’ve changed since september. everyday i see something about myself that i’ve been blind to all my life – like how i’m always extremely afraid of the future, or how the african culture that i’ve grown up in was actually quite sexist, etc. each time i see a fault or flaw in my personality, i get really upset, because i hate thinking that there’s something about myself that i need to change, but then i feel so relieved at the same time, because i see that i’m not limited by my flaws – that i can always change who i am, or the way i think.” chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   as mentioned previously, banks ( ) explained, “for black women, hair matters embody one’s identity, beauty, power, and consciousness” (p. ), and the self-definition of one’s hair “renders power” (p. ). our personal control over our hair and how we choose to display it can be a telling marker of how we understand ourselves and how we wish others to perceive us. “men and women in specific kinds of society at specific periods are using their own physical raw material in terms of the social norms to provide indices to their personality and make statements about their conception of their role, their social position and changes in these” (firth, , p. ). through the data, we can conjecture that rhonda chose to make a statement to herself and to others about the control she has not only over her own hair (which others do not have) to portray the control she has over her life and the decisions she makes for it. as mentioned earlier, rhonda noted while in paris that black women seemed more concerned with conforming to a more western view of hair with weaves. she attributed this to the french belief that equality equals conformity. the meaning that these black french women she observed might have attributed to their hair is outside of the scope of this research, but her opinions about these observations allow insight into how she does view hair as a way of expressing one’s self-concept. banks ( ) commented, “black hair and hair-styling practices can never escape political readings. the motivation of the person sporting the hairdo is irrelevant. black hair and hair-styling practices are politicized” (p. ). rhonda read into these women’s hair-styling decisions as less self-acceptance, displaying the power that black women’s hair conveys to others, especially other black women. rhonda’s estimation, while perhaps accurate, does not allow for the possibility of how these women view their hair choices, given their own national and ethnic understanding of themselves; instead rhonda has used her own cultural evaluations to assess these women’s identity. . academic achievement that academic achievement of african americans manifests itself through personal, racial, and professional advancement (perry, ). rhonda has always been a high-achieving student with lofty ambitions, and this section examines how her academic achievement has affected her self-concept. chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   . personal advancement as mentioned earlier, rhonda’s parents put a lot of emphasis on her to excel academically. this emphasis led to a lot of pressure: “my parents [said], “you know, you have to study. you are supposed to be at the best college. [we’re] spending all this money on your catholic education. you have to go somewhere.” her parents invested a lot in her primary and secondary educations with private schooling and always imparted to her that she could excel. rhonda took these words to heart, standing out academically as she pursued her education. belgrave et al. ( ), parham et al. ( ), and hudley ( ) stated that while parental encouragement does impact whether a student will succeed, it often amounts to the student’s own self-motivation, which rhonda turned out to have in abundance. in high school, rhonda came across the various teaching philosophies in her state’s curriculum. as a high-achieving student, rhonda took most of her classes at the honours level, which she described as challenging and creative. the teachers pressured the students to do their best: “and it wasn’t about being smart, it was just [the teachers saying], ‘do what i tell you and you’ll do well.’ that’s all it was about. it wasn’t about some talent of intelligence that only a few people had.” when she took a course that was not honours, but for the annual standardised state exam, she remarked, “it was the worst thing ever because they treat you like you’re stupid…. they create this conscious difference between honours students and [regular] students…. everybody in the regular class would [think], ‘oh, i’m so stupid. i’m so stupid.’ and then they wouldn’t even try. the teachers… would only ask for the bare minimum.” rhonda saw fault from both the teachers and the students, with the teachers perpetuating a belief that students were not intelligent enough to handle the material, while the students used others’ attitudes of their intellectual inferiority to not bother to try. for rhonda, that was unacceptable. while these two teaching paradigms are of note, rhonda’s reaction to them is the focus here. she saw that she responded more positively to teachers that engaged her and presumed that she was capable of doing the work, which parham et al. ( ) notes enhances any intrinsic motivation for black pupils to excel. the internal and external support factors work in tandem for rhonda to succeed. when asked why she decided to go to university, rhonda incredulously asked, “to school?! it’s the thing you do.” for her, university was never not an option. with her doctor father and nurse mother, and with a constant push to excel academically, she chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   never envisioned a future where she did not pursue a higher education. and when it came to choosing which university, she knew that she wanted to go to the best in the country, which is why she ended up at one of the top-ranked ivy league institutions, studying french. at her university, rhonda indicated in her initial interview that her real achievements were not about excelling in the classroom, but in her personal development: “[at my university], it’s hard to be really proud of what you do because everyone does that. you always feel like there’s someone who did better at the thing that you’re doing right now. so you have to have a different motivation for your achievements. you can’t achieve because you want to be the best because there’s always a better one. so in college, i’m really proud of how much my character improved.” based on her words, we can presume that rhonda chose to shift achievement from being the best scholastically, but being her best personally. as parham et al. ( ) reported, “the education a student received was intrinsically linked to one’s personal development and transformation” (p. ). for rhonda that meant looking beyond just acquiring new information, but also developing holistically, a key tenet in africentric theory. correspondingly, rhonda’s time abroad affected her more on the personal development than academic levels. in her pre-departure interview, rhonda stated, regarding her academic expectations in france: “i am determined to work hard.” she anticipated delving into the french language so that she could become fluent, as her professional goals of working internationally would benefit from fluency. rhonda not only wanted to study abroad to become fluent in french, but also because, “i felt to become my own person i needed [to study abroad].” she also saw it as an opportunity to see her academics beyond that offered by her university: “it’s going to be really good for me to have this perspective and to go another institution then coming back to [my school] and seeing, appreciating [my school] in a different way and also seeing that [my school] isn’t all that there is.” rhonda found the adjustment to the french university system to be challenging, stating, “the professors speak at the speed of light, and don’t give you that much homework, so i don’t know what they expect from me.” she struggled for a few months with figuring out how best to navigate this new academic world. “it is...nothing like [my home university]. most universities in paris are public, so the quality isn’t the same as that of insanely priced american colleges. at the same time, because i’m forced to be more independent, i work a lot hard to take notes, find resources on my own, and ask more questions, because help isn’t just given to me like it is at chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   [my school]. there’s no writing center, there’s no peer advisors, some times there’s even no toilet paper.” however as time passed, rhonda realised that the academic rigour at her host institution was less than that of her home university. while disappointed and at times bored, she stated, “i try to make up for that by educating myself culturally with museum visits and independent reading.” when probed, rhonda stated that it was not just the subject, but mostly the way that the course was taught, being disorganized, hard to follow, and unstimulating. as noted earlier, rhonda knew that she thrived on a particular type of learning, where teachers challenged her in creative ways (like tasha and vanessa). upon returning to the u.s., rhonda realised that one aspect of her parisian education that she appreciated was the lack of competition. whereas her home university often had high levels of competition among students, parisian students “did the best that [they] could, and no one really cared about others’ ability.” she had thought the stress caused by being competitive made her more productive; she realised that it really did not, rather that genuine interest in a subject motivated her most. so while her experience at her host university might not have been as academically challenging as she hoped, rhonda developed more insight into how she responds to different types of academic structures. in fact, rhonda experienced a lot of personal development while in paris. “as convenient as [my home university] is, it didn’t teach me much about how to live effectively, in terms of saving money and economizing my time.” her newfound freedom across an ocean allowed her opportunities to explore paris and be exposed to things she knew she might never again have a chance to experience. reflecting in her repatriation interview, rhonda stated about her abroad experience: “i think i’m a more mature person now. i think that i’m more capable and confident…. i had to learn to live by myself. i had to learn to be so far away from my family. i had to adapt to another culture… and i found from all that i learned so much more about myself. so i feel like i know myself more.” she saw her education beyond the lectures of paris viii and x. as parham et al. ( ) and belgrave and allison ( ) reported, education is not always about knowledge from an africentric perspective. rhonda embraced this idea, looking for enrichment in all areas of her life in paris. the enhancement that rhonda best achieved was within herself, and she took the lessons she learned through her experiences to heart. when asked about this after chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   returning to the united states, rhonda elaborated that she felt that prior to studying abroad fear had driven a lot of her decisions, and that living abroad made her realise that she did not want fear to rule those decisions. “it’s not my main motivation anymore. i think now [it’s] curiosity and being interested in things.” she noted that this curiosity pushed her forward academically and personally. rhonda’s ability to reflect on her experiences in france, not only shows an emotional maturity, but also a growth in her self-concept and how she understands her self-concept. whether through a mediocre academic experience, visits to cultural sites, interactions with others, she took all outlets as a means of bettering herself. rhonda was emphatic that she looks forward to constantly evolving as her life unfolds before her with all of its experiences. . professional advancement rhonda’s secondary school years were occupied with academics and extracurricular activities like the track team. she started working when she got to university, taking up a part-time job her first year in a dining hall, and the following year in a library on campus. when rhonda decided to major in french, she realised that she was taking a leap of faith on whether it was the right decision. “i became a french major but i didn’t even know if i liked france, because i never went to france before.” to her fortune, she found that the country meshed well with her personality. she took a six- week internship in her first year at university at fondation monet in giverny, to both improve her french and to see if her decision had been the correct one. she found that it did. and while she did not have a specific idea about her career in mind before leaving for her year abroad, she stated: “i see myself becoming international so i might still be living in the united states; i might not. but i’ll definitely be speaking french and working with international issues.” after some time in paris, rhonda admitted that she had begun to consider her professional trajectory more. “i’ve been feeling really nervous lately about my studies. what am i going to do with a french studies degree? i already know that i want to study law, but i constantly think about all the opportunities that i’ve excluded from my future as a french major – a high paying job immediately out of college, a successful career in general.” yet rhonda returns to her parents’ assertion that financial security is not the only means to achieve a happy, fulfilling life. while her parents might have the expectation that rhonda and her brothers provide for them in later years, that expectation does not appear to rely on copious amounts of money. chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   students who study abroad are more likely to engage in internationally focused careers (fry et al., ; carlson et al., ), and rhonda is no exception. she was proactive during her time in paris in gaining more professional experience to hone her french skills and general employability. she volunteered with an independent film festival group, where she had to learn how to define expectations given her position as a volunteer, and the organisation’s needs. she worked at a summer internship with the human rights league after her university courses ended for the year. “now that i’ve been abroad and know what it’s like, i definitely want to do it again. i definitely want to see other countries. and i definitely want to do work on international issues.” she stated how she would love to be able to do some sort of work among the u.s., europe, and africa, and had begun to study for the law school admission test (lsat) to enable entry into law school. prior to studying abroad, rhonda had a vague idea of what she wanted to achieve professionally, but her time in france allowed her to clarify those professional goals through her work experiences. . racial contribution noble ( ) and belgrave et al. ( ) mentioned that oftentimes the reason that black parents push their children to excel academically is not just for the children’s benefit, but also to raise black people as a whole. rhonda indicated in her initial interview that this emphasis on education came from her parents being immigrants: “immigrant parents [are] all about education, everybody [being] pre-med.” in her pre- departure interview, rhonda seemed slightly conflicted about these pressures to excel: “i did really well in [high] school and i’m proud of those accomplishments but at the same time i feel like i was always trying to prove something, you know to someone.” when probed she said she felt this pressure that who she was just was not enough, and that she had to be a particular way, i.e. high achieving, to be happy and relaxed. but she admitted, “then i get there and i was not really happy and relaxed. i must need to do more.” so she perpetuated this cycle of achievement because she was not where she felt she should be based on what she perceived as what others (i.e. her parents) were telling her. rhonda noted upon repatriation an interesting observation about her home university. when asked about what being a first-generation u.s. american of african immigrants meant to her, she stated that is meant to her that academics were paramount. she went on to note that of the other black students she encountered at her ivy league school, many of them were also first-generation u.s. american of immigrants. “we have chapter . rhonda: paris, france 	
   	
   to get a good education, becoming a doctor, a lawyer, or whatever. and providing for your family afterwards.” again the acknowledgement of the collectivist tendencies of african american families appears (parham et al., ), with education being a means for younger generations to assist the older ones. yet rhonda does not feel as if she has been manipulated into this life: “i want to be a lawyer, and i realise that it’s totally influenced by my upbringing. and that’s okay…. what’s wrong if your parents influence your ambitions like that?” with her abroad experience and her parents’ influence, rhonda has ambitions of being an international lawyer. but she does not eschew these aspirations, and it appears that her time in france with her deep reflection on who she is and how she wants to live her life. collins ( ) declared: “through the lived experiences gained within their extended families and communities, individual african-american women fashioned their own ideas about the meaning of black womanhood. when these ideas found collective expression, black women’s self-definitions enabled them to refashion african-influenced conceptions of self and community” (p. ). as she had stated earlier, with all of the barriers that rhonda breaks down, not only will she be able to provide for her family, but will aid future generations of black women by establishing norms through her achievements and hopefully breaking down some of the intersecting oppressions that u.s. power structures have created for this group. this chapter explored rhonda’s experience abroad in paris and what effect this had on her self-concept. through her academic and personal experiences abroad, rhonda underwent shifts in how she understands herself in regards to her race through family, nationality, spirituality, friends, gender, and academic achievement. chapter xii. discussion and conclusion my goals for this research were to understand the effects of study abroad on five african american women’s self-understanding. i sought to see specifically how these experiences altered the various components of identity, using africentric and intersectional theory as my points for analysis. with the low participation rates of black students in study abroad during their undergraduate years and the lack of in-depth research into these students’ abroad experiences, i feel it is imperative that we appreciate the experiences of those few minority ethnic students who do partake in this opportunity. in the last five chapters, i explored what occurred during five young black women’s study abroad trips and how these events affected how these women understand various aspects of their identity. in this concluding chapter, i examine the recurring and contradictory themes that surfaced in these young women’s experiences. i consider how my findings might be applied to current study abroad practices, before looking at some of the limitations of my research. i conclude by considering future directions of potential research in this area. . recurring and contradictory themes all five students discussed in my thesis indicated that they felt changed by studying abroad, which matches up with the other research mentioned in chapter about study abroad’s impact. additionally, all the women in this study did see shifts in certain aspects of their identity, but these shifts were not necessarily to the same degree or in the same aspect of identity as the other research participants. feminist scholars hurd and mcintyre ( ) warned that we cannot fall into a trap of presuming that because research participants share a common denominator (e.g. my research participants are all african american females), all of their stories will be the same. “we [must] de- privilege the historical legacy of sameness in psychology and work towards acknowledging the complexities inherent in all feminist research” (p. ). this research has shown just how those complexities manifest in searching to understand the effects of study abroad on a group of black american university women. one unspoken goal of my research was to not pathologise my research participants. hopefully reading about their lives and experiences has shown just how resilient and remarkable these young women are. they all have excelled academically throughout their lives and decided to study abroad for personal, professional, and chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   academic reasons. yet they all reached that choice through different life paths, whether high mobility during childhood or trying their best to meet familial (and cultural) expectations. each woman had to come to some awareness of how she fits within larger society. some have spent more time on this introspection than others, but given not only their diverse experiences but also their diverse personalities, this variance is completely understandable. one aspect of note is the events that did transpire to cause these shifts in the participants’ understanding of their identities. aside from the case of rhonda’s sexual harassment, these changes in self-concept occurred because of every day experiences. whether taylor interpreted the unwelcoming gazes from italian women or vanessa managed the curious touches of korean children, the modifications in self-concept came not from monumental events that required deeper reflection. instead they came from these women going about their lives as students in a foreign environment. in considering intersectionality within these contexts, we can note that these shifts seem to occur when these women’s power dynamics altered, particularly in regards to nationality, race, and gender. both daily events and more impactful incidents (e.g. tasha and her friends being stopped by the police or rhonda’s struggles with her host father) created oppressions whether intended or not. these instances seem to have created a self-dialogue about how these women considered themselves in certain aspects of their identity. because of their obvious foreignness, they encountered new intersecting forms of (dis)empowerment. when rhonda found herself defending her country to french nationals or mia recognised the florentines’ bias toward u.s. americans and appreciating when people saw beyond her citizenship, these moments became critical for self-reflection and identity changes. these new intersections of identity (using the term “new” to indicate that the participants had never considered them before) bring forward deeper questions about how we treat individuals in any society that are not “normal” (i.e. othering them). the blatant curiosity about tasha and vanessa in japan and south korea formed disempowering dynamics. are those who become the objects of this disempowerment required to adjust, as tasha and vanessa did, simply because there was “nothing they could do about it?” almost all the participants mentioned how media perpetuates the messages of what is acceptable and expected in both the united states and abroad. what responsibility does the media play in these messages? chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   as part of a marginalised community in the united states, these five women have had to draw on sources throughout their lives to overcome the oppressions they face. perhaps having these tools allowed them to overcome these struggles more easily. yet facing these new forms of oppressions while abroad also gave them further insights into who they are as individuals. where those insights occurred really depended on each individual woman. for rhonda, she gained more understanding of her gender, nationality, and professional self-concepts, while vanessa and tasha found more transformation in how they understand their professional and gender identities. mia also learned more about her national identity and her haitian identity by being in italy, but to a different degree than rhonda’s understanding of her national identity. so while we can observe a collective ability to adapt, we can also appreciate how their unique personalities played a dynamic role in how these women went about understanding some of their daily observations while abroad. mia, my florentine participant, took the italian emphasis on appearance (la bella figura) to heart, and began putting more thought into her clothing, while rhonda noticed the same trend in paris, but decided it was not something which she needed to adopt. these cognizant choices show the complexity of individuals and how they may react differently to similar stimulus (here, the importance of fashion choices in a different culture). as hurd and mcintyre ( ) pointed out, even shared backgrounds (two first-generation black american women) do not mean similar interpretations of experience. these choices also bring about the fascinating question of how these women reconciled some of the struggling intersections of their identity. whether the double- consciousness struggle of race and nationality, or academics and race, or gender and professional identity, each woman drew from different parts of her identity and personality to form her overall self-concept. each study abroad trip had an impact on the participants, but the impact differed based on the experience and the individual. each woman took her own life story into her time abroad and used that and the new stimuli she encountered to craft a new self-concept based on the junction of those many factors. if anything, this research has shown just how intricate a person, her identities, and her experiences interact to create self-understanding. another recurring theme of note is the notion of collective black consciousness. most of the women in this study displayed an understanding of herself in relation to her collective identity. the collective was often in regards to family, which africentricity states is an integral part of self-understanding. rhonda’s acceptance of her family’s chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   influence on her career choice, vanessa’s determination to provide for her family, and mia’s deepened connection to her haitian roots in terms of their self understanding shows the profound impact that collectivist thinking has on self-concept, as well as study abroad’s effect on these understandings. . application to study abroad unfortunately, no neat recommendations for applying my findings to study abroad practitioners exist. as shown above, the abroad experience is definitively a time for growth: personally, socially, and academically. yet given the complexity of my five participants alone, we see that experiences can be so varied (not only because of destinations, but also because of different identities) that universal suggestions would inevitably be short-sighted and non-inclusive at some point or other, creating new or enforcing old intersecting oppressions. that said, study abroad providers can take away a few points from this research when working with students, both from the african american and the wider community. perhaps the most important of these points is that we need to make study abroad possible for as many students that want to partake in it; the enrichment is too impactful not to do so. both vanessa and mia stated during their repatriation interview about wanting to tell other students to go abroad because of how much it changed their perspective on the world and themselves. seeing other students of colour traveling to study can be an influential means of showing students that, yes, black students can study abroad. peer mentors offer a powerful method not only to increase the number of minority ethnic students who go abroad, but also to answer questions that an administrator cannot. whether answering about finances, location-specific details, or what the racial climate is like, returning students are often in a place that practitioners are not to offer candid insights into what prospective students might expect. mia stated one of the main reasons she went abroad was due to one of her friends sharing her experiences as an exchange student in denmark and pushing mia to go somewhere herself. upon her return, vanessa became involved with recruitment for her study abroad provider. encouraging returning students, particularly minority ethnic students, to get involved as ambassadors for study abroad could increase applications and participation. yet if the percentage of black students continues to increase (as is the current trend), should study abroad offices or third-party providers be offering a specific orientation to minority ethnic students pre-departure? vanessa commented that only chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   after she asked someone about koreans finding her a curiosity did she receive a response of, “yes, it’ll be different for you.” no one seems to offer insight for how minority ethnic students might handle these situations. crafting messages on how to cope might be useful for certain students. yet we should note that the women who noted that their appearance caused people to stare (mia, vanessa, taylor, and tasha), all handled the unwanted attention, building an armour and accepting the looks as curious and non- malicious. therefore, do we discredit minority ethnic students by implying that they cannot adapt successfully themselves, when these four young women did? and is not the adaption itself part of intercultural growth and self-understanding that we hope for our students to undergo while abroad? i mentioned in chapter , day-vines’s ( ) deliberate psychological intervention of students studying abroad in ghana to help them understand their ethnic identity within the context of their experience in africa. pedersen ( ) found, “we need to work with [study abroad students] on the reflective process and intercultural understandings of the study abroad experience” (p. ) as they can develop their intercultural sensitivity more when they have intentional pedagogy inserted into their study abroad experience. at the end of my data collection with her, tasha stated about the research process, “i actually have to think about why [the events of my life] have affected me and how i became the person i am.” as educators, we have a group interested in exploring the world outside their own personal sphere. practitioners might consider how purposeful guidance for all students (not just african americans) could allow them to gain more from going abroad than simply sending them off, but affording them an opportunity to explore their own identities in a greater global context. if anything, the findings of this thesis suggest the student development adage of “challenge and support” (sanford, ). while this thesis does not necessarily focus on student development theory, the application of this research’s findings seems to advocate for study abroad providers to consider how they might further foster their students’ growth during this time. the challenge and support offered, however, would have to be unique to each individual because, as this thesis has illustrated, we are all coming from different places, even as we are all headed to different places. like bronfenbrenner’s ( ) ecological systems theory (mentioned in chapter ), the different systems with which we uniquely interact and the specific rules and norms of those systems (whether on the microsystem level of the family or the macrosystem level of an entire culture), plays a role in our psychosocial development. these findings indicate that study abroad chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   practitioners will need to become increasingly adept and adaptable; designing programmes that allow for personal growth within each individual’s contexts and systems could enrich the study abroad experience even more, no matter a person’s background or identity. . theoretical applications: africentricity and intersectionality with myriad possibilities to categorise the data i collected, my thesis could stretch into volumes of works. i chose specific intersections of identity to analyse my participants. i based these categories on what african american psychology identified as key points for black americans’ identities, while also being critical of this discourse as a sole means of understanding an individual. mccall ( ) remarked: “in personal narratives and single-group analyses… complexity derives from the analysis of a social location at the intersection of single dimensions of multiple categories, rather than at the intersection of the full range of dimensions of a full range of categories, and that is how complexity is managed” (p. ). researchers must make educated decisions about how they evaluate their data. i deliberately selected a theoretical framework that looked beyond the eurocentric notions in which we as researchers often find ourselves. another researcher may have chosen discourse analysis, quantitative identity scale measures, or a number of other positions from which to construe the data, and findings may have differed based on these points of analysis. using africentricity and intersectionality as my theoretical constructs offered an innovative way to understand my participants’ experience. african american psychology offers the field of psychology an opportunity to consider the complexity of an individual’s ‘truth’ in the contexts of self-knowledge and intuition (parham et al., ). while africentricity could at times feel daunting with trying to understand these complexities, my discomfort might have come from my own unfamiliarity with the area or struggles of code-shifting into an africentric mindset. however, this discomfort should not discourage others from attempting to try different ontologies to analyse data from novel (to them) frameworks. african american psychology’s tendency to essentialise black individuals often created friction during my analysis of my research participants. i questioned whether the different categories that i identified limited my understanding of the five women’s experiences, especially when i struggled to understand aspects of certain student’s within the africentric context. for instance, taylor’s lack of collective tendencies and tasha’s chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   inability to reflect on her race’s impact on her self-concept highlighted that africentricity might limit a full appreciation of individuals’ self-understanding. because these women did not fit neatly into the factors identified by african american psychological theorists as being essential to a good self-concept, they were in danger of being labelled deviant, which is the very label i sought to avoid by shunning the use of standard white psychological theory. intersectionality permitted a more refined understanding of identity because of its acceptance of identity’s intrinsic complexity. africentricity offered a foundation for understanding my participants in regards to their u.s. black female identities, while intersectionality allowed for the deliberation of the interactions of even more identity components with one another. as a construct, intersectionality gives researchers the ability to look beyond any two concepts (e.g. religion and gender, race and nationality) and brings about fresh considerations of how all of these components intermingle with an individual and his or her environment to create one’s self-concept. thus my hope of using africentricity and intersectionality in tandem was to mitigate the former’s limitations with the latter’s flexibility. i feel the results from my analysis demonstrate the strengths and weaknesses of both theories. the use of intersectionality can be daunting, simply because it allows so many ways of understanding an individual, but it also allows the complexity of that individual to present itself. if anything, my analysis reveals how even two different women with similar backgrounds (e.g. rhonda and mia, first-generation black american women; vanessa and tasha, multi-generation black women with a keen interest in japanese culture) can have vastly different understandings of themselves. intersectionality permits this by taking into account how the various layers of identity interact with one another, and offers complexity to some of the rigidity found in african american psychology. with that, africentricity gave structure for processing the vast amounts of data on each research participant. i could have allowed the voice of each woman (and thus her self-concept) to determine the style of each analysis. however with one of my research aims being to use a culturally appropriate theory, i found that africentricity, despite its propensity to essentialise, a decent foundation from which to start my examination of my participants’ identities. used in conjunction with intersectionality, it offered a unique way to comprehend their experiences and self-reflection. others might favour the treatment of only one theory to the analysis, given their own theoretical propensities of having a strict analysis in africentricity or the fluidity of intersectionality. chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   however, i found employing the two theoretical frameworks together a preferable method of understanding the women involved in this research, as they allowed simultaneously structure and flexibility for the data analysis. . limitations and future directions researchers are constantly seeking ways to ensure that they are as close to the ‘truth’ as possible. given the variety within and imperfections of any given person, this goal can seem nigh impossible. oftentimes during my research i found myself thinking, “maybe i should have done it this way” or “why didn’t i ask that during the interviews?” both foresight and hindsight offers us all opportunities to become better researchers. as qin and lykes ( ) stated, “no single self theory can possibly capture the ‘truth’ about all women, as every truth is incomplete, partial and culture bound” (p. ). while i have done my best to portray my participants’ realities, i recognise that this research has some limitations for revealing that entire picture. here i look at those limitations, how they might be improved upon, and other opportunities that could take my research aims further. the number of participants in this study, while allowing for more in-depth insights into these individuals, did not allow for as many stories to be told as initially planned. a more ideal sample would have included black students (including black men, an even greater underrepresented group in study abroad than black woman) from more regions of the united states, traveling to more destinations (including africa and south america), representing different heis (including hbcus and small private colleges), and studying for a variety of degrees including sciences. of course, there are a variety of other factors that might also be considered for the participants, but even a doubling of the sample would permit more voices and experiences to be heard allowing for a more comprehensive picture to be drawn about african american students’ abroad experiences. time limitations, however, made the identification of and data collection from more individuals difficult. additionally, i chose a specific system to reach out to students, through universities’ study abroad offices because of my professional student affairs background. i might easily have utilised other means, such as the internet to identify potential participants. the data collection methods that i chose (interviews and field texts) worked together to create a basis (the pre-departure interview) from which to understand the changes that occurred during (field texts) and after (the repatriation interview) studying chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   abroad. the field texts sought to unveil the specific occurrences while these students were abroad to hopefully identify where any shifts may be occurring. i could have employed other methods to learn more about my participants and their self-concept. ethnographic field observations would have allowed me to see my participants outside of the interviews and written texts which they sent me. from observing them with their friends or family prior to departure and returning home to taking time to visit the students during their study abroad programmes and seeing their interactions in school, at home, and with host nationals would have offered even more rich data from which to extrapolate findings. speaking with friends and family or encouraging visual data from photographs (which only tasha provided) are other means to acquire more information. of course, with my analysis choice comes the scrutiny of whether my interpretation of my participants’ experiences within africentric framework is accurate. i am not african american, and as mentioned before, some researchers feel that understanding another’s cultural experience, especially when outside that culture, is impossible. while my own perspective has undoubtedly coloured my interpretations, i endeavoured to ensure that i did justice to these five young women within the chosen framework. as mentioned in chapter , i used member checking to verify my analysis with my participants. while two (taylor and tasha) did not get back to me, the other three found my findings interesting and accurate when put into the africentric context. some study abroad programmes, like the one at uconn (mentioned in chapter ) that takes students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds (the majority of the attendees being black) to liverpool, could possibly take an africentric approach to fostering students’ growth while abroad with its pre-departure orientation, on-site programming, and re-entry support. belgrave and allison ( ) stated, “if programs with an africentric framework produce better results for african americans than those that do not use this framework, then we would know that this framework is most useful for understanding the psychology of african americans” (p. ). the possibility of trialing such programmes could not only offer these students an even more enriching abroad experience than they might have otherwise received, but could also reveal further insight into using african american psychology as a theoretical framework with real- world applications, while keeping in mind some of the limitations of the field, especially the danger of essentialising black students. as mentioned earlier, tasha felt that being a participant in this research caused her to look more closely at who she was. obviously some individuals may see this as a chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   limitation of my research, as i had my participants deeply reflecting into their lives, their experiences, and how they viewed themselves. by having the women think about the various aspects of their identities, was i shifting how they viewed those aspects of their identities? while this might have been the case, i do not think this is a negative limitation to the research. one of my research aims wanted to find how these women saw themselves from the various points of their self-concept. and as i suggested before, having these sorts of conversations with students might allow them to garner more about themselves from their study abroad experiences. . my journey as researcher this research has offered me a lot of growth both academically and personally. the evolution of this thesis has come from insights and roadblocks that required flexibility and innovation. my initial plan had flirted with doing a massive quantitative study using identity model scales to see how study abroad affected marginalised students who study abroad. but as my research developed, i realised the importance of giving each person a unique voice in order to more thoroughly understand her. while this decision lowered the number of students with whom i could work, i value that taking this more qualitative approach challenged me to think about how best i could understand those women with whom i did speak. as a committed interculturalist and as a student affairs professional, i appreciated discovering each participant’s perspective on her experience, which a quantitative approach would not have offered. the richness and uniqueness of the individuals illustrates the very diverse field that intercultural education covers, even when seeming to examine just one group of people. a student abroad myself while pursuing my doctorate, i can attest to the compelling impact that learning in another culture has on understanding one’s self. all aspects of my identity have been challenged and questioned simply from my day-to-day interactions and experiences. while i am at a different life phase and in different circumstances from my research participants, their stories resonated with me as they recounted to me their challenges, marvels, and insights. i could see my struggles in their struggles, and their wonders at encountering new ways of experiencing the world. i feel that without the evolution of my research, i may have affirmed the great impact that studying abroad has on attendees, but would not have garnered how unique each study abroad trip can truly be. this understanding, i believe, can help study abroad professionals foster the better experiences for everyone. chapter . discussion and conclusion 	
   	
   overall, the research process has taught me to question everything and to understand there is more than one method to understand our questions. i firmly believe that we each construct our reality. as education researchers, we can never presume that one way of looking at something is the only way. additionally, when we do choose a path we must understand its strengths and weaknesses and how that affects our analysis in relation to other possible analyses. while this might be tedious, i find it highlights the complexity of any given individual as well as the world in which we function. . summation at its core, this thesis sought to understand how placing an individual from a specific background into a foreign environment affected how she understood the various aspects of her self-concept. more importantly, this research sought to understand those changes within a culturally appropriate theoretical framework, eschewing mainstream paradigms with engrained cultural perspectives. researchers have proven study abroad to be a powerful event for those students who engage in it. as the number of study abroad students continues to rise and the diversity of those students increases, practitioners and researchers must consider how to best foster this powerful event for all of their students. the five young women in this research came from vastly different backgrounds and had vastly different experiences during their time studying outside the united states. they all recognised a shift in themselves, particularly in their self-confidence. yet most importantly, components of their identities shifted according to their destination and the self-understanding that they brought with them to those destinations. being external of their normal environs, these women suddenly had to reevaluate who they were while being on the outside looking in. references akande, y., & slawson, c. ( ). exploring the long term impact of study abroad: a case study of years of study abroad alumni. international educator, ( ), - . alexander, c. ( ). cohesive identities: the distance between meaning and understanding. in m. wetherell, m. laflèche, & r. berkeley (eds.), identity, ethnic diversity, and community cohesion (pp. - ). los angeles: sage. allen, w. r. ( ). the color of success: african-american college student outcomes at predominantly white and historically black public colleges and universities. harvard educational review, ( ), - . altbach, p. g., & umakoshi, t. ( ). asian universities: historical perspectives and contemporary challenges. baltimore, md: the johns hopkins university press. anderson, l. ( ). a new look at an old construct: cross-cultural adaptation. international journal of intercultural relations, ( ), - . andrews, m. ( ). exploring cross-cultural boundaries. in d. j. clandinin (ed.), handbook of narrative inquiry: mapping a methodology (pp. - ). thousand oaks, ca: sage. araújo, e. r. ( ). why portuguese students go abroad to do their phds. higher education in europe, ( ), – . arber, r. ( ). interrogating ‘imagined’ communities: exploring the impact of international students in local schools. race, ethnicity, and education, ( ), - . archer, l., hutchings, m., & ross, a. ( ). higher education and social class: issues of exclusion and inclusion. london: routledge farmer. archibald, r. b. ( ). redesigning the financial aid system: why colleges and universities should switch roles with the federal government. baltimore, md: the johns hopkins university press. aries, e. ( ). race and class matters in an elite college. philadelphia, pa: temple university press. atkinson, r. ( ). the life story interview. thousand oaks, ca: sage. atkinson, r. ( ). the life story interview as a bridge in narrative inquiry. in d. j. clandinin (ed.), handbook of narrative inquiry: mapping a methodology (pp. - ). thousand oaks, ca: sage. bach, h. ( ). composing a visual narrative inquiry. in d. j. clandinin (ed.), handbook of narrative inquiry: mapping a methodology (pp. - ). thousand oaks, ca: sage. references 	
   	
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   appendices 	
   appendix a: study abroad office solicitation letter 	
   	
   «title» «first» «last» «university» «location» dear «title» «last»: my name is niki sol, a phd student in education at the university of cambridge in the united kingdom. for my doctoral dissertation, i am investigating study abroad’s effects on african americans and their self-concept. my hope is to have a few students who would be willing to do a long-term research study with me. my desire is to interview students before they depart for their study abroad destination for fall or academic year / . i will conduct this pre-departure interview to create their life stories and to get a picture of "who they are" at that point in their lives. while abroad, they will write in journals, blog, and/or write letters about their experiences, as well as think through some guided questions regarding how they are adjusting and what they are learning about themselves by being in another culture. about months after they return home, i plan to follow up with another interview to see how they see themselves now that they have gone through the experience. my viva defense was also my ethics approval, ensuring that i meet all the standards set forth by the british educational research association (bera). i am happy to go through a similar process at your university if required. i require help in identifying potential participants in the study and would appreciate your office’s help in this matter. the other universities i am currently working with have had me send a letter that they could forward to their outgoing study abroad students, and those students interested in participating could in turn contact me. i am happy to contact you to discuss my research over the phone and talk about any questions or concerns you might have. if you respond to this e-mail, we can set up a time that would be convenient for me to contact you. i look forward to hearing from you. sincerely, niki sol phd candidate nis @cam.ac.uk + ( ) faculty of education hills road cambridge cb pq united kingdom appendix b: participant solicitation letter 	
   	
   dear [university] study abroad participant: my name is niki sol, a phd student at the university of cambridge in the uk. for my doctoral dissertation, i am looking to follow study abroad participants as they take part in an abroad program. i am looking for students who meet the following criteria: ) a u.s. american citizen between the ages of and ; ) identify as african american or black american; ) enrolled full-time in a four-year college or university. ) participating in a study abroad or exchange program in the - academic year at a higher education institution outside of your home country/countries. the program must be at least one semester long, though preferably you will take part of a yearlong program. this will be a research study that will last from one to two months before you depart for your program until two to three months after you return. i will conduct a pre-departure interview on your life story to get a picture of who you are at this point in your life. while abroad, you will be take part in recording your experience through one or two of the following mediums: journal writing, letters home, and/or blogging. don’t worry, as i will provide you with some guided questions if you don’t know what you should be writing about. two to three months upon your return home, i will follow up with another interview to debrief about your experience. all participants will be completely anonymous, and you have the freedom to withdraw at any point. there are several benefits to taking part in this study. for one, each participant who completes the entire research project will be given $ at the end of the study ($ if you are a semester study abroad participant). if you choose, you may want to market yourself as a participant who has taken part in a long-term study. i also believe that this opportunity will give you a chance to get more out of your study abroad experience than you might normally, as you will have a chance to reflect on your experiences in more depth. if you meet the above criteria and this project sounds like it may be of interest to you, or if you have any questions, please feel free to contact me. my e-mail address is nis @cam.ac.uk. while calling overseas might be an issue, my mobile number is + . we can also arrange to skype if you would like to talk that way. i look forward to hearing from you. kind regards, niki sol faculty of education university of cambridge appendix c. pre-departure interview questions 	
   	
   childhood • how would you describe yourself as a child? • tell me about your family. o how would you describe your parents? o what are some of the best/worst things about them? • what other members of your family played a role in your upbringing? how so? • what was growing up in your house/neighborhood like? • what was the best part about your childhood? o what about your childhood you wish had been different and how? • what are your best memories of school? worst? • what accomplishments in school are you most proud of? • what was your first experience of leaving home like? social • what were your friends like? o what friendships were most important to you during childhood and adolescence? • what was the best part of being a teenager? worst part? • what did you do for fun? what clubs, organizations, or groups did you join? • what pressures did you feel as a teenager, and where did they come from? • what has dating been like for you? • who most helped you develop your current understanding of yourself? how so? • what different roles to you play in the different aspects of your life? o do you feel these roles ever conflict? how so? • how do you think others would describe you? o how do you feel about how others might describe you? • what was it like to turn ? • have you had any jobs? tell me about it/them. inner life/spiritual awareness • how do you feel about yourself physically? • what primary beliefs guide your life? o where did you get these beliefs? • what values would you not want to compromise? culture • how would you define yourself culturally? • what family/cultural celebrations, traditions, or rituals were important in your life? • what cultural values were passed on to you and by whom? • was religion important in your family? • what cultural influences are still important to you today? • how much of a factor in your life do you feel your cultural background has been? • was social class important in your life? • what does being [african american/black] mean to you? o when did you first see yourself as being [african american/black]? o what memories do you have of your race being a factor in your life? • what does being u.s. american mean to you? • what does being [male/female] mean to you? • how did you react when obama was elected president? appendix c. pre-departure interview questions 	
   	
   major life themes • what has been the happiest time in your life? • what has been the most important learning experience in your life? • what has been the greatest challenge of your life so far? • how have you overcome and learned from your difficulties? • are you satisfied with the life choices you have made? o is there anything you would change? • what relationships in your life have been the most significant? o how would you describe those relationships? • how do you feel about yourself now? • what matters the most to you now? • what is the most important thing you have had to learn about yourself? • what do you see for yourself in years time? university and study abroad • what made you decide to attend university? • why did you choose the university that you did? • tell me about your university experience thus far. • what pressures have you experienced attending university? • why did you decide to study abroad? • why did you choose the country you did? • what are you most looking forward to about studying abroad? • what challenges do you see for yourself? closure • is there anything that we’ve left out of your life story? • do you feel you have given a fair picture of yourself? • what are your feelings about this interview and all that we have covered? appendix d. repatriation interview questions 	
   	
   general feelings • how is it to be back in the united states? • what do you find yourself thinking the most about your experience abroad? • how have family and friends reacted to your return? o how have you reacted to being back with your friends and family? • what do you miss most about being in your host country? • what do you miss the least? • what do you like most about being back in the united states? reflection • thinking back, what did you enjoy most about your abroad experience? • what are some of the social aspects that you found most challenging? • what do you think about the academic experience that you had? o do feel you lived up to your full academic potential in paris? culture • what did you find the most challenging about your host country’s culture? • how do you think you adjusted to life in your host country? • what do you think were host nationals’ response to you in their country? o tell me some specific examples where you saw this. • how have you changed any ways that you looked at the world? • how do you feel about your physical appearance? • did you think about your racial identity during your time abroad? in what ways? • what issues, if any, did your background play in your time in your host country? • what does being [african american/black] mean to you? • what does being u.s. american mean to you? o how did being an american play into your experience? • what does being a woman mean to you? closing • how do you think you have changed since going abroad? o why? o what role do you think your time abroad played in these changes? o you mentioned in your field notes a couple of times that you feel there are parts of yourself that you need to change. how did this manifest in you? • how has your time abroad affected your plans for the future? • what differences have your family and friends noted in you? • is there anything else you want to share with me about your abroad experience that you haven’t? appendix e. field text questions 	
   	
   month describe your arrival and adjustment to your host country. • what initial impressions have you had? • what have you really liked about your host country? • what sorts of challenges have you encountered? • how would you describe the people you interact with? what sorts of interactions have you had with them? • what do you miss from home, if anything? • please include anything else you think pertinent. month describe how you have become involved in your host country/institution. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • what activities are you involved in? • what are you doing in your free time? • what is your university like? • what sort of interactions do you have with people when you are outside of the classroom (e.g. in stores, at restaurants, out and about)? • who do you find yourself spending your time with? • how often do you contact home? how do you contact home? • what sort of situations have you encountered that remind you of your position as an outsider? how do you react to these situations? month describe your immersion into the culture. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • what are you enjoying most about your host country? • how has the academic course load been compared to your experience in the states? • what sorts of experiences have you had where your race/gender/nationality/age have come into play? what happened? how did you react? month (semester-long participants) describe your closing time in your host culture. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • did you travel at all outside your host city? where did you go and for how long? who did you go with? what memorable experiences did you have? • how do you feel you adjusted to living in your host country? • what do you think you will miss most about leaving? • what are you looking forward to when you return home? • how has your view of your host country changed since you first arrived? • what have you learned about yourself in the time you’ve been abroad? • how do you feel you have changed from your time abroad? personally? academically? et cetera? appendix e. field text questions 	
   	
   month (year-long participants) describe your first season in your host country. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • how are you spending your time? • what sorts of issues have come up for you in regards to school? social interactions? day-to-day life? • how do you think host nationals view you? • in what ways do you feel more at home in your host country? in what ways do you still feel like a foreigner? • what, if anything, do you miss about the united states? month describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • how are you spending your time? • how is university going? • what interactions are you having with those inside and outside of the classroom? • what challenges have you encountered? • what have you really enjoyed in the last month? • is there anything else you'd like to share? month describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • how are you spending your time? • how is university going? • how have your interactions with others been going? • what challenges have you encountered? • what have you really enjoyed in the last month? • is there anything else you'd like to share? month describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • how are you spending your time? • how is university going? • how have your interactions with others been going? • what challenges have you encountered? • what have you really enjoyed in the last month? • is there anything else you'd like to share? month describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • how are you spending your time? • how is university going? appendix e. field text questions 	
   	
   • how have your interactions with others been going? • what challenges have you encountered? • what have you really enjoyed in the last month? • is there anything else you'd like to share? month describe your closing time in your host culture. • what memorable events have occurred in the last month? • did you travel at all outside your host city? where did you go and for how long? who did you go with? what memorable experiences did you have? • how do you feel you adjusted to living in your host country? • what do you think you will miss most about leaving? • what are you looking forward to when you return home? • how has your view of your host country changed since you first arrived? • what have you learned about yourself in the time you’ve been abroad? • how do you feel you have changed from your time abroad? personally? academically? et cetera? appendix f: examples of field texts 	
   	
   taylor: venice, italy october, month : describe your arrival and adjustment to your host country. i have been living in venice, italy now for only about a week and at first, i must be honest, i did not like it here at all. in fact, after the first days, i wanted to turn right around, get back on a plane and go back to america. i became very sick, i discovered vicious mosquito bites just on one arm and all the walking was making me sore and my back hurt beyond what i have ever felt. i honestly did not see how i would survive one month let alone three. i wanted to leave but, that was impossible and i must stay and now i’m glad i did. this city has so much to offer and the extra walking is worth it. of course this city has its flaws, but it is different and beautiful and it gives me a chance to see how very different venetians live. how their way of life is very unique and i doubt there is any place on earth that is like venice. i have met so many friends from all over the world: noah and dor from israel, ahdi from spain, marius and teresa from germany, idiana from japan, tone from vietnam, brian from england, jessica and marta from italy, and peter who is a venetian sailor. i am just starting now to get use to the boat routes; it’s not difficult at all, i don’t even carry my map around with me anymore. the sunsets are amazing. i have never ever in my whole life seen a more perfect beautiful sunset then the ones in venice. from its architecture, to the locals, the small shops that sell mask and pubs that sell spritz, venice is a dying city but for now it is full of life… during the day. there is no nightlife here unfortunately. this city caters to the old and the timid. the whole city is very quiet by am and dead by : and does not start up again until . the water is as essential to the city for survival as the tourist. the water provides transportation for those that either do not have a boat or for some reason cannot drive one. you need a boat license like how teens in america need a car license. overall the people here are very nice. if you at least try to speak to them in italiano they are very accommodating and helpful. every now and then i run into a rude italian having a bad day but i didn’t expect them all to be nice. a lot of people here smoke. or maybe a lot of young people smoke. everywhere i turn there’s someone puffing on a cigarette. oh god i might come back with lung cancer smh [shaking my head]. everyone reads the newspaper. like how people on [the transport in my college’s town] listen to music or play on their phone, you don’t see that much here. just everyone reading newspapers… and i found this very interesting, i hardly see any single unmarried mothers around here. they are very family-oriented so if a couple has a child, they are married, end of story. no broken families. the fathers are very involved with their children’s lives. in fact i see more fathers with their children than children with their mothers. their mentality is different and very refreshing compared to those in [my college town]. the men here push the carriage or carry the baby in the little baby wraps that fasten around your chest. or it’s the man that takes his son or daughter to school, or feeds the baby its milk or cradles it when she cries. it’s so adorable. i mean it makes sense because the woman carries the baby around for months, the least he can do is burp it lol [laugh out loud]. the water levels are changing drastically. one day the water will be so high it is spilling all on the sidewalk. i use to find myself dodging small waves every other step. but now just a few days ago i noticed parts of the lagoon floor around san servolo exposed. the water dropped a good - feet overnight. i did not realize how shallow the appendix f: examples of field texts 	
   	
   lagoon is. some parts cannot be deeper than three feet, the water is just so murky you cannot see the bottom even if it was inches deep. i am tired of eating crescent for breakfast every day. there are just sandwiches, crescents and pizza. good food is a well-kept secret here but i will unlock it soon. i don’t eat much; actually i’m realizing just how much i overate in america. i can go for hours without food and not even realize it until my stomach starts to growl. in america, i never gave my stomach a chance to start making any noises lol [laugh out loud]. the coffees are so small, not that i drink coffee but if i did i would be super pissed because the coffee cups are literally the size of the little cups from a tea set i use to play with when i was a child. a few things i miss about america: the big cars, the clubs, my friends/family, cooked food, my car, people who speak english, being able to go into the store and find soup, not walking, not having to steal tissue from my school, an oven, boiled water, free laundry, grocery stores that stay open pass pm and tall buildings. things i don’t miss about america: traffic, girls who wear clothes that don’t fit them, mcdonald’s, black guys ( :p), big-booty hoes, girls who wear leggings for pants, the [my city’s public transport and night scene] and hobos! rhonda: paris, france april, month : describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. [note: rhonda had moved to a new host family two months prior, just started attending a african caribbean church, and expressed boredom with her academics at her host university.] o how are you spending your time? lately i have been spending a lot of time with my host family or studying and doing homework. it’s very warm and welcoming where i live, so i feel comfortable do more and more things with them, like cooking, watching movies, etc. o you mentioned going to church. is it in french? why was it important for you to go? how have you found that experience? yes, church is in french. it’s important for me to go because it’s a time and space for me to clear my head and reflect on what i’m doing with my life, from a spiritual and moral point of view. it’s also a good way to meet people. i always have a fun time there because there are a lot of people my age and they’re very welcoming. o how is university going? you mentioned you were getting bored. what is boring you? university is getting stressful right now because i have a lot of homework, but in general i’ve been pretty disappointed with my choice of classes. i constantly wish i chose different classes, because i feel like i’m not intellectually stimulated enough. i have a lot of work, but i’m not interested in it. a lot of times, i find myself anticipating going back to [my home university] because i miss those kinds of classes. at the same time, there is one class that i’m taking here that i really love. it’s an art history course taught by a french curator, but it’s through my study abroad program, not a university. o it sounds like your relationships have evolved in your time there. how do your friendships and interactions with others differ from how they do in the states (if at all)? appendix f: examples of field texts 	
   	
   o what challenges have you encountered? i guess interactions are different on a physical level. with my host family, we give each other a kiss on the cheek to say hello, and i do that with my french friends too. now i actually feel uncomfortable hugging people. also, some of my friends are from the french west indies, so they express this caribbean sense of personal space that is very different from our sense of space--that is, they don’t really have one! my host mom is from martinique as well, so she’s very warm, she’ll hug you, kiss you, and always invite you somewhere. i really like this friend atmosphere, but sometimes, i don’t, because i’m not used to being that close physically to people. o what have you really enjoyed in the last month? last weekend we went to the loire region to visit some ancient french castles. it was a lot of fun, because i got to spend time with the other study abroad students and the directors, and play around in these grand, ancient chateaux! o is there anything else you’d like to share? this past month i’ve also cut my hair really short, like a boy’s hair cut. i did that as a way of expressing how much i’ve changed since september. everyday i see something about myself that i’ve been blind to all my life--like how i’m always extremely afraid of the future, or how the african culture that i’ve grown up in was actually quite sexist, etc. each time i see a fault or flaw in my personality, i get really upset, because i hate thinking that there’s something about myself that i need to change, but then i feel so relieved at the same time, because i see that i’m not limited by my flaws--that i can always change who i am, or the way i think. for example, i’ve been feeling really nervous lately about my studies. what am i going to do with a french studies degree? i already know that i want to study law, but i constantly think about all the opportunities that i’ve excluded from my future as a french major--a high paying job immediately out of college, a successful career in general. but wait a minute! why can’t i have a successful career in the future? just because i didn’t want to be an engineer or a microfinance manager? why do i always think such limiting thoughts that tear away at my confidence? when i realized that this is the way i always think, i got really sad, because i realized that i’ve been missing a lot of opportunities because i voluntarily limited myself like that. but at the same time, now that i know that most of the limits in my life are not real but just in my head, i feel so free, because now i can aspire to achieve something and not feel so much fear about it. being in france has helped me realize that the world and the possibilities in it are much greater than i’ve thought. tasha: tokyo, japan may, month : describe your continued adjustment, academic and social life in your host country. [note: up to this point, tasha had almost two months off between february and april to travel around. she went with some friends to south korea, taiwan, and other parts of japan. at the start of the new term, she had joined the university’s women’s baseball team.] o what were the activities you did while you traveled? what was it like going to these places you’d never been to before, particularly on a personal level? appendix f: examples of field texts 	
   	
   i didn’t do anything particular. in hokkaido, i went to niseko, which is a world famous ski resort, and went snowboarding. in seoul and taiwan, because the american dollar is stronger, we mostly went places where we can go shopping. our activities included eating food and shopping at local markets. when i was in okinawa, i didn’t do anything too excited considering that i had already been there before [as a teenager in high school]. however there was one instance where my friend took me to a college graduation, so i was able to experience the difference between a japanese graduation and an american graduation. when i went to these different places, especially going to korea and taiwan, i couldn’t help but see how different these places are from each other. i think many westerners couldn’t tell the difference between the different cultures of asian countries, so going to these other places gave me any idea just how unique all these countries are. simple differences such as eating food while walking or riding the train (in korea, you can do both; in taipei, one can eat while walking, but it is illegal to eat on the trains; in japan, it is impolite to eat in either situation.), or which side to stand on while taking the escalator (korea and taiwan- the right side; japan depends on what city you are in). traveling to these other countries truly tested my adaptability considering none of the places were exactly the same, nor do they speak the same language. it was difficult to get through, but it also made me feel good that i was able to function despite so many unknowns. o what are your friends like that you’ve met in the dorms? what do y’all usually do when you’re together? many of the friends are outgoing and fun to be around. most of them are either european or american, but i’ve made friends with a couple of japanese and korean people. for the most part, cook and eat dinner, play video games or watch movies together. o how’s baseball? it’s going fine. i have done a couple of practices with the team and they are definitely hardcore when training. i’m still sore from the last practice and sometimes my body says not to do it anymore, but i decided to continue. o what have you really enjoyed in the last month? i’ve enjoyed relaxing around tokyo, waiting for the classes to begin again. traveling was fun, but after doing it for almost a month, it felt good just to laze around in the dorm and hanging out with friends. o i didn’t know that uni in japan started in april. how has it been going now that you have started up again? how are your classes and everything? things are getting a little confusing because of the differences in schedule. my mind is working on the japanese college semester, which just begun, when in america, the semester is almost over. and since i am leaving within a few months, i’ve been trying to reprogram myself for the return trip. knowing that i will have classes during the summer does feel a bit odd. my classes for this semester are, unfortunately, pretty useless. sophia does not have as much class selection that i am used to at [my home institution], but i was required to take four classes. i just hope that the classes are interesting this semester. appendix g: example of descriptive analysis coding 	
   	
   	
   appendix h: informed consent 	
   	
   university of cambridge informed consent for participants title of project: outside looking in: case studies of study abroad’s effects on african american university students’ self-concept investigator: nicole i. sol, ma i. purpose you have been invited to participate in a study concerning identity formation of african american undergraduate students who study abroad and come from various u.s. colleges and universities. through this study i would like to gain a greater understanding of how individuals’ life histories and experiences through study abroad affect how they understand their self-concept. ii. eligibility to be eligible to participate in this study, you must be: ) a u.s. american citizen between the ages of and ; ) identify as african american or black; ) enrolled full-time in a four-year college or university. ) participating in a study abroad or exchange program in the - academic year at a higher education institution outside of your home country/countries. the program must be at least one semester long, though preferably you will take part of a yearlong program. iii. procedure to accomplish the goals of this study, you will be asked to partake in several activities over the span on a year. the activities will include: ) pre-departure: an interview of about two to three hours is planned prior to your departure for your program to be done face-to-face, regarding your personal history. ) while abroad: letter writing, blogging/social media, and/or journaling of your experience abroad. ) return: a follow-up interview of about two hours approximately two to three months after your return from your program to debrief about your experience. iv. risks the information gathered for this study will delve into different aspects of your personal history and your thoughts on different ideas regarding race, ethnicity, and/or sexuality. if at any time during the study you wish to stop, you may choose to do so without penalty. v. benefits of this project the information you provide will only be used for scientific purposes. this may include a presentation of the results at a scientific meeting and/or being published and reproduced in professional journals or books, or used for any other purpose that the university of cambridge deems in the proper interest of education, knowledge, or research. vi. anonymity the results of this study will be kept confidential. the information you provide will have a pseudonym to identify you during analyses and any write-up of the research. specific information such as your home university and other identifiers will be written of only in general terms. the information you provide will be kept in a password- protected computer and backup drive, which will only be accessed by the researcher. vii. expenses each participant who completes a yearlong or semester study abroad program will appendix h: informed consent 	
   	
   receive $ or $ , respectively, at the end of the study to pay for costs incurred from participating in this study such as the stationary, postage, journals, or internet usage required to contact the researcher. viii. freedom to withdraw if at any time you wish to decline participation, you are free to withdraw at anytime without penalty. ix. participant’s responsibilities i voluntarily agree to participate in this study. i have the following responsibilities: ) to answer questions truthfully and to the best of my knowledge; ) to participate thoughtfully in letters, blogs, and/or my journal about my experience while abroad. x. participant permission: i have read and understand the above description of the study. i have had all my questions answered. i hereby acknowledge the above and give my voluntary consent for participation in this project. if i participate, i may withdraw at any time without penalty. i agree to abide by the rules of this project. should i have any questions about this research or its conduct, i may contact: ms. nicole sol, ma + ( ) nis @cam.ac.uk dr. hilary cremin, phd + ( ) hc @cam.ac.uk ___________________________________ _____________________________ signature date