HITLER AND THE CHURCHES 

1933-1939 

by 
Robert R. Taylor 

B.A., The University of British Columbia, 1961 

A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of 
the Requirements for the Degree of 

Master of Arts 
in the Department of 

History 

We accept this thesis as conforming 
to the required standard 

The University of British Columbia 

April, 1964 



In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of 

the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of • 

British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely 

available for reference and study, I further agree that per-

mission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly 

purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by 

his representatives. It is understood that.copying or publi-

cation of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed 

without my written permission* 

Department of History  

The University of British Columbia, 
Vancouver 8 ? Canada 
D a t e A p r i l . 196A 



ABSTRACT 

F o r purposes o f t h i s t h e s i s , we a c c e p t the v i e w 

t h a t t h e C h r i s t i a n Church's power d e c l i n e d a f t e r t h e M i d d l e 

Ages, and a s e c u l a r , i n d u s t r i a l , mass s o c i e t y d e v e l o p e d i n 

Western Europe, a s o c i e t y w h i c h , by t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , 

had begun t o d e p r i v e m e n - - p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e p r o l e t a r i a t — o f 

t h e i r s p i r i t u a l r o o t s , and w h i c h c r e a t e d the need f o r a new 

f a i t h . I n Germany, t h i s s i t u a t i o n , e s p e c i a l l y a c u t e a f t e r 

t h e f i r s t W o r l d War, was c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e p e c u l i a r h i s t o r y 

o f c h u r c h - s t a t e r e l a t i o n s t h e r e as w e l l as by t h e weakened pos-

i t i o n o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s e s . F o r a v a r i e t y o f r e a s o n s , young 

Germans i n t h e f i r s t decades of t h i s c e n t u r y were i n a 

" r e v o l u t i o n a r y " mood. A d o l f H i t l e r h i m s e l f was such a young 

p e r s o n , r a i s e d i n a b o u r g e o i s C h r i s t i a n environment, y e t 

s t r o n g l y a f f e c t e d by t h e p o l i t i c a l and s o c i a l t r e n d s o f the l a t e 

n i n e t e e n t h and e a r l y t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r i e s . 

N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , w i t h i t s a n t i - S e m i t i s m and i t s 

c a l l f o r n a t i o n a l r e g e n e r a t i o n , became t h e s u b s t i t u t e f a i t h 

o f Germans and was d i r e c t e d by c y n i c a l p o l i t i c i a n s . Much o f t h i s 



" t h e o l o g y " was d e t e r m i n e d by p o l i t i c a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s ; t h a t 

i s , by what a p p e a l e d t o non-Nazi Germans. I t demanded, f o r 

example, a t o t a l commitment w h i c h many were r e a d y t o g i v e . 

The r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s of t h i s Weltanschauung were manufac-

t u r e d by N a z i l e a d e r s , who d i d not t h e m s e l v e s b e l i e v e i n them. 

S e e k i n g t o win t h e n a t i o n ' s y o u t h , H i t l e r found h i m s e l f i n 

c o n f l i c t w i t h o r t h o d o x f a i t h , but he knew t h a t , i f the P a r t y 

was permanently t o dominate Germany, C h r i s t i a n i t y would have 

t o be e l i m i n a t e d . 

The C h r i s t i a n a t t i t u d e , however, a i d e d t h e N a z i s i n 

c o n s o l i d a t i n g t h e i r power. The L u t h e r a n v i e w o f t h e s t a t e , 

e s p e c i a l l y t h a t of t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " , o f f e r e d l i t t l e 

r e s i s t a n c e . The C a t h o l i c a t t i t u d e was more h o s t i l e , but 

u l t i m a t e l y d i d not p r e v e n t German C a t h o l i c s from r i v a l l i n g 

t h e i r P r o t e s t a n t c o l l e a g u e s i n enthusiasm f o r N a z i r e f o r m s . 

H i t l e r ' s approach t o the c h u r c h e s a f t e r 1933 e v o l v e d 

i n s e v e r a l s t a g e s , from a p p a r e n t c o n c i l i a t i o n t h r o u g h f r a n k 

h o s t i l i t y t o g r u d g i n g t o l e r a t i o n . He t r i e d t o r e t r e a t from 

t h e p o s i t i o n he adopted i n t h e ' t w e n t i e s , a p o s i t i o n which 

u p h e l d " p o s i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y " , and w h i c h s u p p o r t e d t h e "German 

C h r i s t i a n s " and t h e C o n c o r d a t of 1933. A l t h o u g h ready t o 

abandon t h e s e elements and t h i s agreement, he n e v e r c o u l d . 

A f t e r 1936 he began t o i n t e n s i f y h i s a t t a c k on t h e C a t h o l i c s 

and, t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t , t h e L u t h e r a n s , b u t H i t l e r knew i t 

was not n e c e s s a r y t o a s s a u l t t h e l a t t e r group as v i g o r o u s l y as 



t h e C a t h o l i c s . The o u t b r e a k o f war showed b o t h t h e f a i l u r e 

and t h e s u c c e s s o f t h e P a r t y ' s K i r c h e n p o l i t i k , f o r , w h i l e t h e 

a c t i v i t i e s o f b o t h c o n f e s s i o n s showed t h a t t h e p e o p l e s t i l l 

adhered t o t h e o l d f a i t h , the f a c t t h a t both c h u r c h e s a c c e p t e d 

t h e war i n a l l i t s c o n t r a d i c t o r y a s p e c t s , showed t h a t t h e 

Weltanschauung had, i n t h e p o l i t i c a l sphere a t l e a s t , won 

t h e a l l e g i a n c e t h a t t h e P a r t y had sought e a r l i e r . 

The N a z i s were p a r t i c u l a r l y c o n c e r n e d t o e l i m i n a t e 

C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e i n e d u c a t i o n and y o u t h t r a i n i n g , and t o 

s u b s t i t u t e t h e i r own " f a i t h " . Many u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s were 

a l r e a d y n a t i o n a l i s t i c , a n t i - S e m i t i c , and " r e v o l u t i o n a r y " , and 

most o f t h e f a c u l t y o f t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s were n o t h o s t i l e t o 

the P a r t y . Here H i t l e r was not concerned o n l y t o e x c l u d e 

C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e , but a l s o t o emasculate t h e c r i t i c a l f a c -

u l t i e s o f t h e young and t o e n s u r e t h a t o n l y t h o s e who a c c e p t e d 

N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m were educated. The p u b l i c s c h o o l s posed 

more o f a problem, f o r here t h e c h u r c h e s o f t e n c o n t r o l l e d both 

t e a c h e r s and s u b j e c t s , and here a t t h e same t i m e was t h e 

g r e a t e s t o p p o r t u n i t y and g r e a t e s t need t o educate and t r a i n 

good N a z i s . T h e r e f o r e the i d e o l o g y became p a r t o f e v e r y c h i l d ' s 

l e a r n i n g and, where C h r i s t i a n i t y c o u l d not be a l t o g e t h e r ex-

c l u d e d , i t was used and merged w i t h t h e H i t l e r i t e t e a c h i n g s . 

They a l s o t r i e d t o l i m i t t h e i n f l u e n c e o f p a r e n t s w i t h 

C h r i s t i a n p r e j u d i c e s over t h e c h i l d and t o e l i m i n a t e t h e 

C h r i s t i a n y o u t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s . Throughout t h i s campaign t h e y 



employed d e c e p t i v e c o n c i l i a t i o n , d e l i b e r a t e l y c o n f u s i n g de-

c r e e s , and a n t i - C h r i s t i a n propaganda. At f i r s t t h e y bene-

f i t e d from t h e c o n f u s i o n i n many C h r i s t i a n minds as t o t h e 

n a t u r e o f t h e movement, but t h i s a m b i g u i t y was u l t i m a t e l y 

a d i s a d v a n t a g e . I n t h a t t h e y used C h r i s t i a n i t y t o i n c u l c a t e 

t h e new " f a i t h " , t h e y weakened t h e i r a n t i - C h r i s t i a n p o s i t i o n . 

U n c e r t a i n t y among C h r i s t i a n l e a d e r s combined w i t h 

t h e f a i t h o f a p a r t o f t h e i r f l o c k d e t e r m i n e d r e s p e c t i v e l y 

t h e N a z i s ' c o n s i d e r a b l e s u c c e s s i n p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n 

and t h e i r f a i l u r e t o b e g i n e x t e r m i n a t i n g C h r i s t i a n i t y . Had 

t h e c h u r c h l e a d e r s p o s s e s s e d a dynamic approach t o s o c i a l and 

p o l i t i c a l problems, t h e N a z i l e a d e r s would not have c o n v e r t e d 

so many t o t h e i r s u b s t i t u t e f a i t h . T h e i r r e f o r m s succeeded 

because t h e y were based on a l a c k of s p i r i t u a l c o n v i c t i o n i n 

t h e r e f o r m e r s o r o f p o l i t i c a l m a t u r i t y i n t h e churchmen. H i t l e r 

was w i l l i n g t o use any s y m p a t h e t i c element t o g a i n power, b u t , 

i r o n i c a l l y , he n e v e r managed t o win t h e e n t i r e d e v o t i o n of t h e 

p e o p l e because o f t h i s t a c t i c o f apparent compromise. I n 

s h o r t , h i s a l l i a n c e w i t h and use of C h r i s t i a n i t y was u l t i m a t -

e l y one o f h i s weaknesses. 



Contents 

CHAPTER 1 Introduction 
(1) Background: the Spiritual Condition 

of Pre-Nazi Germany 
(2) Roman Catholic and Lutheran views of 

the State 
(3) German Church-State Relations 
(4) Problems in Lutheranism 
(5) German Society i n General; Particularly 

Post-1918 Youth 
CHAPTER 2 Adolf Hitler: His Faith and His Attitude 

to Christianity 
(1) Introduction 
(2) His Faith 
(3) The Role of the Party, versus the Churches 

CHAPTER 3 The Nazi Movement as a Substitute Faith 
(1) The Development of Nazism into a 

Pseudo-Church 
(2) Rosenberg, the High Priest 
(3) Essence of the Nazi "Faith" 
(4) The Religious Trappings Manufactured 
(5) TheHitler Youth 
(6) Concept of the E l i t e 
(7) The Final Enlightenment 
(8) Weaknesses 

CHAPTER 4 The Church-State Conflict 
(1) Christian Attitude to the Conflict 
(2) Themes of the Conflict 
(3) Events of the Conflict 
(4) Problems 

CHAPTER 5 Education and the Control of Youth 
(1) Introduction 
(2) The Universities 
(3) Public Schools 
(4) Hitler Youth versus Christian Youth 

CHAPTER 6 Summary and Conclusions 



CHAPTER I 

I n t r o d u c t i o n 

1. Background: S p i r i t u a l C o n d i t i o n of P r e - N a z i Germany 

The C h r i s t i a n churches have f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e 

s o l u t i o n s f o r t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y s p i r i t u a l , s o c i a l , and p o l i t i c -

a l problems; t h e r e s u l t i s t h a t many o f t h e s e m i - r e l i g i o u s 

movements o f t h e modern e r a , such as Communism, have t a k e n 

p l a c e o u t s i d e C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g y and a p a r t from C h r i s t i a n l i f e . 

N e c e s s i t y i s t h e mother o f i n v e n t i o n ; t h e need t o s o l v e t h e s e 

problems c r e a t e d much o f t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t phenomenon. 

German s p i r i t u a l ^ c o n f u s i o n was o f c o n s i d e r a b l e s i g n i f i c a n c e 

i n t h e development o f the N a z i movement and i n i t s r i s e t o 

power. But w h i l e t h e N a z i e l i t e d i d not s e r i o u s l y c o n c e r n them-

By " s p i r i t u a l " i s meant n o t s i m p l y t h a t w h i c h relate<§ 
t o t h e l i f e of t h e s p i r i t ( i . e . " s o u l " ) , not r e l i g i o u s l i f e 
per s e , but t h a t w h i c h D i l t h e y c a l l e d " d i e g e i s t i g e Welt", 
t r a n s l a t e d by H.P. Rickman as " m i n d - a f f e c t e d w o r l d " . T h i s i n -
c l u d e s concepts o f God, p a t r i o t i s m , w o r l d - v i e w , s o c i a l mores, and 
so on; p h r a s e s which i m p l y an o t h e r - w o r l d l y s a n c t i o n t h a t , a l -
though vague, i s n o n e t h e l e s s s t r o n g . See W i l h e l m D i l t h e y , 
P a t t e r n and Meaning i n H i s t o r y . Thoughts on H i s t o r y and S o c i e t y , 
ed. t r a n s . H.P. Rickman, New Xork, H a r p e r s , l y b i d , p. 2 3 . 



2 

s e l v e s w i t h t h e cause o f t h e malady, t h e y made e f f e c t i v e use 

of the symptoms i n t h e i r d r i v e t o power and t h e recommenda-

t i o n s of would-be p h y s i c i a n s i n m a i n t a i n i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n . 

T h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y c h a p t e r o u t l i n e s t h e problem as i t appeared 

i n b o t h European and German l i f e . From t h i s g e n e r a l background 

w i l l be seen not o n l y how Nazism was an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f 

German development, but a l s o why u n - p o l i t i c a l , n o n - f a n a t i c a l , 

C h r i s t i a n Germans a c c e p t e d and s u p p o r t e d i t . 

C r i t i c i s m of t h e W i l h e l m i a n p e r i o d and l a m e n t a t i o n s 

about i t s s p i r i t u a l s i c k n e s s began a l m o s t as soon as the age 

i t s e l f and have n e v e r stopped. A l f r e d Baumler, a N a z i , de-

c l a r e d t h a t Bismarck l e f t behind him a people who l i v e d i n a 

s t a t e t h e y had not t h e m s e l v e s c r e a t e d and who were t h e r e f o r e 

i n d i f f e r e n t t o i t s f u t u r e . T h e i r K u l t u r was p o i s o n e d by i n -

c r e a s i n g commercial e x p a n s i o n , w o r l d - m a r k e t c o m p e t i t i o n , and, 

o f c o u r s e , m a t e r i a l i s m . A l l t h e f i n e r elements of genuine 

"Germanness" (Deutschtum), t h e q u a l i t i e s o f t h e German " s o u l " , 

were s a c r i f i c e d f o r i n d i v i d u a l m a t e r i a l g a i n . W i t h t h i s de-

cadent i n d i v i d u a l i s m and t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g n e g l e c t o f t h e 

c o u n t r y ' s s p i r i t u a l w e l f a r e , Baumler was not s u r p r i s e d t h a t t h e 

F a t h e r l a n d c o l l a p s e d i n 191&.1, He d i d n o t , i n t h i s a n a l y s i s , 

get a t t h e core o f t h e i s s u e . Nor d i d a n o t h e r N a z i , A l f r e d 

Rosenberg, when he condemned "the b o u n d l e s s , m a t e r i a l i s t i c 

Quoted i n George F r e d e r i c k K n e l l e r , E d u c a t i o n a l  
P h i l o s o p h y o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , New Haven, Y a l e , 1941, p. 3 0 . 



3 

individualism aiming at an economic-political control of the 
world's money."''" To be sure, i f one ignores the jargon about 
"soul", one finds here some truth, supported by more reliable 
sources. The age was f i l l e d with great constructive poten-
t i a l i t y , suppressed turbulence, and frustration. For many 
who were less articulate than, for example, Nietzsche or Paul 
de Lagarde, i t s security andcomfort were not sufficient to 
give answers to the questions raised by a radically changing 
environment; they sought someone to lead them out of a social 
cul de sac. Take, for example, Thomas Mann's "Magic Mountain", 
in which a group of people are attracted by what seems to be 
originality or "charisma" in Mr. Peeperkorn. This novel is an 
encyclopedia of intellectual and social trends of the time. Al-
though they were often c r i t i c a l of the age, the Wandervffgel 
(or "Roamers"), youthful hikers and nature enthusiasts, stand 
for a similar tendency, seeking the "real" in human experience. 
It i s significant, moreover, that the Church did not usually 
participate in the c r i t i c a l wave, nor did i t often attract those 
who sought a reformation of national l i f e . It had not man-
aged to capture the allegiance of the working classes, who 
were born and grew up largely pagan from the early nineteenth 
century. Less inclined to be satisfied with superficial 
palliatives, the middle classes, more l i t e r a t e and self-con-

Alfred Rosenberg, Mythus des 20.Jahrhunderts. 
Mtochen, Hoheneichen, 1934, p. 118. '. 



4 

scious, engaged in what now seems a frantic search for 
meaning. 

The peculiarities of the Wilhelmian period were 
symptomatic of a deeper malaise, European in scope and much 
older than the Second Empire. By 1900, much Christian teaching 
and morality lived on only in a secularized form, and the 
majority of Europeans lived without a spiritual foundation to 
their existence. This condition, according to Nicolas 
Berdyaev,^ represents the end of the Renaissance and the 
failure of humanism. The man the Renaissance humanists created 
now wanders the earth, lacking communion with the depths of 
l i f e , relying too much on his own powers, and unbearably lon-
ely. This loneliness, both spiritual and more simply social, 
has become an everyday experience of the urban masses. Mean-
while, according to Hannah Arendt, self-interest has to a 
certain extent declined and has been replaced by a numbness in 
the face of catastrophe which, coupled with an inclination 
toward abstract notions as guides for l i f e , happily accepts 
a r i g i d , i l l o g i c a l ideology as long as i t grants a minimum of 
self-respect. "What convinces the masses are not facts, and 
not invented facts, but only the consistency of the system of 

2 
which they are presumably part." A new system of belief, 

"*"In this introduction, I have confined myself to a 
discussion of three c r i t i c s of the situation, Berdyaev, Arendt, 
and Fromm, representatives of three points of view, Christian 
p o l i t i c a l - s o c i a l , and psychological. Much more has been written 
on the subject; here I can only indicate the common conclusions 
these writers have arrived at. 

2 
Hannah Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism,New York, 

Meridian, 1958, p. 316. 



5 

however, i f p r e s e n t e d i n terms p o p u l a r l y u n d e r s t o o d — S o u l , 

God, F a t e , F a t h e r l a n d — i s a l m o s t a s s u r e d o f s u c c e s s . 

Europeans a r e r e a d y , Berdyaev adds, t o a c c e p t any k i n d o f 

c o l l e c t i v i s m as l o n g as t h e unwanted burden of human r e s -

p o n s i b i l i t y w i l l v a n i s h . I f t h e new system a p p e a r s c o n s i s t e n t , 

t h e y w i l l g l a d l y a c c e p t t h e o f f e r e d s p i r i t u a l c o u n t e r f e i t , 

f o r m i n g " c h u r c h e s " t h a t a r e mere i m i t a t i o n s . T h i s f i n a l d i s -

l o c a t i o n o f t h e o r g a n i c s t r u c t u r e o f l i f e means enslavement 

t o m e c h a n i z a t i o n and " c i v i l i z e d b a r b a r i s m " . There i s , con-

s e q u e n t l y , i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f t h e l o n e l i n e s s which i s a t t h e 

r o o t of human d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n . ' ' " 

I t c o u l d be m a i n t a i n e d t h a t t h e more Europeans g a i n 

p o l i t i c a l freedom and emerge from an o r i g i n a l u n i t y w i t h o t h e r 

human b e i n g s and t h e n a t u r a l w o r l d , t h e more i s o l a t e d t h e y 

become as i n d i v i d u a l s . The p o s t - R e n a i s s a n c e s i t u a t i o n , hand 

i n hand w i t h growing s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and " e n l i g h t e n m e n t " , l e a d s 

t h e weaker m a j o r i t y o f men t o seek s e c u r i t y t h r o u g h t i e s w h i c h 

d e s t r o y t h e i r freedom and t h e i r i n d i v i d u a l i n t e g r i t y . At any 

r a t e , w r i t e r s as d i f f e r e n t as Berdyaev and Hannah Arendt agree 

t h a t p o w e r f u l t e n d e n c i e s e x i s t t o "escape from freedom" i n t o 

s u b m i s s i o n or i n t o some r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e w o r l d and men 

which r e l i e v e s u n c e r t a i n t y . E r i c h Fromm comments; "by l o s i n g 

N i c o l a s Berdyaev, End o f Our Time, t r a n s . Donald 
A t t w a t e r , London, Sheed and Ward, 1 9 3 3 , pp. 1 3 - 5 8 . See a l s o 
A r e n d t , op. c i t . , p. 4 6 . 



6 

h i s f i x e d place i n a c l o s e d world, man l o s e s the answer to 
the meaning of h i s l i f e . " 1 What, or who, could r e s t o r e t h i s 
s e c u r i t y ? 

In t h i s p a r t i c u l a r aspect, Nazism was a European 
phenomenon, the end-product of t h i s l o n g i n g f o r s p i r i t u a l 
s e c u r i t y , but exacerbated by n a t i o n a l f r u s t r a t i o n and econ-
omic d i s a s t e r . Few could f i n d solace i n the p o l i t i c a l l i f e of 
t w e n t i e t h century Germany, where new f o r c e s , powerful and 
a n t i p a t h e t i c to t r a d i t i o n a l values, threatened to b r i n g anarchy. 
The p o l i t i c a l world had l o s t i t s connection not only with 
C h r i s t i a n i t y but a l s o with much of Germany's e t h i c a l and 
c u l t u r a l l i f e . This complete s e c u l a r i z a t i o n of p o l i t i c s de-
p r i v e d of refuge those u n a t t r a c t e d by a d e c l i n i n g church. The 
German who had no sense of f u n c t i o n i n r e l i g i o u s and p o l i t i c a l 
l i f e , and who could no longer b e l i e v e i n the d i v i n e r i g h t of 
the Emperor, sought, with the help of the N a z i s , to give 
p o l i t i c a l l i f e the trappings of r e l i g i o n again. The movement 
gathered momentum and strength as the c r i t i c a l r e b e l s and 
d e s p a i r i n g C h r i s t i a n s found i n i t expression f o r t h e i r own 
needs. 

For both b e l i e v e r s and non-Christians a l i k e , of 
course, i t seemed e a s i e r to accept the i m i t a t i o n church Berdyaev 

E r i c h Fromm, Escape from Freedom, Toronto, Rinehart, 
1941, p. 62. 



7 

p r o p h e s i e d t h a n t o adopt t h e more s t r e n u o u s a c c e p t a n c e o f 

s p i r i t u a l doubt c o u p l e d w i t h t h e generous t o l e r a n c e Fromm 

p r e s c r i b e s , o r t h e o r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n a t t i t u d e o f f a i t h . 

T h i s was t h e s i t u a t i o n i n Germany a f t e r t h e G r e a t War. The 

p e c u l i a r i t i e s o f t h e W i l h e l m i a n p e r i o d were symptoms o f a 

m a l a i s e , not l i m i t e d to Germany a l o n e , w h i c h became i n t e n s e 

i n t h e ' t w e n t i e s and ' t h i r t i e s . I n t h e l a s t a n a l y s i s , not 

m a t e r i a l c o m f o r t , not immersion i n t h e b e a u t i e s or f u n c t i o n s 

of n a t u r e , not even t h e p u r g i n g a c t i o n o f a g r e a t war e f f o r t , 

c o u l d r e l i e v e t h e agony caused by a development f o u r hundred 

y e a r s o l d and European i n scope. N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , however, 

t r i e d t o r e v e r s e t h i s development, b u t , i n d o i n g so, met w i t h 

a r i v a l ; t h e C h r i s t i a n Church. 

2. C a t h o l i c and L u t h e r a n Views of the S t a t e 

The C h r i s t i a n Church e x i s t e d i n Germany b e f o r e t h e 

m o n o l i t h i c s t a t e , b e f o r e t h e Empire, almost b e f o r e c i v i l 

government of any k i n d ; and the v i e w s o f C h r i s t i a n s , C a t h o l i c 

and L u t h e r a n , w i t h r e g a r d t o the s t a t e were p a r t o f e s t a b l i s h e d 

d o c t r i n e and d e t e r m i n e d t h e p o l i c y o f e v e r y p o t e n t i a l German 

l e a d e r , sometimes as p e r s o n a l a r t i c l e s o f f a i t h , as w i t h t h e 

L u t h e r a n B i s m a r c k , sometimes as t e n e t s o f an a l i e n w o r l d v i e w , 

as f o r t h e n i h i l i s t H i t l e r . 

F o r Roman C a t h o l i c s , T h o m i s t i c p h i l o s o p h y p r o v i d e d a 

t h e o r y o f t h e s t a t e a p p a r e n t l y opposed t o N a z i dogma. L u t h e r -

anism a l l o w s t h e s t a t e and t h e c h u r c h each a sphere o f i n -



8 

fluence in society, but Catholicism claims that the church's 
power i s derived from a transcendental divine principle, 
standing above created nature, and, whereas the state i s con-
sidered "natural", the- church is "supernatural", above any 
natural creation of man.1 Catholics believe that, while 
eternal law can find expression in laws of nature, the source 
and authority of human law must ultimately be the law of God; 
human law has no authority except as an expression of justice, 
defined by God's law as declared in Scripture. Thus, a 
secular government, whether democratic or autocratic, which 
governs in accordance with the law of God, i s tolerable; the 
church continues to be the repository of eternal truth. The 
1918 revolution and the 1933 developments were only ripples on 
the ocean of Catholic security. Nevertheless, as the Nazis 
were to discover, the Catholics tended to oppose any confusion 
of secular and divine power and to uphold eternal moral 
standards by which a l l powers in society might be judged. 

Traditional Lutheranism, on the other hand, while i t 
demands freedom to preach the Gospel and to administer sac-
raments without hindrance, leaves the p o l i t i c a l side of the 
church's l i f e to the good w i l l of the state, seeking, to be 
sure, to influence a l l classes i n the state, but believing 

see Thomas Aquinas, Treatise on Law, Chicago, Regnery, >;. 
n.d., passim. 



9 

that the "powers that be are ordained by God." Orthodox 
German Lutherans often drew a sharp line between the realms 
of private devotion and public action, and the combination 
of personal piety and a ruthless use of force was characterist-
i c , as with Bismarck. Wilhelm Nieme511er explains the Lutheran 
attitude with the passage from the second Epistle to the 
Corinthians, "the weapons of our warfare are not carnal"."'" 
Both the Catholics and the Lutherans believed in loyalty 
to the national state, but Lutheran devotion could go so far 
that during war the defence of the Fatherland became the 
religious as well as the civic duty of every Christian citizen. 
The Gott mit uns attitude did not die out after the Great 
War; in 1919, a Lutheran minister declared; 

To foster national l i f e , to let i t blossom 
anew where i t has disappeared or threatens 
to disappear, that i s one of the most wonder-
f u l tasks which God has placed before His 
children...Among these peoples there i s one to 
which goes our love, our pride, our wish, and 
our hope for the future: that i s the German 
people. 

At the same period i t was Pastor Martin NiemSller's desire to 
help his country out of i t s "desolate condition" that helped 

3 
him decide to become a pastor. There is nothing obviously 

"'"Wilhelm Niemttller, Kirchenkampf im Dritten Reich, 
Bielefeld, Bechauf, 1946, p. 12. 

2 
Quoted in Paul Kosok, Modern Germany. A Study of  

Conflicting Loyalties, Chicago, 1933, p. 201. 
^Martin Niemoller, Vom U-Boot zur Kanzel, Berlin, 

Warneck, 1934, p. 163. 



10 

" N a z i " i n t h e above q u o t a t i o n s , y e t many c o n s c i e n t i o u s o r -

thodox L u t h e r a n s s u p p o r t e d H i t l e r and t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " . 

How d i d an o t h e r w i s e l a u d a b l e l o v e o f c o u n t r y become a 

s u i c i d a l r e s p e c t f o r a u t h o r i t y ? 

By i n s i s t i n g t h a t t h e t r u e church was t h e church 

i n v i s i b l e , r a t h e r t h a n t h e church v i s i b l e , M a r t i n L u t h e r 

weakened t h e power o f t h e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a u t h o r i t i e s o v e r 

t h e s t a t e , w h i l e a t the same time j u s t i f y i n g a b s o l u t e a u t h -

o r i t y by d i v i n e r i g h t . T h i s was no l o s s t o L u t h e r , who 

b e l i e v e d t h a t r e l i g i o u s l y i n s p i r e d i n w a r d l i b e r t y was t h e 

o n l y i m p o r t a n t l i b e r t y . Obedience t o outward c i v i l and church 

a u t h o r i t y i s t h e theme o f s e v e r a l o f h i s t r e a t i s e s ; f o r t h e 

d u t i f u l C h r i s t i a n s e r v a n t i n t h e o u t e r w o r l d , d i s o b e d i e n c e 

i s a g r e a t e r s i n t h a n murder or t h e f t ; even i f t h o s e i n power 

a r e e v i l and f a i t h l e s s , t h e i r power and a u t h o r i t y i s from God 

and t h e r e f o r e good.^ A f u r t h e r theme among t h e L u t h e r a n 

p o p u l a t i o n was emphasis on t h e wickedness o f human n a t u r e and 

t h e r e f o r e t h e i n s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l and the n e c e s -

s i t y o f s u b o r d i n a t i o n t o a power o u t s i d e t h e s e l f ; consequent-

l y , i n q u e s t i o n s o f i m p o s i n g d i s c i p l i n e on a r e c a l c i t r a n t 

c i t i z e n , t h e L u t h e r a n C h r i s t i a n would s i d e w i t h t h e s t a t e . 

A s the L u t h e r a n church became t h e s t a t e - c h u r c h i n 

much o f ^ermany, i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t i t came t o have a 

p a r a p h r a s e d from The R e f o r m a t i o n W r i t i n g s o f M a r t i n  
H i t h e r , t r a n s . B.L. Woolf, London, L u t t e r w o r t h , 1952, v o l . 1, 
p. 357, and v o l . 2, p. 298. 



11 

v e s t e d i n t e r e s t i n t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t and t o be more s e n s i t i v e 

t h a n t h e C a t h o l i c church t o change i n governmental form. 

Throughout t h e s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y , w i t h r e l i g i o u s wars and 

p o l i t i c a l r e b e l l i o n i n t h e German l a n d s , t h e r e d e v e l o p e d an 

u n d e r s t a n d a b l e d e s i r e f o r a s o l i d and p o w e r f u l t e m p o r a l 

a u t h o r i t y . And w h i l e L u t h e r ' s v i e w o f human s a l v a t i o n through 

i n d i v i d u a l v i r t u e and g r a c e may have been more honest t h a n t h e 

p r e v a i l i n g C a t h o l i c v i e w , t h e need f o r a d i v i n e l y a p p o i n t e d 

but s e c u l a r i n s t i t u t i o n which c o u l d e s t a b l i s h o r d e r i n a 

c h a o t i c w o r l d u n d o u b t e d l y made many Germans w i l l i n g t o com-

p r o m i s e w i t h t h e s t a t e , however fragmented i t may have been a t 

t h a t t i m e . The c o n t i n u i n g p r i n c i p l e o f s u b m i s s i o n o f the 

i n d i v i d u a l t o the P r i n c e i s b e h i n d t h e m o t i v a t i o n o f many 

L u t h e r a n s i n t h e ' t h i r t i e s , i n c l u d i n g P a s t o r N i e m S l l e r , who 

welcomed the N a z i " r e v o l u t i o n " . Thus t h e s o u l - s e a r c h i n g which 

must have gone i n t o t h e f o r m a t i o n o f the Bekennende K i r c h e (Con-

f e s s i o n a l Church) can be a p p r e c i a t e d . T h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n , 

h e r e t i c a l by L u t h e r a n as w e l l as by N a z i s t a n d a r d s , was not 

a n t i c i p a t e d i n t h e p l a n s o f t h e N a z i s , but f o r t u n a t e l y f o r 

H i t l e r , t h e m a j o r i t y o f L u t h e r a n s s t i l l g r a n t e d t h o s e i n power 

a c e r t a i n s a n c t i t y . L u t h e r a n r e s i s t a n c e was s l i g h t t o an 

a u t h o r i t a r i a n movement which s t r e s s e d t h e u n i t y o f a l l Germans 

and spoke i n terms o f " s o u l " and " s a c r i f i c e " . 

3. C h u r c h - S t a t e R e l a t i o n s i n Germany 

These, t h e n , a r e t h e p r i n c i p l e s and t r e n d s w h i c h 



12 

determined Catholic and Lutheran behavior towards the state. 
A brief review of church-state relations up to 1933 w i l l show 
how the Lutheran church, in particular, came to occupy an 
anomalous position in German l i f e and how the Catholic church, 
on the other hand, f e l t i t s e l f strengthened after the f i r s t 
World War. 

After the Reformation,. both Protestant churches, 
Lutheran and Calvinist, soon became almost state institutions. 
In Prussia, for example, where the king was Summus Episcopus, 
Friedrich Wilhelm III in 1817 united the Lutheran andC- Calvin-
i s t Churches to form the Evangelical Church of Prussia, with 
the clergy as state o f f i c i a l s . This occurred later in some of 
the other German states, but did not affect the status of the 
Lutheran or the Reformed Churches in, for example, Bavaria. 
In actual practice, the Prussian king only nominated author-
i t i e s , pastors and laymen, to administer the church, but he 
could exercise, in accordance with Lutheran belief, supreme 
authority over the Evangelical Church, as shown by his act in 
creating i t . Moreover, a l l church expenses were paid by the 
Prussian government and this financial dependence of the 
Evangelical Church created a vested interest in supporting 
the state. The unity of c i v i l and religious l i f e was streng-
thened by the factl that elsewhere in Germany every child was 
born into the Roman Catholic or the Protestant Church as well 
as into the state, and he received his religious education 
in government schools according to the a f f i l i a t i o n of his 



13 

parents, whose church taxes were collected by the state. 
Although the state had some control over the churches i t was 
at the same time intimately connected with and supported by 
them, andcould i l l afford to alienate them. The failure of 
Bismarck's Kulturkampf is the obvious example. 

The 1918 revolution gave both denominations greater 
freedom from state control, for there was to be no state-
church, and the federal constitution made each confession 
a private corporation, entirely controlling i t s own affairs 
and appointing i t s o f f i c i a l s without state interference. There 
was not, however, complete separation of church and state, but 
simply no interference on the part of the government in 
internal church affairs; the state continued to guarantee many 
old privileges to both Catholics and Protestants which made 
the church-state relationship closer than might at f i r s t appear. 
The Lutheran pastors s t i l l drew their salaries from state funds 
and the government s t i l l considered every citizen a member of 
one of the churches unless he had formally resigned. Both 
churches s t i l l had the right to levy taxes on a l l members, 
which were collected and turned over to them by the state. 
Furthermore, in the 1920s, the various states which had con-
fiscated Catholic lands during the Napoleonic era were s t i l l 
paying indemnities. The Prussian Evangelical Church also 
received indemnities for lands confiscated by the reforms of 
Stein and Hardenburg. This limited separation of church and 
state meant no decrease in the economic protection and support 



1 4 

g i v e n t o t h e c h u r c h e s , which were a b l e t o expand t h e i r organ-

i z a t i o n . I n 1 9 2 2 a l a r g e r u n i o n of t h e German E v a n g e l i c a l 

Church F o u n d a t i o n was formed w h i c h embraced a l l the t e r r i -

t o r i a l churches. I n B a v a r i a , t h e 1 9 2 4 c o n c o r d a t gave the 

C a t h o l i c s complete freedom t o a d m i n i s t e r t h e i r own a f f a i r s 

w i t h c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e o v e r t h e e d u c a t i o n a l system; t h e y 

c o u l d examine and c e r t i f y a l l t e a c h e r s who gave i n s t r u c t i o n 

i n t h e i r f a i t h . There was a s i m i l a r agreement w i t h t h e 

B a v a r i a n E v a n g e l i c a l Church. Throughout Germany, r e l i g i o n 

was no l o n g e r compulsory f o r c h i l d r e n whose p a r e n t s c l a i m e d 

e x c e p t i o n ; i n i n d u s t r i a l a r e a s , where t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e 

d i s b e l i e f , the s t a t e s u p p o r t e d s p e c i a l , s c h o o l s f o r i n d u s t r i a l 

c h i l d r e n , b u t t h i s o f t e n had t h e e f f e c t o f s e g r e g a t i n g c h i l d -

r e n o f n o n - b e l i e v e r s and i n c r e a s i n g t h e i n f l u e n c e o f r e l i g i o u s 

i n s t r u c t i o n i n o t h e r s c h o o l s . E i g h t y - t h r e e per cent o f t h e 

p u b l i c l y - c o n t r o l l e d e l e m e n t a r y s c h o o l s were s t i l l d e n o m i n a t i o n -

a l i n 1 9 3 3 . T h e churches had complete c o n t r o l o v e r t h e i r 

i n t e r n a l a f f a i r s ; o n l y i n f i n a n c i a l m a t t e r s c o u l d t h e s t a t e 

i n t e r f e r e , s i n c e i t c o l l e c t e d church t a x e s . The churches 

were i n a b e t t e r f i n a n c i a l p o s i t i o n a f t e r t h e war than t h e y 

were under t h e monarchy because t h e y c o n t i n u e d t o r e c e i v e f i n -

a n c i a l s u p p o r t from the: government, w h i l e e n j o y i n g a d m i n i s -

t r a t i v e autonomy as w e l l as i n f l u e n c e i n t h e e d u c a t i o n a l system. 

R.H. Samuel and R. H i n t o n Thomas, E d u c a t i o n and  
S o c i e t y i n Modern Germany, London, R o u t l e d g e and Kegan,Paul, 
1 9 4 9 , p. 1 0 3 . 



15 
Both major c o n f e s s i o n s , P r o t e s t a n t and C a t h o l i c , 

r e a c h i n g t h r o u g h t h e i r a u x i l i a r y o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n t o almost 

e v e r y c o r n e r o f s o c i e t y , s t o o d as g r e a t b u t t r e s s e s t o t h e 

s t a t e and c o - o p e r a t e d w i t h t h e government as so many p o i n t s 

t h a t l o y a l t y t o t h e C h r i s t i a n Church was almost i n d i s t i n g u i s h -

a b l e from l o y a l t y t o the s t a t e . W h i l e t h e p o l i t i c a l and m o r a l 

d u t y o f t h e c i t i z e n t o t h e s t a t e was s t i l l s a n c t i f i e d by t h e 

c h u r c h , t h e s t a t e , f o r i t s p a r t , defended the b e l i e f s o f t h e 

a c c e p t e d r e l i g i o u s b o d i e s ; a c c o r d i n g t o t h e #enal Code, b l a s -

phemy and p u b l i c . v i l i f i c a t i o n o f any o f the c h u r c h e s , t h e i r 

b e l i e f s , i n s t i t u t i o n s , o r ceremonies was p u n i s h a b l e by im-

p r i s o n m e n t f o r a p e r i o d o f up t o t h r e e y e a r s . The government-

a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , t h e C a t h o l i c Church, and t h e P r o t e s t a n t 

Church c o - o p e r a t e d i n the t a s k o f p r e p a r i n g Germans f o r 

i n t e g r a t e d and p r o d u c t i v e r o l e s i n t h e i r s o c i e t y ; t h i s t h r e e -

p i l l a r e d i n s t i t u t i o n saw t o i t t h a t b e l i e f i n God, l o v e o f 

c o u n t r y , and p u b l i c b e h a v i o u r a c c o r d i n g t o more o r l e s s 

C h r i s t i a n standards were p a r t o f t h e u n c o n s c i o u s mind o f 

most Germans, and, i f not always u n q u e s t i o n e d , t h e n a t l e a s t 

a c c e p t e d as i n e v i t a b l e , p r e r e q u i s i t e s f o r r e s p e c t a b l e member-

s h i p i n t h e s o c i e t y o f the F a t h e r l a n d . A l t h o u g h — o r perhaps 

b e c a u s e — a n t i - C h r i s t i a n movements abounded, t h e churches and 

t h e s t a t e r e l i e d upon each o t h e r f o r s u p p o r t . 

Kosok, op. c i t . . p. 196. 



16 

P a r t i c u l a r l y w i t h r e g a r d t o t h e C a t h o l i c Church, 

t h e events o f t h e post-war p e r i o d r e s u l t e d i n an i n c r e a s e i n 

t h e power and i n f l u e n c e g r a n t e d by t h e s t a t e t o t h e c h u r c h e s . 

C e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y i t s e l f had been weakened and t h e f e a r o f 

r a d i c a l i s m l e d many l e a d e r s t o c o n s i d e r " r e l i g i o n " as a 

s a f e g u a r d ; t h e C a t h o l i c Zentrum ( C e n t r e P a r t y ) , because t h e 

S o c i a l Democrats needed i t s s u p p o r t , g a i n e d i n f l u e n c e . Thus, 

i n ,1933, t r a d i t i o n a l C h r i s t i a n i t y seemed t o be i n a s t r o n g 

p o s i t i o n . But t e n y e a r s l a t e r P a s t o r D i e t r i c h B o n h o e f f e r w r o t e , 

" T h i s i s a t i m e o f no r e l i g i o n a t a l l . . . w e have r e a c h e d the 

s t a g e o f b e i n g r a d i c a l l y w i t h o u t r e l i g i o n . H o w was t h i s 

p o s s i b l e ? 

4. Problems i n L u t h e r a n i s m 

The o r i g i n a l energy of L u t h e r a n P r o t e s t a n t i s m g r a d -

u a l l y d e c l i n e d over t h e c e n t u r i e s . P a r a d o x i c a l l y , t h e s t a t e 

o f mind t h a t c r i p p l e d many L u t h e r a n s and r e n d e r e d them v i c -

t i m s o f Nazism, t h e b e l i e f t h a t one's C h r i s t i a n f a i t h was a 

p u r e l y p r i v a t e m a t t e r , a t h i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l and f a m i l i a l 

p i e t y , began as a r e f o r m of t h e p e t r i f y i n g L u t h e r a n i s m o f t h e 

s e v e n t e e n t h c e n t u r y . P i e t i s m d e p r e c a t e d mere d o c t r i n e and 

t r i e d t o t u r n Germans toward a s i m p l e r and more honest form of 

r e l i g i o n , an e x p r e s s i o n o f immediate f e e l i n g r a t h e r t h a n t h e 

D i e t r i c h B o n h o e f f e r , L e t t e r s and Papers from P r i s o n , 
London, Fontana, 1953, p. 91, See pp. 107-108. 



17 

r e s u l t o f s t u d y and d i s c u s s i o n . U n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e f e e l i n g 

o f dependence upon God which P i e t i s t s such as S c h l e i e r m a c h e r 

and N o v a l i s s t r e s s e d as the most e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f 

C h r i s t i a n i t y tended t o become a f e e l i n g o f dependence upon 

t h e n a t i o n and i t s power, e s p e c i a l l y when t h o s e w i t h a 

P i e t i s t i c u p b r i n g i n g l o s t God i n t h e s p i r i t u a l t u r m o i l o f 

t h e W i l h e l m i a n and Weimar e r a s . F o r S c h l e i e r m a c h e r h i m s e l f , 

n a t i o n a l i s m and C h r i s t i a n i t y were i d e n t i c a l ; " I know t o o 

c l e a r l y t h a t i t — t h e F a t h e r l a n d — i s a chosen i n s t r u m e n t and 
i 

p e o p l e o f God." He p r o f e s s e d , as d i d H i t l e r , t h a t r e l i g i o u s 
o 

f a i t h was " t h e sense and t a s t e f o r t h e E t e r n a l . " I n t h i s way, 

a dangerous vagueness e n t e r e d German P r o t e s t a n t i s m ; t h i s 

e x t r e m e l y s u b j e c t i v e s t y l e o f r e l i g i o n was marked by un-

c e r t a i n t y o f d i r e c t i o n . As Germany became more s e c u l a r , 

n a t i o n a l i s m i t s e l f became a l m o s t a r e l i g i o n as i t seemed 

t o have more r e a l c o n t e n t and reference t o a c t u a l l i f e t h a n 

t h e f a l t e r i n g c h u r c h ' s d o c t r i n e . "Thetime was t o come when 

w e l l - m e a n i n g p e o p l e were u n a b l e t o d i s t i n g u i s h befween t h e 

emotions w h i c h w e l l e d i n t h e i r h e a r t s i n a r e l i g i o u s meeting 
3 

and t h e s u r g i n g f e e l i n g s a r o u s e d by a N a z i p a r t y r a l l y . 

1 

Quoted i n K o p p e l P i n s o n , P i e t i s m as a F a c t o r i n t h e  
R i s e o f German N a t i o n a l i s m . New York, Columbia, 1934, p. 195. 

2 
Quoted i n K a r l K u p i s c h , Zwischen I d e a l i s m u s und  

Massendemokratie. E i n e G e s c h i c h t e der e v a n g e l i s c h e K i r c h e i n  
D e u t s c h l a n d 1915-1945. B e r l i n , L e t t n e r , 1955, p. 17. 

3 
" T . H . L i t t e l l , The German P h o e n i x . Men and Movements  

i n t h e Church i n Germany. New York, Doubleday, I960, p. 18. 



18 

And although Pietism improved and extended the social aspect 
of the church's work, i t remained essentially conservative 
and aristocratic. 

In this way, the corruption of the original Piet-
ism i s linked to Kulturreligion,"culture-religion", the con-
cept that the best elements of Christianity are synonymous 
with the most characteristic and traditional elements of the 
German way of l i f e or deutsche Kultur. Throughout the nine-
teenth century, the organized Protestant church remained obedient 
and loyal to the various princes, and lost much of i t s con-
tact not only with the emerging proletariat, but also with the 
intellectuals. There were some attempts at reform, such as 
those of Johann Hinrich Wichern,! but their success was lim-
ited. The c r i t i c a l influence of Ludwig Feuerbach, of some 
l i b e r a l theologians, and of students of the sociology of re-
l i g i o n also came to naught. Often, these tendencies too 
optimistically accepted bourgeois culture as the expression 
of a rational universe and too naively followed the idea of 
progress. A "provincial harmonism" between Deutschtum and 
Christian values grew. While church-going became one of the 
virtues of a pious, patriotic Btlrger, the court pastor Adolf 

% i c h e r n (1808-1881) was one of the catalysts of 
the Christian social movement and the Inner Mission; an ev-
angelical minister, he established an orphanage in Hamburg. 

2 
Paul Banwell Means, Things That are Caesar's. The  

Genesis of the German Church Conflict, New York, Round Table, 
1935, p. 41. 



1 9 

S t o e c k e r p r o c l a i m e d t h a t C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and l o v e o f Germany were 

"an i n d i s s o l u b l e u n i t y " . ! T h i s P r o t e s t a n t i s m which accommo-

d a t e d i t s e l f w i l l i n g l y t o t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e m i d d l e c l a s s 

was examined by Thomas Mann i n h i s Buddenbrooks. 

By 1 9 1 4 t h e r e was c o n s i d e r a b l e c o n f u s i o n as t o what 

t h e r o l e o f t h e genuine C h r i s t i a n i n Germany s h o u l d be. More-

over, t h e r a p i d s t r i d e s made i n i n d u s t r y and t e c h n o l o g y , t h e 

new s e a r c h f o r p r o f i t , t h e r i s e o f slums and t h e w o r k i n g 

c l a s s e s a g g r a v a t e d t h e s i t u a t i o n and b r o u g h t Germany i n s t e p 

w i t h t h e European development d e s c r i b e d i n t h e f i r s t s e c t i o n o f 

t h i s c h a p t e r . L a t e r , t h e N a z i s A d o l f H i t l e r and Ludwig K l a g g e s 

denounced t h e e r a ; "more and more the gods of Heaven were 

put i n t o t h e c o r n e r as o b s o l e t e and outmoded and, i n t h e i r 

s t e a d , i n c e n s e was burned t o t h e i d o l Mammon;" t h e average 

C h r i s t i a n German became a "hard, o n e - s i d e d r a t i o n a l i s t and 

i n d i v i d u a l i s t , an a b s t r a c t u n i t o f c a l c u l a t i n g , u t i l i t a r i a n 
2 

a c q u i s i t i v e c o n s c i o u s n e s s . " B o t h o f t h e s e men knew which drum 

t o b e a t , but t h e i r o u t b u r s t s a l s o i n d i c a t e a g e n u i n e l y o u t -

r a g e d , i f p e r v e r t e d , i d e a l i s m s h a r e d by many Germans. I n t h e 

meantime, a c y n i c a l . n i h i l i s m - - w h a t Meinecke c a l l e d "mass 

M a c ^ h i a v e l l i s m " ^ — g r e w i n much o f t h e l o w e r c l a s s e s ; p a r t i c u -

K u p i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 1 0 5 and p. 8 5 . 
2 
A u r e l K o l n a i , War a g a i n s t t h e West, London, G o l l a n c z , 

1 9 3 8 , p. 3 2 9 ; and A d o l f H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, t r a n s . R a l p h Man-
Heim, B o s t o n , Houghton M i f f l i n , 1 9 4 3 , p. 2 3 4 . 

- ^ F r i e d r i c h Meinecke, The German C a t a s t r o p h e . R e f l e c t i o n s  
and R e c o l l e c t i o n s , t r a n s . Sydney B. Fay, Cambridge, Harvard, 
1 9 5 0 , p. 5 1 . 



,20 
l a r l y among the Lutheran peasantpopulation of the lands 
east of the Elbe was this noticeable; l i t t l e more than 
three per cent of the population there took part regularly 
in church services. 1 

After 191#, the church-leaving movement, which had 
declined during the war, increased. Thosewho before 1918 
had been mere polite adherents to the Staatsreligion did not 
hesitate to desert a church which seemed to be a mere re-
ligious society among many others. Whereas the annual loss, 
1900-1914, was 3000 to 20,000, in 1919 alone the Protestant 
Church lost 224,015 members, and, in 1920, 305,584.2 The 
Catholic Church, too, was not immune; in Saxony, for example, 
in 1919-1926, 12.3 per cent of i t s membership defected. Up 
to 1933, 100,000 to 250,000 Protestants annually l e f t the 
church.^ Within the church hierarchy, the teaching of theology 
in the Hochschulen was far removed from the religious l i f e and 
social problems of the church. The p o l i t i c a l responsibility 
of Christians in a democratic state was never defined, and the 
church tended to look back to the Wilhelmian period as a "golden 

Kupisch, op. c i t . , p. 133. 
2 
Means, op. c i t . , p. 91. 
•^Loc. c i t . 
^Chester L. Hunt, "Life Cycle of Dictatorships as 

seen in Treatment of Religious Institutions", Social Forces. 
1949, vol. 27, p. 366. 



21 

a g e " . Whereas K a r l Barth preached a r e t u r n t o L u t h e r ' s 

f a i t h as a s u i t a b l e r e f o r m , h i s p u p i l Gogarten extended h i s 

i d e a s to a condemnation of l i b e r a l i s m and democracy as f a l s e 

t e a c h i n g . E i g h t y per cent of the p a s t o r s i n the Weimar 

p e r i o d were members of right-wing p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s . ^ The 

Lutheran Church, t h e r e f o r e , o f t e n c o n t r i b u t e d more to i n t e n s -

i f y i n g the German m a l a i s e than to c u r i n g i t . 

5. German S o c i e t y i n G e n e r a l , p a r t i c u l a r l y Post-1918 Y o u t h . 

The l a t e n i n e t e e n t h century bourgeois atmosphere o f 

r a t i o n a l i s m , s k e p t i c i s m , and p o s i t i v i s m f a i l e d to s a t i s f y 

many of the younger g e n e r a t i o n . For them, s a c r i f i c e , s e r v i c e , 

and obedience meant more than r a t i o n a l arguments; i n s h o r t , 

many of them wanted " i d e a l s " and the experience o f having an 

"aim i n l i f e " . The youth movement of the Wilhelmian p e r i o d 

was p a r t i a l l y a r e j e c t i o n o f the "heavy-jowled m a t e r i a l i s m " 

of a time when s e c u r i t y , p r o s p e r i t y , and bourgeois p r o p r i e t y 

smothered adventurousness, i n t e l l e c t u a l or p h y s i c a l . The 

prosperous years around the t u r n of the century produced those 

t u r b u l e n t f o r c e s mentioned i n the i n t r o d u c t i o n to t h i s c h a p t e r . 

In i t s c r i t i c a l a s p e c t , w r i t e s A l b e r t Camus, the r e v o l u t i o n -

a r y movement of the twentieth century i s p r i m a r i l y a " v i o l e n t 

1 
Means, op. c i t . , p. 94. 

F r i t z Kellermann, E f f e c t of the World War on  
European E d u c a t i o n , Cambridge^ Harvard, 1928, p. 13. 



22 

denunciation of the formal h y p o c r i s y that p r e s i d e s over 
bourgeois society.""'" Oddly enough, when the German movement 
began, few r e a l i z e d the immensity of the powers released, not 
merely p o l i t i c a l or m i l i t a r y f o r c e s , but the d i s s a t i s f a c t i o n 
and energy of a generation seeking new values. At f i r s t , there 
was an u p l i f t i n g experience of f r a t e r n i t y i n August, 1914, 
when l o n e l y i n d i v i d u a l s became as one mind and body; H i t l e r 
was not the only young " m i s f i t " who thanked God on h i s knees 
when m o b i l i z a t i o n swept Europe i n that summer. "What counts", 
s a i d one young s o l d i e r , " i s always the readiness to make a 
s a c r i f i c e , not the object f o r which the s a c r i f i c e i s made." 
Fourteen thousand WandervSgel became s o l d i e r s and one i n f o u r 
was k i l l e d , o b l i v i o u s t o the f a c t t h a t they were defending 
what they hated.^ 

In 1930j Richard Scheringer, a young s o l d i e r con-
v i c t e d of Nazi a g i t a t i o n i n the army, declared, "a l o s t war, 
an impotent State, a hopeless system, a Reich on the b r i n k of 

A l b e r t Camus, The Rebel. An Essay on Man i n Revolt, 
t r a n s . Antony Bower, New York, Vintage, 1961, p. 1 3 5 . 

p 
Quoted i n Hannah Hafkesbrink, Unknown Germany: an  

Inner Chronicle of the F i r s t World War based on L e t t e r s and  
D i a r i e s , New Haven, Y a l e , 1948, p. 43. 

-^Werner K l o s e , " H i t l e r j u g e n d . Die Geschichte e i n e r 
i r r e g e f u h r t e n Generation," Welt am Sonntag, February 17, 1964, 
p. 1 3 . Hermann Hesse's Demian i s only one of the many examples 
t h a t could be c i t e d concerning this-apocalyptic mood of the 
years before and a f t e r the Great War. 



23 

the abyss, that i s our l i f e ! " The "Front Experience" was 
meaningless in the world of Weimar Germany. The prevailing 
mood was often one of emptiness, a disgust for existing 
standards and the powers that be, and a yearning to lose one's 
self. Men l i k e Ernst Juhger, i f they remembered the golden 
age of security, remembered also how they had hated i t and how 
real their enthusiasm had been at the outbreak of war. But 
without the chance of changing their roles, such as identifying 
themselves with a national movement, these young people often 
chose to continue immersed in the forces of destruction un-
leashed by the war as salvation from the meaninglessness of 
pre-established functions in a rotten society. Some rejected 
the complexity of the metropolis for rural simplicity, and 
others idealized the distant German past as being most genuine 
and pure. Sometimes they escaped into imaginary delights, a 
quest for cosmic visions as consolation for daily mediocrities. 
Frustrated religious feeling sought a way of expression, and 
sometimes found i t in p o l i t i c s . A German Communist wrote, 

by religion...I mean the longing for joy, for 
freedom, the struggle to be good, to create 
happiness, to bring joy and sunlight--but without 
anger and vengeance, in order thereby to throw 
down the old, the hateful, the unjust and to build 
up a new world, the'kLngdom of freedom, justice, 
and joy. Religion i s around us, within us, and 
therefore because i t is a part of us is indispensable. 

•••Quoted in John W. Wheeler-Bennett, Nemesis of Power. 
The German Army in Politics, 1918-1945. London, Macmillan, 1954, 
p. 216. Scheringer later joined, the Communist Party. 

Quoted in Means, op. c i t . , p. 98. 



24 

But f o r t h o s e who c o u l d n o t escape f r o m the r e a l i t i e s o f 

German l i f e , few i d e a l s remained, o t h e r t h a n t h e a c c e p t a n c e 

o f s t r u g g l e and r e v o l u t i o n as ends i n t h e m s e l v e s . 

A r e g e n e r a t i o n o f some s o r t o f f a i t h and a change 

o f v a l u e s was sought by men w i t h c o n v i c t i o n s as d i s p a r a t e 

as W a l t e r Rathenau and A d o l f H i t l e r ; w h i l e t h e f o r m e r c o n s i d -

e r e d h i m s e l f p a r t o f t h e c o u n t e r f o r c e s which might b r i n g meaning 

out o f t h e post-war chaos, a r e v i v a l o f t h e b e s t o f t h e o l d 

v a l u e s , t h e l a t t e r knew how " d i s i l l u s i o n e d and o u t r a g e d was 

t h i s f r o n t - l i n e g e n e r a t i o n , how f u l l o f d i s g u s t a t b o u r g e o i s 

c o w a r d i c e and s h i l l y - s h a l l y i n g . " 1 

The youth movement, which had begun as an escape and 

a p r o t e s t , was now c o n f r o n t e d w i t h an o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a c t i o n ; 

but e n t i r e l y new problems f a c e d i t , and a t t e m p t s t o keep a l i v e 

t h e pre-war WandervQgel s p i r i t , as i n t h e Wende C i r c l e , the 

Kronach League, and t h e F r e e German League, a c h i e v e d no 

p o s i t i v e r e s u l t s and t h e movement l o s t i t s e a r l i e r homogeneity. 

N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e c r i t i c i s m and r e b e l l i o n were s t i l l t h e r e . 

E r n s t N e i k i s c h d e s c r i b e s how " t h e a s s u r e d p o s i t i o n i n l i f e , t h e 

d e s e r v e d r e s p e c t a b i l i t y o f o l d age, t h e sacrament of p r i v a t e 

p r o p e r t y , t h e s e were a mere j o k e t o t h e young." E r n s t Rcihm 

1 
H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 4 9 1 . 

2 
E r n s t N i e k i s c h , R e i c h der n i e d e r e n Damonen, Hamburg, 

Rowohlt, 1 9 5 3 , p. 2 7 . 



25 

lamented that "hypocrisy and pharisaism. . .are the most cons-
picuous c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of s o c i e t y today.../"The young_7 don't 
f i n d t h e i r way i n the p h i l i s t i n e world of bourgeois double 
morals and don't know any longer how to d i s t i n g u i s h between 
t r u t h and e r r o r . P r o b a b l y as a r e s u l t of the aforementioned 
developments i n Lutheranism, "often when you t a l k to.these 
young people," wrote Ernst Bergmann, "you are shocked by 
t h e i r deep hatred of C h r i s t i a n i t y . " The dominant mood of the 
young p r o l e t a r i a t was cynicism; that of t h e i r bourgeois con-
temporaries, s k e p t i c i s m r a p i d l y becoming s u i c i d a l p o l i t i c a l 
desperation. Many of the young were gripped by "boundless 
p s y c h o l o g i c a l l a s s i t u d e , " - ^ or by what N i e k i s c h c a l l s a "death 
mystique", a poor copy of the enthusiasm of 1914; "they had 
become deeply convinced t h a t the value of an i n d i v i d u a l l i f e 
was questionable, and t h a t i t was j u s t as meaningless t o des-
t r o y i t as to seek t o improve i t . " 4 A r e l i g i o u s or p o l i t i c a l 
movement would have t o be e s p e c i a l l y powerful to a t t r a c t t h i s 
generation; yet i t s very lack of any c o n v i c t i o n s rendered i t 
s u s c e p t i b l e . 

Quoted i n Arendt, op. c i t . , p . 334. 

^Quoted i n Leon P o l i a k o v and Josef Wulf, Das D r i t t e  
Reich und seine Denker. Dokumente, B e r l i n , A r a n i , 1959, p. 177. 

3 
Edmond Vermeil, The German Scene, t r a n s . L . J . 

Ludovico, London, 1956, p. 141. 

% i e k i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 207. 



2 6 

Under the blight of unemployment and inflation, 
many German homes possessed not only l i t t l e physical security, 
but also l i t t l e spiritual health. Parents, feeling that their 
very existence was at stake, and having lost any real 
philosophy or faith, could not give their children a construc-
tive outlook on l i f e . And when their elders could no longer 
support them, the young l e f t their homes. According to 
Edmond Vermeil, "the young people were everywhere; they sang 
and played their guitars in trains so as to pick up a few 
Pfennig; s t i l l well-dressed enough, they played chess in doss-
houses to keep themselves entertained, and during the summer 
season, they took to the roads in their thousands.""'" 

As the young poet, Adam Kuckhoff, wrote in 1 9 2 8 , 
p 

"We long for dogma and certainty," attachment to a community 
andvto a leader, Bindung and Ganzheit (bonds and U n i t y ) . It 
was possible, therefore, for adults to organize this generation. 
Whereas the Wandervflgel had wandered aimlessly, the Weimar 
youth movement by 1929 was marching in formation. These ener-
gies found explicit and passionate expression in the . 

Ibid., p. 1 4 5 . 
2 
Quoted in Klemens von Klemperer, Germany's New  

Conservatism. Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century, 
Princeton, 1 9 5 7 , p. 1 3 0 . 



27 

the Btlndische Jugend. These more sophisticated heirs of 
the WandervBgel c r i t i c i z e d the mustiness of bourgeois cul-
ture, traditional nationalism, the complacency of the 
Protestant clergy, and bureaucratic rule by desk-generals, 
trade unionists, and industrial czars. They stressed, not 
the individual, but the group. Because they failed to dev-
elop any new philosophy except a moral and religious nihilism, 
which later made Nazism seem highly appealing, they tended 
to undermine the true sources of regeneration and reform 
rather than to stimulate them. Both Communism and National 
Socialism seemed to offer something more constructive; another 
French observer wrote, 

right-wing as well as left-wing revolutionaries, 
communist or nazi, whether they wear on their 
armbands the hammer and the sickle or the swastika, 
these are the same uniforms...marching to the sound 
of the same pipes and drums,...it i s the same move-
ment, the same mentality, nationalist, and bolshevist, 
the same hatred of the bourgeois order, of the 
l i b e r a l and individual spirit...the same frantic 
hope.1 

Concurrently, some young people, attempting to save 
themselves from economic destruction in lower social levels, 

Jean Edouard Spenle, "Le Probldme de la Jeunesse en 
Allemagne", Mercure de France. March 1, 1933, vol. 241-243, 
p. 297. Perhaps Hitler was aware of the nature of this 
revolutionary drive when he remarked, "there is more that 
binds us to Bolshevism than separates us from i t . " Quoted in 
Hermann Rauschning, Hitler Speaks. A Series of P o l i t i c a l Con-
versations with Adolf Hitler on his Real Aims, London, Thorn-
ton Butterworth, 1939, p. 131. 



28 

sought t o c l i m b t o s a f e t y on academic p r i v i l e g e s . But w i t h 

t h e l a r g e numbers of unemployed u n i v e r s i t y g r a d u a t e s toward 

1930, t h e r e grew a c o r r e s p o n d i n g r e j e c t i o n of i n t e l l e c t u a l 

a t t a i n m e n t as a measure of s u c c e s s , an a n t i - i n t e l l e c t u a l i s m 

which t h e N a z i s l a t e r used i n t h e i r l i m i t a t i o n of u n i v e r s i t y 

e n r o l l m e n t and p r a i s e o f p u r e l y p h y s i c a l e x i s t e n c e . Of t h e s e 

unemployed i n t e l l e c t u a l s , Jean Edouard Spenle w r o t e "the most 

p r i v i l e g e d become t a x i d r i v e r s , c a r p a r k e r s , o r s t r e e t c a r 

c o n d u c t o r s . You see m e d i c a l d o c t o r s o r l a w y e r s s h i n i n g shoes 

or s e l l i n g matches or p o s t c a r d s on t h e s i d e w a l k s . " ^ Thus 

t h e r e d e v e l o p e d c o n s c i o u s l y and u n c o n s c i o u s l y among the younger 

g e n e r a t i o n an a t t i t u d e d e s p i s i n g urban "decadence", a c c l a i m i n g 

e x i s t e n c e on a b i o l o g i c a l l e v e l , e x p r e s s i n g i n t o x i c a t i o n w i t h 

" L i f e " and t h e c l a i m s o f i n s t i n c t over r e a s o n . Youth was t o 

be admired because of i t s y o u t h , a c t i o n f o r t h e sake o f a c t i o n . 

As t h i s p e r v e r t e d n e o - r o m a n t i c i s m f l o u r i s h e d , t h e marching 

columns g a i n e d more a d h e r e n t s . 

U n f o r t u n a t e l y f o r the c h u r c h , w h i l e t h e r e were many 

o r g a n i z e d C h r i s t i a n y o u t h groups,^ t h e main body o f t h e y o u t h 

movement remained o u t s i d e i t , o f t e n p o l i t i c a l l y o r i e n t e d and 

o f t e n c o n t a i n i n g the k e r n e l o f Nazism. The Young German League, 

S p e n l e , i b i d . . See a l s o D a n i e l L e r n e r , The N a z i  
E l i t e , S t a n f o r d , 1951; a good d i s c u s s i o n of t h e e f f e c t of 
a l i e n a t e d i n t e l l e c t u a l s on t h e N a z i l e a d e r s h i p . 

2 
See c h a p t e r f i v e f o r the a t t i t u d e o f C h r i s t i a n y o u t h 

groups. 



29 

for example, founded i n 1919, was.right-wing, n a t i o n a l i s t i c , 

and anti-Semitic; t h i s Jungdeutsche Orden claimed to be i n -

spired by Lagarde and planned an Arbeitsdienst (work service) 

and a programme of resettlement. O r i g i n a l l y a Free Corps, 

i t developed into a w e l l - a r t i c u l a t e d organization with Gaue 

( d i s t r i c t s ) , Gruppen, Gauleiter, and Gruppenftihrer. The 

Artamanen,who sought the development of a warrior peasantry, 

were also of t h i s type. And t h i s i s not to mention the purely 

Nazi groups or the Communist or the less f a n a t i c a l S o c i a l 

Democratic youth organizations. 

How, p r e c i s e l y , did Nazism appeal to the young? 

National Socialism was more than p a r t i a l l y an upheaval among 

the young people of Germany, and, as we s h a l l see, when the 

Nazis sought to "co-ordinate" German society, the role of the 

H i t l e r Youth was paramount. But H i t l e r , who wisely aimed at 

capturing f i r s t the nation's youth, had a w i l l i n g prey; he 

did not so much create National Socialism as nurture i t s a l -

ready e x i s t i n g roots i n German youth. Conservative and a n t i -

Semitic groups dominated the German Student Union i n the Weimar 

period, so that, when S o c i a l i s t s and Democrats founded the l e s s 

r a d i c a l German Student League i n 1928, i t s influence was small. 

While the Catholic corporations, and most of the Protestant 

groups, remained passive, by 1931 h a l f of the students i n the 

u n i v e r s i t i e s sympathized with the Nazis.1 

"^Harry Pross, Vor und Nach H i t l e r , Freiburg, Walter, 
1962, p. 71 ~ 



30 

Considering the above situation, i t is not too 
much to say that to some young people, Hitler seemed to be 
another Luther. "I was ripe for this experience," writes 
Kurt Ludecke; "I was a man of 3 2 , weary of disgust and dis-
illusionment, a wanderer seeking a cause, a patriot without 
a channel for his patriotism, a yearner after the heroic with-
out a hero."''' For this now familiar type, the Nazis erected 
the image of the German race and told him that therein he 
would find f a i t h in himself. The movement, as w i l l be des-
cribed in chapter three, was made to seem to have a connection 
with the roots of German l i f e and to give an answer to the 
problems of the individual in mass society. It was, moreover, 
open to a l l , except the Jews, the ancient enemies of the race, 
and thus particularly appealed to a generation to whom class 
differences were less important. While i t promised national 
rejuvenation, most important of a l l , i t mobilized the spiritual 
as well as the physical resources of the youth, declaring 
that i t fought atheism and Marxism, the traditional bugbears 
of both nominally and truly Christian Germans. L i t t l e wonder 
that i t seemed to be a revolt against despair and an affirma-
tion of faith in God as Creator. To an unemployed, goalless, 
i d e a l i s t i c young man, here at last was purpose and meaning in 

Kurt Ludecke, I Knew Hitler. The Story of a Nazi  
who Escaped the Blood Purge. London, Harrolds, 1938, p. 23. 



l i f e , a group w h i c h demanded not merely d i f f e r e n t p o l i t i c s , 

but a complete change i n w o r l d - v i e w . 

A l l tfhe themes h i t h e r t o mentioned i n t h i s c h a p t e r 

come t o g e t h e r a t t h i s j u n c t u r e . Thenew movement was a b l e t o 

make demands o f the t y p e f o r m e r l y made by C h r i s t i a n i t y , and 

t h e N a z i l e a d e r s knew how t o f o r m u l a t e and p r e s e n t t h e s e de-

mands. F a i t h and s e l f - s a c r i f i c e were asked o f t h e young 

and were g l a d l y g i v e n . The c h u r c h c o u l d no l o n g e r ask f o r 

and e x p e c t t o get t h e s e q u a l i t i e s , but n e i t h e r c o u l d Marxism. 

Nazism, on t h e o t h e r hand, c o u l d e q u a l r e l i g i o n i n s t r e n g t h 

o f c o n v i c t i o n . Even C h r i s t i a n y o u t h , because o f t h e t r a d -

i t i o n s o f t h e German c h u r c h e s , were s u s c e p t i b l e t o a r a d i c a l 

n a t i o n a l movement. G i v e n t h e European s i t u a t i o n and t h e 

p a r t i c u l a r c o n d i t i o n s i n Germany, t h e N a z i s were h e l p e d t o 

power by t h i s c o n f u s e d , t u r b u l e n t , and t r u l y " l o s t " gener-

a t i o n . The p r e d o m i n a n t l y y o u t h f u l element i n Nazism was r e -

c o g n i z e d by a s e n i o r army o f f i c e r who d e s c r i b e d t h e P a r t y 

i n 1930: " I t i s t h e Jugendbewegung ( y o u t h movement). I t can't 
1 

be s t o p p e d . " 

Those members o f t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y b o u r g e o i s i e 

and a r i s t o c r a c y who, i n Renan's words, s a i d , "We can d i s p e n s e 

w i t h r e l i g i o n , because o t h e r s have i t f o r u s . Those who do not 

W h e e l e r - B e n n e t t , op. c i t . . p. 221. 



3 2 

b e l i e v e a r e c a r r i e d a l o n g by the more o r l e s s b e l i e v i n g 

majority,"-'- r e n d e r e d i t i m p o s s i b l e f o r the C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s 

t o r e a c h t h e minds and s o u l s of t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y German y o u t h . 

The N a z i s , however, c o u l d r e a c h t h a t y o u t h and d i d . T h e i r 

l e a d e r s knew, as K a r l Mannheim knew, t h a t 

i t would r e q u i r e e i t h e r a c a l l o u s n e s s which our 
g e n e r a t i o n c o u l d p r o b a b l y no l o n g e r a c q u i r e o r 
the u n s u s p e c t i n g n a i v e t e of a g e n e r a t i o n newly 
b o r n i n t o the w o r l d t o be a b l e to l i v e i n a b s o l u t e 
congruence w i t h t h e r e a l i t i e s o f t h a t w o r l d , 
u t t e r l y w i t h o u t any t r a n s c e n d e n t e l e m e n t . 0 

^"Quoted i n Georges S o r e l , R e f l e c t i o n s on V i o l e n c e , 
t r a n s . T.E. Hulme and J . Roth, G l e n c o e , 1 1 1 . F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 5 0 , 
p. 2 5 4 . 

2 

K a r l Mannheim, I d e o l o g y and U t o p i a , New Y o r k , Har-
c o u r t B r a c e , n.d., p. 2 6 7 . 



33 

CHAPTER 2 

Adolf H i t l e r : His F a i t h and His Attitude to C h r i s t i a n i t y 

1. Introduction 

Not only did Adolf H i t l e r himself become almost an 

a r t i c l e of f a i t h , but he was, at f i r s t , one of those millions 

who could not l i v e " u t t e r l y without any transcendent element." 

Before proceeding to a discussion of how National Socialism 

organized i t s appeal and how i t sought to eliminate the i n -

fluence of C h r i s t i a n i t y , we should consider t h i s man whose 

ideas determined much of the Party's approach to the problem 

of the people's f a i t h . 

" H i t l e r can change his opinions completely without 

even knowing that he i s doing so," wrote Hermann Rauschning. 

I t i s always d i f f i c u l t to know whether a remark of H i t l e r ' s 

Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 2 5 . 



r e p r e s e n t s h i s deepest b e l i e f o r t h a t m u l t i t u d e o f i d e a s 

w h i c h f l o a t e d about on t h e s u r f a c e o f h i s c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 

A c u r s o r y r e v i e w o f h i s own r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f s g i v e s t h e im-

p r e s s i o n s t h a t t h e y changed r a d i c a l l y o v e r the y e a r s . Up t o 

t h e m i d d l e of t h e ' t h i r t i e s , he f a v o u r e d a modus v i v e n d i w i t h 

t h e churches and t h e a v o i d a n c e o f a K u l t u r k a m p f ; l a t e r he 

u n l e a s h e d an a t t a c k on C h r i s t i a n i t y w i t h t h e aim o f d e s t r o y i n g 

i t . One might b e l i e v e t h a t , w h i l e he began h i s p o l i t i c a l 

c a r e e r as a devout C h r i s t i a n , he was d i s i l l u s i o n e d l a t e r and 

l o s t h i s r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . But Mein Kampf and h i s e a r l y p o l -

i t i c a l speeches a l o n e a r e not t o be t r u s t e d . The i d e a s o f 

t h e book a r e l e s s i m p o r t a n t t h a n the methods o u t l i n e d t h e r e i n , 

and d i s p a r i t y between t h e s e " s a c r e d u t t e r a n c e s " and l a t e r 

b e h a v i o u r s h o u l d not s u r p r i s e t h e r e a d e r . D e r o g a t o r y mention 

o f H i t l e r ' s book was t o l e r a t e d even i n t h e F t l h r e r ' s p r e s e n c e , 1 

and i t was by no means r e g a r d e d by the P a r t y e l i t e as t h e b i n d -

i n g pronouncement i t was g i v e n out t o be f o r themasses—much 

o f i t was o f p u r e l y t a c t i c a l v a l u e . One must s e a r c h f a r t h e r 

t o f i n d out what, i f any, were H i t l e r ' s p e r s o n a l r e l i g i o u s 

b e l i e f s . These, as f a r as t h e y can be known w i t h c e r t a i n t y , 

and h i s a t t i t u d e t o t h e churches and t h e P a r t y a r e the theme o f 

t h i s c h a p t e r . 

Rauschning, op. c i t . . p. 71 



35 

K a r l Mannheim w r i t e s t h a t "the leader...knows t h a t 

a l l p o l i t i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l i d e a s a r e myths. He h i m s e l f i s 

e n t i r e l y emancipated from them, but he v a l u e s them."''- S i n c e 

r e l i g i o n i s a n e c e s s a r y i m p o s t u r e , Renan a d v i s e d such a l e a d e r 

t h a t even the most o b v i o u s ways o f t h r o w i n g d u s t i n p e o p l e ' s 

eyes s h o u l d not be n e g l e c t e d when d e a l i n g w i t h human b e i n g s . ^ 

A l e a d e r o f H i t l e r ' s t y p e judges p o l i t i c a l and r e l i g i o u s be-

l i e f s o n l y f o r t h e i r p r e s e n t v a l u e ; he need not b e l i e v e i n t h e 

views h e p r o f e s s e s , and may b l a t a n t l y change h i s " p r o f o u n d " 

c o n v i c t i o n s . As l o n g as he and h i s a i d e s appear u n i t e d , a 

c r e d u l o u s p u b l i c i s s u c c e s s f u l l y duped. H i t l e r used any i d e a 

t h a t might b r i n g power c l o s e r o r make i t more s e c u r e . Rosen-

b e r g ' s r a c i a l t h e o r i e s , more s o p h i s t i c a t e d than h i s own, and 

t h e p o l i t i c a l and economic i d e a s o f H a r r e r , D r e x l e r , and F e d e r 

were g r i s t t o h i s m i l l , and c o u l d be abandoned, b o t h i d e a s 

and men, when t h e i r u t i l i t y d e c l i n e d . Whatever h i s own b e l i e f s , 

H i t l e r was a master m a n i p u l a t o r o f i d e a s . I t w i l l be seen 

t h a t f i r s t he used C h r i s t i a n b e l i e f s t o combat Marxism, and 

l a t e r used the>:ebgma o f Nazism to.combat C h r i s t i a n i t y ; y e t i t i s 

Mannheim, op. c i t . , p . 138. Who were " t h e N a z i s " ? 
Throughout t h e t h e s i s , I am concerned t o show how t h e l e a d e r s h i p 
d i d n o t b e l i e v e i n t h e d e t a i l s of t h e Weltanschauung; t h e p a r t y 
rank and f i l e on t h e o t h e r hand v e r y o f t e n d i d , w h i l e f o r the 
masses i t was an e s o t e r i c but c o m f o r t i n g jumble o f hope and 
f l a t t e r y ; when I use t h e term " t h e N a z i s " I am r e f e r r i n g t o t h e 
c y n i c a l e l i t e , s m a l l i n number, who were b o t h simon-pure i n 
t h e i r Nazism, i n t h a t they were n i h i l i s t s , and a p o s t a t e s , i n 
t h a t t h e y i g n o r e d t h e i r own d o c t r i n e , . . 

2 
Quoted i n S o r e l , op. c i t . p. 51. 



36. 

doubtful that he ever believed Christian or Nazi myths. 

2. His Faith 

Hitler's own faith seemed to be a mixture of Schwgrm-
erei(visionary enthusiasm) and p o l i t i c a l expediency. Throughout 
Mein Kampf, he plays the role of a pious German trying to 
further ,his country's well-being, keeping i t in Christian 
paths; "I believe that I am acting in accordance with the w i l l 
of the Almighty Creator;...I am fighting for the work of the 
Lord," in a "sacred mission." 1 Germans had heard t h i s from 
their leaders for decades and many s t i l l wanted to hear i t . 
In January 1939, the same approach was useful; " i f the Almighty 
God granted success to our work, then the Party was His instru-

2 
ment." Hitler was not the good Christian citizen he played, 
but when he denounced cubism, dadaism, and jazz in his "Second 
Book" , i t was only partially in calculation; his upbring-
ing was far from radical, and i t i s l i k e l y that, at least at 
the beginning of his career, he believed in a God. While 
his faith became psychotically perverted later, he was sincere 
in trusting this l i v i n g , guiding force, "Providence", expressed 

Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 65. 
2 
Hitler, Speeches, ed. Norman H. Baynes, London, 

Oxford, 1942, vol. 1, p. 559. 
3 
Hitler, Zweites Buch: ein Dokument aus dem Jahr  

1928, Stuttgart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 19bl, pp. 197-198. 



3 7 

i n t h e l i f e o f t h e German p e o p l e . Granted, h i s was b a s i c a l l y 

a , c o n f u s e d s p i r i t and h i s p o t e n t i a l i t i e s f o r s e l f - d e l u s i o n 

were as g r e a t as h i s a b i l i t y t o d e l u d e o t h e r s ; t h e i d e a s t h a t 

man s h o u l d h e l p h i m s e l f i f he wanted t o s e c u r e God's h e l p , 

o r t h a t d i s a s t e r s c o u l d be sent i n o r d e r t o b r i n g n a t i o n s t o 

s e l f - r e a l i z a t i o n were v e r y u s e f u l b o t h f o r h i m s e l f and h i s 

p e o p l e . 

N e v e r t h e l e s s , h i s b a s i c b e l i e f was p a n t h e i s t i c and, 

a t t h e same t i m e , emphasized the s u r v i v a l o f t h e f i t t e s t . 

With h i s f a i t h i n God i n . n a t u r e , i n the V o l k , and i n t h e i r 

b l o o d , he f o l l o w e d " o n l y the i r o n l a w of our h i s t o r i c a l 

development."-'- "Fundamentally i n everyone t h e r e i s t h i s f e e l -

i n g f o r t h e A l m i g h t y , which we c a l l God ( t h a t i s t o say, the 

d o m i n i o n o f n a t u r a l l a w s t h r o u g h o u t t h e whole u n i v e r s e . ) " 2 

One can a c c e p t as t r u e H i t l e r ' s c l a i m t h a t he s a t i s f i e d h i s 

r e l i g i o u s needs by "communion w i t h n a t u r e " . He p l a n n e d t o 

b u i l d an o b s e r v a t o r y a t L i n z , t h e pediment o f which would bear 

t h e i n s c r i p t i o n , "The Heavens p r o c l a i m the g l o r y o f t h e Ever-

l a s t i n g ; " " i t w i l l be our way o f g i v i n g men a r e l i g i o u s s p i r i t , 

o f t e a c h i n g them h u m i l i t y , but w i t h o u t t h e p r i e s t s . " ^ 

^Quoted i n R a u s c h n i n g , op. c i t . , p. 4 7 . 
2 
H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , ed., H.R. T r e v o r - R o p e r , 

New Y o r k , S i g n e t , 1961, p. 3 6 . 

^ H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 3 1 2 . 



38 

Hitler liked to read Frederick the Great's cynical 
letters on religion and his "Theological Controversies", but 
i t i s unlikely that any of the writers of the past influenced 
him any more than did the pseudo-intellectuals of his own 
movement. Konrad Heiden reports that Hitler had read the 
"Decline of the West", but had rejected i t ; "he doesn't want 
to be a Spenglerian Caesar."^ A few of Nietzsche's ideas 
f i l t e r e d down to him at second hand before he went into 
p o l i t i c s . It was shrewd of him later to claim support from 
such a writer, who was often vague as to the actual application 
of his ideas. Moreover, whereas Gobineau, Houston Stewart 
Chamberlain, and Moeller van den Bruck x^ere not considered 
serieux by European intellectuals, Nietzsche was respected.^ 
The fact that he wrote much that was even anti-German could be 
explained away. Hitler's ideas, which were only those of many 
other Germans, contained l i t t l e that was original. Their 
force and their importance stemmed from his apparent belief 
in them and his use of them to enhance his power. 

As his success increased, so did his belief i n divine 
inspiration. But by 1945 he was spiritually bankrupt. In his 
own words, "a heathen to the core",3'- he had nevertheless a l -
ways believed, like a demented saint, that he had a unique 

"^Konrad Heiden, Adolf Hitler, Eine Biographie. Zurich 
Europa, 1936 (vol. 1) p. 3 4 3 . 

2 
See Crane Brinton's a r t i c l e , "National Socialists' 

Use of Nietzsche", Journal of the History of Ideas, Aoril 1940, 
Vol. 1, pp. 131-150. 

-^Quoted in Ludecke, op. c i t . , p. 3 6 9 . 



39 

r e l a t i o n s h i p to the Everlasting. Did not his p o l i t i c a l machine 

achieve miraculous, providential successes? ® multitude 

worshipped him; the cult of Himself was good for the movement 

and as long as he was triumphant i t was easy to believe that 

he was t r u l y i n s p i r e d . But in his l a s t days, the God of 

Struggle and Power withdrew His blessing and H i t l e r ' s f i n a l 

attitude was one of n i h i l i s m , the underlying " f a i t h " of the 

entire National S o c i a l i s t movement. 
• ^ 

3. The Party's Role i n Religious L i f e 

H i t l e r ' s control of the Party meant that i t usually 

c l e a r l y r e f l e c t e d his r e l i g i o u s b e l i e f and his knowledge of 

p o l i t i c s . In Mein Kampf, he declared that he planned no 

a l t e r a t i o n i n the basic r e l i g i o u s l i f e of Germany, and said 

"anyone who thinks he can a r r i v e at a r e l i g i o u s reformation by 

the detour of a p o l i t i c a l organization only shows that he has 

no glimmer of knowledge of the development of r e l i g i o u s ideas 

or dogmas."-'- He would not, he said, use r e l i g i o n p o l i t i c a l l y ; 

" p o l i t i c a l parties have nothing to do with r e l i g i o u s problems, 

a s i long as these are not a l i e n to the nation, undermining 

the morals and ethics of the race." This q u a l i f i c a t i o n i s 

1 
H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 114. 

2 
Ibid., p. 116. 



40 

i m p o r t a n t , because w h i l e H i t l e r t r i e d t o a v o i d any c l a s h with 

the churches, he was e v e n t u a l l y convinced that he should s i d e 

with one r e l i g i o u s group; but i n 1925, t h i s remark was s a f e l y 

i n keeping with the Lutheran t r a d i t i o n of K u l t u r r e l i g i o n . 

As f a r as the C a t h o l i c s were concerned, when t h e i r r e l i g i o u s 

i n s t i t u t i o n s and d o c t r i n e s i n j u r e d the n a t i o n , the P a r t y must 

never f o l l o w them on t h i s path or f i g h t with the same methods. 

In order to d e c e i v e a p o t e n t i a l C h r i s t i a n o p p o s i t i o n , he wrote 

that the p e o p l e ' s r e l i g i o n i s always i n v i o l a b l e f o r t h e i r 

l e a d e r . 1 In 1923, with wounded innocence he began h i s 

p e r e n n i a l lament t h a t he, a C a t h o l i c , should be so c r i t i c i z e d 

by the C a t h o l i c s ; " i t h u r t s me a l l the more because a c t u a l l y 

no o t h e r movement does so much f o r C h r i s t i a n i t y as o u r s . " ^ 

It was necessary t o d e a l with C h r i s t i a n s every day 

i n h i s slow progress towards the C h a n c e l l o r s h i p , and so H i t l e r 

began h i s c a r e e r by s t r e s s i n g that the Nazi P a r t y , w h i l e not 

a r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n i t s e l f , supported C h r i s t i a n v a l u e s and 

was not a n t i - C h r i s t i a n . The 1920 manifesto d e c l a r e d , "we 

demand freedom of a l l r e l i g i o u s c o n f e s s i o n s . I n both r e -

l i g i o u s denominations, the Party saw " e q u a l l y v a l u a b l e p i l l a r s 

Mein Kampf, p. 116. 

Quoted i n Hans Buchheim, Glaubenskrise im D r i t t e n  
R e i c h . D r e i K a p i t a l N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e r R e l i g i o n s p o l i t i k , 
S t u t t g a r t , Deutsche V e r l a g s a n t a l t , 1953, p. 65. 

•^Gottfried Feder, Das Programm der NSDAP und seine  
Weltanschaulichen Grundgedanken, Munchen, Eher, 1933, P. 22. 
(A r e p r i n t i n g of the 1920 program.) 



41 

f o r t h e e x i s t e n c e o f o u r p e o p l e " , and t h e r e f o r e i t f o u g h t 

groups w h i c h degraded t h i s f o u n d a t i o n of an e t h i c a l and 

s p i r i t u a l c o n s o l i d a t i o n of the n a t i o n t o t h e l e v e l o f an 

i n s t r u m e n t f o r p a r t y i n t e r e s t . T h i s " f i g h t a g a i n s t Mammon" 

s u p p o r t e d a " p o s i t i v e C h r i s t i a n i t y " ^ , t h a t i s , an i n w a r d 

C h r i s t i a n i t y and an outward N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . The P a r t y 

opposed pagan c u l t s as much as i t d i d a t h e i s t i c m a t e r i a l i s t i c 

Marxism. Mein Kampf c o n t i n u e d t h i s theme; H i t l e r w r o t e t h a t 

a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y cannot produce a r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m a t i o n , and 

the 1933 e d i t i o n of t h e P a r t y program p r o m i s e d s p e c i a l p r o -

t e c t i o n f o r t h e C h r i s t i a n r e l i g i o n and i t s freedom o f t e a c h i n g . 

S u p p r e s s i o n o f Marxism was a g a i n p r o m i s e d . 

C o n t r a d i c t o r y , but o n l y i n t h e sense t h a t i t r e v e a l s 

H i t l e r ' s r e a l i n t e n t i o n s , i s the f o l l o w i n g e x t r a c t f r o m Mein  

Kampf; 

The most s t r i k i n g s u c c e s s o f a r e v o l u t i o n based 
on a p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e w i l l always have been 
when t h e new p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e . . . h a s been t a u g h t 
t o a l l men, and, i f n e c e s s a r y , l a t e r f o r c e d upon 
them, w h i l e t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e i d e a , i n o t h e r 
words, t h e movement, s h o u l d embrace o n l y as many as 
a r e a b s o l u t e l y r e q u i r e d f o r o c c u p y i n g the nerve 
c e n t e r s o f t h e s t a t e . - , 

1 I b i d . , pp. 2 2 , 38, and 6 2 . 

2 S e e Mein Kampf, p. 118, and F e d e r op. c i t . , p. 37. 

3 M e i n Kampf, p. 585. 



42 

T h i s was H i t l e r ' s view o f t h e u l t i m a t e n e c e s s i t y o f e v e r y 

German a c c e p t i n g the Weltanschauung as w e l l as h i s con-

cept o f t h e g o v e r n i n g e l i t e . I f a l l men were t o l e a r n t h e 

new p h i l o s o p h y o f l i f e , what was t o happen t o C h r i s t i a n i t y ? 

T h i s problem seems t o have escaped many. 

I n p a r t , the purpose o f M e i n Kampf and t h e v a r i o u s 

programs was t o d e c e i v e t h e C h r i s t i a n element i n Germany. T h i s 

book i n p a r t i c u l a r shows H i t l e r ' s awareness t h a t the churches 

c o u l d o f f e r a snag i n a p o s s i b l e f u t u r e " c o - o r d i n a t i o n " ; 

" t o d a y r e l i g i o u s s e n t i m e n t s s t i l l go deeper t h a n a l l can-
't 

s i d e r a t i o n s o f n a t i o n a l and p o l i t i c a l e x p e d i e n c y . " From h i s 

own e x p e r i e n c e , he knew t h e s t r e n g t h o f b l i h d . ' f a i t h and how t o 

use i t . I t was, u l t i m a t e l y , the f a i t h o f many C h r i s t i a n s t h a t 

f o r c e d him t o r e s t r a i n t e m p o r a r i l y h i s l a t e r program f o r t h e 

e l i m i n a t i o n o f t h e i r b e l i e f . He was a l s o t o l e a r n t h a t an e f -

f a c t i v e a s s a u l t on the churches would e n t a i l , not m e r e l y 

d e c e p t i o n , but p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s f o r the P a r t y i t s e l f . 

P a r t i c u l a r l y d u r i n g t h e Weimar p e r i o d , i t was n e c e s -

s a r y f o r the f l e d g l i n g movement t o pay l i p s e r v i c e t o the few 

i n s t i t u t i o n s , such as t h e churches and t h e army, t h a t had 

s u r v i v e d 1918 more o r l e s s i n t a c t . Because b o t h C h r i s t i a n 

groups f a v o u r e d a r e v i v a l o f n a t i o n a l l i f e , t h e N a z i s may have 

H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 5 6 3 . 



43 

f e l t t h a t common cause c o u l d be made w i t h them, and t h a t the 

C h r i s t i a n s would not oppose t h e P a r t y ' s aims a t a l a t e r d a t e . 

I t i s more l i k e l y , however, t h a t t h e f r e e - t h i n k i n g o r a t h e i s t -

i c l e a d e r s of the P a r t y s i m p l y wanted t o g a t h e r as many w i l l i n g 

dupes as p o s s i b l e under t h e i r banner a t the b e g i n n i n g f o r t h e 

sake o f s t r e n g t h and t o n e u t r a l i z e , f o r a w h i l e , any o p p o s i t i o n . 

N a i v e " f e l l o w - t r a v e l l e r s " c o u l d be j e t t i s o n e d l a t e r . One 

s h o u l d remember t h a t , w h i l e o s t e n s i b l y t h e N a z i e l i t e wanted 

t o r e v i v e n a t i o n a l l i f e , i n r e a l i t y t h e y sought o n l y t o r e v i v e 

t h e i r own f o r t u n e s . The n a t i o n , i n t h e s p r i n g o f 1945, c o u l d 

be d e s t r o y e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r e m b i t t e r e d whim. 

"For t h e p o l i t i c a l man," s a i d H i t l e r i n Mein Kampf, 

"the v a l u e o f a r e l i g i o n must be e s t i m a t e d l e s s by i t s 

d e f i c i e n c i e s , than by t h e v i r t u e o f a v i s i b l y b e t t e r s u b s t i -

tute.""'" W h i l e the t e m p o r a r y u s e f u l n e s s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y de-

c l i n e d a f t e r 1933, t h e p o p u l a r b e l i e f i n a God, because more 

p e r m a n e n t l y u s e f u l , would be m a i n t a i n e d ; "we don't want t o 

educate anyone i n a t h e i s m . " The R u s s i a n s were e n t i t l e d t o 

a t t a c k t h e i r p r i e s t s , but t h e y had no r i g h t to a s s a i l t h e i d e a 

o f a supreme f o r c e , because " i t ' s b e t t e r to b e l i e v e something 

f a l s e t h a n not t o b e l i e v e a n y t h i n g a t a l l . " 3 O b v i o u s l y whether 

1 I b i d . , p. 267. 

H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 36. 

3 I b i d . , p. 108. 



4 4 

ok not t h e R u s s i a n s threw out t h e concept of God, H i t l e r ' s 

own b e l i e f i n an A b s o l u t e remained undamaged. "The man who 

doesn't b e l i e v e i n the Beyond has no u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f r e l i g i o n 

and H i t l e r u n d e r s t o o d a t l e a s t the p r a c t i c a l n a t u r e of r e l i -

g i o n . He always assumed a d i f f e r e n c e between r e l i g i o n , which 

he c o n s i d e r e d a p o w e r f u l h i e r a r c h i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , and f a i t h , 

which he i n t e r p r e t e d as b l i n d obedience and u n q u e s t i o n i n g 

e n t h u s i a s m . 

H i t l e r had g r e a t e r r e s p e c t f o r P r o t e s t a n t i s m as a 

b e t t e r d e f e n d e r of t h e i n t e r e s t s of Germany t h a n f o r Roman 

C a t h o l i c i s m , and t h i s d e t e r m i n e d much o f t h e P a r t y ' s l a t e r 

church p o l i t i c s . 2 P r o t e s t a n t i s m , moreover, f r o m the r e c o r d of 

i t s h i s t o r y , p r o b a b l y seemed more t r a c t a b l e . The C a t h o l i c 

Church, on the o t h e r hand, l o o k e d on i n d i f f e r e n t l y t o t h e de-

s e c r a t i o n of t h e Aryan r a c e by the Jews, who, i n t h e i r t u r n , 

caused s t r i f e between the two l a r g e c o n f e s s i o n s . From h e r e an 

a t t a c k on t h e Church c o u l d b e g i n , and here a l s o was an oppor-

t u n i t y f o r H i t l e r t o p r e s e n t h i m s e l f as a s a v i o u r of " r e l i g i o n 

i n Germany. He was, he s a i d , " s i c k e n e d " by t h e s p i r i t u a l 

degeneracy o f t h e German p e o p l e , b u t he c o u l d n o t condemn t h e 

C h r i s t i a n Church as such "when a degenerate i n d i v i d u a l i n a 

cassock o b s c e n e l y t r a n g r e s s e s a g a i n s t morality".;, nor would he 

condemn i t when one o f t h e many o t h e r s "besmirches and b e t r a y s 

1 I b i d . , p. 1 3 5 . 
2 
See Main Kampf, pp. 1 1 2 - 1 1 3 , on t h e v a l u e o f 

L u t h e r a n i s m as a d e f e n d e r o f "Germanness". 



4 5 

h i s n a t i o n a l i t y a t a t i m e when t h i s i s a d a i l y o c c u r r e n c e 

anyway.""'" Both c o n f e s s i o n s were o f t e n a t f a u l t , but f o r t h e 

C a t h o l i c , H i t l e r , f o r a v a r i e t y o f r e a s o n s , had a s p e c i a l 

h a t r e d . 

A c l e a r p i c t u r e o f h i s p l a n s f o r t h e churches comes 

out i n h i s unguarded p r i v a t e remarks b e f o r e and a f t e r the 

a c t u a l c h u r c h - s t a t e c o n f l i c t . In 1 9 3 3 , he remarked t o Rausch-

n i n g , " f a s c i s m , i f i t l i k e s , may come t o terms w i t h t h e 

Church. So s h a l l I . Why not? That w i l l not p r e v e n t me from 

t e a r i n g up C h r i s t i a n i t y r o o t and b r a n c h , and a n n i h i l a t i n g i t 
2 

i n Germany." The c o - e x i s t e n c e u n t i l 1 9 3 4 was t e m p o r a r y and 

as w i l l be seen, was c o n s i d e r e d a t a c t i c a l n e c e s s i t y . But i n 

1 9 4 1 , he r e p e a t e d h i s v i e w t h a t " N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and 

r e l i g i o n w i l l no l o n g e r be a b l e t o e x i s t t o g e t h e r . " 3 Thus, 

i f t h e y c o u l d have known t h e t r u t h , t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " and 

o t h e r such groups would have e a r l y d e s p a i r e d of s u c c e s s , f o r 

i n s p i t e of h i s p r o t e s t a t i o n s o f good w i l l and i n s p i t e of 

h i s a p p a r e n t a p p r o v a l of c e r t a i n r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s , H i t l e r 

n e v e r i n t e n d e d t o a l l o w any o f the s e c t s t o a t t a i n more than a 

s h o r t u s e f u l e x i s t e n c e . Why was t h i s so? 

1 I b _ i d . , p. 1 1 5 . 
2 

Quoted by Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 5 7 . 

- ^ H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 3 6 . 



46 

H i t l e r b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e C a t h o l i c c h u r c h , i n 

p a r t i c u l a r , as an e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y sought a degree 

o f c o n t r o l o v e r t h e p e o p l e , and had, f o r t h i s r e a s o n , to be 

e l i m i n a t e d i f t h e N a z i t r i u m p h was t o be complete. Moreover, 

h i s s t r o n g e s t memory o f c h i l d h o o d , o r so he c l a i m e d , was a 

h a t r e d o f " a l l t h o s e h y p o c r i s i e s " o f t h e C a t h o l i c f a i t h . 1 

l e t he never escaped h i s u p b r i n g i n g and, c o n t i n u e d t o admire 

t h e pomp, r i t u a l , and o r g a n i z a t i o n o f C a t h o l i c i s m . H i s v o c -

a b u l a r y , p o s s i b l y h i s s u b c o n s c i o u s mind, was f i l l e d w i t h 

r e l i g i o u s t e r m i n o l o g y . T h i s h a t r e d of t h e a u t h o r i t a r i a n 

church and h i s awareness of i t s p o l i t i c a l power l e d him t o u s e 

t h e i d e a s o f A l f r e d Rosenberg. A c c o r d i n g l y , he s a i d he be-

l i e v e d t h a t t h e Roman C a t h o l i c f a i t h was a r e b e l l i o n a g a i n s t 

t h e n a t u r a l l a w o f t h e u n i v e r s e , a p r o t e s t a g a i n s t n a t u r e , 

" t h e c u l t i v a t i o n of human f a i l u r e . " 2 With t h i s s o r t o f 

C h r i s t i a n i t y had come i n t o t h e w o r l d c r u e l t y , ignominy, and 

f a l s e h o o d , c o n t i n u e d today by t h e I n t e r n a t i o n a l e of t h e p r i e s t s , 

w i t h i t s h e a d q u a r t e r s i n Rome. T h i s Church, when i t c o u l d 

e x e r t i n f l u e n c e on c i v i l government s u p p o r t e d o n l y a regime 

t h a t r e c o g n i z e d forms of p o p u l a r o r g a n i z a t i o n which i t sponsored 

and which were t h e r e f o r e dependent s o l e l y on the Church as the 

o n l y l e a d e r s h i p o f the p e o p l e . He was s u r e t h a t , i n p e r i o d s 

of n a t i o n a l t e n s i o n , the C a t h o l i c Church would a l w a y s t r y t o 

1 I _ b i d . , p. 197. 

2 I b i d . , p. 76. 



47 

occupy positions of temporal power, and always at the expense 

of the German community. And so, i f disturbances broke out 

i n the Reich,he would shoot f i r s t the insurrectionary leaders 

and then the leaders of the Catholic party.^ 

After this introduction, i t i s no surprise to f i n d 

him equating, as did Rosenberg, Catholic C h r i s t i a n i t y and 

Bolshevism, while he and his Party were to be considered a 

C h r i s t i a n bulwark against godless Communism. This s i m i l a r i t y 

stemmed from Saint Paul's e f f o r t s to use Christ's doctrine to 

mobilize the criminal underworld of his time, organizing an 
3 

intolerant "proto-Bolshevism". Probably the most pressing 

immediate danger, however, was the f a c t that t h i s sort of 

C h r i s t i a n i t y , un-German i n essence, by adhering to a conception 

of the Beyond which was exposed to the attacks of "progress", 

and by binding i t s e l f to many of l i f e ' s t r i v i a l i t i e s , was 

ripening men f o r a conversion to materialism.^ It i s important 

to note that H i t l e r echoes these ideas only i n private and 

mainly i n the l a t e r stages of his career when the church 

1 I b i d . , p. 388. 

^See chapter three for a more detailed review of 
Rosenberg's ideas, and chapters four and f i v e for the e f f e c t s 
i n practice of t h i s equation of Catholicism and Bolshevism. 

•^Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 254. 

^"Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 5 6 6 . 



4 8 

s t r u g g l e had begun and r e c o n c i l i a t i o n seemed d i f f i c u l t . I t 

i s d o u b t f u l t h a t he s i n c e r e l y b e l i e v e d them, b u t , a g a i n , 

they were u s e f u l as i d e o l o g i c a l j u s t i f i c a t i o n of n e c e s s a r y 

p o l i t i c a l measures. 

In i d e o l o g i c a l m a t t e r s , H i t l e r was more p r a c t i c a l , 

more f l e x i b l e , and more c y n i c a l than h i s d o c t r i n a i r e f o l l o w e r s . 

A c c o r d i n g to Ludecke, H i t l e r s a i d of Rosenberg, "he i s the 

only man whom I always l i s t e n to.""' - But i n one of h i s s e c r e t 

c o n v e r s a t i o n s l a t e r , • H i t l e r d e c l a r e d t h a t the Mythus was not 
p 

to be regarded as an e x p r e s s i o n of the o f f i c i a l Party l i n e . 

Few o f the p a r t y e l i t e , f o r t h a t matter, took i t s e r i o u s l y . 

Rosenberg's u n o r i g i n a l book had l i t t l e r e a l I n f l u e n c e on 

h i s master, who never seems to have r e a d i t . In any case, i t 

was not p u b l i s h e d ' u n t i l 1930, when H i t l e r ' s mind was a l r e a d y 

formed. It could be u s e d , of course, as a weapon against the 

churches, but not u n t i l they had shown themselves to be 

s t u b b o r n . 

As f o r the r e l i g i o n of the V o l k , H i t l e r s t r e s s e d the 

" f e e l i n g man has of h i s own i m p o t e n c e ; " "The e s s e n t i a l t h i n g . . . 

i s t h a t man should know that s a l v a t i o n c o n s i s t s i n the e f f o r t 

t h a t each person makes to understand Providence and a c c e p t 

Ludecke, op. c i t . , p. 116. 

S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 4 0 0 . 



49 

t h e l a w s of n a t u r e . " The h e l p l e s s n e s s of t h e common person 

under P r o v i d e n t i a l l a w s , i n t e r p r e t e d and expounded by t h e P a r t y 

l e a d e r s h i p , was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f the N a z i s t a t e , q u i t e a p a r t 

from Rosenberg's i d e o l o g y . T h i s h u m i l i t y , of c o u r s e , had 

l i t t l e t o do w i t h C h r i s t i a n h u m i l i t y , but was e s s e n t i a l t o 

t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a t o t a l i t a r i a n government. I t was p a r a -

mount t h a t the average German s h o u l d "know t h a t he l i v e s 

and d i e s f o r t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e s p e c i e s . " The e l i t e 

o f t h e P a r t y , however, would u n d e r s t a n d t h e p u r e l y p r a c t i c a l 

v a l u e o f t h i s " f a i t h " and each of them would have h i s p r i v a t e 

c r e e d . ^ N e v e r t h e l e s s , p r i v a t e l y and p u b l i c l y H i t l e r always 

preached t h e n e c e s s i t y o f " f a i t h , r ; f o r t h e s m a l l man, f a i t h 

i n God and H i s A d o l f H i t l e r ; f o r the P a r t y man, f a i t h i n t h e 

P a r t y and I t s M i s s i o n . Thus, N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m , w h i l e i t 

s h o u l d not seek t o r e p l a c e the c h u r c h e s by a mass e q u i v a l e n t , 

would p r e s e r v e ' t h e r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g of the V b l k . I n t h i s way, 

" f a i t h " ( i . e . o b e d i e n c e ) would be u s e f u l w h i l e t h e e l i t e 

a c c o m p l i s h e d t h e i r aims. L a t e r , H i t l e r came t o r e a l i z e t h e v a l u e 

of p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s t r a p p i n g s , but always h e l d t h a t " n o t h i n g 

would he more f o o l i s h than t o r e - e s t a b l i s h t h e w o r s h i p o f 

Wotan."^-

^ I b i d . , p. 141. 
2 I b i d . , p. 160. 

3lbid., p. 86. See Chapter Three f o r H i t l e r ' s con-
c e p t o f t h e e l i t e w i t h i n t h e P a r t y . 

4 I b i d . , p. 85. 



50 

J u s t as t h e r e was t o be no r e t u r n t o C h r i s t i a n 

d e n o m i n a t i o n a l i s m a f t e r t h e war, so t h e r e was t o be no f u t u r e 

i n t h e P a r t y f o r the "German C h r i s t i a n s " . "A German Church, 

a German C h r i s t i a n i t y , i s d i s t o r t i o n " , s a i d H i t l e r ; "these 

p r o f e s s o r s and mystery-men who want t o f o u n d N o r d i c r e l i g i o n s 

m e r e l y g e t i n my way." 1 The i d e a l s o l u t i o n would be t o l e t 

the r e l i g i o u s s e c t s devour t h e m s e l v e s , but t h e N o r d i c s e c t s 

c o u l d h e l p t o d i s i n t e g r a t e C h r i s t i a n i t y . I n o r d e r t o f a c i l -

i t a t e t h i s p r o c e s s , t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s were to p r e s e r v e 

what c o u l d be used i n C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e and change i t s meanings, 

f o r t h a t was what t h e C a t h o l i c C h u r c h had done when i t s u c c e s s -

f u l l y f o r c e d i t s b e l i e f s on the heathen. "We s h a l l t a k e t h e 

r o a d back: E a s t e r i s no l o n g e r r e s u r r e c t i o n , but t h e e t e r n a l 

renewal o f our p e o p l e . C h r i s t m a s i s t h e b i r t h o f our s a v i o u r : 
2 

t h e s p i r i t o f heroism and t h e freedom of our p e o p l e . " The 

masses, e s p e c i a l l y t h e p e a s a n t s , would be t o l d what t h e C a t h o l i c 

Church d e s t r o y e d f o r them: the s e c r e t knowledge o f n a t u r e , o f 

t h e d i v i n e , and o f t h e daemonic. The C h r i s t i a n v e n e e r would 

be removed and a f a i t h p e c u l i a r t o t h e German r a c e was t o be 

d e v e l o p e d . N e v e r t h e l e s s , most of t h i s was f o r t h e f u t u r e ; 

by 1 9 3 9 , n e i t h e r church was y e t " c o - o r d i n a t e d " , and the war 

n e c e s s i t a t e d a more c a r e f u l approach by the P a r t y . But i n t h e 

meantime, by e n c o u r a g i n g i n t h e p e o p l e a m y s t i c a l r e s p e c t f o r 

Quoted by Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 5 8 . 

2 I b i d . , p. 5 9 . 



51 

t h e i r r a c i a l o r i g i n s , H i t l e r and t h e P a r t y l e a d e r s t r i e d t o 

s t r e n g t h e n t h e image o f themselves a s l e a d e r s o f t h e r a c e . 

I t i s d o u b t f u l i f t h e average German c o u l d s u r v i v e l o n g i n 

t h i s " c l o u d - c u c k o o - l a n d " between C h r i s t i a n f a i t h and heathen 

s u p e r s t i t i o n , s u p p o r t e d o n l y by n a t i o n a l f e r v o u r and vague 

p a n t h e i s m ; b u t H i t l e r was c o n f i d e n t : a statesman c o u l d m a i n t a i n 

a n a t i o n ' s s p i r i t u a l m o r a l e a s w e l l as a churchman. " A l l he has 

t o do i s t o i n c o r p o r a t e i n t h e l a w o f t h e l a n d a l l t h e m o r a l 

b e l i e f s o f t h e h e a l t h y elements of t h e p e o p l e and t h e n t o 

support t h o s e l a w s u n c o m p r o m i s i n g l y w i t h t h e a u t h o r i t y o f 

f o r c e . " ! C h r i s t i a n i t y was s t i l l o f some u s e ; 

To t h e C h r i s t i a n d o c t r i n e o f t h e i n f i n i t e s i g -
n i f i c a n c e o f the i n d i v i d u a l human s o u l and of 
p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , I oppose...the s a v i n g 
d o c t r i n e o f the n o t h i n g n e s s and i n s i g n i f i c a n c e 
o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l human b e i n g , and o f h i s 
c o n t i n u e d e x i s t e n c e i n the v i s i b l e i m m o r t a l i t y 
o f t h e n a t i o n . g 

Well-known p h r a s e o l o g y was t u r n e d u p s i d e down, y e t might r e -

t a i n i t s o l d a p p e a l . Thus, i n s p i t e o f a l l a s s e r t i o n s t o t h e 

c o n t r a r y , t h e P a r t y was t o produce a " r e l i g i o u s r e f o r m a t i o n " 

and t o p r o v i d e a s u b s t i t u t e f o r C h r i s t i a n i t y . The P r o t e s t a n t 

S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 398. 

Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 222. 



52 

Church c o u l d be o f more immediate and f r u i t f u l u s e , but 

e v e n t u a l l y b o t h c o n f e s s i o n s would have t o make way f o r t h e 

new " r e l i g i o n " . 

W h i l e utmost c a u t i o n was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f h i s 

approached t o t h e c h u r c h e s , H i t l e r b e l i e v e d t h a t s u c c e s s was 

u l t i m a t e l y c e r t a i n , p a r t i c u l a r l y s i n c e he proceeded on a 

" r e a l i s t i c " v i e w o f human n a t u r e . I n s t e a d o f g i v i n g f i v e 

hundred m i l l i o n marks a year t o the c h u r c h e s , he would g i v e 

g r a n t s t o a r c h b i s h o p s , a l l o w i n g them freedom t o s h a r e out t h e 

sum p l a c e d a t t h e i r d i s p o s a l ; i n t h i s way, the number o f t h e i r 

" c o l l a b o r a t o r s " would be reduced t o a minimum s i n c e t h e y would 

t r y t o keep t h e g r e a t e r p a r t of themoney f o r t h e m s e l v e s . 

"With a t e n t h p a r t o f our budget f o r r e l i g i o n , we would thus 

have a c h u r c h devoted t o the s t a t e andof unshakeable l o y a l t y . " 

He p r a i s e d American p o l i t i c i a n s whom he thought had sub-

j e c t e d t h e c h u r c h t o t h e same r e g u l a t i o n s g o v e r n i n g a l l o t h e r 

a s s o c i a t i o n s and i n s t i t u t i o n s and had t h u s l i m i t e d i t s f i e l d 
1 

o f a c t i v i t y t o r e a s o n a b l e p r o p o r t i o n s . 

A c c o r d i n g l y , a f t e r the war, i t would be t h e d u t y 

o f t h e government t o d e a l w i t h the C a t h o l i c Church t h e same 

way as i t d e a l t w i t h o t h e r n a t i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n s . The 

Concordat and i t s f i n a n c i a l o b l i g a t i o n s would be t e r m i n a t e d : 

" i t w i l l g i v e me t h e g r e a t e s t p e r s o n a l p l e a s u r e t o p o i n t out 

H i t l e r , S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , p. 517. 



53 

t o the Church a l l t h o s e o c c a s i o n s on which i t has broken the 

terms o f i t . " ! Becoming dependent s o l e l y on t h e o f f e r t o r y , 

t h e Church would r e c e i v e o n l y t h r e e per c e n t of the money i t 

had p r e v i o u s l y r e c e i v e d from the S t a t e . 2 A f t e r a l l , t h e 

agreement was o n l y t h e s u r v i v a l of p r e v i o u s c o n c o r d a t s between 

t h e V a t i c a n and d i f f e r e n t German s t a t e s and w i t h t h e i n c o r -

p o r a t i o n of t h e l a t t e r i n t o the c e n t r a l i z e d R e i c h i t was 

o b s o l e t e , a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f p a s t agreements r a t h e r t h a n a 

c u r r e n t agreement i n f o r c e . A f t e r the war, t h e P a r t y would 

a l s o t a k e t h e n e c e s s a r y s t e p s t o make t h e " r e c r u i t i n g of 

p r i e s t s " as d i f f i c u l t as p o s s i b l e ; o n l y the man who had passed 

h i s t w e n t y - f o u r t h y e a r , and had f i n i s h e d h i s Labour S e r v i c e 

and h i s m i l i t a r y s e r v i c e , would be a b l e to t a k e up an 
3 

e c c l e s i a s t i c a l c a r e e r . But presumably by t h i s t i m e t h e 

C h r i s t i a n f a i t h would be as o b s o l e t e as t h e C o n c o r d a t . 

T h i s , t h e n , was H i t l e r ' s p e r s o n a l f a i t h , h i s a t t i -

tude t o r e l i g i o n i n g e n e r a l , and t o t h e P a r t y ' s r o l e i n the 

r e l i g i o u s i s s u e . Throughout h i s l i f e and h i s i d e a s , t h e r e 

run t h e two t h r e a d s o f l a t e n t n i h i l i s m and c y n i c a l pragmatism. 

While t h e f a i t h t o which he a d m i t t e d was p a n t h e i s t i c , he 

c o n s i d e r e d the f a i t h and i d e a s o f o t h e r men as t o o l s to be used; 

as f o r Himmler and Rosenberg, " H i t l e r laughed a t them."4 

1 I b i d _ - , p. 518. 
2 I b i d . , p. 520. 
3 I b i d . , p. 390. 

^ I b i d . , ed. T r e v o r - R o p e r , p. x x v i i . 



54 

But whatever the t r u t h of i t s d o c t r i n e , Roman C a t h o l i c i s m 

was no l a u g h i n g matter; he would e r a d i c a t e i t . Some s o r t o f 

C h r i s t i a n i t y , however, a " p o s i t i v e " v a r i e t y , H i t l e r sought t o 

m a i n t a i n , and a l t h o u g h he i n s i s t e d t h a t the P a r t y was p u r e l y a 

p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n , g i v e n h i s a d m i r a t i o n o f h i e r a r c h i c a l 

power and h i s sense of i n s p i r a t i o n , p l u s t h e i n i t i a l dynamism 

and u l t i m a t e power of the N a z i movement, i t was i n e v i t a b l e 

t h a t t h e P a r t y should f a i l t o remain s i m p l y p o l i t i c a l group 

and s h o u l d become a s u r r o g a t e f a i t h . 



55 

CHAPTER 3 

The Nazi Movement as a Substitute Faith 

1. The Development of Nazism into a Pseudo-Church 

As Nazism became a substitute for Christianity, 
and as i t tried to control more than the bodies of men, the 
church-state conflict ensued. That the churches and Nation-
a l Socialism were ultimately incompatible was due in part to 
the uneasiness of the new regime and to i t s deliberate ten-
dency to interpret every piece of Christian behavior as hav-
ing p o l i t i c a l aims. For not merely were some Christians unable 
to refrain from r e s i s t i n g Nazi demands, but the government was 
eager to believe that even Young Catholic ping-pong matches were 
used as a cover for subversive a c t i v i t i e s . There i s no doubt 
that, in some cases, they were justified in their suspicions, 
but what i s important is the fact that, while the Christian 
opposition developed some of the traits of a p o l i t i c a l under-
ground, the National Socialist state develo ped the character-
i s t i c s of an organized church, a church, however, whose leaders 
did not believe in the doctrine which supposedly was fundamental 



56 

to i t s existence. 

Before 1933, as any new minority p o l i t i c a l group 
with revolutionary ideas, Nazism appeared to be a fanatical 
sect, appealing to the more religious aspect of p o l i t i c a l 
thinking; that i s , having a mission and a R truth" to communi-

2 

cate. This appeal was not new in German p o l i t i c a l history. 
Later, after the death of i t s brief partnership with the churches, 
the i l l - f a t e d Concordat, and the efforts to "Germanize" Lutheran-
ism, there occurred a gradual withdrawal from Christianity, and 
the practical purposes of the state were more and more turned into 
holy causes: what Eric Hoffer calls "religiofication". As w i l l 
be described, this development was both planned and spontaneous. 
Because the Party sought a national rebirth, i t s Weltanschauung 
had to be accepted by every German, above a l l by the young. To 
achieve this, the qualities of the religious sect, in partial 
eclipse during 1933, when more practical politics occupied Hitler, 
were again stressed, and became a systematic substitute for 
traditional faith. Its application by the Party was confused 

Here I assume that a religion entails recognition 
of a controlling superhuman power entitled to obedience, worship, 
and,, above a l l , humility. 

2 
In considering the non-revolutionary character of 

Nazism, one should remember that German p o l i t i c a l parties, from 
the time of the Second Empire, were more institutional than North 
American parties. With their own welfare organizations, unions, 
athletic associations, cultural leagues, and youth groups, they 
were societies which sought philosophical, Christian(or anti-
Christian), as well as p o l i t i c a l goals. 

^Eric Hoffer, The True Believer, New York, Mentor, 
1958, p. 15. 



57 

and never c o m p l e t e , but i t s c r e a t i o n seemed mandatory, f o r , 

i n t h e new Germany, t h e h i e r a r c h y and power of t h e C h r i s t i a n 

c h u r c h e s c o u l d n o t c o - e x i s t w i t h t h e h i e r a r c h y and power o f 

N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . To f i g h t t h e churches, t h e P a r t y borrowed 

some of t h e i r own d e v i c e s . 

A s o c i o l o g i s t d e s c r i b e s the N a z i s t a t e as an 

" e c c l e s i a " , 1 a c o n s e r v a t i v e s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e , u n i v e r s a l i n i t s 

aims, w h i c h a t t e m p t s t o amalgamate i t s e l f w i t h t h e government 

and t h e dominant c l a s s e s , and s t r i v e s t o c o n t r o l every c i t i z e n . 

Because i t i s a l s o an e d u c a t i o n a l system which t r a i n s i t s 

y o u t h f u l members t o c o n f o r m i t y i n thought and a c t i o n , t h u s 

f i t t i n g them f o r the e x e r c i s e of the r e l i g i o u s r i g h t s t h e y 

have i n h e r i t e d , the " e c c l e s i a " a t t a c h e s a h i g h importance to 

t h e o f f i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of sacraments and t e a c h i n g by 

a u t h o r i z e d a g e n t s . The N a z i " e c c l e s i a " d i d not i s o l a t e i t s e l f 

from a n t a g o n i s t i c elements i n German l i f e as the L u t h e r a n 

Church had p r e v i o u s l y done b u t r e s o l v e d f r o m t h e b e g i n n i n g t o 

c o n v e r t a l l d o u b t e r s t o a t l e a s t outward adherence t o t h e one 

t r u e f a i t h . I n t h e l a t e ' t h i r t i e s , t h e N a z i K u l t v e r b a n d , l e d 

by the c h a r i s m a t i c l e a d e r , d i d almost become t h e s t a n d a r d i z e d 

r o u t i n i z e d S t a t e Church t h a t some o f i t s a d h e r e n t s d e s i r e d . 

T h i s i s Howard B e c k e r , i n h i s book German Y o u t h : 
Bond o r F r e e (New York, O x f o r d , 1946). A s i m i l a r s t u d y i s Hans-
Jo chen Gamm's P e r braune K u l t , Das D r i t t e R e i c h und s e i n e  
E r s a t z r e l i g i o n (Hamburg, R f l t t e n und L o e n i n g , 1962), p a r t i c u l a r l y 
the c h a p t e r "Der N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s a l s K u l t v e r b a n d " , p. 156. 



5 8 

But N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m n e v e r a c h i e v e d t h e p e r f e c t e x i s t e n c e 

d e s c r i b e d by such w r i t e r s and was d e f i n i t e l y n o t a r e l i g i o n 

t o i t s l e a d e r s ; t h i s f a c t a l o n e l i m i t s the a p p l i c a b i l i t y of 

t h e term " e c c l e s i a " t o t h e new S t a t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , w h i l e 

t h e N a z i l e a d e r s , H i t l e r , Goebbels, Bormann, had much l e s s 

f a i t h i n t h e i r Weltanschauung t h a n even the most c y n i c a l of 

I t a l i a n R e n a i s s a n c e p r i e s t s i n C h r i s t i a n i t y , f o r t h e "man-in-

t h e - s t r e e t " , p a r t i c u l a r l y the n o n - C h r i s t i a n , i t was a r e a s o n -

a b l e f a c s i m i l e . 

2 . Rosenberg, the High P r i e s t 

A l f r e d Rosenberg i s u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e 

P a r t y ' s p h i l o s o p h y because, i n s p i t e of t h e f a c t t h a t a t v a r i o u s 

t i m e s t h e N a z i l e a d e r s h i p sought to i n c r e a s e t h e d i s t a n c e 

between t h e i r s t a n d and h i s i n t h e p u b l i c mind, he summed up 

more o r l e s s a c c u r a t e l y the P a r t y ' s a t t i t u d e t o r e l i g i o u s 

problems. He was a p p o i n t e d " D i r e c t o r of N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t 

Weltanschauung" i n Januaryl934 and r e c e i v e d a N a t i o n a l P r i z e 

i n 1937. To be s u r e , he was shed l a t e r when h i s u s e f u l n e s s 

d e c l i n e d , but i t d i d d e c l i n e o n l y because d u r i n g t h e war t h e 

N a z i l e a d e r s c o u l d n o t a f f o r d t o c o n t i n u e the K u l t u r k a m p f 

w i t h t h e v i g o u r Rosenberg demanded. 

The c h i e f o b j e c t o f Rosenberg's a t t a c k was Roman 

C a t h o l i c i s m , w h i c h had c o r r u p t e d the German p e o p l e t h r o u g h o u t 

t h e i r h i s t o r y . But even e a r l i e r than t h i s , he c l a i m e d , S a i n t 



59 

P a u l had " j u d a i z e d " C h r i s t i a n i t y , d i v e r t i n g i t f r o m i t s 

n a t u r a l c o u r s e by r e p l a c i n g the t r u e C h r i s t , Aryan and h e r o i c , 

w i t h a p o o r w e a k l i n g Hebrew. Not as t h e c r u c i f i e d , b u t as 

t h e w a r r i o r a g a i n s t t h e Jews d i d C h r i s t d e s e r v e honour among 

t h e Germans. "That t h e C a t h o l i c Church and a l s o t h e Confes-

s i o n a l Church...must d i s a p p e a r from t h e l i f e o f our p e o p l e i s 

my f u l l c o n v i c t i o n / and_7 our Ftlhrer-' s v i e w p o i n t . "^ I n h i s 

Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s ("Myth o f t h e T w e n t i e t h C e n t u r y " ) , 

Rosenberg had f i r s t o u t l i n e d the German n a t i o n a l c h u r c h w h i c h , 

w h i l e h a v i n g a L u t h e r a n t o n e , would embrace a l l the f o r m e r 

d e n o m i n a t i o n s , i n c l u d i n g t h e C a t h o l i c , t h e b e a u t i f u l r i t e s o f 
2 

which were o f t e n o f N o r d i c o r i g i n . T h i s f a i t h would not be 

C h r i s t i a n i t y , of c o u r s e , but N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . 

Rosenberg's i d e a s were c l a r i f i e d i n the program^ he 

drew up i n 1942 f o r t h e n a t i o n a l R e i c h Church, which e x p r e s s e d 

t h e i n t e n t i o n s o f t h e government, but w h i c h was p r o b a b l y not 

s a n c t i o n e d by H i t l e r a t t h e t i m e i t appeared. The B i b l e and 

t h e C h r i s t i a n c r o s s were t o be removed from a l l c h u r c h e s , to be 

r e p l a c e d by Mein Kampf,"the g r e a t e s t of a l l documents", and 

Quoted i n N a t h a n i e l M i c k l e m , N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and  
C h r i s t i a n i t y , O x f o r d , C l a r e n d o n , 1939, p. 29. 

2 
A l f r e d Rosenberg, Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s , 

MUnchen, Hoheneichen, 1934, p. 610. 
3 
T h i s program i s g i v e n i n C a r l Carmer, War A g a i n s t  

God, New Y o r k , H o l t , 1943, p. 7. 



60 

the s w a s t i k a , "that unconquerable symbol"; no great 
s t r u c t u r a l a l t e r a t i o n s would be c a r r i e d out on the e x i s t i n g 
churches a f t e r t h e i r c o n f i s c a t i o n because they were l i v i n g 
monuments of German c u l t u r e ; the s e r v i c e s were to be held 
only at n i g h t , on Saturdays, and with f e s t i v e i l l u m i n a t i o n s . 

The P a r t y ' s o f f i c i a l a t t i t u d e was never as c l e a r or 
went so f a r as Rosenberg would have d e s i r e d . By 1 9 4 2 , h i s 
pronouncements had become too aggressive f o r H i t l e r , who had 
to moderate h i s K i r c h e n p o l i t i k during the war f o r the sake 
of domestic peace and who found d i r e c t i n g armies more en-
g r o s s i n g than s l a n d e r i n g nuns. A c c o r d i n g l y , Rosenberg, l i k e 
the German C h r i s t i a n s e a r l i e r , was removed from h i s p o s i t i o n 
of "high p r i e s t " . 

H i t l e r and h i s colleagues used Rosenberg's a n t i -
C h r i s t i a n ideas as seasoning i n the new n a t i o n a l d i e t . When 
the l e a d e r s h i p adopted some of h i s most p a l a t a b l e views, they 
d i d so f u l l y r e a l i z i n g t h e i r propaganda value, yet never 
c o n s i d e r i n g them worth serious personal c o n s i d e r a t i o n . There 
were no C h r i s t i a n or pagan gods to haunt the dreams of H i t l e r 
and h i s henchmen. E s s e n t i a l l y n i h i l i s t i c , they sought power 
i n t h e i r world and nowhere e l s e . I f they were motivated by 
any i d e a s , these were perverted p a t r i o t i c ones, and they found 
the e x i s t i n g corpus of p o l i t i c a l r a c i a l philosophy u s e f u l f o r 
r a t i o n a l i z i n g these i d e a l s and making them more acceptable 



61 

to a conservative public. 

3 . Essence of the Nazi "Faith" 

The p o l i t i c a l platform of the Nazis, presented in 

the form of a revolutionizing new world view, included the 
ideas of enthusiasts like Rosenberg or Ernst Bergmann, but i t . 
also had to appeal to concepts that the Germans held sacred, 
whether these were their faith in the christian God or their 
belief in their country's great destiny. The distinctive 
and paradoxical character of the supposedly "revolutionary" 
Weltanschauung lay in this conservative system of values 
determined by the traditional beliefs of Germans. The 
system had to cover the individual's relation to the source 
and meaning of l i f e and had to be expressed in terms usually 
associated with orthodox religion. Therefore, the Nazi 
leaders confirmed the idea that every race had a soul, and 
the German race, a special divine mission, with an apocalyptic 
promise of a glorious Germany in the future. Placed by God 
on earth as Germans, the Volk was described as the culmination 
of the divine plan. "In f u l f i l l i n g the w i l l of the people, 
the Ftlhrer f u l f i l l s the w i l l of God; for the voice of the Volk 

2 
is the voice of God." This was merely an intensification 
of pan-German, superpatriotic ideas current in Germany since 

"*"These ideas often found sincere support in lower 
Nazi ranks because they were not new, but had been in circulation 
in Germany for as much as a century. See Fritz Stern, Politics  
of Cultural Despair, Berkeley, 1961, passim. 

2 
Hans Schemm, a racial expert, quoted in Kneller, 

Educational Philosophy of National Socialism, p. 187. 



62 

b e f o r e the f i r s t World War. 

The c a l c u l a t e d c o n s e r v a t i v e element i n t h e program 

and t h e c o n t i n u a l r e f e r e n c e to o l d e r i d e a s t h a t had a c q u i r e d 

a s a c r e d hue appear i n t h e a t t i t u d e toward women. A woman was 

to be t h e h e a r t o f t h e f a m i l y o r g a n i s m u n i q u e l y r e l a t e d t o 

h e r own c h i l d r e n and h e r own p a r t i c u l a r h u s b a n d . 1 German 

women, moreover, were t o s t o p smoking and powdering t h e i r f a c e s , 

and to concern t h e m s e l v e s w i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n , t h e i r k i t c h e n , 
2 

and t h e i r c h u r c h . T h i s a p p e a l e d to t h e d e s i r e o f many 

Germans to r e t u r n t o a s i m p l e r concept of womanhood and t h e 

f a m i l y , t o t h e orthodox L u t h e r a n v i e w o f home l i f e , and t o 

t h e r e b e l l i o n a g a i n s t t h e m e c h a n i c a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s o f the 

i n d u s t r i a l c i t y . I t was o n l y b a i t i n t h e t r a p , of c o u r s e , f o r , 

as w i l l be s e e n , i n i t s v e r y n a t u r e , N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m o n l y 

i n t e n s i f i e d d i s i n t e g r a t i o n of human t i e s . 

Nazism had an a p p e a l t o even w i d e r c u r r e n t b e l i e f s . 

As a r e p l a c e m e n t f o r o r t h o d o x C h r i s t i a n i t y , i t met w i t h g r e a t 

a p p r o v a l i n younger c i r c l e s , groups which f e l t t h a t t h e c h u r c h 

had f a i l e d t o p r o v i d e an a t t i t u d e to t h e more m a t e r i a l and con-

P a r a p h r a s e d from C l i f f o r d K i r k p a t r i c k , N a z i  
Germany: I t s Women and F a m i l y L i f e , New Y o r k , B o b b s - M e r r i l l , 
1938, p. 101. 

See E r n s t Bergmann, Die d e u t s c h e N a t i o n a l k i r c h e , 
B r e s l a u , H i r t , 1934, pp. 344-363, l o r "the p r i e s t h o o d of women". 



63 

temporary n e c e s s i t i e s of e x i s t e n c e . Some young people c a l l e d 

the church too o t h e r - w o r l d l y i n o u t l o o k and f e l t i t had not 

helped them to f a c e l i f e i n a d i s j o i n t e d community; they f e l t 

a need f o r a s a c r e d element i n day-to-day e x i s t e n c e . H i t l e r 

was aware o f t h i s need and so he s t r e s s e d the s p i r i t u a l aspect 

of h i s movement. The young were t o l d t h a t Nazism embodied 

the s p i r i t of the o l d Wandervcigel and t h a t " b l o o d and s o i l , 

f o l k and homeland a r e i n the hands of God, from which we have 

e v e r y t h i n g that we are."-'- The sacred m i s s i o n o f the movement 

was c o n s t a n t l y s t r e s s e d and many of the newly w r i t t e n songs, 

f o r example, appealed to God to b l e s s the Nazi work. The 

e f f e c t on the average young person was to make him i n t o a r e v -

o l u t i o n a r y , but a " c o n s e r v a t i v e " r e v o l u t i o n a r y , ready to be l e d 

anywhere. T h i s i s w e l l e x e m p l i f i e d i n Wolfgang Brugge's d e s -

c r i p t i o n of h i s r e a c t i o n upon h e a r i n g H i t l e r f o r the f i r s t time; 

"here am I, take me and my s t r e n g t h , ' my a b i l i t y , my w i l l ; 

use i t a l l f o r Thy g r e a t goal."-^ Thus the m a t e r i a l and the 

s p i r i t u a l were e f f e c t i v e l y combined i n a whole which, when 

presented to the p u b l i c , d i d not seem to be a t h e i s t i c or n i h i l -

i s t i c , but r a t h e r at one with the best of German v a l u e s . The 

s t a t e ' s power and d i s c i p l i n e , moreover, were d e c l a r e d to e x i s t 

^-Quoted i n K n e l l e r , op. c i t . , p. 184. 
p 

See Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 94. 

-^Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 25. 



64 

not as a d e t e r r e n t t o man i n h i s aim f o r human p e r f e c t i o n , 

but as a i d s toward f r e e growth and i n d i v i d u a l accomplishment. 

One N a z i wrote t h a t , on t h e model of t h e C a t h o l i c 

c h u r c h , the F f i h r e r , w i t h h i s e x c l u s i v e power, c o r r e s p o n d e d to 

the Pope and t h e l e s s e r P i i h r e r s corresponded t o t h e c l e r g y , 

w h i l e t h e v a r i o u s N a z i c o r p o r a t i o n s s e r v e d as a d v i s o r y b o d i e s 

i n t h e same way as d i d t h e c o l l e g e o f c a r d i n a l s . 1 How 

c o u l d t h i s comparison be made, when so many N a z i s were h o s t i l e 

t o C a t h o l i c i s m ? The p o p u l a r e n t h u s i a s m f o r Nazism can be 

p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n e d as a m a n i f e s t a t i o n of the r e l i g i o u s i m p u l s e , 

g u i d e d i n t o , and e x p r e s s i n g i t s e l f i n a form more p u r e l y 

p o l i t i c a l t h a n had been seen i n the p a s t . C h r i s t i a n i t y i t s e l f 

sought t o s e t up a t one t i m e a C h r i s t i a n kingdom, l e d by t h e 

Papacy on t h i s e a r t h , and s i n c e t h e r e l a t e d d e s i r e f o r t h e 

m i l l e n i u m now, a p a r a d i s e i n t h i s w o r l d , seems to be c h a r a c t e r -

i s t i c o f t h e Western European C h r i s t i a n mind, some w r i t e r s 

have c a l l e d Nazism merely a f u r t h e r h e r e s y w i t h i n the Church 

p r o p e r . To be s u r e , not m e r e l y was t h e s t r u c t u r e of t h e N a z i 

h i e r a r c h y e m b e l l i s h e d w i t h terms t a k e n from C h r i s t i a n t h e o l o g y , 

b u t some a u t h o r i t i e s would v i e w t h e Weltanschauung as a 

degenerate form of t h e M e s s i a n i c i d e a o r as t h e M a n i c h a e i s t i c 

h e r e s y . At any r a t e , the N a z i s c o n t i n u a l l y a p p e a l e d to c o n c e p t s 

Quoted i n N i e k i s c h , op. c i t . , p. 1 0 2 . 



65 

which were i n g r a i n e d i n German minds, whether t h e y were 

t h e e f f i c a c y of t h e C a t h o l i c h i e r a r c h y or t h e need f o r a 

s t r o n g s e c u l a r a u t h o r i t y . P o p u l a r c o n c e p t i o n s were embodied 

i n the p e r s o n i f i c a t i o n o f E v i l as t h e " c o u n t e r - r a c e " , the i n -

c a r n a t i o n o f " e v e r y t h i n g h o r r i b l e , e v i l , and d a r k , " l t h e b e a r e r 

o f those p o i s o n o u s i d e a s , m a t e r i a l i s m and i n d i v i d u a l i s m . There 

was a l s o t a l k o f t h e " i n s e p a r a b l e T r i n i t y of S t a t e , Movement, 
2 

and V o l k . " To the R e i c h was a p p l i e d t h e i d e a o f "body" as 

C h r i s t i a n s a p p l i e d i t to t h e Church when t h e y r e f e r r e d to t h e 

M y s t i c a l Body of C h r i s t . The concept o f t h e e t e r n a l Aryan 

kingdom of l i g h t , v e r s u s t h e J e w i s h s p i r i t of d a r k n e s s was a l -

most a f o r m o f Manichaeism adapted t o meet the needs of t h e 

cause.? To a t t a i n s a l v a t i o n , t h e masses were t o p l a c e t h e i r 

t r u s t i n and give:u u n c o n d i t i o n a l s u r r e n d e r t o t h e man w i t h 

a l l e g e d l y superhuman g i f t s , who i n t u r n f u r t h e r e d the 

e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y of the P a r t y . T h i s i s what H i t l e r 

meant when he s a i d t h a t " N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m i s a form o f con-

v e r s i o n , a new f a i t h . H e c o n s i d e r e d the C a t h o l i c Church a 

group o f n a i v e b e l i e v e r s l e d by r e a l i s t i c , s k e p t i c a l strongmen, 

was i m p r e s s e d by i t s h i e r a r c h i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , and d e c l a r e d 

t h a t he had f o l l o w e d i t i n g i v i n g t h e P a r t y i t s s t r u c t u r e ; "the 

Quoted i n W a l t e r H o f e r , Per N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . 
Dokumente. 1933-45. F r a n k f u r t , F i s c h e r , 1961, p. 15. 

2 I b i d . . p. 34. 

•^Vermeil, op. c i t . , pp. 159-160. See a l s o Gamm, o p . c i t . , 
p. 84, f o r t h e t r e a t m e n t of h e r e t i c s . 

4 
Quoted i n Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 61. 



66 

Church was something r e a l l y b i g , Now we're i t s h e i r s . We, 

t o o , a r e a C h u r c h . " 1 

H i t l e r was t h e m e s s i a h of t h e new " f a i t h " ; R o b e r t 

Ley, D i r e c t o r of t h e Labour F r o n t , e x p r e s s e d t h i s concept as 

f o Hows; 

A d o l f H i t l e r , to thee a l o n e we are bound. .. 
we b e l i e v e i n t h i s w o r l d i n A d o l f H i t l e r a l o n e . 
We b e l i e v e t h a t N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m i s the s o l e 
f a i t h to make our People b l e s s e d . We b e l i e v e t h a t 
t h e r e i s a L o r d God i n Heaven, who has made u s , 
who l e a d s us, who g u i d e s u s , and who v i s i b l y 
b l e s s e s u s . And we b e l i e v e t h a t t h i s L o r d God 
has sent us A d o l f H i t l e r t h a t Germany s h o u l d be 
e s t a b l i s h e d f o r a l l e t e r n i t y . g 

The army, c a b i n e t , and c i v i l s e r v i c e o a t h s , as w e l l as t h o s e f o r 

L u t h e r a n p a s t o r s , show t h a t supreme l e a d e r s h i p was not an 

i n s t i t u t i o n r e g u l a t e d by w o r l d l y r u l e s and p r e c e d e n t s , or an 

o f f i c e w i t h a u t h o r i t y d e l e g a t e d from human b e i n g s , but t h e 

i n v e s t i t u r e of power i n one d i v i n e l y i n s p i r e d p e r s o n , H i t l e r . 

He, t h e Leader, was endowed w i t h q u a l i t i e s l a c k i n g i n o r d i n a r y 

m o r t a l s . Superhuman, m e s s i a n i c powers emanated from him and 

pervaded t h e s t a t e , t h e P a r t y , and t h e V o l k . 

W i t h t i m e , H i t l e r came t o b e l i e v e t h i s h i m s e l f and 

was r e m a r k a b l y s u c c e s s f u l i n c o n v i n c i n g t h o s e lower i n t h e N a z i 

ranks and i n the p e o p l e . Faced w i t h t h e murder of t h e i r l e a d e r 

Loc. C i t . 

Quoted i n Klemperer, op. c i t . , p. 9. 



67 

and hundreds of t h e i r comrades i n 1934, the t r a i n e d and armed 

S.A. d i d n o t h i n g ; t h i s behavior i s at l e a s t i n p a r t the r e s u l t 

of c h a r i s m a t i c obedience. Furthermore, i t f o l l o w s M u s s o l i n i ' s 

i d e a o f i d e a l f a s c i s t o r g a n i z a t i o n ; " d i s c i p l i n e from the 

lowest to the h i g h e s t must be e s s e n t i a l and of a r e l i g i o u s 

type.""'- Wolfgang Brtfgge d e c l a r e d t h a t H i t l e r ' s g r e a t message 

was " t o give us f a i t h " ; 2 Kurt Ludecke was one of those who 

r e c e i v e d t h i s " f a i t h " from the Ftthrer—he had dabbled i n f a s t i n g , 

" t o make us hard and f i t f o r the s t r u g g l e to save Germany", 

and, on meeting A d o l f H i t l e r , he " e x p e r i e n c e d an e x a l t a t i o n that 

could only be l i k e n e d to r e l i g i o u s c o n v e r s i o n . " I had given 

[_ Hitler _ 7 my s o u l " . He w r i t e s t h a t , f o l l o w i n g a b r i e f a r r e s t , 

he was-being "martyred for the C a u s e " . While the p a r a n o i d 

Ludecke probably knew l i t t l e of genuine r e l i g i o u s experience 

and completely gives the game away when he admits t h a t one of 

the good r e s u l t s of the a b o r t i v e putsch was t h a t "the s i x t e e n 

martyrs might come i n handy l a t e r o n , . h i s experience was 

t y p i c a l . 

With f o l l o w e r s l i k e t h i s who p r o f e s s e d to b e l i e v e t h a t 

the Nazi f a i t h was i n f a l l i b l e , comprehensive, and e t e r n a l , the 

o n l y world-view t h a t could g i v e purpose and p r a c t i c a l e x p r e s s i o n 

to German l i v e s , i t was not d i f f i c u l t f o r H i t l e r to condemn 

Quoted i n J u l i e n Benda, B e t r a y a l of the I n t e l l e c t u a l s , 
B o s t o n , Beacon, 1959, p. 29. 

2 
Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 26. 
Ludecke, op. c i t . , pp. 17-18, 25, 116, and 219. 



68 

groups or i n s t i t u t i o n s which maintained an a t t i t u d e of i n -
dependence or n e u t r a l i t y . This " s o c i a l i s m grounded on r e l i g i o n " - ^ 
expressed i t s e l f c o n t i n u a l l y i n terms l i k e Ganzheit ( t o t a l i t y ) ' 
and Gesamtaufgabe ( c o l l e c t i v e t a s k ) , 2 and no r a c i a l l y pure 
German was exempt from t h i s t o t a l i t y and task. The infamous 
judge, Roland F r e i s l e r , declared, "we demand the whole man".^ 
No one should have time f o r C h r i s t i a n o r g a n i z a t i o n s , which, 
wrote Wilhelm F r i c k , M i n i s t e r of the I n t e r i o r , are a c t i v e i n 
areas where the Nazi s t a t e , i n order to f u l f i l l i t s e l f , has 
e x c l u s i v e c l a i m . ^ A s t r o l o g e r s , Free Masons, Jehovah's Witnesses, 
and f o r t u n e - t e l l e r s as w e l l were lumped together and branded 
as i n t r u d e r s and unacceptable. This f a n a t i c a l completeness 
smacks a t once of the Spanish I n q u i s i t i o n or of the passionate 
a f f i r m a t i o n of e a r l y Puritanism. Indeed, the Nazi movement 
was described as a " r e v o l u t i o n of the soul", 5 and a good Nqzi 
should never h e s i t a t e i f he had to choose between the c a l l of 
the " s o u l " and that o f the i n t e l l e c t . ^ P r e c i s e l y t h i s t o t a l -

A Nazi w r i t e r i n Germany Speaks, London, Thornton 
Butterworth, 1 9 3 8 , p. 2 3 5 . 

2 See, f o r example, Ernst K r i e c k , N a t i o n a l p o l i t i s c h e  
Erziehung, L e i p z i g , Armanen, 1934, passim. 

3 

Quoted i n Hans R o t h f e l s , German Opposition to H i t l e r , 
London W o l f f , 1 9 6 1 , p.113. 

^"Quoted i n Hofer, op. c i t . , p. 1 3 4 . 

^Baldur von S c h i r a c h , Revolution der Erziehung, Mtinchen, 
Z e n t r a l v e r l a g der NSDAP, 1 9 3 8 , p. 1 0 1 . 

6 T 
Loc. c i t . 



'69 

i t a r i a n i s m was d e s i r e d by many Germans. That t h i s s p i r i t u a l 

need was f e l t , as w e l l as a need f o r p o l i t i c a l and economic 

change, and was met, i s t h e s e c r e t o f t h e N a z i s u c c e s s . 

The r e l i g i o u s need was i n t h e p e o p l e ; i t remained 

f o r the N a z i s to meet i t and t o d e v e l o p t h e i r own p s e u d o - f a i t h . 

The s t u m b l i n g b l o c k was t h a t t h e C h r i s t i a n c h u r c h e s s t i l l 

c o n t r o l l e d many p e r s o n s ' a l l e g i a n c e . H i t l e r knew t h a t i d e a s 

o r s p i r i t u a l movements c o u l d o n l y be b r o k e n by p h y s i c a l weapons 

i f t h e s e i n s t r u m e n t s were s u p p o r t e d by a n o t h e r " k i n d l i n g 

t h o u g h t , i d e a , or p h i l o s o p h y . " 1 C o n s e q u e n t l y , a c c o r d i n g to 

Goebbels, t h e P a r t y would "use the t a c t i c s of t h e C a t h o l i c 

Church t o hammer £"±tsj i d e o l o g y i n t o German y o u t h . " 2 But 
f o r c e c o u l d succeed o n l y i f s t r e n g t h e n e d by d e f i n i t e s p i r i t u a l 

c o n v i c t i o n , i n c u l c a t e d by u n c o n d i t i o n a l a u t h o r i t y . H i t l e r 

c o n s i d e r e d r e l i g i o n a t o o l , b u t t h i s d i d n o t p r e v e n t him from 

r e g a r d i n g t h e C a t h o l i c Church as h i s i n s t i t u t i o n a l i d e a l ! 

"The g r e a t n e s s o f C h r i s t i a n i t y d i d not l i e i n a t t e m p t e d neg-

o t i a t i o n s f o r compromise w i t h any s i m i l a r p h i l o s o p h i c a l o p i n i o n s 

i n t h e a n c i e n t w o r l d , but i n i t s i n e x o r a b l e f a n a t i c i s m i n 

p r e a c h i n g and f i g h t i n g f o r i t s own d o c t r i n e . " 3 C h r i s t i a n i t y 

1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 170. 

2 Q u o t e d i n G.M. G i l b e r t , P s y c h o l o g y o f D i c t a t o r s h i p , 
New York, R o n a l d , 1950, p. 165. 

^ H i t l e r , Mein Kampf, p. 351. 



did not content i t s e l f merely with building up i t s altars, 
but tried to destroy the r i v a l heathen altars. 1 Nazism 
would succeed because, like the youngChristian movement, i t 
knew that " i t s idea must be put forward spiritually, but that 
the defense of this spiritual platform must i f necessary be 

2 

secured by strong-arm means." 
4. The Religious Trappings Manufactured 

Fabricating the "idea" was not d i f f i c u l t . Hitler 
believed that the politician could maintain the moral health 
of a nation as well as the churchman by incorporating in the 
law of the land the people's beliefs and supporting these laws 
with force. This the Nazis did. Their basic ideas, of co\irse, 
were developed spontaneously i n the German people over a 
period of f i f t y to one hundred years, but the Nazi e l i t e 
organized and preached these concepts as a useful substitute 
for Christianity, surrounding them with an aura of sanctity 
in spectacular r i t u a l s . Atheism or agnosticism were not 
for Hitler. The people must be able to have faith i n some-
thing, he said, "something for the imagination...fixed, 
permanent doctrines.""^ They were not to lose the sub-

1 H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 454. 
2Loc. c i t . 

Quoted in Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 188 



71 

j e c t i v e , " u p l i f t i n g " element o f r e l i g i o u s e x p e r i e n c e ; E r n s t 

Bergmann w r o t e , " t h o s e who have f r e e d t h e m s e l v e s from a 

f o r e i g n r e l i g i o u s f a i t h . . . d o n ' t t h e r e f o r e have t o l i v e w i t h o u t 

r e l i g i o n . " 1 U n d o u b t e d l y , t h e r e were many s i n c e r e N a z i s , and 

m i l l i o n s o f Germans seemed t o b e l i e v e t h e myth. But t h e 

r e l i g i o u s elements i n propaganda, r i t u a l , and e d u c a t i o n were 

c o n s c i o u s l y used d e v i c e s , and t h e c h a r i s m a t i c q u a l i t i e s 

a t t r i b u t e d t o H i t l e r , w h i l e based on h i s p e r s o n a l i t y and r e a l 

o r a t o r i c a l power, were c o n t r i v e d . "The German l e a d e r s h i p , " 

w r i t e s Franz Neumann, " i s the o n l y group i n p r e s e n t German 

s o c i e t y t h a t does not t a k e i t s i d e o l o g i c a l pronouncements 

s e r i o u s l y and i s w e l l aware o f t h e i r p u r e l y p r o p a g a n d i s t i c 

n a t u r e . " 2 

One o f t h e most i m p o r t a n t methods i n d e v e l o p i n g t h i s 

p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s element was t h e mass meeting, because t h e r e 

t h e c o n v e r t , who f e e l s " l o n e l y and i s e a s i l y s e i z e d w i t h t h e 

f e a r o f b e i n g a l o n e , r e c e i v e s f o r the f i r s t t i m e - t h e p i c t u r e o f 

a g r e a t e r community, something t h a t has a s t r e n g t h e n i n g e f f e c t 
3 

on most p e o p l e . " H i t l e r ' s a d v i c e was f o l l o w e d i n t h i s way; 

Quoted i n L i t t e l l , op. c i t . t p. 71. 
2 
F r a n z Neumann, Behemoth; t h e S t r u c t u r e and P r a c t i c e 

o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . T o r o n t o , O x f o r d , 1942, p. 467. 
% i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 715. 



7 2 

on a foundation of Wagnerian music there was heard 
a daunting rumbling, slow and emphatic, of drums, 
and heavy f o o t f a l l s pounding the e a r t h , together 
w i t h an i n d e s c r i b a b l e r a t t l e and swish and pant of 
armed masses on the march...now growing, now 
receding... 

This i s a d e s c r i p t i o n of the broadcast of H i t l e r ' s entry i n t o 
the congress h a l l of M r n b e r g , September, 1938, and makes i t 
easy to understand the f e e l i n g s of apprehension and f a s c i n a t i o n 
implanted i n the l i s t e n e r by the managers of the s p e c t a c l e ; 
of course the e f f e c t on those present was even greater. More-
over, the formal pomp of these c e l e b r a t i o n s could a l s o be used 
to f r i g h t e n doubting Thomases into submission through awe-
i n s p i r i n g symbols and e f f e c t s . 

A p a i n t i n g , "Triumph of the Movement", d i s p l a y e d i n 
the p a r t y o f f i c e s i n Munich i s an i n t e r e s t i n g example of the way 
Nazism f r a n k l y borrowed from C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n . In Rausch-
ning's d e s c r i p t i o n , t h i s p i c t u r e showed a l a r g e p l a i n on which 
a huge crowd i s thronging through storms and massed clouds 

2 

towards a b r i g h t l y s h i n i n g swastika i n the sky. This sounds 
remarkably l i k e c e r t a i n s i x t e e n t h and seventeenth century p a i n t -
ings with t i t l e s l i k e "Adoration of the Holy Name of Jesus". 
An even more obvious example of t h i s tendency i s another 

Serge Chakhotin, Rape of the Masses. The Psychology  
of T o t a l i t a r i a n P o l i t i c a l Propaganda, t r a n s . E.W. Dickes, London, 
Routledge, 1940, p. 84. 

Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 39. 



73 

showing H i t l e r haranguing a small group around 1920, the 

c a p t i o n of which reads, "In the beginning was the Word."''" 

Because God's chosen people were the Aryan Germans, 
paragraph s i x t y - s i x of the blasphemy law was changed i n 
November 1934; i t became an offence "coarsely to outrage the 

2 

f e e l i n g s of the People." Needless to say, t h i s law covered 
a m u l t i t u d e of s i n s . F i n a l l y , i n October, 1937, a law was 
passed making any utterance o f f e n s i v e to N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m 
a penal offence under the blasphemy law. 

Customs u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h C h r i s t i a n l i f e were 
adopted and adapted by the Nazis. In A p r i l 1935, Goebbels 
and Rust drew up an Index of books which were l a b e l l e d 
dangerous and u n d e s i r a b l e . A grace before meals f o r c h i l d r e n 
was suggested; 

Ftthrer,my F i l h r e r , sent to me from God, p r o t e c t 
and keep me; Thou who has saved Germany, f o r 
my d a i l bread I thank Thee; stay by me, never 

leave me, F i l h r e r , my Ftthrer ,my f a i t h and my l i g h t I 
H e i l my Fuhrer1 

4 

The o r i g i n a l was rhymed f o r e a s i e r r e t e n t i o n . There were also 
homes f o r expectant.mothers, i n which a s i m i l a r grace was s a i d , 

Reproduced i n Micklem, op. c i t . , p. 12. 
2 

I b i d . , p. 113. 
3 I b i d . , p. 158. 
^"Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 312. 



7 4 

during which the women would stand, f a c i n g a p i c t u r e of H i t l e r 
on the w a l l , r a i s i n g t h e i r r i g h t hands and speaking i n 
chorus."'" Many a f a n a t i c a l Nazi housewife provided her home 
w i t h something resembling an a l t a r , a l a r g e coloured p i c t u r e 
of H i t l e r , beneath which stood a t a b l e with f l o w e r s . Every-
d a y - l i f e , as w e l l , was a f f e c t e d i n the use of the g r e e t i n g , 
" H e i l H i t l e r " , which had a r e l i g i o u s connotation, since " H e i l " 
was u s u a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h God; Gamm w r i t e s , "when H e i l was 
r e l a t e d by the Nazis e x c l u s i v e l y to the name of a human being, 
a new d i r e c t i o n was to be given to existence."* -

This new d i r e c t i o n i n c l u d e d s u b s t i t u t e s f o r other 
C h r i s t i a n customs, such as weddings, f u n e r a l s , c o n f i r m a t i o n , 
and the l i k e , although these were not yet o f f i c i a l l y sanctioned 
by the h i e r a r c h y . But c i v i l weddings were encouraged as over 
against church weddings. While the leaders were never able 
to o f f i c i a l l y e s t a b l i s h t h e i r own system of appropriate r i t u a l , 
they had plans f o r the f u t u r e . In a b r i e f to the G a u l e i t e r , 
a r e g u l a r order of worship i n the c u l t of the s t a t e was o u t l i n e d 

the permanent form of the NS s e r v i c e w i l l i n c l u d e 
as the f o c a l p o i n t the sermon (a solemn, w e l l - w r i t t e n 
Address, l a s t i n g ] 0 J t o 2 0 minutes), f o l l o w e d by the 
creed, spoken i n chorus. In c o n c l u s i o n , the Song of 
Committment (an accompanied hymn, sung by a l l present) 

Gregor Ziemer, Education f o r Death, London, Oxford, 
1 9 4 1 , p. 3 0 . 

2Gamm,- op• c i t . , p. 1 6 2 . 
3 I b i d . , p. 2 1 1 . 



7 5 

...and, of course, the appropriate number of Sieg H e i l s , 
a verse of the n a t i o n a l anthem, and the Horst Wessei song. 
This s e r v i c e would take p l a c e on Sunday morning, and indeed 
a c t u a l l y d i d a t c e r t a i n places i n the Reich, where i t was pos-
s i b l e . Every occasion on which a l a r g e group was i n v o l v e d was 
used to i n c u l c a t e the r e l i g i o u s mood; Edward Hartshorne r e p o r t s 
a s e r v i c e h e l d i n the h a l l of the F r i e d r i c h Wilhelm U n i v e r s i t y 
i n B e r l i n , 1 9 3 6 , to c e l e b r a t e the founding of the Third Reich; 
a f t e r a s t i r r i n g anthem, the v o i c e of the chorus leader 

chanted the c l o s i n g words of the s e r v i c e ; "there f o l l o w e d an 
u n c e r t a i n w a i t , as at the c l o s e of an impressive church 
s e r v i c e , but g r a d u a l l y the meeting broke up.""'" 

There i s a tendency f o r students and readers to ac-
cept and t h e r e f o r e to be misled by a w r i t e r ' s use of r e l i g i o u s 
s i m i l e , but we are concerned here with the e f f e c t of these 
tendencies on the average man, and what seemed r e l i g i o u s to 
a r e l a t i v e l y unbiassed observer q u i t e p o s s i b l y was the essence 
of r e l i g i o n to an i n v o l v e d p a r t i c i p a n t . Use of the Blutsfahne, 
the Sonnenwende c e l e b r a t i o n s , the c h u r c h - l i k e atmosphere 
created when the HJ Pimpfe became Jungvolk ("confirmation") --
by these methods, the vague but powerful r e l i g i o u s f e e l i n g s of 
the youth were given a channelled u n - C h r i s t i a n o u t l e t . The 

^E.Y. Hartshorne, German U n i v e r s i t i e s and N a t i o n a l  
S o c i a l i s m , London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1 9 3 7 , p. 1 5 2 . 

2 

See Zieraer's d e s c r i p t i o n of the Marksburg ceremony, 
op. c i t . , p. 5 6 . 



76 

Party had to proceed c a r e f u l l y , but i t s success i s sometimes 
a s t o n i s h i n g : Ziemer describes an i n c i d e n t concerning the 
worship of Horst Wessel by a group of German g i r l s i n order to 
improve t h e i r f e r t i l i t y . - ' - This i s probably an i s o l a t e d case, 
an adolescent f r e a k , but i t shows the e f f e c t of the Nazi " f a i t h " 
on malleable minds. 

5. The H i t l e r Youth 

In the same way t h a t the C h r i s t i a n Church has always 
sought t o b r i n g i t s message to c h i l d r e n and to c o n t r o l i n some 
way t h e i r education, so d i d the Nazis. A d u l t s might accept the 
Party's r e l i g i o u s trappings s k e p t i c a l l y , but c h i l d r e n , even i f 
warned by t h e i r parents, are probably c o n s t i t u t i o n a l l y unable 
to r e s i s t such an appeal. The Deutscher Fflhrerlexikon f o r 1935 
reveals the indebtedness of Nazism to the youth movements; one 
t h i r d of the " l e a d e r s " were under the age of f o r t y . The 
H i t l e r youth, the foundation of the Party's present strength 
and f u t u r e hope, o r i g i n a t e d i n the Youth League of the S.A.; 
i t became not only the source from which the e l i t e ' s ranks were 
to be r e p l e n i s h e d , but a l s o the instrument f o r d i r e c t l y 
c o n t r o l l i n g the most important group i n s o c i e t y , young people, 

"*"Ibid., p. 141-2. 
2 
Deutscher F t i h r e r l e x i k o n 1934-35 , B e r l i n , S t o l l b e r g , 

1935, passim. 



77 

and. f o r i n d i r e c t l y , through f a m i l i e s , c o n t r o l l i n g a d u l t s . 

Youth i s n a t u r a l l y a c t i v e and i d e a l i s t i c , but has 
to be guided and c o n t r o l l e d ; the HJ demanded not only the 
e n t i r e youth of the na-tion, but a l s o the e n t i r e l i f e of each 
young German. A r t u r Axamann, H i t l e r Youth Leader a f t e r 1940, 
s a i d t h a t "the HJ became powerful as a Party o r g a n i z a t i o n ; i t 
h a s c o n t i n u a l l y had the same path and the same goal.""'" The 
Nazi r e v o l u t i o n was rooted i n the nation's youth, wrote Ernst 
K r i e c k , and from the H i t l e r Youth the s t a t e would s e l e c t the 

2 
f u t u r e l e a d e r s . A f t e r the young had been t r a i n e d i n the myth, 
the best were to be taken f o r the priesthood, v/hile the 
others would become the f a i t h f u l foundation of the h i e r a r c h y . 
"We a l l have the t a s k " , s a i d H e i n r i c h Himmler, "of t r a i n i n g and 
l e a d i n g Germans from the cradle to the grave." To H i t l e r , 
c h i l d r e n were, i n Trevor-Roper's words, "the c o n t i n u a l l y r e -
placeable (and t h e r e f o r e c o n t i n u a l l y dispensable) m a t e r i a l 
of conquest and c o l o n i z a t i o n . " ^ " He knew when a c h i l d was most 
v u l n e r a b l e ; "there i s no enthusiasm greater than t h a t of a yofng 
man of t h i r t e e n to seventeen years of age. They w i l l g l a d l y l e t 

Quoted i n Werner Klose, " H i t l e r j u g e n d " , p. 14. 
^ K r i e c k , op. c i t . , p. 20. 

-^Quoted i n Stewart W. Herman, Eure Seelen Wollen Wir; 
K i r c h e im Untergrund, t r a n s . Wilhelm Gossman, Mflnchen, Neubau, 
1951, p. 44. 

4 Trevor-Roper, ed., Secret Conversations, p. xxx. 



78 

themselves be cut to p i e c e s f o r the sake of t h e i r t e a c h e r . " 

One Kurt Grttber was the l e a d e r of the S.A. H i t l e r 

Youth when i t was founded i n 1926. From the b e g i n n i n g there 

was no doubt as to the nature of t h i s youth group—here was 

no fun c l u b . A l l eighteen-year-old members had to j o i n the 

P a r t y , and i n 1927 came the r u l i n g that they must a l s o j o i n 

the S.A. This procedure made sure that no-one i n whom the 

spark had been k i n d l e d would f a l l i n t o the hands of o t h e r 

groups. At the same time, r a d i c a l , independently t h i n k i n g s o c i a l 

r e v o l u t i o n a r i e s were weeded o u t . The H i t l e r Youth grew i n 

numbers and enthusiasm, r e f l e c t i n g the c o n d i t i o n s among the 

younger g e n e r a t i o n d e s c r i b e d i n chapter one. In 1931, there 

were 20,000 members, and by 1932, 100,000. In A p r i l 193 3, 

they f l e x e d t h e i r muscles and e x p e l l e d the o f f i c i a l s from the 

premises of the F e d e r a l Committee of German Youth Groups i n 

B e r l i n . In the same y e a r , the H i t l e r j u g e n d boasted of 107,956 

H i t l e r j u n g e n ( " H i t l e r - b o y s " ) , and by the end of 1934 over t h r e e 

and a h a l f m i l l i o n German c h i l d r e n had been " c o - o r d i n a t e d " and 

t h e i r enthusiasm had become a danger to the Party as w e l l as 

to Germany. 2 

By 1936, t h e i r tendency to o u t s t r i p t h e i r l e a d e r s i n 

I b i d . , p. 649. 

2 
K l o s e , op. c i t . , March 3, 1963, p. 1 3 . 



79 

f a n a t i c i s m was c o n t r o l l e d to the extent that the Party e l i t e 
f e l t i t could pass a law announcing t h a t a l l the youth of 
Germany was a u t o m a t i c a l l y i n the H i t l e r Youth; "the e n t i r e 
German youth i s to be t r a i n e d p h y s i c a l l y , s p i r i t u a l l y , and 
m o r a l l y i n the H i t l e r Youth." 1 The p a r e n t a l home and the 
school were mentioned b r i e f l y as working i n concert w i t h the 
Party, but the church was p o i n t e d l y omitted, and, as w i l l be 
seen, the i n f l u e n c e of the f i r s t two i n s t i t u t i o n s was g r a d u a l l y 
to be l i m i t e d . 

The Hitler.jugend' s leader u n t i l 1940, Baldur von 
Schirach, was d i r e c t l y r e s p o n s i b l e to H i t l e r and occupied a 
p o s i t i o n equivalent tp cabinet rank, a f a c t o r which r e v e a l s the 
importance of h i s work. Von Schirach's book, Revolution der 
Erziehung, gives an o u t l i n e of what was to be taught to German 
youth, the s t r e s s being c o n t i n u a l l y on the l i f e of the s p i r i t 
and the importance of f a i t h ; "what we are doing f o r the u n i t y 
of Germany doesn't take place only i n the s p i r i t of p o l i t i c s , 

2 
but a l s o i n the s p i r i t of r e l i g i o n ; " and consequently always the 
need f o r Opfer-bereitschaft ( " w i l l i n g n e s s to s a c r i f i c e " ) : "our 
youth movement was not created by money, but by the s a c r i f i c i a l 
deaths of fervent youth".3 The c h i l d r e n were being taught how 

^ a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e Monatsheft,1937. Heft 82, p.59. 
2 
von S c h i r a c h , Revolution der Erziehung, p. 21. 

3 
I b i d . , p. 35. 



80 

f a i t h i n God, f a i t h i n the FUhrer,and f a i t h i n Germany were 
a l l one. Speaking at an e q u i n o x i a l c e l e b r a t i o n i n 1 9 3 6 , von 
Schirach s a i d , "we open our hearts to the Almighty,...devoted 
to the man whom God has given us as our Leader i n honour and 
freedom, we solemnly vow to be l o y a l to A d o l f H i t l e r . " ^ 
Eager to crush the s u s p i c i o n t h a t the young were being t r a i n e d 
i n m i l i t a n t , i n t o l e r a n t atheism, he announced, "we a l l b e l i e v e 
i n an Almighty God."2 C e r t a i n l y few groups i n Nazi Germany 
were so f r e e w i t h the name of God as the H i t l e r Youth, 
s t a r t i n g with the t e n - y e a r - o l d boy who promised "always to 
do my duty i n love and l o y a l t y to the Ftihrer and to our f l a g , 
so help me God."3 Nevertheless, as e a r l y as 1 9 3 3 , groups of 
H i t l e r Youth boys were d i s t u r b i n g e v a n g e l i c a l youth meetings 
and even though these events were, at t h i s time, s c a t t e r e d and 
seldom, they represented the i n t o l e r a n t , a n t i - C h r i s t i a n bent 
of the H i t l e r Youth. In a decree of 1 9 3 $ , von Schirach gave 
p u b l i c expression to t h i s f a c t : H i t l e r Youth l e a d e r s were 
not to belong to any church. 

The o r g a n i z a t i o n of the youth movement was so e f f i c i e n t 

"^Ibid., p. 1 4 7 . 
2 
I b i d . , p. 1 4 8 . 

3 
Klose, op. c i t . , March 1 7 , 1 9 6 3 , p. 1 3 . 



31 

t h a t the average c h i l d , p a r t i c u l a r l y a boy, had so much of 
h i s time, i n t e r e s t , and a t t e n t i o n d i r e c t e d towards i t s 
a c t i v i t i e s t h a t he o f t e n had l i t t l e time or energy l e f t f o r 
a c t i v i t i e s c e n t e r i n g i n the home or i n the church. A t y p i c a l 
boy would have h i s r e g u l a r school i n s t r u c t i o n on Thursdays and 
Saturdays from e i g h t - t h i r t y i n the morning to one i n the 
afternoon and u n t i l two during the r e s t of the week. But he 
would have H i t l e r Youth a c t i v i t i e s as w e l l on Mondays (music 
from s i x to seven), on Tuesdays (gymnastics from f i v e t o 
seven), on Thursdays ( t r a i n i n g i n a trade from four to seven), 
on Fridays (drawing from f i v e to seven and the weekly meeting 
from eight to t e n ) . On three Sundays and two Saturdays i n 
the month there would be h i k i n g or some kind of " s e r v i c e " — 
and t h i s was not a l l ! " ' " Obviously few c h i l d r e n l e d such an 
existence, but t h i s was the i d e a l , and i t s e f f i c a c y i n t r a i n i n g 
young Nazis, even g r a n t i n g C h r i s t i a n i n f l u e n c e i n the school 
and the home, i s not to be doubted. 

With the exception of the Nazi youth j o u r n a l , a l l 
other youth p u b l i c a t i o n s were banned, unless, of course, they 
adopted the Nazi approach. There were a l s o weekly r a d i o pro-
grams which a l l c h i l d r e n were o b l i g e d to hear. A new set of 
h o l i d a y s from school was introduced; f o r example, January 3 U 

1 

"Schule oder Verein", Spectator, v o l . 1 5 2 , June 2 9 , 
1 9 3 4 , p. 9 9 4 . 



82 

^ H i t l e r ' s birthday) and the e q u i n o x i a l c e l e b r a t i o n s . The 
Nazi d r i v e f o r t o t a l i t y l e d to the establishment of s p e c i a l 
H i t l e r Youth u n i t s f o r c r i p p l e d c h i l d r e n . 

I t was claimed t h a t , . i n t h e s p i r i t of the o l d youth 
movement, "youth i s to be l e d by youth": again, the appeal to 
t r a d i t i o n . But since the Ftlhrer p r i n c i p l e was e s s e n t i a l 
throughout the P a r t y , the r e s u l t was that youth was administered 
by youth and l e d by a d u l t s . A f t e r a l l , to repeat the com-
parison w i t h the C h r i s t i a n church, twelve-year-old Sunday 
School teachers are not considered the best. In the H i t l e r 
Youth, there was no r e a l charisma and no e l e c t i o n of leaders; 
they were appointed. The Party, l i k e the Church, could not 
allow the u n i n i t i a t e d to ramble b l i t h e l y through i t s sacred 
h a l l s without the f i r m c o n t r o l of t r a i n e d a d u l t s . The term 
"movement" was a l s o a misleading element of propaganda, f o r such 
a phenomenon the Party's youth groups never were. Thousands 
of young people were e n t h u s i a s t i c members of the H i t l e r Youth, 
but the o r g a n i z a t i o n was never independent. C o n t r o l was always 
e x e r c i s e d from above to prevent the b o i s t e r o u s s p i r i t s of the 
young from s t r a y i n g into* h e r e t i c a l paths. This r i g i d i t y never 
slackened and, i n 1 9 3 9 , an Academy f o r Youth Leadership was 
opened i n Braunschweig. Even when a young person "graduated" 
from the H i t l e r Youth, as,for example, i n t o the A r b e i t s d i e n s t , 
educators and propagandists continued t h e i r i n f l u e n c e on h i s 
immature mind and exhausted body. 



33 
At f i r s t , the public morality of Christian, pre-

Germany, particularly where i t concerned the young, was main-
tained by the Party leadership. They could point with pride to 
the fact that juvenile crime was reduced from February to De-
cember 1933 and to the fact that, after the "revolution", porno-
graphic books largely disappeared and the stage and cinema were 
purified. Unfortunately, juvenile delinquency rose again in 1934 
and by 1937 i t was almost four times what i t was in 1933, and 
this at a time when many immoral practices were concealed by 
Party authority. 1 Naturally, parents could not complain about 
the improvement, however ephemeral i t was, an improvement which 
the churches had not been able to bring about; nor could they 

deny that the romantic values of the youth movement of the "good 
2 

old days" did not seem to have been revived. 
However, although the Nazis stressed family unity, the 

dignity of motherhood, and the duties of children, the ultimate 
effect of a child's participation in the Hitler youth was to des-
troy his connection with his parents and to increase the sense of 
isolation that had in the beginning helped to create the movement, 
•̂ hey claimed that they sought to eliminate tension between parents 
and children, but in many ways, they only increased the distance 
between parents and children. The natural conflict between gener-
ations was f u l l y u t i l i z e d ; Werner Klose reports that "HJ leaders 

Eventually the law against obscene literature passed in 
1926 was revoked. This was in the Party's favour: the notorious 
Schwarze Korps could have greater freedom and what non-Nazi porno-
graphy did appear could be attributed to Jewish sources. See Per-
secution of the Catholic Church in the Third Reich, London, 
Burns Oates, 1940, p. 317. 

2When referring to Otto Strasser in 1933, Hitler used 
"Wandervogel" as a term of derision. Klose, op. c i t . , p. 13 
(March 10, 1 9 6 3 ) . 



and BDM l e a d e r s r e g u l a r l y give i n t h e i r a u t o b i o g r a p h i e s such c o n -

f l i c t i n t h e i r p a r e n t s ' home as the reason f o r t h e i r work i n the 

n a t i o n a l youth movement: ' o u r e l d e r s are b a c k w a r d . . . t h e y d o n ' t 

understand u s ' . " 1 

The v e r y r i g i d i t y of the H i t l e r Youth may even have been 

i t s weakness and may p a r t i a l l y e x p l a i n why, i n i t s work with the 

young, the Party was not completely s u c c e s s f u l . By 1936, the 

system was s t a t i c and seemingly p e r f e c t , and t h e r e was no p o s s i -

b i l i t y of new branches growing. In c o n t r o l l i n g y o u t h f u l energy, 

the Party a l s o c o n t r o l l e d enthusiasm and i n s p i r a t i o n . There was 

a p p a r e n t l y g e n e r a l d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t a f t e r the decree o f 1936. 

Hans S c h o l l of the l a t e r Munich underground was one of those who, 

having j o y f u l l y p a r t i c i p a t e d i n H i t l e r Youth a c t i v i t i e s , was 
o 

e v e n t u a l l y d i s a p p o i n t e d . Some others s t e a d f a s t l y r e f u s e d to be 

" c o - o r d i n a t e d " , and t h e r e were c o n s i d e r a b l e young people i n v o l v e d 

i n the " P a c k s " d u r i n g the war. Even i n the l a r g e degree of s u c -

cess t h a t the Party d i d a c h i e v e , t h e r e were d i s a d v a n t a g e s . L u k e -

warm young Nazis found t h a t p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the H i t l e r Youth 

o f f e r e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s to r i s e t o p o s i t i o n s i n the Party and i n 

s o c i e t y t h a t had been u n t h i n k a b l e e a r l i e r . But f o r those c h i l -

dren whose homes o f f e r e d l i t t l e r e l i g i o u s or moral t r a i n i n g , 

the p r e p a r a t i o n f o r l i f e i n the new order was f a r advanced by 

K l o s e , op. c i t . . p. 13. See a l s o chapter f i v e of the 
t h e s i s . ? . 

See the f i r s t chapters o f Inge S c h o l l , Die weisse  
Rose. F r a n k f u r t , F i s c h e r , 1962. 

3 i n 1934, f o r example, the s t a t e h a n d i c r a f t s l e a d e r o f 
Hesse announced t h a t o n l y boys and g i r l s who had completed t h e i r 
t r a i n i n g i n the HJ would be admitted t o trades c o u r s e s . K l o s e , 
l o c . c i t . 



8 5 

1939. The e f f e c t o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the H i t l e r Youth can be 

seen today i n the a t t i t u d e o f middle-aged Germans t o whom the 

N a z i s appear as e v i l men, but men who n e v e r t h e l e s s d i d much f o r 

t h e young p e o p l e o f t h e t i m e . 

The N a z i l e a d e r s e v i d e n t l y f e l t t h a t by 1940 t h e y had 

s u f f i c i e n t h o l d on the n a t i o n ' s y o u t h . N o t h i n g e l s e c o u l d e x p l a i n 

Goebbel's f r a n k and c y n i c a l d e c l a r a t i o n o f September 19 o f t h a t 

y e a r : a statement o f i n t e n t i o n as w e l l as a c o n f i r m a t i o n o f the 

f a c t s . "They s h a l l g i v e t h e i r b e s t f o r the war and i t s t a s k ; 

t h e i r s t r e n g t h , t h e i r i d e a l i s m , and t h e i r d e e p e s t c a p a c i t y t o 

b e l i e v e . " 1 

6. The Concept o f the E l i t e 

The i d e a o f a g o v e r n i n g e l i t e was t o permeate t h e 

n a t i o n and i s i n s e p a r a b l e from t h e concept o f a f a i t h - d o m i n a t e d 

s t a t e . Germany was an e l i t e n a t i o n , governed by t h o s e Germans 

who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e e c c l e s i a s t i c a l h i e r a r c h y o f the P a r t y , 

and w i t h i n t h i s e l i t e group would f u n c t i o n t h a t p r i e s t h o o d - e l i t e , 

t h e L e a d e r s h i p . The H i t l e r Youth would p r o v i d e t h e members o f 

t h i s upper e l i t e w h i c h had t o be c a r e f u l l y n u r t u r e d and c o n t a i n 

o n l y the b e s t men. E r n s t K r i e c k d e s c r i b e d them as " r e g u l a t e d by 

honour, v a l o u r , l o y a l t y , r e a d i n e s s f o r s e r v i c e and s a c r i f i c e . . . 

l i v i n g h a r d , s t r o n g l i v e s , . . . s o l d i e r l y i n p u b l i c l i f e . ^ 2 

H i t l e r t h e r e f o r e sought t o t r a i n a c l a s s o f young men 

1 Joseph Goebbels, D i e Z e i t ohne B e i s p i e l . Reden und  
A u f s a t z e aus den J a h r e n 1939-1941. MUnchen, E h e r , 1942, p. 329. 

2 K r i e c k , op. c i t . , p. 8 3 



86 

"who c o u l d a c c e p t t h e f a c t s o f t h e " l i f e s t r u g g l e " and who c o u l d 

f u n c t i o n as l e a d e r s , i n i t i a t e s i n t o t h e m y s t e r i e s o f the c u l t , 

and p r i e s t s . He b e l i e v e d t h a t the "nerve c e n t e r s o f the s t a t e " 

s h o u l d be o c c u p i e d by " o n l y as many as are a b s o l u t e l y r e q u i r e d " ; 

t h e y would be concerned w i t h t h e " o r g a n i z a t i o n o f t h e i d e a . " 1 

I t was n e c e s s a r y f o r the movement t o b l o c k e n r o l l m e n t i n i t s ranks 

and t o i n c r e a s e i t s membership o n l y w i t h extreme c a u t i o n and 

a f t e r t h o r o u g h d e l i b e r a t i o n . O n l y t h i s way c o u l d i t p r e s e r v e i t s 
2 

" u n v i t i a t e d f r e s h n e s s and h e a l t h . " The C a t h o l i c Church was a g a i n 

H i t l e r ' s model and he f e l t t h a t t h e word " p a r t y " was a misnomer; 

" I s h o u l d p r e f e r ' o r d e r 1 myself...One i s reminded o f m o n a s t i c 

o r d e r s . " W h i l e t h e o r d i n a r y p a r t y member was not t o be too much 

concerned w i t h dogma and d o c t r i n e , H i t l e r e n v i s a g e d a " b r o t h e r -

hood o f Templars round t h e h o l y g r a i l o f pure b l o o d . " ^ I n t h i s 

remark, i t i s not the b l o o d - o r i e n t e d Weltanschauung t h a t i s im-

p o r t a n t , but t h e c o n c e p t o f a s e l e c t few to whom t h e " T r u t h " has 

been r e v e a l e d . 

H e i n r i c h Himmler p o s s e s s e d a l a r g e l i b r a r y c o n c e r n i n g t h e J e s u i t 

o r d e r and spent much t i m e s t u d y i n g t h i s group o f devoted men. 

I t would s eem t h a t t h e J e s u i t s were h i s model i n o r g a n i z i n g t h e 

S.S., t h e fundamental r u l e o f which was a b s o l u t e o b e d i e n c e , t h e 

e x e c u t i o n o f e v e r y command w i t h o u t c o n t r a d i c t i o n . Near P a d e r b o r n , 

The S.S. r e p r e s e n t s a development o f the e l i t e p r i n c i p l e . 

' H i t l e r , Mein Kampf. p. 583. 
2 I b i d . , p. 585. 
3Quoted i n Rauschning, n p t c 
4lbid.. p. 51. 



87 

I n W e s t p h a l i a , Himmler had a m e d i e v a l c a s t l e f i t t e d out f o r an 

a n n u a l c o n s i s t o r y where t h e S . S . l e a d e r s h i p c o u l d r e t i r e f o r 

m e d i t a t i o n and p r a c t i c e . 

The S o c i a l Democrats and t h e Communists had p a r t y 

s c h o o l s d u r i n g t h e Weimar p e r i o d , but t h e N a z i s o u t d i d t h e s e 

e f f o r t s by c r e a t i n g , o u t s i d e t h e r e g u l a r e d u c a t i o n a l s y s t e m and 

under t h e d i r e c t c o n t r o l o f the P a r t y , a comprehensive p l a n o f 

t r a i n i n g t o c o v e r almost f i f t e e n y e a r s i n t h e n o v i c e ' s l i f e . 

I n t h i s way, a s m a l l e l i t e o f l e a d e r s would be formed, w h i c h 

would f u n c t i o n s i m i l a r l y t o , but w i t h more power t h a n , t h e h i g h e r 

r a n k s o f t h e C h r i s t i a n p r i e s t h o o d . The N a t i o n a l - p o l i t i c a l T r a i n -

i n g I n s t i t u t e s and A d o l f H i t l e r S c h o o l s o f f e r e d secondary edu-

c a t i o n t o a group o f boys c a r e f u l l y s e l e c t e d by t h e P a r t y f o r 

t h e i r p h y s i c a l p e r f e c t i o n , q u a l i t i e s o f " l e a d e r s h i p " , and r e c o r d 

i n t h e H i t l e r Youth. The f i r s t o f t h e s e s c h o o l s , f i f t e e n o f them, 

were e s t a b l i s h e d as b o a r d i n g s c h o o l s i n 1933, w i t h t h e aim o f 

t r a i n i n g i n d o c t r i n a t e d s o l d i e r s . The A d o l f H i t l e r S c h o o l s were 

e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1938 and were more d i r e c t l y a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the 

H i t l e r Youth; t h e y were t o t r a i n f u t u r e p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s . One 

o f t h e s e s c h o o l s was p l a n n e d f o r each o f the 32 Gaue; boys were 

chosen a t t h e age o f t w e l v e t o spend s i x y e a r s a t the s c h o o l . 

There were t o be no e x a m i n a t i o n s , but work groups and s e m i n a r s , 

each c l a s s b e i n g r e s p o n s i b l e f o r the b e h a v i o u r o f each p u p i l , a 

" p r o g r e s s i v e " i n n o v a t i o n . Those s e l e c t e d f o r t h e Leader s c h o o l s 

would not have t o pay f e e s and were t o be f r e e from f i n a n c i a l 

w o r r i e s the r e s t o f t h e i r l i v e s . 1 The headmasters o f t h e p r i m a r y 

1 
Robert A. Bra.dy, S p i r i t and S t r u c t u r e o f German  

F a s c i s m , London, G o l l a n c z , 1937, p. 115« 



88 

schools made up the l i s t s of candidates, and parents were not 
consulted. 

The potential member of the elite would spend six 
years at the Leader school, and, upon graduating, would pass 
seven years in the army, the Work Service, and professional l i f e ; 
then, i f he was s t i l l acceptable at the age of twenty-five, 
he might be selected to become an Ordensjunker, a member of an 
even more carefully chosen group of not more than 2000 young 
men to be sent to the Ordensburgen, where he would be trained 
for an additional four years. Rosenberg was i n charge of this 
training which, since i t was suspended in 1939, remained largely 
in the embryonic stage. 

This system would have been more complete than that.of 
the Communists, not to mention that of the Church, and with res-
pect to the latter institution the significance of the Nazi 

training appears. As over against the common experience Christians 
have of sin and of the need for redemption, because the Nazi 
world-view was fundamentally n i h i l i s t i c , the only basic exper-
ience the members of the e l i t e would have in common would be that 
of the ruthless struggle with each other for power. The system 
of training had either to mask this truth or u t i l i z e i t in terms 
of a "German" struggle for Lebensraum. 

Many different methods were applied to c u l l only the 
best of the national crop. In 1938, instead of admitting a l l who 
applied for membership in the Party, only 50,000 young people 
who had shown the greatest promise in the Hitler Youth were 



89 
admitted; and the number f o r the f u t u r e Ordensburgen was reduced 
t o 1000.1 

This e d u c a t i o n a l plan remained l a r g e l y u n r e a l i z e d , but 
i t s c o n t r i b u t i o n to the Nazi s t a t e would have been i n v a l u a b l e . 
H i t l e r h i m s e l f d e s c r i b e s best what i t would have produced. The 
o r d i n a r y young person who, at t h e age of eighteen, became a 
P a r t y member was not sent back to the T , o l d t r a i n e r s i n c l a s s -
and p o s i t i o n - c o n s c i o u s n e s s " , but was taken d i r e c t l y i n t o the 
Work S e r v i c e , the S.S., or the S.A.; 

and then i f a f t e r one or two years they haven't become 
complete N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s , they're p o l i s h e d up f o r 
s i x or seven months i n the A r b e i t s d i e n s t . . . a n d then i f 
there's s t i l l something l e f t of t h e i r o l d c l a s s or pos-
i t i o n i n them, they go i n t o the army f o r f u r t h e r t r e a t -
ment f o r two years. And i f they r e t u r n a f t e r two, t h r e e , 
or f o u r years, then they go back i n t o the S.A. or t h e 
S.S., so they don't r e v e r t to o l d habits...and f o r t h e i r 
e n t i r e l i f e they are not free.2 

Such an a t t i t u d e was a b s o l u t e l y necessary i n the Leader of an 
i n s t i t u t i o n the fundamental b e l i e f of which was f a i t h i n power. 
Nothing e l s e can e x p l a i n H i t l e r ' s concept of what t h i s f i f t e e n -
year t r a i n i n g would produce; a " v i o l e n t l y a c t i v e , dominating, 
i n t r e p i d , b r u t a l " young Nazi p r i e s t seeking t o become or at 

3 
l e a s t t o emulate "the magnificent, s e l f - o r d a i n i n g God-man."-^ 

7. The F i n a l Enlightenment 
The idea of the governing e l i t e , as developed by P l a t o , 

1 F . Brennecke, Nazi Primer, New York, Harpers, 1938, 
pp. x x v i i and x x i i . 

^Quoted i n Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 20. 
3Quoted i n Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 231. 



90 
d i d " n o t i n s p i r e t h e N a z i s ; t h e i r new e l i t e o f m a s t e r s , h a v i n g 

g i v e n t h e masses the o p i a t e o f r e l i g i o n and s e e i n g t h r o u g h t h e 

f r a u d o f t h e dogma, c o n c e n t r a t e d on the o n l y e n d u r i n g t r u t h , t h e 

d r i v e f o r power. Indeed, i f t h e mass of Germans had imbibed t o o 

much o f t h i s d o c t r i n e , t h e T h i r d R e i c h would have d i s s o l v e d i n 

chaos. Hence t h e l i m i t a t i o n s imposed on the number o f t h o s e who 

were supposed t o become w e l l - v e r s e d i n t h e myth. N e v e r t h e l e s s , 

i m p o r t a n t f o r t h e f u t u r e was t h e f a c t t h a t a t some p o i n t i n the 

t r a i n i n g o f f u t u r e l e a d e r s , p r o b a b l y at the Ordensburgen, t h e 

t r a i n e e was t o r e a l i z e t h a t the myth o f t h e t w e n t i e t h c e n t u r y was 

a f a c a d e . C e r t a i n l y i f he d i d not realize i t t h e n , he was bound t o 

be e n l i g h t e n e d i n t h e company o f the o r i g i n a l e l i t e ; t h e r e , 

Rauschning r e p o r t s t h a t the r a c i a l d o c t r i n e was c o n s i d e r e d " A d o l f ' s 

bunkum", and much i n s i n c e r e enthusiasm was- b e h i n d t h e t a l k o f the 

m y s t i c a l e x p e r i e n c e i n m e e t i n g the L e a d e r f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e . 

But a t t h i s l e v e l as w e l l t h e r e was no escape. However g r e a t h i s 

d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t , t h e " s e l f - o r d a i n e d " p r i e s t would have no c h o i c e 

b u t t o s t a y on and, e v e r more c y n i c a l l y , e n j o y the f r u i t s o f h i s 

t r a i n i n g . These l e a d e r s , t h e n , as A r e n d t w r i t e s , were d i s t i n g u i s h -

ed from t h e o r d i n a r y German i n t h a t t h e y d i d not b e l i e v e i n the 
2 

t r u t h o f t h e i d e o l o g y ; i n d e e d , i n t h e s h o r t t w e l v e y e a r s o f 

the N a z i supremacy, t h r o u g h o u t t h e upper e c h e l o n s o f the P a r t y 

t h e r e d e v e l o p e d a contempt f o r the German p e o p l e which had n o t h i n g 

Rauschning, op. c i t . , p. 253. 
A r e n d t , op. c i t . , p. 3#4» 



t o - d o w i t h the r a c i a l p r i n c i p l e s w h i c h were supposed t o b e t h e 

b a s i s o f t h e N a z i " c h u r c h " and which r e v e a l s t h e Weltanschauung 

f o r t h e f r a u d i t was. 

8. Weaknesses 

The N a z i s u b s t i t u t e c h u r c h was a f a i t h o n l y i n outward 

a p p e a r a n c e s . I n w a r d l y h o l l o w , i t r e n d e r e d e v e r y German who a c -

c e p t e d i t a l s o i n w a r d l y h o l l o w . I n o r d e r t o c l a i m the t o t a l 

s p i r i t u a l r e s o u r c e s o f Germans, t h e N a z i s d e v e l o p e d t h i s " f a i t h " , 

and e v e r y p a r t o f s o c i e t y was t o be dependent on u n q u e s t i o n i n g 

a c c e p t a n c e o f the e d i c t s o f i t s p s e u d o - p r i e s t s . I t has been s a i d 

t h a t the P a r t y t r i e d t o r e s u r r e c t t h e - t r i b a l i n s t i n c t and t h e 

m y s t i c a l s a n c t i o n s of savage s o c i e t y . But i n p r i m i t i v e l i f e , 

l o n e l i n e s s i s a r a r e and m a r g i n a l s i t u a t i o n , and f e a r i s u s u a l l y 

a shared e x p e r i e n c e , i n r e l a t i o n t o wild, a n i m a l s and n a t u r a l 

phenomena. I n N a z i Germany, t h e average man n e v e r ceased t o ex-

p e r i e n c e t h e g e n e r a l l o n e l i n e s s d i s c u s s e d i n c h a p t e r one, and 

h i s f e a r was d i r e c t e d toward h i s f e l l o w Germans. 

W h i l e i t i s a moot p o i n t how l o n g t h e German p e o p l e 

would have been s p i r i t u a l l y s a t i s f i e d w i t h t h i s r i g i d pseudo-

c h u r c h , t h e r e a r e two o t h e r weaknesses i n the N a z i s t r u c t u r e i n 

t h i s r e g a r d . The N a z i s compromised w i t h t h e i r enemy, t h e C h r i s -

t i a n c h u r c h e s . U n l i k e t h e Communists, t h e y r e t a i n e d outward p a r t s 

o f the o l d f a i t h , such as b e l i e f i n God, and t h u s weakened t h e i r 

chances o f u l t i m a t e s u c c e s s . T h i s compromise i n t h e f i e l d o f 

t e r m i n o l o g y and t h e a c t u a l compromise i n t h e f i e l d of t o l e r a t i o n 

seemed a t f i r s t t o be e s s e n t i a l and shrewd t a c t i c s . But t h e s e 



92 

very devices by which the Nazi leaders hoped to hold the people 
provided a common ground between the two faiths which led to 
continual confusion. 

The second weakness was described by Hitler himself; 
the more easily attainable posts and offices a move-
ment has to hand out, the more inferior stuff i t w i l l 
attract, and in the end these p o l i t i c a l hangers-on 
overwhelm a successful party in such number that the 
honest fighter of former days no longer recognizes 
the old movement.When this happens, the 'mission' 
of such a movement is done for.' 

The development of the e l i t e as well as the limitation of party 
enrollment were attempts to prevent this from happening. The 
Party's strength was dissipated precisely because i t was not 
radical enough; respectable people sought membership in i t , as 
there did not appear to be anything incompatible i n simultaneous 
Church and Party membership; besides, this was the only way to 
achieve a respectable, successful career. 

Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 105. 



93 

CHAPTER 4 

The Church-State Conflict 

The f i r s t three chapters have shown; f i r s t , the posi-

tion of the German churches, their strength, such as influence 

over education, and their weakness, such as their uncritical pat-

tiotism; and secondly,, with what spiritual armament Hitler and his 

Party approached the churches. In this chapter, the general themes 

and significance of events w i l l be reviewed. 

1. Christian Attitude to the Conflict 
F i r s t , we should consider how the Christian approach to 

Nazism worked out in practice. Both p o l i t i c a l l y and s p i r i t u a l l y , 

many Christians accepted the Nazi Weltanschauung. The year 1932 

saw an example of this in a book, "What We expect from National 

Socialism", in which a Roman Catholic author interpreted the com-

ing Reich as a sacrum imperium, and in which a Protestant writer 

expressed confidence that Nazism was only a p o l i t i c a l movement and 



94 

would "not claim for i t s e l f the whole man".1 Later this optimism 

turned to disillusionment but rarely to general condemnation. In 

this way, confusion within the church ranks aided the Nazis. 
The Nazi "revolution" presented the Lutherans with an 

entirely new situation; never before had the Evangelicals had any 
serious conflict with the state, in Prussia or elsewhere. They 
were seeking to execute their creed—render unto Caesar the things 
that are Caesar's and unto God the things that are God's. But 
they were crippled by the delusion that the struggle was not a 
spiritual one. It was only later that they realized that the com-
promise would leave everything but the innermost l i f e , i f even 

that, to Caesar-Hitler. 

The consequences of the Lutheran tendency to sanctify 

worldly power were unfortunate. Even Pastor Hans Asmussen, who 

eventually severely c r i t i c i z e d Hitler, treated the idea of the 

Third Reich as a secular order of power reigning as a metaphys-
o 

i c a l counterpart of the Cross.*" It was the Lutheran pastors, rather 
than the leaders of the Free Reformed Churches or the Catholic 
priests, who tried most vigorously to introduce Nazi concepts into 
Christian l i f e . In their "positive" approach to the Reich, both 
orthodox Lutherans and "German Christian" Lutherans sought a 

Quoted in Klemperer, op. c i t . , p. 200. 
Quoted in Kolnai, op. c i t . . p. 25S. 



95 

sanctification of the new s p i r i t of s a c r i f i c i a l patriotism, be-
lieving that i f the national rebirth was to be won for Christ, 
the church's message would have to be presented in terms cur-
cent l y understood. But their attempt, a confused mistake, negates 

any claim that the most effective resistance to Nazism was Chris-

tian. 

The Lutheran Church as a whole welcomed the "revolution" 
and many pastors, including the influential Martin NiemOller, 
seeing in Nazism a chance to save old customs and a more gen-
uinely German way of l i f e , voted for the Nazis. Many s t i l l wanted 

the union of Throne and Altar that they lost in 1919. It seemed 

possible that Hitler might be the God-sent deliverer, and so the 

Lutherans prayed after services for the safety of the Fflhrer and 
Chancellor, thus neutralizing much of a potential Christian op-
position to Hitler. At f i r s t eager to help the national renais-
sance, they were actually at one with the more radical "German 

Christians" and the later objections they had to National Soc-

ialism were neither to the nationalism nor to the socialism, but 

to the claim that the state could control the church's internal 

a f f a i r s . 
Pastor NiemOller, a former submarine commander, Is a 

good example of this position. He said that, in 1919, "when a 
preacher...told us that we Christians in Germany bore our own 
measure of responsibility for the war and i t s outcome—and that 



at a time when the Versailles Treaty had just been signed—I 
could not help i t , I had to leave."1 This attitude, and his 
view, "I accept the authority of the State as such whatever 

2 

the circumstances^" returned to confuse him afterwards. He 

asked, in 1941, to be allowed to fight once more for Germany 

and appealed to Grand Admiral Raeder to be recalled for ser-

vice i n the navy. He was refused, not because his nationalism 

was doubted, but because he s t i l l insisted that the Nazis had 
no right to interfere with s t r i c t l y ecclesiastical matters. 
He does not seem to have recognized the h o s t i l i t y with which 
the Nazi leadership regarded even Lutheranism, not to mention 
the anomaly of a man of God fighting for Adolf Hitler. Even such 
a man, a pastor of considerable integrity, was a victim o f 
"positive Christianity". A similar situation is found among the 
Protestant youth organizations. After the "revolution", they 
suggested that Christian young people be included in the Hitler 
Youth as a special division; of course, they were refused. 

These Christians were deceived, in part because the 
Nazis played on some of their most legitimate hopes. The Nazi 
Reich Bishop idea, for example, was welcomed because there 
had been such plans among Lutherans earlier. At f i r s t , the 
"co-ordination" probably seemed to be a logical c o nclusion to 
the union of 1922. Perhaps the unity of the German Protestant 

Quoted in Dietmar Schmidt, Pastor NiemPller. trans. 
L.Wilson, London, Gdhams, 1959, p.150. 

2lbid.. p. 179. 
3Later he regretted the letter and stated that he 

had been prompted solely by the desire to resume active oppo-
sition to Hitler. Schmidt, op.cit.. p. 120, 



Church,could be strengthened by building up a strong central 

authority and by bringing the formerly independent churches in 
the various states under the control of a Reich Church on the 
Anglican model. The Lutherans as well as the Reformed Churches 
accepted this principle, although they agreed that each was to 
have f u l l liberty to retain within the new church organization 
their own traditional faith. Consequently, the Nazi leaders 
found orthodox Protestants, with their hopes for the future, 
ready to co-operate. 

Other Protestant Germans were more than merely co-
operative. Only a few of the many radical reformers in whom 
religious and patriotic motives were mixed can be mentioned here. 
In 1921, for example, the League for a German Church was formed 
by Professor Joac him Niedlich; from this group came the German 
Christian Work Community, which later became part of Hitler's 
favourites, the "German Christians". Two pastors, both alumni 
of the youth movement of the 'twenties, Julius Leuthauser and 
Siegfried Leffler, founded the German Christian Church Movement 
of Thuringia. The f i r s t group to have a genuine Nazi flavour 
was the Work Community of National Socialist Pastors, founded 
in 1931 with Hitler's approval. This group also called i t s e l f 
the "German Christians", and formed with several others in 1932 
the o f f i c i a l l y recognized Faith Movement of "German Christians" 
under Joachim Hossenfelder.1 The latter group eventually became 
the spiritual Storm Troops which Hitler used to "co-ordinate" 

The theology of the "German Christians" i s well 
described by Karl Kupisch as a "religious mixture, in which 
can be traced the case history of a century-old theological 
and church sickness." Zwischen Idealismus und Massendemokratie. 
p. 190. See also chapter one of the thesis. 



the Protestant Church. There were also groups which shaded off 
into paganism, such as that of General and Mathilde Ludendorff, 
and which found, for a while, Nazi approval. 

Although they soon became divided among themselves, 
the "German Christians" had in 1933 several practical aims 
which won for them Hitler's support: they wanted to remove a l l 
clergymen friendly to the former regime, to concentrate a l l 
authority in a united church in the hands of their sympathizers, 
to established the Ftthrer principle in the church, and to elim-
inate everything in Christian teaching out of harmony with 
National Socialism. This included introduction of hero worship, 
the racial concept of national unity, and the sacred character 
of national ambitions. Seeking the f i n a l triumph of the German 
Reformation over Roman Catholicism, they wanted to form a l i v i n g 
People's Church, in which "positive Christianity" would revive 
the "German s p i r i t of Luther and heroic piety." 1 In particular, 
they fought against atheistic Marxism and the Centre Party, 
which they believe was controlled from Rome. The nation was to 
be protected;:from the incapable and the inferior; Jews were to 
be evicted, as were those with cosmopolitan or pacifist sympathies; 
the Old Testament was repudiated as Scripture. Besides being 
sympathetic to the Nazi movement, the "German Christians" re-
present the embodiment of implications within Lutheran doctrine, 
and thus won the sympathy of many within the church. Eventually, 
with the aid of the Party, they achieved almost complete control 
of the o f f i c i a l Protestant church organization. 

L i t t e l l , op. c i t . . p.180. 



Some Protestants were clearer about the Nazi danger. 
In the spring of 1933, the Lutherans s p l i t into three groups of 
opinion, and eventually of action; the radically progressive 
"German Christians", the moderate middle group supporting von 
Bodelschwingh as Reich Bishop candidate, and the NiemOller 
faction, which eventually became the Pastors' Emergency League 
in the f a l l . With the latter group, i t began to seem as though 
an unexpected and perhaps influential opposition to Hitler was 
forming among one of the groups from which he had hoped to derive 
support. In the Barmen Declaration of 1934 by insisting that 
the government should restrict i t s e l f to maintaining justice 
and order, the dissenting Pastors' Emergency League, now the 
"Confessional Church", struck at Nazi totalitarianism and ob-
jected to the oath of personal allegiance Hitler demanded and 
to totalitarianism and objected to the oath of personal a l l e g i -
ance Hitler demanded and to the requirement that they adopt 

anti-Semitism. " 
This resistance achieved l i t t l e , and only a quarter 

2 

of the Lutheran pastors supported i t . ' Many, indeed, were forced 
by their deepest convictions eventually to condemn the dissenters. 
Under the onslaught of Naziism, they probably thought i t wise 
to preserve at least a framework of a nominally Christian Church, 
even though the orthodox viewpoint had often to be glossed over 
and even though church offices were increasingly f i l l e d by 
"Blood and S o i l " preachers. To these defenders of the Church, 

? L i t t e l l , op.cit., p.94. 
This figure is for 1934, after which their supporters 

declined in number. See Mother Mary Alice Gallin, German Resist-
ance to...Hitler: ethical and religious factors. Washington, 
Catholic University of America, 1961, p.185. 



while they may not have supported the "German Christians", the 
resistance of the Confessional Church seemed ill-advised, de-
feating their own ends by provoking the measures which, they 
feared, might lead to complete paganization. 

But Wilhelm NiemOller notes that even the Confessional 
Church should not be considered as resistance,1and even i f they 
had wanted vigorously to protest, i t is doubtful i f the NiemSller 

group could have achieved much against the general tide of 
collaboration, which penetrated their own ranks. In May 1933, 

2 

a government-approved church council of moderate churchmen 
sanctioned a plan, in the Loccum Manifesto, for an Evangelical 
German Reich Church, headed by a Reich Bishop of the Lutheran 
confession, with a ^cabinet of pastors at his side. This plan 
was not produced by the "German Christians", but represents the 
efforts of the moderate churchmen. The more radical Union of 
National Socialist Pastors produced the Mecklenburg Theses, 
which advocated revision of the old ecclesiastical forms, adapt-
ing them to the new social structure. A l l this was music to 
Hitler's ears and he must have been further delighted when, 
after Germany's withdrawal from the League of Nations, he re-
ceived from the o f f i c i a l Christian opposition of NiemOller and 
the other Confessional Church pastors a congratulatory telegram. 
Even his c r i t i c s pledged "loyal adherence and prayerful support/ 
The leaders of the smaller Free Churches were hardly a problem; 

1Wilhelm NierfiOller, Die Evangelische Kirche im Dritten  
Reich. Handbuch des Kirchen-Kampfes. Bielefeld. Bechauf. 1956.P.396. 

^This consisted of the President of the Church Committee, 
Hermann Kapler, Bishop Marahrens of Hannover (Lutheran), and Dr. 
Hermann Hesse (Reformed), as well as the Reich Bishop Mflller. 

Quoted in Means, Things that are Caesar's, p. 246. 



101 

as late as 1939, one Bishop Melle, perhaps as justification 
for this collaboration, informed a conference of American Method-
i s t students that Hitler had saved German youth, had l i f t e d 
them out of degenerate smoking and dinking, and had made them 

1 
i d e a l i s t i c and ready for sacrifice. The Protestant w i l l to 
collaborate with the Party was eventually embarrassing for Hitler. 
While their co-operation seemed at f i r s t desirable, in making 
them comrades-in-arms, he ran the risk of b etraying his real 
aims or of hindering the execution of those aims. Before the end 
of 1933, Hitler began to try to disentangle himself and the Party. 

Collaboration was more d i f f i c u l t for the Catholics, 
because the Party considered the church hierarchy of earthly 
origin, and, for them, Law corresponded to the w i l l of the 
Leader and his elite who recognized no authority beyond themselves; 
Right was that which, as interpreted by the Leader, allegedly 
served the destiny of the German people. The Catholics, on the 
other hand, believed law to have i t s source in God and the 
church hierarchy to be of divine origin. As over against the 
Lutherans, many Catholics were at f i r s t moved neither to attack 
or defence b y the Nazi "revolution". The Roman Catholic faith, 
because i t was the Truth, solved most of their problems. Hence 
they remained untouched by the Nazi, or any other, ephemeral; 
heresy. 

The Catholic Church l e f t the problem of patriotism to 

each individual to solve and no justification was necessary, a 

Quoted in L i t t e l l , op. c i t . . pp. 83-84 



neutrality which in practice permitted as high a degree of 

patriotism to prevail among Catholics as among Lutherans. While 

a distinc tion between just and unjust wars was made, a patriotic 

Catholic, however much he may have despised the Hitler regime, 

experienced l i t t l e doubt as to whether or not he should defend 

his Fatherland in 1 9 3 9 . 1 If he looked to his religious superiors 
for guidance concerning service i n Hitler's war he received 
almost the same direction as from his Nazi ruler. When Austria 
was invaded, Cardinal Innitzer of Vienna o f f i c i a l l y greeted the 

o 
German forces; i t should also be remembered that the f e r t i l e 

s o i l in which Nazism f i r s t thrived was Catholic Bavaria. At no 

time was Hitler, nominally a Catholic, ever excommunicat.ed, and, 

when the Concordat was signed, Cardinal Faulhaber, usually assoc-

iated with the resistance to the Nazis, sent Hitler a telegram 

congratulating him on achieving so quickly what the old parlia-

mentary system had failed to do.-* Although Faulhaber had accepted 

the honour of being chosen o f f i c i a l protector of the German 

Catholic Peace League, he made no move to defend i t when the 

Nazis dissolved i t . Attempts at conciliation between the r i v a l 

hierarchies were usually based on the common struggle against 

Bolshevism, which Hitler was always careful to stress, and were 

therefore usually successful. No Catholic clergyman publicly 

condemned the alliance with Bolshevist, atheistic Russia, or 

I spoke with a Catholic gentleman from the Rhineland 
who declared that, when he joined the army in 1943, "Hitler was 
my ideal". See also Gordon C. Zahn, German Catholics and Hitler's  
Wars. A Study in Social Control. New York, Sheed and Ward, 1962. 

See Hitler's Secret Conversations, p.439. f ° r bis 
reaction to the greetings of another Catholic bishop in 1933. 

-̂ Quoted in Walter Kinkel, ed., Kirche und National-
sozialismus. Ihre Auseinandersetzung zwischen 1925 und 1945  
in Dokumenten dargestellt. Dtlsseldorf, Patmos, I960, p.50. 



1 0 3 

the invasion of predominantly Catholic Poland. We must conclude 
that German Catholics accepted the authority of the Nazi state 
with almost the same willingness as German Lutherans. 

Catholic periodicals appeared with articles in sympathy 
with the Party. The weekly "Time and People", founded a few months 
after Hitler's accession to the Chancellorship, and published 
by a Catholic firm in Munich, pursued the task of demonstrating 
and promoting unity between the Nazi state and the Catholic pop-
ulation. In the "Voices of the Times", a German Jesuit monthly, 
there appeared an articlaeon the racial acceptability of t he 
Christian idea of sin. 1 Joseph Lortz, in his "Catholic Approach 

to Nazism", expressed the widespread i l l u s i o n that i t was a pure-
2 

l y p o l i t i c a l movement. Monsignor Hudal, Rector of a German 
foundation i n Rome, made continual efforts at mediating between 
the two powers, declaring that no conflict of conscience could 
arise between the German Catholic's loyalty to Rome and his na-
tional feeling; "the informed Catholic w i l l bear no i l l - w i l l to 
a Germany groping her way from the s o c i a l i s t i c poisoning of the 
people to the great traditions of her national past."-^ An inward 
consonance between Nazism and Catholicism was possible, wrote 
Franz Taeschner, for Nazism was the trustee of the divine w i l l in 
the realm natural, as Catholicism was in the realm supernatural.^ 
In this way, some Catholics sought to legitimize Nazism and to 
avoid conflict. While there was no important attempt within the 

x Kolnai, op. c i t . . pp. 258-259. 
^Joseph Lortz, Katholischer Zugang zum Nationalsoz-

ialismus. Mttnster, Aschendorff, 1933. See also Wilhelm Berning, 
Katholische Kirche und deutsches Volkstum. Mttnchen. Callwey, 1934. 

^Quoted in Kolnai. op. c i t . . pp. 259-260. 
4lbid., p. 261. 



Catholic Church to sanctify Nazism, these writers weakened a 
possible common Christian front. With a united approach, Christ-
ians could have resisted Nazi corruption and misuse of their doc-
trine; with their confused approach, they were unable to prevent 
the great strides made by Nazi "co-ordination" of German l i f e . 

During the Weimar Republic, the Nazis experienced l i t t l e 
c r i t i c a l resistance from the Catholics; their leaders cannot be 
said to have f l a t l y approved of the Nazi movement, but they con-
fined themselves to purely doctrinal issues and to refuting the 
assertions of propagandists like Rosenberg. Although i t was not 

their o f f i c i a l p o l i t i c a l agency, the Centre Party generally rep-
resented the p o l i t i c a l aspirations and a c t i v i t y of German Cathol-
i c s . According to Karl Bachem, "the Catholic members of the Centre 
remain Catholics individually, but the party as a party does not 
necessarily accept the Catholic conception of the world."1 

Not a l l i t s members were Catholics and i t was not always regard-
ed? favourably in high church quarters. However, Hitler always 
hated i t for i t s opposition to himself, for i t s connection with 
the attempt to carry out the Versailles Treaty, for i t s more 
European outlook, and for i t s willingness to work with the So-
c i a l Democrats. He considered i t the arm, in Germany, of a for-
eign power, the Papacy. The Old Catholic Church, surviving from 

Bismarck's time, called i t s e l f now the "Catholic German National 
2 

Church", and viewed the Nazis more or less favourably. But on 

Quoted in Benda, op. c i t . . p. 17. 
2When the dogma of papal i n f a l l i b i l i t y was proclaimed 

in 1870, a small group of German Catholics, led by Ignaz D81-
linger, refused to accept i t . Organized as the "Old Catholic" 
Church, they were without much influence but had the support of 
Bismarck. 



1 0 5 

September 3 0 , 1930, a c r i t i c a l statement about the Party and the 
Church was made by the Bishop of Mainz; to the question whether 
a Catholic could be a member of the Nazi Party, the answer was 
"no".1 Eventually the Party f e l l under an ecclesiastical ban. The 
position of the Catholic Church seemed to grow more hostile be-
fore 1 9 3 3 , and, considering this, the Nazis might expect greater 
resistance from Catholics i n the future. This doubt probably det-
ermined their cautious approach to the Church in the f i r s t months 
of 1 9 3 3 and their eagerness to conclude the agreement of that year. 

The Concordat was an invaluable, and unexpected, wind-
f a l l for them. According to the o f f i c i a l view expressed in the 
papal encyclical of 1 9 3 7 , Mit brennender Sorge. the Church had 
"many and grave misgivings" but decided to go through with the 
agreement in order "to spare the f a i t h f u l of Germany, as far as 
i t was humanly possible, the t r i a l s and d i f f i c u l t i e s they would 

2 
have had to face...had the negotiations fallen through." It i s 
d i f f i c u l t to know how far this i s the wisdom of hindsight. Von 
Papen, after the signing, said that the pope hoped that "the new 
Germany had won a decisive battle against Bolshevism and the 
force of godlessness" and that he placed complete trust in the 
Chancellor's assurances that he would carry out the national re-
birth in accordance with Christian principles. 

A few of the important articles and consequences of the 
Concordat should be cited. On the surface, i t seemed that no pre-
vious German concordat had offered the Church such generous terms 
as that of 1 9 3 3 . Article 1 4 guaranteed religious orders their 

Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and Christianity, 
p. 12. 2 " 

Quoted in Anne Fremantle, ed., The Papal Encyclicals  
in their Historical Context. New York. Mentor, 1 9 5 6 , p. 250. 

3Quoted in Kupisch, op. c i t . . pp. 221-222. 



106 

pastoral, educational, and charitable work. Article 23 guaranteed 
the Church's rights in the existing schools and provided for new 
schools under church influence. Article 24 declared that teaching 
in Catholic schools should be in the hands of Catholic teachers 
and promised no interference in their training. Most important, 
Article 31 included protection for the Catholic youth organiza-
tions. The Concordat retained in the hands of Rome the appoint-
ment of a l l archbishops and bishops, although none unacceptable 
to the government was to be appointed, a concession made in 
other agreements.1 It was also part of the Concordat that the 
Catholic church was to use i t s recognized authority and natural 
conservatism on behalf of the new regime, and, consequently, on 
March 23, 1933, the Centre Party voted for the Enabling B i l l , 
and on March 28 the bishops conferring at Fulda formally l i f t e d 
the ban on Nazism. There followed, in July, the dissolution of 
the/Bavarian People's Party and of the Centre Party of their own 
accord. The concessions made by Hitler to the Church in the Con-
cordat represent an attempt at a modus vivendi; i t is doubtful 
i f the co-operation of the Catholics rendered him less suspicious 
of their intentions or less hostile to t h e i r very existence. 

To leave the discussion of the Catholic attitude to 
Nazism without mentioning the 1937 encyclical could not be com-
pletely f a i r . In this document, those who "by pantheistic con-
fusion, [identified] God and the universe, by lowering God to the 
dimensions of the world, or raising the world to the dimensions 
of God", were condemned as unbelievers; so were those who follow-
ed "that so-called pre-Christian Germanic conception of substi-

1 
For the text of the Concordat, see Johann NeuhSusler, 

Kreuz und Hakenkreuz. Mttnchen. Katholische Kirche Bayerns, 1946, 
vol. 2, p. 412(appendix). 



.107 
tutlng a dark and impersonal deity for the personal God."1 

This was an attack on the "religiofication" of the Nazi move-
ment and was a clear demand for Catholics to resist the Nazis' 
unjust laws. But i t contained no suggestion that they should 
resist the government i t s e l f . It came too late and was not f o l -
lowed by stronger action, such as breaking diplomatic relations 
or excommunication of Hitler. The almost inevitable weakness of 
the Catholic position was that they acted always in a way that 
could be interpreted by the Nazis as " p o l i t i c a l " . 

What Friedrich Baumgfirtel writes about the Lutherans 
applies to most Christian leaders of this time; they were them-
selves "weakened by disunity, and thus brought uncertainty, lack 
of clarity, and confusion into their parishes." It i s tempting 
to conclude that Christian faith played no great role in the 
Third Reich, except as a support to National Social ismJ In any 
case, a recent study of the German resistance movements shows 
that religious belief was not the determining factor in the ind-
ividual's decision to fight against Hitler. Hitler could hope 
never to be threatened seriously by the activity or stand of 
Christians. He knew that some sort of conflict was inevitable 
but did not fear i t . It became obvious that, the Christians were 
divided and insecure; and this weakness was Nazi strength. 

2. Themes of the Conflict 

It has been suggested that the Nazi aim was ultimate 

^Quoted i n Fremantle, op. c i t . f p. 251. 
Friedrich BaumgSrtel, Wider die Kirchenkampf-Legend-

en, Freimund, Neuendettelsau, 1959, p. 22. 
3Gallin, op. c i t . . p. 280. 



108 

e x t e r m i n a t i o n o f C h r i s t i a n i t y . But i n s p i t e o f the weakness o f 

t h e c h u r c h e s , t h e y c o u l d not be e l i m i n a t e d i n two o r t h r e e y e a r s , 

and more t h a n b r i b e r y and f o r c e were n e c e s s a r y t o make people 

renounce t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l f a i t h . The N a z i approach t o t h e churches 

w h i l e sometimes clumsy and t r a n s p a r e n t , was o f t e n s u b t l e , and 

c o n s e q u e n t l y o f t e n s u c c e s s f u l . 

C o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t h e i r approach b e f o r e 193-3 shows 

t h a t t h e y never f o r g o t t h e power and i n f l u e n c e t h a t b o t h con-

f e s s i o n s s t i l l w i e l d e d . The n e u t r a l i z i n g o f t h i s p o t e n t i a l 

o p p o s i t i o n was c a r r i e d on from the b e g i n n i n g s o f the P a r t y 
-j 

i n 1920 and c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h o u t t h e most f l a g r a n t p e r s e c u t i o n 

t o the end o f the T h i r d R e i c h . I n the ' t w e n t i e s , the N a z i 

l e a d e r s were concerned above a l l t o make t h e m s e l v e s " r e s p e c t a b l e " 

and were u n c e r t a i n as t o t h e a t t i t u d e C h r i s t i a n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y 

t h e i r l e a d e r s , would t a k e t o t h e e v o l v i n g r a d i c a l a s p e c t s o f 

t h e movement. They began, t h e r e f o r e , w i t h promises o f p r o t e c t i o n 

and d e c l a r a t i o n s o f r e s p e c t . The f a c t t h a t many C h r i s t i a n s were 

members o f the P a r t y a t t h i s t i m e was r e f l e c t e d i n the Twenty-Five 

P o i n t s o f 1920, w h i c h a s s u r e e q u a l i t y o f t r e a t m e n t t o b o t h 

C a t h o l i c s and P r o t e s t a n t s , who would remain unmolested as l o n g 

as t h e y d i d not t r e a t e n t h e morale o f the people o r the e x i s t -
2 

ence o f t h e s t a t e . Rosenberg's a n t i - C h r i s t i a n Mythus was not 

p u b l i s h e d by t h e P a r t y ' s o f f i c i a l p r i n t i n g house; t h i s f a c t 

was i n d i c a t e d as p r o o f t h a t t h e P a r t y ' s a t t i t u d e was more moder-

a t e and a t l e a s t not n e c e s s a r i l y t h a t o f the B a l t i c r a d i c a l - -

See P o i n t 24 o f t h e T w e n t y - f i v e P o i n t s i n H o f e r , 
op. c i t . , p. 3 0 . 

2 
Loc. c i t . 



109 

his work was a private venture. Hitler knew the role he should 
play; according to Hans Mttller, he said in 1930, "when I once 
get to power, the Catholic Church w i l l have nothing to laugh 
about; but to get there, I can't do without i t s help!'1 

In Mein Kampf. Hitler went so far as to praise the 
churches. This was another f r u i t f u l line of approach. "As the 
churches are German institutions, we, as good Germans w i l l 
support them". The greatness of the Christian Church, wrote 
Hitler, endures i n spite of the mistakes of human beings within 

2 
i t . It was possible that Deutschtum and Roman Catholicism were 
compatible; he, at any rate, would launch no Kulturkampf. In 
a l l his speeches and articles before 1933, he exercised caution 
and restraint, avoiding any i r r i t a t i o n of his Catholic or Lutheran 
followers—or potential converts. In the Volkischer Beobachter 
("People's Observer") of February 26, 1925, he denounced attempts 
to bring religious disputes into the movement or even to equate 
the National Socialist m ovement with religious problems. He 
was careful to avoid any identification of individual churches 
or sects with his own party. The great enemy of both Christendom 
and Germany was, after a l l , Bolshevism, and i t was his supreme 
task, he declared, to ensure that in the NSDAP both Lutherans 
and Catholics could work peacefully together and resist the 

3 

common enemy. These promises made i t easier for Christians, 
anxious to avoid the interdenominational squabbles that had 
disturbed German unity in the past, to accept the new movement 
and i t s program. 

Quoted in Hans Mflller, "Der pseudoreligiBse Charakter 
der nationalsozialistischen Weltanschauung", Geschichte in  
Wissenschaft und Unterric ht. 1962, pp. 351-352. 

?Hitler, Mein Kampf. pp. 115 and 119. 
Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 368. 



110 

With the signing of the Concordat in 1933, the high-
est Christian authority in the world legitimized and made f i n a l l y 
respectable the Nazi regime. Were the Nazis surprised at the 
tractability of the Catholic Church? In spite of previous hints 
at resistance, they had some hope, for in 1931, Rosenberg had 
written: 

The most amazing thing today is...the fact that 
in devoutly Catholic Italy, the most extreme con-
cept of nationalism has become the government of 
the state, and that the Pope...has made peace 
with this glowing nationalism.1 

At any rate, Hitler's tactics were met with success; but, of 
course, he knew how to handle the church; "they shall bend or 

break—but, since they are no fools, they w i l l bow their heads.2 

This cynical attitude was supported by the facts. The behaviour 
of the Catholic hierarchy was such that i t confirmed the opinion 
Hitler had of i t . The Church would ban and condemn u n t i l i t 
was cornered and then i t would compromise. The Papal nuncio 
signed the Concordat and the German Church authorities l i f t e d 
the ban. The Catholic Church, like the Lutheran Church, hastened 
to welcome the Nazis. With the Concordat, their approach to the 

3 

most unapproachable of the churches was successful. Their con-
fidence grew apace. 

One theme which never altered throughout the various 

Alfred Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. Mttnchen, Eher, 
1943, p. 55. 

o Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman 
Catholic Church, p. 158. 

3 
To the Reichstag, Hitler described the Concordat as 

"an indescribable success", and saw therein three advantages; 
(1) the fact that the Vatican had been willing to negotiate at 
a l l , thus crushing accusations that the German government was 
anti-christian, (2) that the new regime had been recognized by 
such a power, and (3) that the Catholic unions and the Zentrum 
were to be liquidated. From a protocol quoted in Hofer, op.cit., 
pp. 130-131. 



stages of the confli .ct was the effort to blacken the image of 
the Catholic Church by attacks on " p o l i t i c a l Christianity", 
the meddling of the church in German p o l i t i c a l l i f e , and to 
maintain the image of the Party as a defender of a "positive", 
more Lutheran, Christianity. As Lutheranism was more in keeping 
with Deutschtum. Hitler aimed most of his propaganda at the 
Roman Catholic Church. Yet even Catholics could enjoy "inward" 
Christianity as long as they believed with "outward" faith in 
the German renaissance. Hitler stressed the difference between 
the Catholic Church's spiritual l i f e and i t s p o l i t i c a l inter-
ference. "The fight against the Centre Party must not be waged 
because i t processes to b e 'Christian', but solely because a 
party which a l l i e s i t s e l f with atheistic Marxism for the oppression 

2 

of i t s own people is neither Christian or Catholic." In 1933 
the Party founded the "League of Catholic Germans", a group 
which might have played a role similar to the "German Christians" 
in the Lutheran Church. But l i t t l e came of this, for Hitler tried 
to give the impression that there was something inherently un-
natural, unhealthy, un-German about Catholicism, even implying 
that Catholics, Marxists, and Jews were united in conspiracy. 
In Goebbels' words, "we do / not fight the Centre Party because 

1The discussion that follows may be rendered clearer 
i f we divide events into four stages which correspond to the 
evolution of Hitler's Kirchenpolitik after 1933. These are: 
1934, the attempt to form a symbiotic relationship between the 
state and the churches; 1935-1936, beginning of disengagement 
towards a radical separation; 1937-1938, development of the 
Weltanschauung into what we have called a pseudo-faith; and 
1939, greater coercion and persecution. In the war years, the 
Kulturkampf c ontinued at a slower pace. This chronology corres-
ponds to that of Alois Natter in his Der Bayerische Klerus in der 
Zeit dreier Revolutionen, Mtlnchen,Katholische Kirche Bayerns, 
1946, p.256. 

Hitler, Speeches.Vol. 1, p. 3 6 8 . 



112 

i t ds Catholic—which, i f i t ever was, i t long ago ceased to 
be—but because i t serves the Jews, and has sold our freedom."1 
The Party, on the other hand, was not a cult, but simply a 
nationalistic p o l i t i c a l party with racial principles; "we have 
no religious retreats", said Hitler, "but arenas for sports and 
playing-fields;" theirs was not the "mystical gloom of a cathe-
dral, but the brightness and light of a room or hall which com-

2 

bines beauty with fitness for i t s purpose." The Nazi movement 
did not want to damage Christianity in i t s essence but to deepen 
i t and to renew i t , to "serve the maintenance of a divine work 
and f u l f i l a divine w i l l . " .The National Socialist Party was a 
healthy and pious manifestation of a l l that was best in German 
history. 

The Catholics, however, misused Christianity for 
p o l i t i c a l ends. According to Rosenberg, just as the Bolsheviks 
sought to divide Germany by their doctrine of class warfare, 
so the Centre Party sought to do the same with confessional 
differences. Just as the Social Democrat could see only his class 
and i t s problems, so the leaders of the Catholic church could 
see only the interests of their sect. Both the Protestant and 
the Catholic clergy, i f they were honest in declaring that they 

5 
loved Germany, should withdraw from any p o l i t i c a l involvement. 

Joseph Goebbels, Per Angriff. Aufsatze aus der Kamp-
f z e i t , Mtlnchen, Eher, 1943, p.182. 

2 H i t l e r , Speeches. Vol. 1, p. 396. 
^Hitler, Speeches, Vol. 1, p. 396. 
^"Rosenberg, op.cit., p.56 
^Ibid.. p.54. 



113 

"It is just as unnatural for a pastor to be a p o l i t i c i a n as for 
a statesman to act as confessor."1 Rosenberg strikes the familiar 
Nazi note when he declares that " p o l i t i c a l Catholicism" i s the 

p 
public manifestation of the "jesuitical-Roman system", and i t s 
"Black International", which was at the root of various national 
scandals, including that of the November Criminals and their 
suppression of the Frei Korps movement. A pamphlet, "TheGreat 
Lie of P o l i t i c a l Catholicism", showed that the Catholic leaders 
in Germany were confused or hypocritical, because on the one 
hand they spoke of persecution and martyrdom, and on the other 
they enjoyed f u l l churches, enthusiastic pilgrimages, and gen-

3 

erally thriving Christian activity. This, of course, could be 
ascribed to what Rosenberg called Catholic Doppelzttngigkeit 
(hypocrisy).^" Statistics were given to prove that church build-
ing flourished.^ Thestate defended the churches against athe-
i s t i c forces, and in scarcely any other country on earth at any 
time in history was religious l i f e more secure. But in spite of 
this, the Roman Catholic Church, because i t had lost i t s p o l i t i c a l 
influence, turned against the state "with most unchristian 
hatred."^ The Nazis understood that the dubious material pros-
perity of the churches was not what Christian leaders prized 

Rosenberg, Mythus, p. 183. 
2 
Loc. c i t . 

-^Dieter Schwarz, Die Grosse Ltlge des politischen  
Katholizismus, Mttnchen, Zentralverlag der NSDAP, 1938. passim. 

^Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. p. 83 
^Schwarz, op. c i t . , pp. 20-22. 
^IMd., p. 4 • 



most-, but by pointing this out they made the Christians seem 
greedy for more material advantages. 

Rosenberg and Schwarz, as articulate rebels, were 
useful, but the o f f i c i a l Nazi viewpoint was always less violent. 
Reichsminister Kerrl wrote that "we demand freedom of a l l re-
ligious denominations in the state so long as they do not en-
danger i t s existence" but that unfortunately "religion" through-
out history had always harboured p o l i t i c a l corruption, and had 

1 
not always maintained a purely religious mission. The continual 
repetition of this theme with i t s ;vagueness and apparent mod-
eration was the escape hatch by which the Nazis escaped the 
restraints of the Concordat. This o f f i c i a l view was echoed in 
approved Nazi publications and in the lower ranks of the Party, 
but here with more real conviction and with less intent to dupe. 
Hans Kerrl, Minister for Ecclesiastical Affairs, stated that 
i t was the duty of the Party to insure religious freedom for a l l 
German citizens under a l l circumstances; i t was the personal 
right of every German to choose for himself the religious sect 
to which he wanted to belong, provided that he made no " p o l i t i c a l 

2 
misuse" of this privilege. Robert Wimmer, a Nazi educational 
expert, wrote that the Weltanschauung occupied i t s e l f only with 
l i f e on earth, while "religion" referred to the Beyond and pre-
pared the individual for l i f e after death. Wimmer denied that 
Nazism had any claimion the spiritual l i f e of Germans and be-
lieved that Christianity and Nazism could co-operate, provided 

Quoted in Kneller, op.cit.. p. 1#4 
Quoted in Kneller, op.cit., p.1#7 



that the churches l e f t control of this world to the proper 
powers. On the other hand, National Socialism realized that 
credit must be given to the churches as powerful contributors 

to modern German culture and so i t wanted to retain Christianity 
as a necessary and basic characteristic of national l i f e . 1 It 
might be argued that Wimmer i s more sincere than Kerrl, but this 
idea i s one shared by both devout Christians and anti-clericals 
in Western Europe and North America. It was very close to the 
Lutheran concept of church-state relations. On the surface, i t 
seemed hard to deny the justice of the Nazi outlook. 

A good Lutheran, even a good Catholic, German would 
find much to approve in Hitler's speech of October 24, 1933; 

we have dragged the priests out of the depths of 
the p o l i t i c a l party struggle and have brought 
them back again into the Church. It i s our deter-
mination that they shall never return to a sphere 
which i s not made for them, which dishonours them, 
and which of necessity brings them into opposition 
to millions of people who in their hearts wish 
to hold to the faith, b ut who desire to see the 
priests serving God and not a p o l i t i c a l party. 2 

Later he said that in destroying the Centre Party and bringing 
back thousands of priests into the Church, the Nazi "revolution" 
had restored faith to "millions of respectable people." "The 
German priest as a servant of God we shall protect," the 
FQhrer said, "the priest as p o l i t i c a l enemy of the German state 
we shall destroy." When the time came to attack the Catholic 
Church, as in the Currency and Immorality Trials of 1935 and 

Quoted in Kneller, op. c i t . . p. 192. 
i 

Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 378. 
Ibid., p. 382. 



116 

1936, the Party did exactly this; thousands of priests were 
shown to be p o l i t i c a l and moral enemies of the German people.1 

Such was the burden of Nazi anti-Catholic propaganda. 
But, as in the diplomatic sphere, Hitler did not wish to seem 
the aggressor in church-state affairs, and so deceptive concil-
iation characterized the Nazi side of formal relations with both 
the churches. Particularly during 1933-34, this moderation had 
to seem to be the Nazi attitude. It is. not l i k e l y that events 
such as the murder on July 11, 1934, of Adalbert Probst, the na-
tional leader of the Young Catholics, or that of Dr. Erich 
Klausener, head of Catholic Action in Berlin, during the R8hm 
purge, were o f f i c i a l l y planned, or welcomed, by Hitler. The Nazis 
pointed out how "religion" was thriving in Germany and how their 
Party approved of this. Three years later, in February 1937, 
Frick, Minister of the Interior, shrewdly ordained that in of-
f i c i a l l i s t s and documents there were to be three religious cate-
gories: members of religious denominations, believers in God, and 
unbelievers. Consequently, the census of 1939 showed only 1,5% 

of the population was "without religion", and the number of pro-
2 

fessed atheists was the same as in 1925. Many gave their religion 
as simply "believer in God", which was good enough for Nazi 
propaganda. 

Part of this campaign of deception was Hitler's 
continually expressed belief that Christianity should be the 

It was found that, contrary to the Nazis' complicated 
Deyisen (currency) laws, some Catholic orders had paid back 
foreign loans in German Currency; they were accused of sapping 
the economic lifeblood of the Volk. In the later Immorality 
Trials, the past, and usually punished, crimes of priests and 
monks were^revived, exaggerated, and publicized. 

O f f i c i a l figures c ited in Herman, op.cit., p. 24. 
To be sure, membership in a church as well had not absolutely 



117 
basis of German morality, and that the family should be the core 
of the l i f e of the Volk and the State. The staging of the national 
reconciliation service at the Potsdam Garrison Church before the 
passing of the Enabling Act and Hitler's speech at that time 
promising to support Christianity were designed to give the im-
pression that there was to be a return to a more Christian and 
upright government. Hitler promised to secure church influence 

in education—surely this was an indication that the new state 
would be more Christian than the Weimar Republic. Nevertheless, 
the o f f i c i a l text of this speech which appeared in 1934 omitted 
any reference to education as did other o f f i c i a l publications. 1 

Allegedly because of the criticism of some Catholic bishops, 
Hitler and Goebbels, b oth erstwhile Catholics, refused to attend 
the High Mass offered at the Potsdam ceremony;*Nevertheless, 
Hitler continued to maintain the pre-1933 image of the Nazi move-
ment as the protector of "religion" and the family from such 
evils as Bolshevism. The middle class German, a pious family 
man, s t i l l listened with approval and was completely deceived. 

Waldemar Gurian suggests that an open break with the 
V atican was to be avoided in order to keep the Catholic popu-
lation i n confusion as long as possible and to c reate the 

impression that the Vatican was afraid to protect i t s German 
2 

flock. It is quite possible that a sense of helplessness 
within the Catholic hierarchy was inculcated by the fact that 

ceased to be a social advantage; in 1933, the Party i t s e l f 
sent formations of the S.A. to church. 

Hans Buchheim, Glaubenskrise im Dritten Reich. Stutt-
gart, Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1953, p. 81. 

2 
Waldemar Gurian, "Hitler's Undeclared War on the 

Catholic Church", Foreign Affairs, vol. 16, January 193S\ 
pp. 260-271. 



118 

i f the Minister of the Interior, Frick, wanted to discuss 
Catholic administration, he visited not the Cardinal Archbishop 
of Cologne, but the Nuncio in Berlin, Monsignor Orsenigo. Here, 
however, the difference between policy and the confusion of the 
period i t s e l f is not clear. 

When Hitler did not actually l i e about events, he was 
silent, and his henchmen took their cue from him. During the 
most acute phase of the Lutheran problem, the press authorities 
made i t d i f f i c u l t to follow events in the newspapers or to real-
ize that any problem existed at a l l . The same tactics were em-
ployed i n reverse during the Immorality T r i a l s . Rosenberg's 
"National Socialist Monthly" scarcely mentioned the church pro-
blem at any time, and included reports on church a c t i v i t i e s 
without c r i t i c a l comment, although articles did appear lament-
ing the lack of Protestant resistance to the new "counter-re-

i 

formation". Not merely non-Nazi leaders, but also important 
clergymen were included in the 1935 Ftthrerlexikon. At the end of 
1934, relatively l i t t l e happened in the church-state sphere, 
because the Saar plebiscite was soon to be held and the leader-
ship needed domestic peace. In this case the silence indicated 
real inactivity. But when the Saar was safely part of Germany, the 
Currency Trials began. Reich Bishop Mflller issued what became 
known as the "Muzzling Decree" on January 4, 1934, forbidding 
ministers to introduce into their sermons any subject matter deal-
ing with the church controversy, and on November 6, 1934, two 

"Die Gegenreformation von heute in den LSndern des 
Weltprotestantismus", Nationalsozialistisches Monatsheft. July 
1937, pp. 591-606. 



decrees by Frick prohibited further discussion of the church 
question in the press, in pamphlets, or in books. Reports of 
restrictive measures rarely appeared in print, a factor which 
helped to spread uncertainty and fear. 

Hitler's attempt at conciliation and pacification of 
the Christians continued throughout the duration of the Third 
Reich, so that, for the uncritical, the situation seemed clear, 
and for those who might be anti-Nazi, resistance became more and 
more d i f f i c u l t . It was easier when, in Rosenberg's words, they 
put on the Brown Shirt, to ignore confessional differences and 

1 
to see only Germans fighting for the honour of the Yolk. Always 
trying to keep Germans united behind—or beneath—them, the 
leaders denied excessive materialism, pagan tendencies, or 
h o s t i l i t y to Christianity on the part of the movement. Faced 
with mounting restrictions, the average Christian, who did not 
wholeheartedly support the Party and who yet loved his Father-
land, was confused. 

Especially since the Ftlhrer himself was silent on the 
religious issue, and since the new state declared i t s e l f willing 
to grant every concession to the older f a i t h , how could there be 
strife? If any existed or i f the churches claimed to be oppressed, 
'it must be part of a Christian, possibly only Catholic, plot to 
discredit the national reawakening. There is one good example 
of this approach, combining conciliation and protests of inno-
cence. The cabinet agreed on the Sterilization Law on July 1, 

Rosenberg, Blut und Ehre. p. 56. 



1933,- but i t s publication was carefully delayed u n t i l five days 

after the Concordat was signed on July 25; in the clauses of this 

law the Nazis inserted one which allowed for an individual's l i f e -

long sojourn in a private home, "in order that possible adherents 
of the Catholic f a i t h who might have conscientious objections... 

1 

be given the opportunity of observing their religious tenets." 
Hitler added a verbal footnote to this, stressing the irrespons-
i b i l i t y of the churches; " i f [theyj were to declare themselves 
ready to take over the treatment and care of, those suffering from 
hereditary diseases, we should be quite ready to refrain from 

2 

s t e r i l i z i n g them." 
For both confessions, the Department of State for Ec-

clesiastical Affairs, established in July 1935, eventually be-
came more dangerous than schismatic groups or Hitler Youth extra-
vagance. Through this bureau, the Party controlled church finances 
and did not simply interfere in church administration, but also 
a r b i t r a r i l y disposed of church property, caused financial d i f f i - . 
culties, and closed theological schools. Without the permission 
of the Department, no salary could be paid, no money spent, and 
no voluntary church collections could be taken up. Through the 
Department, the churches could be slowly suffocated. Its decrees 
were contradictory and vague, and were often accompanied by more 
vigorous action on the part of local sympathizers. The ambigu-
i t y and caution of the period u n t i l 1936 i s summed up in Prick's 

Dr. Walter Gross, in Germany Speaks, p. 101. 
^Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 384. 



statement of June 2, 1935, to the effect that "the Church con-
f l i c t can no more be settled with the policeman's truncheon than 

1 
the Jewish question can be settled by smashed windows." 

Throughout the f i r s t few years, Hitler, while sym-
pathizing with his followers, had a greater awareness of the del 
icacy of the situation, and sought to restrain their enthusiasm 
for a while. The increasing persecution of Christianity was ac-
companied by continual denial that i t existed. In January 1935, 
Btlrckel, Hitler's plenipotentiary for the Saar, denied the 

© 

existence of a Kulturkampft and with this statement, Hitler 
agreed. A law of April 1934 forbade members of the Labour Front, 
in short, -nearly every German worker, to be members of any 
Christian vocational organization. On July 23, 1935, Himmler 
forbade religious associations to have any share in sports, and 
there were to be no religious uniforms, flags, or marches. In 
September, members of the S.S. were forbidden to take leading 
parts in any religious organizations; but at the same time, 
Hitler announced that "neither today nor yesterday has the 
Party entertained the least aggressive intention toward Chris-
t i a n i t y . " 2 

The year 1936 saw a gradual alteration in Nazi tactics 
the attempt at disengagement became more obvious. Following the 
lead of the government, several radio stations, including Ham-
burg, ceased broadcasting religious functions; eventually a l l 

Quoted i n Hitler, Speeches, vol.,1, p. 356. 
2lbid., p. 360. 



122 

religious broadcasts were forbidden and were replaced with 
military music or observation of Nazi festivals. After the 
sensational Immorality Trials, the announcement of September 
1937 that membership in the Christian Church could no longer 
be regarded as a factor contributing to the maintenance of 
German l i f e could surprise only the most naive. Financial res-
trictions were introduced. In June 1937, Frick made i t a crime 
to contribute money to the Confessional Church or to any other 
institution not approved by Reichsminister Kerrl. The Bavarian 
government planned redue tion of subsidies to the Catholic 
Church, and on November 30, 1937, Kerrl announced that a l l 
state subsidies would gradually be withdrawn. Hitler believed 
that the churches were materialistic,.;, and so these steps were 
bound to have effect. 1 

With the obvious failure of the Reich Church idea and 
with the confidence of his successes in other f i e l d s , Hitler 
abandoned collaboration with the Christians in order to preach 
more f u l l y the new " f a i t h " . In his diary, Rosenberg notes that 

the Ftihrer admitted that i t had been a mistake to try and form 
1 

a national church. Hitler never publicly announced the i n -
tention to destroy Christianity, but his follower Ernst Bergmann 
wrote; 

The National Revolution has only preserved the 
Christian confessions for reasons of p o l i t i c a l 
tactics...In the meantime, our prophets and pro-
pagandists have to clear the f i e l d of those modern 
theorists who cherish the foolish ideas that 
Christianity and nationalism are consistent one 
with the other.2 

Rosenberg, Politisches Tagebuch. GJ8ttingen,Musterschmidt, 
1959, p. 97. 2 

Quoted in Kolnai, op.cit.. p. 248 



123 

By 1939, i t was apparent that the public attitude of the Party, 
had changed from apparent conciliation to blunt h o s t i l i t y . If 
what the Party said about the Catholic Church were true, they 
could not be blamed for hostility; the evidence of the Immoral-
i t y Trials should prove this. Until the war, the propaganda 
changed l i t t l e , but the persecution increased. 

This then was the Nazis' approach to the churches. If 
they could not be won immediately by the new state and i t s "faith", 
they could be l u l l e d into a sense of security or paralyzed by 
confusion. With this plan developing in his mind, Hitler used 
the "German Christians" and the Concordat. This Idea was be-
hind the repeated protestations that Christ's teachings did 
not contradict Hitler's. It was obvious that they did; yet 
continual repetition of a big l i e , as Hitler-knew, always has 
some effect. 

3. Events of the Conflict 
If we consider some of the events of the conflict by 

confession, differences in Hitler's technique and the general 
elements of his approach w i l l "foe c l a r i f i e d as they are seen in 
action. 

In the approach to the Lutherans much is already 
familiar. The period 1933-1934 was an experiment and involved 
precautionary measures. The attempt was made to have the Prot-
estant Church work with the movement in "co-ordinating" Germany. 
In order to have the bishops of the regional Lutheran churches 
abandon the Confessional Church and accept government control 



124 
t h r o u g h t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " , the N a z i l e a d e r s h i p had t o 

s u p p o r t t h e l a t t e r f a c t i o n , a s t e p c o n t r a r y t o t h e i n t e n t i o n s 

e x p r e s s e d i n Mein Kampf, and a s t e p t h r o u g h w h i c h the P a r t y 

became e m b r o i l e d i n s e c t a r i a n d i s p u t e s . 

A f t e r the moderate F r i e d r i c h von Bodelschwingh was 

nominated R e i c h B i s h o p i n May 1933, H i t l e r and t h e "German 

C h r i s t i a n s " were not s a t i s f i e d . The c a n d i d a t e was not p r o -

g r e s s i v e enough. The N a z i s wanted Ludwig M l l l l e r , a former m i l i t a r y 

c h a p l a i n and a "German C h r i s t i a n " , who e v e n t u a l l y d i d become 

R e i c h B i s h o p a f t e r von Bodelschwingh stepped down. H i t l e r 

approved o f M t l l l e r because he was w i l l i n g t o be l e d and, 

i f he d i d not p l e a s e some, a t l e a s t d i d not o f f e n d many. A f t e r 

A p r i l 17, 1933, M t l l l e r a c t e d as H i t l e r ' s r e p r e s e n t a t i v e i n t h e 

Church's s e l f - r e o r g a n i z a t i o n : "my r e p r e s e n t a t i v e w i t h f u l l 

powers to d e a l w i t h t h e a f f a i r s o f the E v a n g e l i c a l C h u r c h . " 1 
When the law f o r a new c h u r c h c o n s t i t u t i o n was passed on 

J u l y 14, 1933, H i t l e r , knowing t h a t t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " 

were p r e p a r e d f o r a church e l e c t i o n , c a l l e d one as soon as 

p o s s i b l e ; t h a t i s , f o r J u l y 23. A few days b e f o r e t h e 

M t l l l e r f a c t i o n was e l e c t e d , H i t l e r gave a r a d i o a d d r e s s 

u r g i n g t h e churches t o t a k e a s t a n d i n t h e " r e v o l u t i o n " 

and t h e p e o p l e t o v o t e f o r t h o s e who viewed C h r i s t i a n i t y 

as an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e n a t i o n a l r e n a i s s a n c e . He des-

c r i b e d t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " as t h e " f o r c e s o f a l i v i n g move-

ment", who s u p p o r t e d Nazism not i n s u b m i s s i o n but i n l i v i n g 

2 
a f f i r m a t i o n . These e l e c t i o n s were m e a n i n g l e s s as an i n d i c a t i o n 

H i t l e r , Speeches, v o l . 1, p. 56 
2 H i t l e r , Speeches, v o l . 1, p. 377 



125 
of church opinion. Because of the p o l i t i c a l tension, no election 
was held in many churches, and the previous church boards simply 
resigned and gave way to the new boards, a l l members of which 
had previously been approved by the local Nazi leader. The 
"German Christians" received the support of. the Nazi press and 
p o l i t i c a l machinery. Needless to say, they received almost three-
quarters of the votes as well. Thiswas "positive Christianity" 
in action. 

With the support of the Party, this faction managed to 
introduce the Ftlhrer principle into the Lutheran church. Auto-
cratic powers were given to higher church o f f i c i a l s who were, 
to a l l intents and purposes, government nominees. It became 
easier for the Party to intervene in church disputes to put 
forward i t s candidates and measures. The f i r s t direct inter-
ference by the Party in church matters took place in Mecklenburg 
on April 18, 1933, when a Nazi sympathizer, Walther Bohm, was 
named State Commissioner for the Evangelical Church there; 
another direct invasion of the church by the state occurred in 
June when Bernhard Rust, Prussian Minister of Education, appointed 
as State Commissioner, August JSger, also a Nazi, for the Evan-
gelical Church. Mttller was f i n a l l y appointed Reich Bishop on 
September 27, 1933 and "German Christian" bishops were named for 
various t e r r i t o r i a l churches on October 5. Church committees 
were named by the government to administer Lutheran affairs, 
and f i n a l l y on July 16, 1935, Hitler announced the formation of 
a Reich Ministry for Ecclesiastical Affairs with far-reaching 
supervisory powers. A l l this meant that the Lutheran Church 
became even more a part of the state than i t had been under 
the Empire. 



126 
When i t appeared that the Protestant Church had ac-

cepted "co-ordination", the Party sought to withdraw. At the 
National Synod at Wittenberg, on September 2 7 , 1933, Rosenberg, 
as Party spokesman, stated that the government no longer backed 
any particular group or denomination. On October 11, Mtlller was 
forced to issue a public statement to the effect that no member 
of the church would be.discriminated against i f he was not a 
"German Christian". Perhaps he was trying to pacify the c r i t i c s 
within the church; yet i t seems probable that he was trying to 
pacify Hitler, whose personal representative, Hess, had just 
publicly stated that no National Socialist would be discriminated 
against i f he was a practising Christian! The confusion i s 
typical of the Nazis. 

At the same time an attempt was made to moderate the 
radical tendencies of the Hossenfelder movement1 within the 
"German Christians". Just as Hitler abandoned his "revolutionary" 
Chief of Staff, Ernst R 8 h m , for the Army generals, so he turned 
from the radical Hossenfelder to the army chaplain Mtlller who 
was more tractable. The opportunity to control the influence of 
the revolutionary element in the new church c ame on November 13, 
1933, when the "German Christians" demonstrated in the Berlin 
Sport Palace under Hossenfelder's chairmanship. A layman, Dr. 
Reinhardt Krause, made sensational demands in his speech. The 
unity of the "German Christians" was broken over this incident, 
and the government was able to disentangle i t s e l f . This meant 

Joachim Hossenfelder, as described earlier, led one 
of the radical groups which originally formed the "German Chris 
tians" of 1933. 



1 2 7 

-the d e c l i n e n o t m e r e l y o f t h e H o s s e n f e l d e r f a c t i o n , b u t a l s o 

o f t h e more moderate wing o f t h e "German C h r i s t i a n s " . The P a r t y ' s 

demarche had begun e a r l i e r ; a f t e r the announcement o f P r u s s i a n 

c h u r c h e l e c t i o n s i n t h e summer, t h e N a z i s y m p a t h i z e r J S g e r was 

removed and t h e c h u r c h o f f i c e r s he had r e t i r e d were r e i n s t a t e d . 

Now i n t h e f a l l , H i t l e r i n i t i a t e d f u r t h e r s t e p s t o r e d u c e t h e 

power of h i s own c h u r c h f a c t i o n . On November 3 0 , F r i c k i s s u e d 

a r e g u l a t i o n d e c l a r i n g t h a t t h e C h a n c e l l o r had d e c i d e d t h a t s i n c e 

t h e c u r r e n t d i s p u t e s w i t h i n t h e E v a n g e l i c a l Church were a p u r e l y 

e c c l e s i a s t i c a l a f f a i r , no i n t e r f e r e n c e would be countenanced 

and t h a t c h u r c h o f f i c e r s were not a u t h o r i z e d t o ask P a r t y members 

t o i n t e r v e n e . F i n a l l y W i l h e l m Kube, one o f t h e f o u n d e r s o f t h e 

"German C h r i s t i a n s " , p r o f e s s e d a s h a r p s e p a r a t i o n o f e c c l e s i a s -

t i c a l and p o l i t i c a l m a t t e r s , and d e c l a r e d t h a t d i f f e r e n c e s o f 

o p i n i o n i n r e l i g i o u s q u e s t i o n s s h o u l d not be c a r r i e d o v e r i n t o 

p o l i t i c s . 1 

The new " G u i d i n g P r i n c i p l e s " o f the "German C h r i s t i a n s " 

were p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 3 4 but t h e y were much d i f f e r e n t from t h o s e 

o f 1 9 3 2 ; the t e e t h o f t h e r a d i c a l s were p u l l e d . S e p a r a t i n g from 

M G l l e r ' s g r o u p , H o s s e n f e l d e r formed a " F a i t h Movement" which i t -

s e l f d i s i n t e g r a t e d i n t o h a r m l e s s " l e a g u e s " t h a t v e g e t a t e d f o r t h e 

remainder o f the T h i r d R e i c h . I n a number o f d i r e c t i v e s , 1 9 3 7 - 3 S , 

on t h e " l a t e s t p o s i t i o n o f t h e p a t r i o t i c - r e l i g i o u s g r o u p s " , one 

f i n d s t h a t t h e "NSDAP s t r e s s e s a more o r l e s s s t r o n g D i s t a n z i e r -

ung from t h e German f a i t h o r g a n i z a t i o n s " , i n o r d e r t o be f r e e r 

T h e - e n t i r e c o m p l i c a t e d e v o l u t i o n o f "German C h r i s t i a n " 
a f f a i r s i s l u c i d l y e x p l a i n e d i n A r t h u r Cochrane's book, The 
Church's C o n f e s s i o n under H i t l e r , P h i l a d e l p h i a , W e s t m i n s t e r , 
1962, P p . 55-40. 



t o a t t a c k t h e c h u r c h e s . 

I n s p i t e o f t h e o b v i o u s development N a z i p o l i c y e x p e r -

i e n c e d a f t e r 1934, h e s i t a t i o n and c o n t r a d i c t i o n , sometimes 

e l e v a t e d t o a p l a n o f d e l i b e r a t e c o n f u s i o n , marked t h e P a r t y ' s 

a t t i t u d e t o t h e L u t h e r a n s u n t i l 1945. As a r e s u l t o f t h e S p o r t 

P a l a c e s c a n d a l , t h e a p p l i c a t i o n o f the Aryan P a r a g r a p h t o t h e 

P r u s s i a n Church was suspended; on J a n u a r y 4, 1934, M t l l l e r an-

n u l l e d t h i s o r d e r , r e i m p o s i n g the P a r a g r a p h . But on A p r i l 13, 

he a n n u l l e d t h e l a t t e r d e c r e e , o n l y t o e n f o r c e t h e P a r a g r a p h 

a g a i n on November 25. I n s p i t e o f t h e f a c t t h a t M a r t i n L u t h e r 

was c o n s i d e r e d a f o l k h e r o , c e l e b r a t i o n o f h i s 1517 p r o t e s t 

ceased i n 1933; t h i s i s o n l y an a p p a r e n t c o n t r a d i c t i o n , how-

e v e r , because, w h i l e L u t h e r ' s a n t i - C a t h o l i c i s m was approved, 

h i s independence o f mind was n o t . The N a z i l e a d e r s gave up t h e 
2 

i d e a o f u s i n g t h e C h r i s t i a n s and welcomed l e s s C h r i s t i a n a t t i -

t u d e s t h a t the V o l k might d e v e l o p , but the e n t h u s i a s m o f pagan 

groups had t o be r e s t r a i n e d ; i n 1938 i t was deemed e x p e d i e n t t o 

r e s t r i c t a n t a g o n i z i n g t h e L u t h e r a n s by c o n t r o l l i n g such p r o p a -

ganda; t h e d i r e c t i v e d i d not a p p l y t o a n t i - c a t h o l i c m a t e r i a l . 

However, e s p e c i a l l y a f t e r 1937, the Weltanschauung 

o f t h e pseudo-church i n c r e a s i n g l y d e t e r m i n e d H i t l e r ' s o u t l o o k . 

To p r a y f o r peace r a t h e r t h a n f o r t h e v i c t o r y o f t h e n a t i o n a l 

cause was t r e a s o n , and t h e r e f o r e because o f t h e i n t e r c e s s i o n 

s e r v i c e t h e y used d u r i n g the Munich c r i s i s , when t h e y c o n f e s s e d 

Quoted i n NeuhSUsler, op. c i t . , p. 376. 
2 
See the decree o f F e b r u a r y 15, 1937, i n w h i c h H i t l e r 

g i v e s up t h e R e i c h Church i d e a . H o f e r , op. c i t . , p. 146 
^ N e u h f l u s l e r , op. c i t . , v o l . 1, p. 3 6 l . 



the "sins of our people", some pastors had their salaries stopped 
or lost their positions on charges of disloyalty. Here we:.- see 
the direct effect of Hitler's faith on Nazi policy, for i t was 
a cardinal point in the Weltanschauung, one of the few points 
Hitler seriously considered, that power i s a virtue, and those 
who possess i t , cannot s i n . 1 

Nevertheless, because they were s t i l l identified in 
the minds of many Protestants with "positive Christianity", the 
Nazi approach to the Lutheran Church was largely successful, 
at least insofar as these Christians never challenged Nazi 
authority in the "outward" world. 

A glance at the approach to the Catholic Church i s 
also f r u i t f u l . The Nazis' surprise at the willingness of the 
Catholics to co-operate in 1933 explains their confident haste 
to break the terms of the Concordat. At the same time, they 
considered the signature as part of continuing Catholic strategy 
to influence German p o l i t i c s from Rome, and requiring firm, 
equally cynical, action on their part. Nazi behaviour was 
rooted both in caution and in sheer enjoyment of their power. 
Without any blunt renunciation, Hitler showed what he thought 
of the Concordat. 

For one thing the Nazi leaders confused the definition 
of areas devoted solely to p o l i t i c s and to religious l i f e and 
made the legal position of Catholic groups vague. On August 26, 
1934, for example, the Catholic weekly, "Young Front", was 
banned for eight weeks; less than a month later, the ban was 

On racial sin, see Rosenberg, Mythus, p. 71 



130 

l i f t e d , only to be enforced again on March 6, 1935. This i s 
typical of Nazi procedure until 1936, after which Hitler became 
less noncommittal and restrictions increased as his self-con-
fidence grew. In February of that year direct action was taken 
against the Catholic Young Men's Association in the Rhineland on 
charges of co-operation with the Communists; while the Vatican 
and the Archbishop of Cologne protested, Hitler replied that he 
could not intervene as the cases were in the hands of the people's 
prosecutor.1 He allowed greater freedom, too, for anti-Catholic 
pamphlets to circulate; they bore t i t l e s such as Der Material-

2 

ismus des Christentum. or Vatikan und Kreml. Steps were taken 
to confine Catholic processions and pilgrimages onto side streets 
where they would be both less noticeable and less impressive. 
They could also b e declared a hindrance to t r a f f i c . In 1936, 
the Reich War Ministry forbade participation of officers and 
soldiers in the formation of Corpus Christi processions or in 
lining the roads with troops at such times; these celebrations 
would therefore become easier to disturb. These accusations and 
decrees were accompanied by seizure of Catholic buildings, such 
as schools and monasteries, the inhabitants of which were ev-
icted. 

The propaganda campaign of the 1935 Currency Trials 
and the 1936 Immorality Trials masked their ultimate results. 
The general public did not know that courts of appeal often 

Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 363. 
See Hofer, op. c i t . , p. 162, for a l i s t of further 

pamphlets, a l l designed to show how the Catholics were in league 
with un-German powers. 

3see NeuhSusler, op. c i t . , p. 71. The directions for 
these measures specifically noted that the Party's marches and 
parades were exceptions* 



greatly reduced the sentences of lower courts; whereas f i r s t 
judgments were advertised in large type in the press, second 
judgments were announced in a corner, or not at a l l . But this 
direct attack on the body of Christianity, this attempt to create 
"no martyrs, just criminals", had ultimately l i t t l e success. 
The Trials were to be a justification of a l l the Nazis claimed 
about the corruption harboured by Catholicism. A justification 
i t may have been, and restrictions appropriately followed, but 
the result of the t r i a l s was largely to convince only those who 
already were anti-Catholic. The average Catholic was prepared to 
admit that some clergymen were "guilty" but he s t i l l had faith 
in the character of his own priest. 

4 . Problems 
One factor which emerges clearly from the Party's 

approach to each of the confessions i s the ultimate moderation 
of this approach. Even with respect to the Catholic Church, in 
spite of Hitler's personal h o s t i l i t y , in spite of restrictive 
laws, and in spite of violent propaganda, no decisive step was 
taken which would' force the Christian German to abandon his old 
faith and adopt the new national "faith". Why was this step not 
taken? 

"Positive Christianity" i t s e l f was one reason. In 
October 1933, Hess decreed that Nazis need not belong to any 
religious group; three years later, in May 1936, he f e l t obliged 
to actually forbid Nazis in the upper hierarchy from holding 
offices in religious organizations. That this was necessary is 
indicative of the Nazi problem: to many there seemed nothing 



anomalous in being both actively Christian and actively Nazi. 
Increased persecution i t s e l f , while necessary, in-

volved new problems. Hitler described his intentions; i f the 
Catholic Church would not accommodate i t s e l f to him, he would 
unleash upon i t a propaganda that would exceed her powers of 
hearing and sight. 1 This is what he did, but he was ever aware 
of the d i f f i c u l t y of such a campaign. The obvious and embarras-
sing fact of church persecution was camouflaged during the Olym-
pic Games of 1936. Rosenberg, in Nttrnberg, 193#, revealed one 
of the reasons why the state never openly declared war on the 
churches; "the international position of the Catholic Church 
calls for very careful tactics on our part...Every attack upon 
the Church affects international relations and can intensify 

2 
d i f f i c u l t i e s of a position which is already serious enough." 
Goebbels was also aware of the problem; in March 1943 he wrote 
in his diary that Hitler supported his ideas of moderation dur-
ing the war. "We must proceed here very smoothly and not get 

3 

wedded to doctrinaire ideas." On noting that the Russians had 
restored a certain freedom of religion, he declared, "that's 
very sharp and clever tactics. It would be a good thing i f we 
were also somewhat more elastic in these matters."^-

The Nazi leaders were reluctant to moderate their 
approach to Catholicism but they were more elastic in their 
treatment of the Lutherans. In 193#, for example, Martin Nie-
mflller was sentenced to seven months' fortress detention and a 

^Hitler, Speeches, vol. 1, p. 38#. 
2Quoted in Micklem, National Socialism and Christian-

i t l , P. 29. 
3Joseph Goebbels, Diaries, ed. trans. Louis B. Lochner, 

New York, Doubleday, 1948, p. 285. 
4lbid., p. 345. 



fine of two thousand marks. This unusual verdict was "honour-
able" and remarkably light considering the seriousness of his 
crime in Hitler's eyes. This and the fact that the term of 
detention plus one quarter of the fine were remitted seems to 
indicate that the Nazis correctly estimated the number of his 
adherents, knew as well that most Lutherans were not as bold as 
the Confessionals, and guessed that NiemOller's patriotism would 
eventually triumph over his sense of injustice. It may also 
have been a form of bribery! But when later sentenced to Sach-
senhausen concentration camp, NiemOller was Hitler's "personal 
prisoner" and his presence there was kept a close secret, evid-
ence of the Nazis' sense of embarrassment; particularly when 
the Lutherans were such a useful support for the Party, i t was 
unwise to let the fact of such a well-known man's imprisonment 
become national, or international, knowledge. 

The method of calling up clergymen for service after 
1939 and thus separating them from their flocks created another 
problem. Christian influence in the armed forces was, i f not 
actually increased, at least intensified where i t did exist, 
a fact which, while not entirely undesirable i f thereby the 
fighting elan of the men was increased, tended to undo the pre-
vious work of the movement among the young. Goebbels wrote that 
the young army chaplains were more dangerous than the old car-
dinals at home, "for they rate high with the people".1 Fuither-
more, the chaplains were protected by the shield of military 
privilege from Party ideological interference and the Nazis 

Joseph Goebbels, Diaries, ed. trans. Louis B. Lochner, 
New York, Doubleday, 1948, p. 374. 



feared that their work would be turned to " p o l i t i c a l goals"; 
they worried, too, about the number of German soldiers who 

2 
visited the Vatican. This d i f f i c u l t anomaly was part of the 
problem of how to deal with the churches when party members 
were s t i l l on paper at least Christian and when the Party had 
only incompletely achieved i t s breach with Christianity. The 
Nazis had always to be careful to avoid any association of 
godlessness with their movement, because the average German 
associated this with anarchy and Bolshevism. During the war, 
when the army became all-important for the preservation of Nazi 

3 

gains, this problem became more complex. 
However practical the Nazi leaders were in seeking 

their goals and however carefully they preserved them, they acted 
sometimes with an i r r a t i o n a l i t y derived from t h e i r — p a r t i c u l a r l y 
H i t l e r ' s — faith in the power of the movement. Micklem claims 
that the encyclical Mit brennender Sorge was a "severe blow" 
to the Party;^ i t i s also true that Bishop von Galen's sermons 
at Mtlnster in July and August 1941 against euthanasia were f o l -
lowed by a cessation of the program as well as by no punishment 

From a 1939 report by Heydrich on the church situation 
to Reichsminister Dr. Lammers. Quoted in Poliakov and Wulf, op. 
c i t . , p. 197. 

Goebbels, op. c i t . , p. 246. 
^Josef Perau's diary, Priester im Heere Hitlers.(Essen. 

Ludgerus, 1963) offers an interesting, i f incomplete, view of the 
position of the Catholic priest in Hitler's army, particularly in 
his relation to "German Christian" pastors and more pagan soldiers. 
See pp. 31, 61, and 85-86. In the same connection, the Viertel-
.iahresheft fttr Zeitgeschichte (1957. pp. 297-299) gives an ex-
change of letters between two officers; one complains that the 
Christmas edition of the soldiers' magazine has no reference to 
the traditional celebration, and notes that many w i l l be dis-
appointed. 1 

Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic  
Church, p. 173. 



1 3 5 

- of the offending clergyman. Can i t be assumed that this indicates 
the Nazi fear of Catholic strength? 

Granted that the Gestapo did seize copies of the en-
cyclical, close the presses involved, and dispossess the owners, 
this does not necessarily indicate that Hitler suffered a severe 
blow or that he greatly feared the influence of the voice from 
Rome. A more rational man might have, but he did not, and events 
showed he was correct. Two years later, most of the Catholic 
population enthusiastically supported the state, confused perhaps, 
but undisturbed by the fact that the Pope disapproved of the 
Nazi Weltanschauung. Indeed, the encyclical did more than the 
Immorality Trials to convince "unbelievers" that the Catholic 
Church was s t i l l bent on interfering in German l i f e . In 1933, 
the state might have been more circumspect, but, after 1936, 
Hitler was confident, and with justification, because while a 
series of protest letters were exchanged, the Holy See did not 
break off diplomatic relations with Germany. He had definitely 
won a point. He had proved that international Catholicism did not 
understand and would not tolerate National Socialism, but would 
seek to interfere with German domestic a f f a i r s . Even more im-
portant, he had shown that the Church was s t i l l unwilling to take 
a really vigorous stand against Nazism, for fear i t would lose 
what foothold i t had among the German population. Catholic be-
haviour thus again corroborated what the Nazis believed about i t . 
The Christians in Rome were a group of power-hungry realists 
who knew that, i f they sought influence in Germany, to break 
off relations would be unwise. 

In the year of the assault on Russia, i t was undoubted-
l y wise, particularly for the sake of national unity, to place 



136 
ultimate goals after immediate tactics. The destruction of 
Bolshevism was more important than euthanasia. The mentally-
i l l were not plotting the downfall of Aryan Germany, as were 
the Jewish Marxists. But a short year later, when i t seemed that 
victory was certain, Hitler, with confident, enthusiastic fan-
aticism, launched the Final Solution, a step he apparently con-
sidered fundamental to the existence of the Third Reich. This 
i s reminiscent of the quite irrational arrest of the pastors in 
1938 who sought forgiveness for the sins of Germany. 

The war intervened in the Ftlhrer' s plans so that i t i s 
s t i l l debatable i f his Kirchenpolitik would have enjoyed u l t i -
mate success. At any rate, by 1939, the Nazis were s t i l l too 
involved with both churches. The result was that the concept 
of "positive Christianity", although abandoned by the Party, 
lived on in the people, who s t i l l believed they could be inwardly 
Christian and outwardly Nazi. Of Baden-Alsace in 1943, a Nazi 
leader wrote that, 

The weltanschauliche situation in this area is in 
the truest sense of the word "black"...The arrange-
ments for the Christmas celebrations have shown how 
weak the weltanschauliche conviction and certainty 
is both among p o l i t i c a l leaders and those actually 
in power. 

The events of 1939 and after meant that the survival of Germany 
demanded internal unity. No Ausrottung ("tearing out") would 
aid the war effort. Moreover, the war showed that Christianity 
was far from dead and drastic action would be necessary to 

Quoted in Gunther Weisenborn, Der lautlose Aufstand, 
Bericht fiber die Widerstandsbewegung des deutschen Volkes.  
1933-1945, Hamburg, Rowohlt, 1962, p. 54. \ 



suppress i t . While many fought for the greater glory of the 
National Socialist Truth, others fought because i t was their 
duty as interpreted by their church to do so. 



138" 

CHAPTER 5 

Education and Control of the Youth 
1. Introduction 

.The m ost acute and unresolved tension tension be-
tween Christians and Nazis arose over the disputed control of 
youth through formal education and leisure time organizations. 
In this particular aspect of the church-state conflict, National 
Socialism as a substitute faith, demanding the bodies and souls 
of i t s adherents, showed i t s true colours. The Party hoped to 
consolidate and to strengthen i t s control over Germany by se-
curing the allegiance of the young; i f i t could not be sure of 
an enthusiastic generation of Nazis in forty years, i t s present 
triumph was f u t i l e . Chapter one described the raw material the 
Nazis had at their disposal and chapter three showed how they 
built the Hitler youth out of t h i s material. This chapter des-
cribes how the Party met the Christian problem in this f i e l d . 

In a s t i l l basically Christian country, the Nazi 
leaders had to adapt their methods to their material. Fabri-
cation of the religious trappings was described in chapter 
three. In the Nazi "co-ordination" of youth, the tendency to 
complete developments which had begun in the Weimar period is 



1 3 9 

again noticeable, as well as the appeal to the"finer", more 
traditional qualities of Deutschtum and to the enthusiasm, 
energy, and spiritual p l i a b i l i t y of youth. Because every young 
German-had to internalize the Weltanschauung. i t had to be made 
as palatable as possible without damaging the ends of the move-
ment. To justify their attempt to penetrate and to the control 
the public schools, the universities, and the nation's youth 
groups, the Nazi leaders began by arguing, with some j u s t i f i -
cation, that they represented the revolution of youth against 
age, and appeared to stand for regenerative idealism. In short, 
they used the willing f a i t h and vague idealism of young people, 
although, in Hannah Arendt's words, their aim was not to " i n s t i l l 
convictions, but to destroy the capacity fo form any."1 

The national educational system was not an integral 
part of the Nazi hierarchy, but i t was as important as the 
Hitler Youth. "One needs the children from the great masses of 
the Nation", wrote Hitler, adding that "they alone are determined 
and tough enough to fight this struggle to the bloody end"; they 

2 
alone are truly impressionable. "The f i r s t period of childhood 
is most readily susceptible to the possibility of [education], 
while with the mounting years the power of resistance increases." 
No group of Germans was more deeply affected by the events af-
ter 1933 than the children. They were the "best" Nazis. A large 
part of the regime's power, propaganda, and discipline was d i -
rected to converting German youth. German adults might s t i l l 
retain some private interests or knowledge of the outer world, 

Arendt, op. c i t . . p. 468. 
2lndeed, the bloody end was often fought by children 

in the Volkssturm troops of late 1944 and early 1945. 
3Hitler, Mein Kampf, pp. 136 and 171. 



140 
but. the young could have few individual interests, knowing 
l i t t l e of another l i f e with other outlooks. The Nazis, moreover, 
south to limit parental influence as much as possible. The 
ideal was that every young person should become a member of the 
all-encompassing "state-church" devoted to the perpetuation 
of the sacred value system. This process of indoctrination was 
given out as c cntrol or care in the same sense that the Christian 
Church had been concerned with the whole l i f e of men, who thus 
gained a feeling of freedom from trusting in the authority and 
judgement of the Church in a l l important departments of l i f e . 
In this way, the Nazi leadership, wittingly or not, met that 
need of many Europeans, who, having broken with the family of 
the Church f e l t not so much free as desolate. 

The Ftihrer's ideas determined the nature of many of 
the reforms. Aware of the weakness of German education before 
the f i r s t World War, Hitler condemned academic one-sidedness 
which tended to develop pure knowledge, without attention to 
a b i l i t y . In German education, he wrote, not enough emphasis was 
l a i d on the development of the character of the pupil, who 

i 

emerged as a "walking encyclopedia". In this way, the Nazi con-
cept of education had something in common with the progressive 
movements of the 'twenties. Nevertheless, later Hitlerian edu-
cation wa<s equally, guilty of one-sidedness, but with intention. 
"I don't believe there's any sense", said Hitler, "in teaching 

2 
men anything in a general way, beyond what they need to know." 

Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 237 
Hitler, Secret Conversations, p. 340. 



1 4 1 

More precisely, he suggested that eventually an end would be 
1 

put to universal education. It was not necessary for each German 
to obtain "a f u l l insight and precise knowledge of the ultimate 
ideas and thought processes of the leaders of the movement." 
What i s necessary is that some few really great ideas be made 
clear to him and that the essential fundamental ideas be burned 
inextinguishably into him so that he was entirely permeated by 

2 

the n ecessity of the victory of the movement and i t s doctrines. 
While the training of the new e l i t e was to develop an amoral 
class of power-leaders, the education of the masses was to pro-
duce a populace of unquestioning sheep, awed by the pseudo-
religious aura surrounding the state, willing to be led to what-
ever slaughterhouse Hitler should c hoose. These are the con-
clusions that his own words inevitably produce; they are supported 
by what the Party did to the educational system of Germany. 

The school system the Nazis inherited was not anti-
thetical to their aims and they made use of ideas developed be-
fore their time. In eighteenth centry Prussia, where education 
was regarded as a branch of statecraft, the higher bureaucracy 
v iewed the citizenry as instruments for the achievement of 
p o l i t i c a l aims. During the Imperial period, the government tried 
to control teachers in regard to their national and p o l i t i c a l 
ideas. They were observed to see that they expressed only loyal 
views in their teaching. It was possible, through regular ob-
servation and reporting, to keep out of the teaching profession 
those inimical to the state, such as teachers with socialist 

Quoted in Rauschning, Hitler Speaks, p. 51 
Hitler, Mein Kampf. p. 456 



1 4 2 

leanings. At the same time, the population were kept ignorant 
of p o l i t i c a l and administrative problems. Inasmuch as the Nazis 
continued these traditions, their "revolution" was mild. 

The Republic tried to supplant monarchical loyalty 
by giving more civic training and by placing more stress upon 
the unity of a l l Germans, their common cultural achievements, 
and their faith in the future. Textbooks stressed national unity 
and freedom, and pointed out the injustices of the Versailles 
Treaty. There seems to have been no hesitation in Roman Catholic 
schools to use books as m i l i t a r i s t i c as those in Lutheran schools. 
In Prussia, some schools observed the anniversary of the sign-
ing of the Versailles Treaty as a day of mourning. The three 
school holidays at Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Easter served 

as occasions to describe their specifically German character. 
While the Weimar educational system was less r i g i d and dry, 
academically speaking, the student graduated convinced of 
Germany's cultural supremac y over a l l other nations. What with 
the emphasis on German national consciousness in the press, on 
the radio, in local museums, in the study of Heimatkunde (local 
lore), as well as the youth movements'' enthusiasm for German 
landscapes, young people were ready to embrace a radical national-
ism, presented in terms of soul, sacrifice, and s o i l . 

The republic aided the Nazis1 efforts to "co-ordinate" 
the schools by not; removing' older teachers who had been raised 
to admire governmental authority. On the other hand,many of the 
younger teachers who had a part in the youth movement of pre-war 

R.H.Samuel and R. Hinton Thomas, Education and Society  
in Modern Germany. London. Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1949, p. 75. 



143 

days were allowed to lose themselves in progressivism and, while 
some did good work, others only added to the anarchy of values 
in Germany during the 'twenties; the Nazis further developed 
the idea of organic and self-unfolding individualism, which had 
concerned some progressive school reformers, and fused i t with 
the concept of self-determining nationhood. The older teachers 
often welc omed the authoritarian Nazi "revolution", and the former 
progressivists greeted the Nazis as a remarkable example of 
what they had always advocated. Seen in this light, the Nazi 
Preforms of education represent not simply a further develop-
ment of the new regime, but also a natural c onclusion in the 
form of control and direction of trends of the Imperial and 
Weimar epochs. 

2. The Universities 
By 1914, the university professors had earned the 

1 r 
t i t l e , "the intellectual bodyguard of the Hohenzollerns"; of 
the universities in the Weimar period, one c r i t i c wrote that 
"too many average minds...made up for their lack of brilliance 
by an exaggerated attention to detail or by a superficial b r i l l i -

2 
ance Which barely hid their lack of depth." "Lack of depth" 
certainly continued to characterize the universities under the 
Nazis, but this was as much Nazi policy as i t was a product of 
the situation of the 'twenties. The elite could no more allow 
objective criticism of their doctrine than the medieval church 
could allow the circulation of Albigensian tracts. Fortunately, 

Samuel, op. c i t . . p. 117. 
2 
Walter M. Kotschnig, Slaves Need No Leaders. London, 

Oxford, 1943, p. 24. 



144 
t h e r e were few n e o - A l b i g e n s i a n s . 

The morale o f the educated c l a s s had d e t e r i o r a t e d 

b e f o r e 1933. The r e p u b l i c t r i e d t o promote h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n o f 

p r o l e t a r i a n c h i l d r e n , but d i d not p r o v i d e t y p e s o f secondary 

s c h o o l s w h i c h might have g i v e n an advanced e d u c a t i o n t o t h e 

masses, w i t h o u t l e a d i n g t o t h e u n i v e r s i t i e s and l e a r n e d p r o 4 ' 

f e s s i o n s . S i m u l t a n e o u s l y , the u n i v e r s i t i e s and p r o f e s s i o n 

became crowded and l e a r n i n g l e a d t o economic m i s e r y , which i n 

t u r n caused a d e c l i n e i n the p r e s t i g e o f i n t e l l e c t u a l work. Many 

g r a d u a t e s l o s t t h e i r f a i t h i n a f u t u r e , abandoned t h e r a t i o n a l i t y 

one e x p e c t s f r o m t h e educated, and became p a r t o f t h e spearhead 

o f t h e N a z i movement. Some o f them were t h e f i r s t and remained 

the most a r d e n t N a z i p u b l i c s c h o o l t e a c h e r s and p r o f e s s o r s . 

D u r i n g t h e T t w e n t i e s , u n i v e r s i t y s t u d e n t s were u l t r a -
n a t i o n a l i s t i c and h i g h l y c r i t i c a l o f t h e l e s s n a t i o n a l i s t i c 

s t a t e . 1 At t h e f o u r t e e n t h German Student Conference i n 1931, 

the N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t League o f S t u d e n t s was e n a b l e d t o o b t a i n 

l e a d e r s h i p o f the German Student U n i o n . I n t he B u r s c h e n s c h a f t -

l i c he B l a t t e r , March 6, 1933, appeared t h i s d e c l a r a t i o n : "That 

which we have d e s i r e d and sought f o r y e a r s , t h a t f o r which we 

have worked y e a r i n and y e a r out i n the Burschenschaft' s p i r i t 
2 

i s a t l a s t r e a l i t y . " TheNazi s t u d e n t s 1 e n t h u s i a s m , a l a r m i n g 

t o b o t h N a z i s and n o n - N a z i s , c o n s i s t e d , i n the d i f f i c u l t p e r i o d 

o f s p r i n g and summer 1933, o f s l a n d e r i n g p r o f e s s o r s , a t t a c k i n g 

J e w i s h and S o c i a l i s t s t u d e n t s , and i n t r o d u c i n g i n t o the u n i v e r -

See t h e Twelve Statements o f t h e Student U n i o n , which 
appeared i n A p r i l 1933 and which a r e a n t i - S e m i t i c and N a z i -
o r i e n t e d . P o l i a k o v and Wulf, op. c i t . , pp. 117-118. 

2 
Quoted i n P r o s s , op. c i t . , p. 7S-. 



s i t i e s the brown shirt, proclamations, a martial atmosphere, 
lecture hall disturbances, and many extra-curricular p o l i t i c a l 
duties for students. The book-burnings of 1933 are an example 
of this fanaticism.1 

Yet the students' enthusiastic freedom was short-lived. 
The Student Union, which received o f f i c i a l recognition on May 18, 
1933, became immersed in the crushing system of nation-wide 
p o l i t i c a l organizations by which the Nazi e l i t e consolidated 
i t s power. Youthful energy had to be controlled and directed. 
At this stage, the leading Nazis wanted to tread softly on 
national sensibilities; moreover, some of the student activity 
was n ot in complete accord with the Weltanschauung. Eventually, 
the ambitions of the Nazi students were viewed with suspicion 
by Rust, the Eduction Minister, who effectively stole their thun-
der, threatening them with severe punishment i f they acted in-
dependently in ideological matters. But until at least 1937, 
some students continued to express support for the more radical 
social aspects of the Nazi program and persisted in a c r i t i c a l 
attitude to those who did not observe their standards. 

At the same time, the "co-ordination" of the non-Nazi 
students proceeded apace. The older aristocratic and martial 
corps were o f f i c i a l l y dissolved in October,'1935, and caps, 
jackets, and banners were forbidden. Many of the old clubs were 
s t i l l active in 1936, in which year came an edict from the Federal 
Leader of the Student Union forbidding double membership in a 

Once again, tradition disguised the radicalism of 
this step; in 1317, members of the Burschenschaften met on the 
Wartburg and burned un-German books. 



146 

student corporation and any of the Nazi organizations. Even-
tually by 1942, more than ninety per cent of the students were 
organized in Nazi student associations. 1 

The universities themselves lost any independence that 
might have distinguished them from purely governmental i n s t i t u -
tions. Rectors were no longer chosen by faculty members, but se-
lected and appointed by the Ministry of Education. Financial 
responsibility of the states to the universities remained in 
principle untouched, but the creation of the Education Ministry 
in May 1934 with i t s f u l l supervisory authority involved central-
ized control of finances. The academic l i f e could not offer much 
to the training of the "violently active" e l i t e or to the edu-
cation of the Volk; accordingly, a law of April 1933 limited 
enrollments in the universities to 15,000 a year, and set a quota 

2 
of ten per cent for women. Total enrollments dropped sharply. 
Compared to 22,000 who were admitted in 1931, only 10,000 sought 

3 
admission in 1934» and, as was often the case with their radical 
measures, the Nazis had to remove the restriction in February 
1935. Nevertheless, enrollment continued to drop, from 97,576 
in 1932 to 51,527 in 193#; and enrollment of women dropped in 
the same period from 18,578 to 6 , 3 4 6 . In general, student numbers 
were reduced by thirty per cent.^- Few other figures indicate so 

^Neumann, op. c i t . , p. 399. 
There were economic as well as ideological reasons 

for this restriction; by 1933, the number of students graduated 
from institutions of higher learning was nearly double the number 
the economy could absorb in positions for which the students had 
prepared. This created the embittered "academic proletariat". 
See Frederic Lilge, The Abuse of Learning. New York, Macmillan, 
194S, pp. 145-146. 

3Samuel, op. c i t . . p. 133* 
4see E.Y.Hartshorne, German Universities and National 



147 
well.the Nazi e f f o r t to l i m i t the number of people who could 

approach the Weltanschauung c r i t i c a l l y . 

These actions, however, did not assure that those 

students who remained accepted the Myth. Consequently, students 

to be admitted to u n i v e r s i t y had to spend a season i n a labour 

camp, win the approval of the l o c a l youth leaders, and receive 

the stamp " p o l i t i c a l l y r e l i a b l e " . While more than two thousand 

professors were dismissed, those who remained and new applicants 

also, often had to attend a labour camp. Ultimately, the govern-

ment was forced to take measures to t r a i n u n i v e r s i t y personnel, 

not merely to obtain the right sort of teachers, but to f i l l the 

ranks of a profession which threatened to disappear. After 

September 1938 i t became possible f o r those without the Abitur 

between ages twenty-five and f o r t y to enter u n i v e r s i t y by taking 

a s p e c i a l examination designed to discover unrevealed t a l e n t , 

while those who passed a "maturity" examination from a technical 

school could be admitted to u n i v e r s i t y i n s p e c i a l subjects. The 

secondary school course was shortened from nine to eight years 

and a d d i t i o n a l scholarships were introduced, but by 1939 there 

was no increase i n students enrolled. 

Lest a l l the professors be ccnsidered martyrs, we 

should n ote that there was l i t t l e c r i t i c i s m on the part of 

u n i v e r s i t y teachers, and t h e i r "co-ordination" was aided by t h e i r 

own confusion. Some of them f e l t with Martin Heidegger that one's 

Socialism, London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1937, pp. 72-74. He also 
suggests that the f a l l i n the b i r t h rate eighteen years before 
i s also responsible f o r the decline i n enrollment. 



f i r s t loyalty should b e to the people's community, or with 
Ludwig Marcuse that Nazism embodied the best of German idealism. 
Nor did the professors stop at passive s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n ; when 
Hitler became Chancellor, the Technical University of Stuttgart 
offered him an honorary degree, which he refused. 

If the new "faith" was to be accepted by a new class 
of intellectuals, subjects taught in the universities had to be 
"co-ordinated". Scienc e became more or less the p o l i t i c a l 
theology of the secular theocracy, and philosophy once more an 
ancilla theologicae. no longer required for the doctoral exam-
ination. At the university of Berlin, for example, courses were 
given in the "Science of Religion", which showed the e v i l i n -
fluence of religion and how faith' of a nation in i t s leader was 
the best possible religion. An institute for religious science 
opened at Halle in order to study "German piety". Theology i t -
self declined in popularity even before the theological schools 
began to be closed; for example, there were, in 1932, 7085 evan-

2 
gelical theological students, while in 1935, there were 4113'. 
Sociological research and speculation, on the other hand, were 
discouraged; the new state feared another Galileo. It is signi-
ficant that the universities in occupied Czechoslovakia and 
Poland were to be closed forever. 

For Heidegger's "Self-assertion of the German Univers-
i t y " , and the "Confession of German University and Technical 
School Professors to Adolf Hitler and the National Socialist 
State", see Pross, op. c i t . . pp. 97 and 98-101. 

2Herman, op. c i t . . p. 151. For a review of decrees 
against theology students, see Dokumente zum Abwehrkampf der 
deutschen evangelischen Pfarrerschaft. ed. Fritz Klingler, 
Ntlrnberg, Mendelssohn, 1946, pp. 35-55. 



149 
3. Public Schools 

The control of Christianity in schools was carried 
out usually locally and always gradually; that i s , not by pub-
lished government laws, but by municipal authorities. Micklem 
writes that "the task i s approached piecemeal, lest there be 
too general indignation at any one time."1 The rejection of 
standard religious education and the "co-ordination" of a l l 
school subjects evolved slowly and was never completely achieved. 
The Ministry of Education carefully refrained from issuing a 
single order formally abolishing denominational education. 

The Reich Ministry of Education, embraced the Nazi 
Pupils" League, formed in 1928, and their Teachers' Union, formed 
in 1929. New training-colleges were built in rural d i s t r i c t s , 
where the prospective teachers could assimilate the glory of 
German scenery, s o i l , and peasant l i f e . But, generally speaking, 
with the Nazi emphasis on non-intellectual pursuits, the number 
of schools, teachers, an d students, declined between 1931 and 
1940.2 

The Nazi approach, as elsewhere, was characterized by 
ambiguity, hypocrisy, and deception. Often local clergymen remained 
ex o f f i c i o members of school boards, and i t was not u n t i l January 
1941 that the Ministry of Education forbade priests to act in 
this capacity. Under the pretext of war conditions, the remainder 
of the denominational schools were closed in 1940. Hitler suggested 
that typewriting lessons be given instead of religious instruction 

Micklem, National Socialism and the Roman Catholic 
Church, p. 153. _____ ^ 

Neumann̂ : Behemoth, p.37^*See also Samuel, op. c i t . , 
pp. 38 and 50 for further relevant figures. 



150 

and that a corps of teachers f o r advanced primary education 

be formed from the ranks of re-enlisted s o l d i e r s , 1 but the 

a p p l i c a t i o n of such ideas remained l a r g e l y the province of the 

H i t l e r Youth. Their ac t i v i t i e s often f i l l e d the weekends and 
2 

c l a s h e d ! ' successfully with Sunday School lessons. In the 

public day schools as well, the number of hours devoted to 

r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n was reduced; the former nineteen hours a 

week a l l o t t e d i n secondary schools were reduced to twelve over 
3 

a period of eight instead of nine years. Religious i n s t r u c t i o n 

was sometimes transferred to the l a s t from the f i r s t period of 

the day, changing place with physical education; the d i f f e r e n t 

status of religion.: was thus stressed, and i t could also be 

omitted on occasion. Religious i n s t r u c t i o n eventually ceased i n 

the vocational schools. By 1937, most of the p r i e s t s had been 

removed as r e l i g i o u s teachers i n public schools. In 1940, a decree 

denied secondary school pupils over the age of fourteen r e l i g i o u s 

i n s t r u c t i o n ; the same occurred i n 1941 f o r intermediate school 

pupils. These examples indicate the Nazi intentions. Yet the 

syllabus was never formally a l t e r e d by the Ministry of Education. 

The process was rather one of slow suffocation, and proceeded 

haphazardly on a l o c a l l e v e l . 

Religion was s t i l l taught i n the schools not merely 

as a t a c t i c a l concession to the Church, b ut also i n order to 

H i t l e r , Secret Conversations, pp. 98 and 406. 
^Stewart Herman describes the Sunday morning parades 

of the H i t l e r Youth; op. c i t . , p. 1 8 . 
3Neuha*usler, op. c i t . , p. 160. While 36 hours were 

devoted a week to physical education i n 1925 i n the secondary 
sc hools, 40 were a l l o t t e d i n 1940; for elementary schools, the 
figures are; 1928, 16 hours; 1939, 33* See also Samuel, op. c i t . , 
pp. 105, 108, and 160. 



151 

enlist simple faith in the service of the Cause. Indeed, the 
Pope indicated his awareness of this t a c t i c in the 1937 encycli-
cal, when he c r i t i c i s e d "religious lessons maintained for the 
sake of appearances, controlled by unauthorized men, within the 
frame of an educational system which systematically works against 
r e l i g i o n . " 1 In 1940 Martin Bormann advised Rosenberg that for 
the time being, Christian moral teaching, including the Ten 

Commandments, was to remain in the curriculum. A letter from 
2 

Hess to G8ring also has a similar theme. The entire Nazi 
approach to Christian teaching in the schools was ruled by 
this pragmatism. The children were to believe in the FtlhrerTs 
divine purity. Many Catholic classes opened with the formula, 
"Heil Hitler! Blessed be Jesus Christ in a l l Eternity. Amen"; 
and closed with "Blessed be Jesus Christ in a l l Eternity. Amen. 
Heil H i t l e r ! " 3 It was to be stressed to the children that Hitler 
was pious and reverent. A suggested question for the teacher 
to give students was "who, children, is i t in these days 
who reminds us most of Jesus—through his love of humble people 
and his readiness for self-sacrifice?"^" Edicts addressed to 
teachers of religion stressed that both "faiths" drew t h e i r 
strength from God. Teachers should do away with differences of 
opinion and stress the German experience of God. The Old Testa-
ment, as might be expected, was to be carefully expurgated; only 
those portions of i t which treated of biological questions or 

Quoted in Fremantle, op. c i t . . p. 254. 
20uoted in Poliakov and Wulf, op. c i t . . pp. 202-204, 

and pp. 206-207. 
3Mann, op. c i t . , p. 83. 
4 l_id.,,p. 86. 



152 

were necessary for understanding of the New Testament were to 
be used. A belief in the "deeper meaning of war", creating a 
"uniform desire for war and victory as an indispensable con-
dition of national independence" was considered an essential 
part of this training. 1 After 1936, when co-existence ceased 
to be useful for the Party leaders, the connection between 
"faiths" remained, and under growing persecution confused Christ-
ians and Nazis alike. 

The Nazis managed to influence the teaching of secular 
subjects as well. In the study of history, for example, the 
conversion of the early Germans to Christianity was not to be 
treated "negatively". Frick wrote that "the adoption of Christ-
ianity appear(s) as a display of Teutonic influence over the whole 

2 
area of medieval culture". The message of Christ should appeal 
to Germans as an epic of heroism. Other stories of heroic self-
sacrifice were taught as models of behaviour. The ancient Greeks 
were to b e treated as the closest brothers of the Germanic race; 
how they succumbed when the population declined and were out-
numbered by inferior and democratic peoples was important. 

Private schools, other than state- or party-sponsored 
ones, were allowed only for those who needed special attention 
because of health or family conditions. Permission to operate 
these sc hools was granted only on the tested basis of p o l i t i c a l 
r e l i a b i l i t y of the headmaster and owners of the schools. Even then 
they were under the careful supervision of the state, for in i t s 

Kneller, op. c i t . t p. 177. 
Quoted in Kolnai, op. cit., 262. 



153 

very essence, National Socialism could not acknowledge any right 
to attend or support autonomous private schools, instead of the 
people's public schools. Needless to say, courses of study and 
appointment of teachers for these schools had to be in s t r i c t 
accord with the principles l a i d down for public schools. 

On September 29, 1936, the National Socialist Teachers' 
Union decreed that members could not belong to denominational 
organizations. Pressed to sever their formal ties with the Church, 
the number of teachers declaring themselves "believers in God" 
increased. It is hard to established how many of these actually 
were "neo-pagan", for while in 1940 13,143 out of 171,000 teachers 
so declared themselves, and while in 1937 ninety-seven per cent 
of a l l teachers belonged to the Nazi Teachers' Union, these figures 
do n ot show how many acted out of prudence rather than con-
viction. 1 More significant, perhaps, is the fact that in 1936 
and 1937, 160,000 party functionaries came from the teaching pro-

2 
fession, primarily from elementary schools. The sympathy of 
sections of the pedagogical profession was a great advantage to 
the Party. 

In spite of the implied intention of o f f i c i a l decrees 
and in spite of Hitler's plans, i t was a pragmatic estimate of 
the needs of the day that often played a decisive role in German 
education during the Third Reich. By and large, the vocational, 
elementary, and intermediate schools suffered least from the 
Party "co-ordination", because Hitler as well as the army realized 

As over against 376 out of 185,000 in 1936. Samuel, 
op. c i t . . p. 105. 

2 Neumann, op. c i t . , p. 105. 



154 ' 

t h a t these s c h o o l s had t o be kept i n t a c t i n order t o f u r n i s h 

the s k i l l e d craftsmen and workers needed i n i n d u s t r y and defence: 

the same s i t u a t i o n t h a t p r e v a i l e d i n the u n i v e r s i t i e s . When i t 

came to d r i v i n g a tank, a C a t h o l i c was o f t e n b e t t e r q u a l i f i e d 

than a good N a z i . F o r t u n a t e l y f o r H i t l e r , the C a t h o l i c s , i n 

s p i t e of the a s s a u l t s made on t h e i r f a i t h , were u s u a l l y w i l l i n g 

t o d r i v e tanks f o r the P a r t y . 

4. H i t l e r Youth versus ^ C h r i s t i a n Youth 

Before c o n s i d e r i n g the H i t l e r Youth, i t would be w e l l 

t o d e s c r i b e d the c o n d i t i o n of f a m i l y l i f e i n the T h i r d Reich, 

which the Nazi l e a d e r s h i p claimed, l i k e the C h r i s t i a n church, 

t o preserve and f o s t e r . A v e r d i c t of a S i l e s i a n c o u r t contained 

the f o l l o w i n g s i g n i f i c a n t statement; "law, i n the s e r v i c e o f 

r a c i a l and n a t i o n a l i n t e r e s t s , c o n f i d e s the care o f c h i l d r e n o n l y 

under c e r t a i n circumstances t o the p a r e n t s . Namely, i f t h e 
1 

c h i l d r e n are brought up as the n a t i o n and the s t a t e decree." 

On October 9, 1935, W i l l y Becker, a P a r t y o f f i c i a l , expressed the 

new i d e a l s u c c i n c t l y ; he s a i d t h a t p a r e n t s who keep t h e i r c h i l d r e n 

out of the H i t l e r Youth "c ommit a crime a g a i n s t the German 
people and i t s f u t u r e ; they do not deserve the name of f a t h e r 

2 
and mother." In s h o r t , the c h i l d belonged t o H i t l e r b e f o r e i t 

belonged to i t s p a r e n t s . N a z i - t r a i n e d t e a c h e r s ran creches f o r 

i n f a n t s and k i n d e r g a r t e n s f o r p r e - s c h o o l c h i l d r e n . . Although 

Quoted i n Mann, op. c i t . . p. 150. 
^Quoted i n Micklem, op. c i t . , p. 124. As e a r l y as 1934, 

the Nazi Youth Leader had t o r e f u t e the c l a i m t h a t the HJ d e p r i v e d 
c h i l d r e n o f a f a m i l y l i f e ; von S c h i r a c h claimed t h a t the H i t l e r 
Youth gave some c h i l d r e n a f a m i l y f o r the f i r s t time. Die H i t l e r -
.jugend, p. 104. 



155 

attendance was optional, parents had to sign a paper declaring 
that their children were under the exclusive jurisdiction of the 
Party during the time they were in the nurseries. In 1939, the 
government introduced a new type of school, the Hauptschule. to 
whic h only selected pupils were to b e admitted; their attendance 
was to be obligatory, but i f their parents objected, they could 
register a formal protest—at such a high level that a l l but the 
boldest parents were discouraged. The parents' councils introduced 
into Prussia and some other states in 1919 were abolished in 1934 
and councils were introduc ed by the Nazis that were merely 
advisory!, preserving the appearance of the former arrangement, 
but not interfering with the headmaster's position as Leader. 
Here is the best example of the Nazi tendency to destroy that 
family cohesion so dear to the Christian Btlrger which they claimed 
to preserve.1 

While unity within German families would have been an 
advantage to the cause, the movement was largely what the Nazis 
acknowledged i t to be—a "revolution of the young". But whatever 
their success with the children, the Nazis were never able to 
conv ince their parents that they should sever their Christian 
t i e s . Although they implied as much, they never openly urged i t , 
which, for the success of their plans, they would have to do 
ev entually. Consequently, many a German saw nothing unusual in 
supporting the Nazi state and i t s Weltanschauung and in being 
a Christian. His children, however, spent so much of their time 

"Parents complain that they never see their children 
any more, " wrote a correspondent to the Spectator in 1934. See 
"Schule Oder Verein", Spectator, vol. 152, June 29, 1934, p. 994. 



156 
with Nazi teachers and trainers, that they were becoming more 
Nazi than Christian. The tension created between generations 
meant that while some sought a l l the more desperately the "fam-
i l y " protection of the Hitler Youth, many young people were faced 
at home with a less than positive attitude toward what they were 
supposed to die for. Once again, i t i s unfortunately d i f f i c u l t 
to know what the long-term effects of this problem would have been, 
because the war reunited parents and children in the common ef-
fort of saving Germany i t s e l f . 

The Hitler Youth was part of the pseudo-ecclesiastical 
hierarchy of Nazism; as such i t inevitably clashed with the 
hierarchy of Christianity. Baldur von Schirach, the national 
youth leader, describes best in his book Die Hitler.jugendt the 
aims and nature of the organization. What might be called an 
"educational t o t a l i t y " was sought, on the principle of "either 
completely or not at a l l . " 1 Thus von Schirach declared war on 
the other German youth organizations, Christian and p o l i t i c a l ; 

The Hitler Youth organization declares i t s e l f the 
one and only representative of German youth. That 
is i t s claim to t o t a l i t y . As the NSDAP is the only 
p o l i t i c a l party of Germany, so the HJ i s the only 
German youth organization. 2 

Its members were Hitlerjungen and Hitlermfldel, devoted entirely 
to the Leader. 

The "co-ordination" began formally in December 1933, 
with an act of Reich Bishop Mailer, supported by G0ring, entailing 

Baldur von Schirach, Die Hitler.jugend. Idee und Ges-
t a l t . Berlin, Verlag und Vertriebsanstalt, 1934, pp. 130 and 35. 

2 Ibid., p. 69. 



157 

the destruction of the independent Protestant youth movement, 
consisting of 300,000 young people. Nevertheless, in the osten-
sible s p i r i t of compromise of the years before 1936, von Schirach 
wrote that the Hitler Youth would guarantee i t s Evangelical 
members one night a week for their religious a c t i v i t i e s . After 
December 1933, there followed independent action in the various 
states, whic h according to the usual pattern, was more radical 
than that in Berlin. The methods are familiar. Often the local 
Nazi leaders resorted to the technique of imposing a regulation, 
moderating or rescinding i t for a short time, and then renewing 
i t later in a more rigorous form. For example, in the summer of 

1933, the Catholic Youth Associations of Munster were forbidden 
to wear uniforms; on September 1, 1933, the order was rescinded; 
in June 1934, i t was re-enacted in a more severe form. In May 
1934, the Local Nazis of Schweinfurt banned the uniforms, badges, 
and public appearances of the Catholic youth organization; Swabia 
followed suit, although the local Concordat of the previous 
February had guaranteed these things to the Catholics. The green 
shirts of the Young Catholics were also gradually forbidden a l l 
over Bavaria; as the Hitler Youth were given to tearing them off 
their wearers, prohibition became necessary "in the interests 

of order".3 In July 1935, came the decree forbidding a l l church 
youth groups completely from wearing uniforms or from conducting 
marches, hikes, or camping excursions, camping excursions, carry-
ing flags, and conducting military or sporting exercises through 

Arno KIBnne, Hitler.jugend: die Jugend und Ihre Organi-
sation im Dritten Reich. Hannover, Norddeutsche Verlagsanstalt, 
1955, p. l^s c hirach, op. c i t . . p. 39; but not to i t s Catholic member; 

3"Persecution". New Statesman and Nation, vol.7, June 
2, 1934, p. 837. 



the entire Reich. A law of December 1936 f i n a l l y compelled a l l 
youth to belong to the HJ. Yet i t appears that a l l young people 
did not wish to be organized, as the law announced; a special 
office of the Gestapo was formed in 1936 to crush i l l e g a l youth 
groups. By 1938 a l l Catholic groups, more intractable than the 
Protestants, were also incorporated into the Hitler Youth. Al-
though the meaning and scope of decrees was often l e f t uncertain, 
the series of piecemeal laws culminated in that of November 1939 
which gave the National Youth Leader unequivocal superiority 
in a l l youth matters over regional o f f i c i a l s in a l l state govern-
ments and federal commissioners in occupied t e r r i t o r i e s . 

Between 1930 and 1932 the Christian youth organizations 
had about one and one half "million membe-rs,rand the National 
Socialists, on the other hand, about forty thousand. But in the 
'twenties, German spiritual bankruptcy, despite large enrollment 
in the church organizations, had assumed the nature of a c r i s i s . 
Wilhelm NiemOller admits that a large part of the population, 
especially the youth, had lost contact with the church.1 Non-
Christian youth flocked happily to the Party, but so did the 
Christian young people, who, along with their leaders, misin-
terpreted the events of 1933, and were therefore helpless before 
the consequences. Of course,: they were tricked in that, at f i r s t , 
Hitler tried to minimize the radicalism of his young followers. 
Von Schirach wrote that they were carrying on the i d e a l i s t i c 
struggle of the Great War; "we are the s p i r i t of their s p i r i t . 

Wilhelm NiemOller, Kirchenkampf im Dritten Reich, 
p. 15. The Social Democrats had about 60,000 and the Communists 
about 5 0 , 0 0 0 . 



159 

The i d e a f o r w h i c h t h e y d i e d i s the m o t i v a t i o n o f our l i f e . 

T h e i r b a t t l e i s our f a t e . " 1 Lamed by t h e i r p a t r i o t i c p a s s i o n s , 

t h e L u t h e r a n y o u t h i n p a r t i c u l a r were ready t o r e c o g n i z e H i t l e r ' s 

c l a i m t o l e a d e r s h i p o f German y o u t h . T h i s c o n f u s i o n , w r i t e s 

D i e t e r F r e i h e r r von L e r s n e r , was c h a r a c t e r i s t i c , not o n l y o f t h e 
2 

y o u t h , but o f c hurch c i r c l e s i n g e n e r a l . 
B e l i e v i n g i n t h e new g o a l s s e t f o r y o u t h , b o t h c h u r c h e s 

s u p p o r t e d t h e r e n a i s s a n c e . Even t h e C a t h o l i c groups r e a c t e d t h i s 
way. W i t h i n t h e e n c y c l i c a l , M i t brennender Sorge. t h e r e i s a t r a c e 

o f t h e a t t i t u d e w h i c h made t h e N a z i s " p l a n s s u c c e s s f u l ; 

I f t h e s t a t e o r g a n i z e s a n a t i o n a l y o u t h , and makes 
t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n o b l i g a t o r y t o a l l , t h e n , w i t h o u t 
p r e j u d i c e t o the r i g h t s o f r e l i g i o u s a s s o c i a t i o n s , 
i t i s t h e a b s o l u t e r i g h t o f y o u t h s as w e l l as o f 
p a r e n t s t o see t o i t t h a t t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n i s 
purged o f a l l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s h o s t i l e t o t h e Church 
and C h r i s t i a n i t y . 3 

The l e a d e r o f t h e C a t h o l i c Young Men's A s s o c i a t i o n announced t o 

von S c h i r a c h on May 21, 1933, "we g r e e t t h e R e i c h Youth Leader 

and d e c l a r e our r e a d i n e s s t o work t o g e t h e r w i t h him i n t h e b e s t 

o f o u r a b i l i t y f o r t h e s t r e n g t h e n i n g o f German y o u t h . T h e y 

were r e a d y t o work w i t h t h e new s t a t e . 

Thus, t h e sheep hoped t h a t t h e y c o u l d not o n l y c a p t u r e 

the w o l v e s but a l s o m a i n t a i n t h e i r independence and r i g h t s i n 

d o i n g s o . I n t h i s way, t h e y compromised t h e i r p o s i t i o n and 

r e n d e r e d t h e i r members s u s c e p t i b l e t o an even g r e a t e r e x t e n t 

t o N a z i propaganda. Even a f t e r t h e y had been banned, E v a n g e l i c a l 

von S c h i r a c h , op. c i t . , p. 47. 
2 D i e t e r F r e i h e r r von L e r s n e r , D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e n Jugend- 

verb&nde Wurttembergs und d i e H i t l e r j u g e n d 1933-34. G S t t i n g e n , 
Vandenhoek und Rupprecht, 1958, p r e f a c e . 

3Quoted i n F r e m a n t l e , op. c i t . , p. 253. 
^Quoted i n H e i n r i c h Roth. K a T h o l i s c h e Jugend i n d e r NS- 

Z e i t , u n t e r b e s o n d e r e r Be r a c k s i c h t l g u r r g ^ " des K a t h o l i s c h e n Jung- 
mgnnerverbandes. D f l s s e l d o r f . A l t e n b u r g . 1959. p. 59~l 



160 

groups marched through the streets, carrying the swastika f l a g . 1 

They believed? that the goals of the Hitler Youth were national, 
not spiritual, and that the conflict that existed was patriotic 
and not religious. Needless to say, the UJ_ leaders often sought 
to further the misconception, while continually pursuing their 
own ends. In 1934, the o f f i c i a l gazette of the Hitler Youth an-
nounced that their members were allowed to attend in uniform 
services of the Evangelical, Free, and Old Catholic Churches; 
the omission of the Catholic Church is significant, but even more 
significant i s the result. At this time, there seemed to be 
something wrong with a youth who clung to his narrow confessional 
loyalty, when he saw other youths who were both patriotic, having 
joined the Hitler Youth, and pious, attending church regularly. 

The leader of the Hitler Youth in Wtlrttemberg-West summed up this 
idea of "positive Christianity"; 

We are condemned in the older Christian circles 
as godless, perhaps because we do not carry the 
cross on our flags and aren't always babbling 
b i b l i c a l texts. We carry these things in our hearts, 
we are Christians, and the cross belongs as l i t t l e 
on flags as the church does in politics and the 
p o l i t i c a l l i f e of the young.2 

The now familiar accusation levelled at the Catholic Church is 
paralleled by the also familiar attitude of deceptive conciliation 

3 
towards the Lutherans. In 1934, after the Evangelical Youth 

Lersner, op. c i t . . pp. 24-25. 
2 Ibid., p. 32. 
^An a r t i c l e in the Hitler Youth journal "Will and Power", 

November 1935, accused the former members of the Btlndische Jugend 
of having communist sympathies and the members of the Catholic 
groups of welcoming such fellow members. 



161 
had been a b s o r b e d i n t o t h e H i t l e r Youth, von S c h i r a c h c o m p l i e d 

w i t h t h e r e q u e s t o f P r o t e s t a n t l e a d e r s t o a l l o w t h e e v a n g e l i c a l 

members two f r e e a f t e r n o o n s a week f o r r e l i g i o u s i n s t r u c t i o n . 

The P a r t y was a b l e t o appear t h e e x e c u t o r o f p r a i s e w o r t h y 

t r e n d s . The " S t r e n g t h t h r o u g h J o y " p a r t o f the H i t l e r Youth 

owned much t o the h a l f - m i l i t a r y work camps founded by t h e F r e e 

Corps l e a d e r s s u c h as Gerhard Rossbach. F o r n o n - C h r i s t i a n young 

p e o p l e , t h e N a z i move seemed a d m i r a b l e , and C a t h o l i c s may have 

remembered t h a t M a t t h i a s E r z b e r g e r o f t h e C e n t r e P a r t y had p r o -

posed a c o m p u l s o r y work s e r v i c e f o r young a d u l t s . 1 Among o t h e r 

f a c t o r s , t h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l d e v i c e s o f the Young German League 

c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e H i t l e r Youth. 

The a n t i - C h r i s t i a n bent o f t h e N a z i youth was m a n i f e s t 

v e r y soon; i n 1935, f o r example, a group o f H i t l e r y o u t h s demon-

s t r a t e d i n Hamm a g a i n s t t h e A r c h b i s h o p o f Paderborn. T h i s a c t i o n , 

l i m e many o t h e r s , was c a r e f u l l y p l a n n e d and e x e c u t e d w i t h m i l i t a r y 
2 

p r e c i s i o n . N e e d l e s s t o s a y , t h e H i t l e r Youth l e a d e r s , p a r t i c u -

l a r l y a f t e r 1936, d i d e v e r y t h i n g t h e y c o u l d t o h i n d e r p a r t i c i -

p a t i o n o f t h e i r charges i n c h u r c h s e r v i c e s and p r o c e s s i o n s . They 

i n s t r u c t e d c h i l d r e n i n how t o d i s t u r b r e l i g i o u s t e a c h i n g i n t h e 

s c h o o l s and d e v e l o p e d an i n t e r e s t i n g approach t o p a r e n t a l i n -

f l u e n c e : "persons i n a u t h o r i t y " were t o be p l a c e d b e f o r e t h e 

c h i l d r e n as good examples " a g a i n s t t h e p a r e n t s i n o r d e r t o 

b a l a n c e t h e i n f l u e n c e o f o u r opponents.-* I n 1938, von S c h i r a c h 

o r d e r e d t h a t t o b e l o n g t o a H i t l e r Youth Leader Corps one had t o 

l e a v e t h e c h u r c h . 

1 K l a u s E p s t e i n , M a t t h i a s E r z b e r g e r and t h e Dilemma o f 
German Democracy. P r i n c e t o n , 1959, p. 378. 

2 
N e u h S u s l e r , op. c i t . , pp. 35-36, and H o f e r , o p . c i t . , 

pp. 134-135. 
3 
^ N e u h S u s l e r , op. c i t . , p. 107. 



1 6 2 

These attempts to mold young people's thinking into 

less Christian and more Nazi paths were thoroughgoing but never 

completely successful. Even a f t e r 1 9 3 6 , i t did not r e a l l y matter 

i f the young possessed Christian b e l i e f s or were a t h e i s t i c or 

"pagan" as long as they accepted the paramount s i g n i f i c a n c e of 

the Third Reich i n t h e i r d a i l y , outward l i v e s . And many d i d so, 

some f o r non-patriotic reasons or i n the s p i r i t of compromise 

and "positive C h r i s t i a n i t y " both the Nazi leaders and the Church 

favoured. Often career opportunities were, f o r those who accepted 

Nazi leadership, more important motives than genuine enthusiasm. 

As a r e s u l t of a law of March 2 2 , 1 9 3 4 , which decreed that young 

people who did not belong to the H i t l e r Youth could not enter 

the Labour Front, many saw t h e i r future careers endangered. Von 

Schirach's description of the Catholic y o u t h — " i t i s t h e i r jobs 

they are concerned about, not r e l i g i o n " — c o u l d apply equally well 

to some of his own followers. 1 "Positive C h r i s t i a n i t y " , accepted 

by Christians, and pragmatic realism on the part of the Nazis, 

assured the H i t l e r Youth of considerable success i n the church-

state c o n f l i c t . . 

The youth problem shows c l e a r l y how H i t l e r and h i s e l i t e , 

i n t h e i r drive f o r power, used every idea or group at hand; we 

have described t h i s aspect of the Party i n terms of pragmatism, 

cynicism, and n i h i l i s m . This amoral willingness to compromise 

even with t h e i r enemies p a r t i a l l y explains why the Party rose 

i n ten years from a mere band of agitators to become the state 

Quoted i n Persecution of the Catholic Church i n the  
Third Reich. Facts and Documents translated from the German. 
London, Burns.'and Oates, 1 9 4 0 , p. 9 4 • 



163. 
i t s e l f - But i t was a l s o , a l t h o u g h perhaps o n l y t e m p o r a r i l y , 

a h a n d i c a p . Sooner o r l a t e r , t h e y would have had t o throw down 

t h e g a u n t l e t and c h a l l e n g e not m e r e l y t h e Church but t h e C h r i s t i a n 

c i t i z e n s o f Germany. By 1939 t h e y had not y e t done t h i s . A l t h o u g h 

the c o n t i n u i n g s u p p o r t o f C h r i s t i a n s was advantageous d u r i n g 

t h e war, H i t l e r never managed t o d e a l w i t h the churches as he 

w i s h e d . 



164 

CHAPTER 6 

Summary and Conclusions 

This discussion began with a review of institutional 
Christianity in Germany: s t i l l healthy financially and s t i l l 
commanding at least the respect of much of the older generation, 
i t nevertheless lacked vigour after the Great War. While Nazism 
had economic and p o l i t i c a l roots as well, various aspects of the 
German spiritual c r i s i s , including this Christian weakness, 
contributed fundamentally to the strength of the Nazi movement. 
The mistakes of the Christians, particularly the Lutherans, 
can be partially understood in light of the novelty and cunning 
of the Nazi approach. Nazism, although ostensibly concerned 
only with p o l i t i c a l l i f e , could and consciously did provide 
solance for the spiritual problems of the masses at the same time 
as i t revived the patriotic piety of Christians. Because i t 
appealed to patriotic as well as spiritual needs, many Christians 
accepted i t s advent, often with deadly passivity, but sometimes 
with enthusiasm. The Lutheran attitude to worldly power and the 
too diplomatic approach of the Catholics helped the Party; 
we understand the Christian view that freedom to administer sac-
raments v i t a l for salvation j u s t i f i e s concessions to tyrannical 



165 
governments, but the naivete of Christians and their patriotic 
weaknesses were exploited by Hitler. While Christians might, 
through their traditional faith, be immune to the effects of l i f e 
in a mass industrial society, those who had drifted away from 
Christianity, particularly the workers, found the Nazi " f a i t h " 
appealing. Therefore, Hitler's Weltanschauung was, for Christians, 

a sanctification of their patriotism, and, for the non-Christian 
masses, a faith. 

"Hitler himself created a large part of the sickness 
1 

he was expected to cure," wrote Golo Mann. With deceptive 
promises that he would give German lives more meaning, Hitler 
stimulated hopes of Christians and freethinkers alike; mean-
while he furthered their atomization in a totalitarian state. 
Because groups such as the family, the parish, the school—as 
well as others in plants, offices, or shops—were deliberately 
broken down, Germans were faced with an intensification of their 
original problem. The natural structure of society, which, des-
pite the pre-Nazi dislocation, s t i l l existed in Germany, was 
dissolved by the new leaders, who attempted to replace i t by an 
abstract "people's community". This led only to further deper-
sonalization of human relations and to the isolation of human 
beings from each other. It was, of course, what Hitler needed 
in order to remain in power. The Weltanschauung triumphed because 

i t appealed to the prejudices and frustrated longings of many 

Golo Mann, Deutsche Geschichte 1919-1945. Frankfurt, 
Fischer, 1962, p. 78. 



1.66 

Germans, including Christians; "the ideological mish-mash of 
National Socialism," according to Harry Pross, "was successful 
precisely because i t obscured every clarity and had something 

1 
for everyone." This is why Camus correctly describes the Hit-

2 

lerian state as the expression of a n i h i l i s t revolution. 
Alex Inkeles believes that for the totalitarian state, 

the element of human friendship is important only insofar as 
"comrades" join forces in carrying out the greater task of a l l , 
and personal emotion, particularly depression, i s frowned upon 
because a l l emotional energy must be turned to the ends of the 
Cause.J The most characteristic trend in Nazi Germany was this 
destruction of human relationships, paralleled by the develop-
ment of a monolithic state witlr totalitarian claims and pseudo-
religious trappings. Although the Nazi leaders claimed to sup-
port, for example, the family as the core of society, they 
actually weakened i t . In order to win and maintain a sufficient 
following, they had to break down existing group t i e s , and since 
they demanded a fanatical devotion from their followers, they 
saw in these personal ties of blood or friendship a diminution 
of their own corporate cohesion.^" Nazi Germany has been des-
cribed as a regression to t r i b a l intimacy on a national scale, 
but in reality i t represents the destruction of a l l groups, 
of a l l support to the individual psyche in a secular industrial 
mass society. 

1 Harry Pross, Vor und Nach Hitler. Freiburg, Walter, 
1962, p. 173. 

2Camus, The Rebel, p. 18*5. See also Cassirer, Myth  
of the State, passim. 

~See Carl J. Friedrich, ed., Totalitarianism, Cambridge, 
Harvard, 1953, p. 101. See also Pross, op. c i t . , p. 192. 

^Hoffer, op. c i t . . p. 115. 



Those who had hoped to find in National Socialism a 
bulwark in an impersonal, irreligious world, and those who isought, 
in patriotic collaboration with i t , a renewal of national Chris-
tian faith, were deceived and found themselves in an even more 
brutal, spiritually dead community, approximating the nightmares 
of Orwell and Huxley. "At the roots of the Nazi organizations," 

1 
writes Hans-Jochen Gamm, "there was no community Of feeling." 

Although the program was declared in 1 9 2 6 to be un-
changeable, i t was o f f i c i a l l y explained that this applied only 
to the fundamental principles, and not to the methods by which 
the l a t t e r were to be put into practice. Indeed, Goebbels re-
marked that, i f he were starting anew, he would have no pro-

2 
gram at a l l . The Weltanschauung was not exactly a "retrospec-

3 

tive philosophical justification" as Stephen H. Roberts claims, 
but this phrase suggests well the pragmatic attitude that often 
characterized the actions of the e l i t e . Their aim was to eradi-
cate Christianity, but the vigour with which this goal was 
pursued depended on the fortunes, diplomatic and internal, of 
the moment. At times, sympathy with Christianity was publicly 
professed; later, h o s t i l i t y to the churches was openly implied. 
In private, of course, Hitler, Bormann, and Goebbels sneered at 
the churches. But the ideological trappings of the Party were 
just as cynically viewed by the leaders. The "superficial 

Gamm, op. c i t . , p. 91. 
2 Q u o t e d in Roberts, op. c i t . . p. 4 5 * 
3 L O C . c i t . 



eclecticism" of the doctrine was intended only as a facade 
for the masses, and the technique set forth in Mein Kampf, that 
of using a l l forces from wherever they might come, was, along 
with anti-Semitism, the only enduring characteristic of the 
Nazi Weltanschauung. Pross suggests that, " i t was as i f , i n 
these times when philosophy has ceased producing closed systems, 
the German social-religion would produce a closed system with-

i 
out any content." 

Ironically, this very pragmatism weakened the Nazi 

drive. Hitler could not eliminate Christianity because, to a 
certain extent, he depended on i t and he never emancipated him-
self from that part of his propaganda which preached unity of 
w i l l with Christians. Had the Nazi movement been successful 
in implanting i t s ideology in German minds, defeat in war would 
not have destroyed the new "faith". But the fact that so many 
Germans today find i t easy to forget Nazism i s proof that the 
Nazi "religion" i s dead. 

But did i t ever live? In i t s most v i t a l aspect, train-
ing the young, the Nazi success was ambivalent; while i t brought 
them material prosperity and national pride, i t f a i l e d to pro-
vide a substitute for Christianity and failed to counteract 
the influence of Communism. It is even claimed that the Party 

2 

stimulated what i t feared most: "the true s p i r i t of Luther." 
Under the strain of battle, the " f a i t h " of Nazi soldiers van-
ished and the number of communicants in the army during the 

3 

war increased considerably. In the c i v i l i a n world, many of 

1Pross, op. c i t . , p. 101. . 
2Fabian von Schlabrendorff, Offiziere gegen Hitler. 

Frankfurt, Fischer, 1962, p. 69. 3See Perau, op. c i t . , passim. 



169 

t h e r e s i s t a n c e groups c o n t a i n e d young p e o p l e not y e t out o f 
1 

t h e i r t e e n s ; some were n o t C h r i s t i a n s , but n e i t h e r were t h e y 

Nazis—somehow, t h e Weltanschauung had l o s t them. And what a r e 

we t o c o n c l u d e from t h e f a c t t h a t o f t h e n i n e Bormann c h i l d r e n , 

r a i s e d b y f a n a t i c a l l y a n t i - C h r i s t i a n p a r e n t s , seven ( i n 1954) 

had become C a t h o l i c s , and one, H i t l e r ' s own "godson", was 
2 

t r a i n i n g t o become a p r i e s t ? The N a z i l e a d e r s c o l l a b o r a t e d 

w i t h t h e C h r i s t i a n s and, a l w a y s f o r c e d t o proceed s l o w e r w i t h 

t h e i r p l a n s t h a n t h e y would have w i s h e d , were never a b l e t o 

f r e e t h e m s e l v e s from t h i s i n v o l v e m e n t . Thus, j u s t as t h e C h r i s -

t i a n s s u f f e r e d from the e f f o r t s t o compromise w i t h a h e r e s y , 

so d i d the N a z i s . 

Two problems a r i s e , problems w h i c h may not have s o l -

u t i o n s . N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m was a c c e p t e d w i t h r e l i g i o u s f e r v o u r 

by many Germans...or so i t seems. But how many were a c t u a l l y 

c o n v i n c e d by t h e Weltanschauung? The f a c t t h a t the o n l y N a z i s 

i n Germany t o d a y a r e l o n e l y c r a n k s l e a d s t o t h e s u g g e s t i o n 

t h a t t h e German " m a n - i n - t h e - s t r e e t " — t h e C h r i s t i a n — m u s t have 

had two m e n t a l compartments, one f o r Nazism, one f o r C h r i s t i -

a n i t y . T h i s s i t u a t i o n corresponds t o what the N a z i s c l a i m e d 

t o s u p p o r t b e f o r e 1937, b u t , w h i l e i t must have become h a r d e r 

and h a r d e r t o l i v e l i k e t h i s , many d i d so u n t i l 1945, when t h e 

N a z i compartment was thrown o u t . I s i t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e s m a l l 

man t o b e l i e v e i n any permanent d o c t r i n e i n t h e t w e n t i e t h 

KlOnne, op. c i t . , p. 94, and R o t h f e l s , op. c i t . , p. 15. 
2 M a r t i n Bormann, L e t t e r s , ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, t r a n s . 

G.H.Stevens, London, W e i d e n f e l d and N i c o l s o n , 1954, p. x v i i . 
Joseph Goebbels had a l l h i s c h i l d r e n b a p t i z e d ! 



170 

c e n t u r y ? The N a z i e f f o r t t o d e - s e c u l a r i z e German s o c i e t y , t o 

r e v i v e a k i n d o f r e l i g i o n , r e l a t e d t o , but more f a n a t i c a l t h a n 

K u l t u r - r e l i g i o n , f a i l e d and may have been bound t o f a i l . The 

E n l i g h t e n m e n t and, among o t h e r elements, t h e p o s i t i v i s t i c o u t l o o k , 

may have weakened the n o n - C h r i s t i a n ' s c a p a c i t y t o have a l a s t i n g 

f a i t h o f any s o r t . Were the masses, i n f l u e n c e d by m a t e r i a l i s m , 

A European development, and by t h e p e c u l i a r r e v e r e n c e f o r power 
1 

i n German p o l i t i c s , as c y n i c a l as t h e i r m a s t e r s ? The second 

problem, how Nazism f i t s i n t o t h e European s i t u a t i o n , s u g g e s t s 

answers t o t h e s e q u e s t i o n s . I n R u s s i a , t h e new " r e l i g i o n " had 

no t i e s w i t h t h e C z a r i s t p a s t and d i d not have t o combat an 

i n t e r n a t i o n a l c o u n t e r - c h u r c h ; moreover, i t a c c e p t e d s e c u l a r i z -

a t i o n and m a t e r i a l i s m as p a r t o f i t s d o c t r i n e , and was n e v e r 

concerned t o appear r e s p e c t a b l e . The C h r i s t i a n Church s t i l l 

e x i s t s i n R u s s i a but a K u l t u r k a m p f n e v e r seems t o have weakened 

t h e Communists as i t d i d . t h e N a z i s . I n Germany, t h e r e was no 

r e v o l u t i o n ; t h e p a s t was not c o m p l e t e l y disavowed, but i n t h e 

form o f i d e a s and men was p a r t o f Nazism. I n t h i s way, H i t l e r 

was a p u r e l y German phenomenon. But t h e s p i r i t u a l homelessness 

o f t h e masses who a c c e p t e d b o t h Nazism and Communism i s s t i l l 

a problem f o r Europe and i s g r o w i n g i n t h e " d e v e l o p i n g " c o u n t r i e s . 

The N a z i s o l u t i o n d i d not work, but t h e Communist one a p p a r e n t l y 

does. 

See Meinecke, op. c i t . , on "mass M a c h i a v e l l i s m " . 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 
171 

C o l l e c t i o n s o f Documents: 

The f o l l o w i n g a r e c o l l e c t i o n s t h a t were most u s e f u l 
f o r t h e t h e s i s ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , t h e r e i s no good post-war c o l -
l e c t i o n i n E n g l i s h . 

Dokumente aus dem Kampf der K a t h o l i s c h e n K i r c h e im B i s t u m B e r l i n  
gegen den N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . B e r l i n , Morus, 1946. 
T h i s i s a s h o r t c o l l e c t i o n o f C a t h o l i c c h u r c h documents 
from t h e d i o c e s e o f B e r l i n . 

Hermel i n k , H e i n r i c h , ed., K i r c h e Im Kampf. Dokumente des Wider- 
s t a n d s und des Aufbaus i n d e r e v a n g e l i s c h e n K i r c h e D e u t s c h -
l a n d s . von 1933 b i s 1945. T t l b i n g e n , W u n d e r l i c h , 1950. 
H e r m e l i n k ' s c o l l e c t i o n i s perhaps t h e most r e l i a b l e f o r 
t h e P r o t e s t a n t problem. 

H o f e r , W a l t h e r , ed. Der N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . Dokumente 1933-45. 
F r a n k f u r t am M a i n , F i s c h e r , 1961. 
T h i s book i s the most u s e f u l s h o r t c o l l e c t i o n on N a t i o n a l 
S o c i a l i s m . 

K i n k e l , W a l t e r , ed. K i r c h e und N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . I h r e Ause- 
i n a n d e r s e t z u n g z w i s c h e n 1925 and 1945 i n Dokumenten d a r g e -
s t e l l t . D t l s s e l d o r f , Patmos, I960. 
K i n k e l p r e s e n t s t h e b e s t r e v i e w o f C a t h o l i c documents f o r 
t h e e n t i r e p e r i o d . 

M t l l l e r , Hans, ed. K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e und N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . 
Dokumente 1930-35. Mtlnchen. Nymphenburger V e r l a g s h a n d l u n g . 
T h i s e d i t o r i m p l i e s t h a t t h e C a t h o l i c Church was slow t o 
r e a l i z e i t s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y i n r e s i s t i n g the T h i r d R e i c h 
i t s e l f , r a t h e r t h a n m e r e l y a s p e c t s o f i t . 

Neuha*usler, Johann. Kreuz und Hakenkreuz. Der Kampf des N a t i o n a l -
s o z i a l i s m u s gegen d i e k a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e undcder k i r c h l i c h e  
W i d e r s t a n d . E r s t e r und Z w e i t e r T e i l . Mtlnchen, K a t h o l i s c h e 
K i r c h e B a y e r n s , 1946. 
The N e u h f l u s l e r volume would appear t o be a complete o u t -
l i n e o f t h e a t t a c k on C a t h o l i c i s m , b u t can be c r i t i c i z e d 
f o r i t s l a c k o f f o o t n o t e s o r b i b l i o g r a p h y ; Gordon Zahn 
p o i n t s out t h a t t h e t e x t o f s e v e r a l documents has been 
a l t e r e d by o m i s s i o n s w i t h o u t i n d i c a t i o n o f d e l e t i o n and 
i n some i n s t a n c e s by changes i n w o r d i n g , (op. c i t . , p. 19.) 
I s t h i s an a t t e m p t t o s u p p r e s s e m b a r r a s s i n g i n s t a n c e s o f 
compromise on t h e p a r t o f C a t h o l i c l e a d e r s ? 

P e r s e c u t i o n o f t h e C a t h o l i c Church i n t h e T h i r d R e i c h . F a c t s and  
Documents t r a n s l a t e d from t n e German. London, Burns and 
Oates, 1940. 
As i n t h e above c o l l e c t i o n , t h e e d i t o r here i n t e r s p e r s e s 



172 

comments w i t h i n t h e t e x t o f documents, which a r e t h e m s e l v e s 
o f t e n I n c o m p l e t e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , t h e book i s i l l u s t r a t e d and 
w i l l be o f i n t e r e s t t o E n g l i s h r e a d e r s . 

P o l i a k o v , Leon, and Wulf, J o s e f , eds. Das D r i t t e R e i c h und s e i n e  
Denker. Dokumente. 
T h i s i s a f a s c i n a t i n g c o l l e c t i o n o f i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t -
u a l commentaries on Nazism; i t i s l a r g e , c o n t a i n s u s e f u l 
b i o g r a p h i c a l m a t e r i a l , and i s c l e a r l y s e t o u t . 

The f o l l o w i n g a r e o f l e s s e r i n t e r e s t , but were a l s o u s e f u l . 

C o r s t e n , W i l h e l m , ed., K B l n e r AktenstCLcke. Zur Lage d e r k a t h o l - 
i s c h e n K i r c h e i n D e u t s c h l a n d . 1933-45* K f l l n . Bachem. 1949. 

K l i n g l e r , F r i t z , ed. Dokumente zum Abwehrkampf d e r d e u t s c h e n 
e v a n g e l i s c h e n P f a r r e r s c h a f t gegen V e r f o l g u n g und Bedrflck- 
ung. 1933-45. Ntlrnberg. Mendelssohn. 1946. 

P r o s s , H a r r y , ed. D i e Z e r s t B r u n g d e r deutschen P o l i t i k . Dokumente  
1871-1933. F r a n k f u r t am Main, F i s c h e r , 1961. 

Roth, H e i n r i c h , ed. K a t h o l i s c h e Jugend i n d e r N S - Z e i t ; u n t e r  
b e s o n d e r e r B e r t i c k s i c h t i g u n g des k a t h o l i s c h e n Jungmflnner-
verbandes. P a t e n und Dokumente. D U s s e l d o r f , A l t e n b e r g , 1959. 

The N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s : 

Bergmann, E r n s t . P i e deutsche N a t i o n a l k i r c h e . B r e s l a u , H i r t , 
1934. 
T h i s p s e u d o - p h i l o s o p h e r was one o f t h e s o u r c e s from which 
H i t l e r drew h i s i d e a s ; f o r Bergmann, as f o r Rosenberg, 
C h r i s t i a n i t y , p a r t i c u l a r l y C a t h o l i c i s m , was a f o r e i g n 
r e l i g i o n . 

Bormann, M a r t i n . L e t t e r s . The P r i v a t e Correspondence between 
M a r t i n Bormann and h i s W i f e from J a n u a r y 1943 t o A p r i l 1945. 
ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, t r a n s . R.H.Stevens, London, Weiden-
f e l d and N i c o l s o n , 1954. 
These l e t t e r s a r e e s s e n t i a l f o r an u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a 
b i t t e r l y a n t i - C h r i s t i a n N a z i m e n t a l i t y and f o r a v i e w i n t o 
t h e i n n e r sanctum o f t h e N a z i e l i t e . 

P e u t s c h e r F f l h r e r l e x i k o n 1934-35. B e r l i n , S t o l l b e r g , 1935. 
I n t h e L e x i c o n , t h e names and p i c t u r e s o f t h e men e l i m -
i n a t e d i n June, 1934, have been l i f t e d f r o m t h e forms o r 
p a s t e d over w i t h s t r i p s of paper, i n w h i c h case t h e i r 
names a r e v i s i b l e when t h e page i s h e l d up t o a s t r o n g 
l i g h t ! 



173 

Germany Speaks. London, T h o r n t o n B u t t e r w o r t h , 1938. 
T h i s i s a s e m i - o f f i c i a l a p o l o g y f o r t h e N a z i s t a t e , p r o p a -
ganda f o r B r i t i s h consumption. 

Goebbels, J o s e p h . D i a r i e s 1942-43. ed. t r a n s . L o u i s B. L o c h n e r , 
New Y o r k , Doubleday, 1948. 
T h i s book, as t h e Bormann one, i s v e r y u s e f u l , a l t h o u g h 
i t c o n t a i n s l e s s t h a n one would w i s h on t h e c h u r c h problem. 
I c o n s u l t e d s e v e r a l volumes o f Goebbel's speeches (see 
t h e f o o t n o t e s ) but I have not i n c l u d e d them h e r e , s i n c e 
t h e y g i v e o n l y a g e n e r a l i d e a o f N a z i propaganda. 

H i t l e r , A d o l f . Mein Kampf. t r a n s . R a l p h Manheim, B o s t o n , Houghton 
M i f f l i n , 1943. 

S e c r e t C o n v e r s a t i o n s , ed. H.R.Trevor-Roper, 
New York, S i g n e t , 1961. 

Speeches, ed. Norman H. Baynes, London, O z f o r d , 
1942, v o l . 1. 
Testament o f A d o l f H i t l e r . The H i t l e r - B o r m a n n  
Documents. F e b r u a r y - A p r i l 1945. ed. F r a n c o i s 
Genoud, t r a n s . R.H.Stevens, London, C a s s e l l , 
1961. 
Z w e i t e s Buch. E i n Dokument aus dem J a h r e 1928. 
S t u t t g a r t , Deutsche V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , 1961. 

These books, a l o n g w i t h t h e Rauschning volume (see b e l o w ) , 
o f f e r a good o u t l i n e o f H i t l e r ' s i d e a s , e s p e c i a l l y s i n c e 
the d i f f e r e n c e between h i s p r i v a t e and p u b l i c u t t e r a n c e s . 

K r i e c k , E r n e s t . N a t i o n a l p o l i t i s c h e E r z i e h u n g . L e i p z i g , Armanen, 
1934. 
T h i s pedagogue, p r o b a b l y a s i n c e r e man, f a s c i n a t e d by 
P l a t o ' s e l i t e i d e a , was v e r y u s e f u l t o H i t l e r and t h o s e 
who sought t o " c o - o r d i n a t e " German e d u c a t i o n . 

Ludecke, K u r t G.W. I Knew H i t l e r . The S t o r y o f a N a z i who escaped  
t h e B l o o d Purge. London. J a r r o l d s . 1938. 
T h i s i s t h e a u t o b i o g r a p h y o f a man who came c l o s e t o the 
N a z i e l i t e ; much o f t h e m a t e r i a l i s i r r e l e v a n t and t e d i o u s , 
and i t s v e r a c i t y may be doubted, but i t o f f e r s an e x c e l l e n t 
example o f the k i n d o f p e r s o n who j o i n e d t h e movement. 

Rauschning, Hermann. H i t l e r Speaks. A S e r i e s o f P o l i t i c a l Con-
v e r s a t i o n s w i t h A d o l f H i t l e r on h i s R e a l Aims. London, 
T h o r n t o n B u t t e r w o r t h , 1939. 
R a u s c h n i n g , former N a z i p r e s i d e n t o f t h e Senate o f t h e 
Free C i t y o f D a n z i g , would seem t o be a r e l i a b l e s o u r c e , 
i n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t he wrote much from memory and 
must s u r e l y have p a r a p h r a s e d some of H i t l e r ' s comments. 



1 7 4 

Rosenberg, A l f r e d . An d i e Punkelma*nner u n s e r e r Z e i t . E i n e Antwort  
a u f d i e A n g r i f f e gegen den Mvthus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . 
Mtlnchen, Hoheneichen, 1 9 3 5 . 

B l u t und E h r e . Mtlnchen, Eher, 1 9 4 3 . 

Mythus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . Mtlnchen, Hohen-
e i c h e n , 1 9 3 4 . 

P o l i t i s c h e s Tagebuch. ed. Gtlnther Seraphim, 
G 8 t t i n g e n , M u s t e r s c h m i d t , 1 9 5 6 . 

P r o t e s t a n t i s c h e R o m p i l g e r . P e r V e r r a t an  
L u t h e r und d e r Mvthus des 20. J a h r h u n d e r t s . 
Mtlnchen, Hoheneichen, 1 9 3 7 . 

A f t e r p r o d u c i n g h i s magnum opus i n 1 9 3 4 , Rosenberg defended 
i t i n r e p e t i t i o u s and e q u a l l y u n o r i g i n a l e s s a y s , speeches, 
and pamphlets. The Mythus i s t h e most u s e f u l h e r e . 

S c h i r a c h , B a l d u r von. P i e H i t l e r . i u g e n d . Idee und G e s t a l t . B e r l i n , 
V e r l a g und V e r t r i e b s a n s t a l t , 1 9 3 4 . 

R e v o l u t i o n d e r E r z i e h u n g . Mtlnchen, Z e n t r a l -
v e r l a g der NSPAP, 1 9 3 8 . 

The R e i c h Youth L e a d e r , i n t h e s e speeches and e s s a y s , p r o -
v i d e s t h e b e s t o u t l i n e o f N a z i p l a n s f o r y o u t h . 

Schwarz, D i e t e r . P i e g r o s s e Ltlge des p o l i t i s c h e n K a t h o l i z i s m u s . 
Mtlnchen, Z e n t r a l v e r l a g d e r NSPAP, 1 9 3 8 . 
T h i s i s a t y p i c a l N a z i a n t i - C a t h o l i c pamphlet; p u b l i s h e d 
by t h e P a r t y i t s e l f , i t l e a v e s no doubt as t o t h e g o v e r n -
ment's p o s i t i o n . 

The N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e r M o n a t s h e f t ( 1 9 3 7 , v o l s . 8 2 - 8 3 ) 
was a l s o o f some use;- e d i t e d by Rosenberg, i t i s r e m a r k a b l y 
r e s t r a i n e d i n i t s approach t o t h e c h u r c h i s s u e . I t c o n t a i n s 
p a i n t i n g s and drawings o f i d e a l i z e d German l a n d s c a p e s , p e a s a n t s , 
i n d u s t r i a l s i t e s , and Autobahnen. 

The f o l l o w i n g a r e a l s o o f i n t e r e s t ; 

D i e d e u t s c h e C h r i s t e n . P i e Reden des R e i c h s b i s c h o f s und des 
R e i c h s l e i t e r s d e r P e u t s c h e C h r i s t e n P r . j u r . K i n d e r im 
B e r l i n e r S p o r t p a l a s t am 2 8 " . F e b r u a r 1 9 3 4 . B e r l i n , G e s e l l -
s c h a f t f t l r Z e i t u n g s d i e n s t , 1 9 3 4 . 

F e d e r , G o t t f r i e d , ed. Das Programm d e r NSPAP und s e i n e W e l t a n -
s c h a u l i c h e Grundgedanken. Mtlnchen, Eher, 1 9 3 3 . 

F r i c k , H e i n r i c h . P e u t s c h l a n d i n n e r h a l b d e r r e l i g i f l s e n W e l t l a g e 
B e r l i n , T8pelmann, 1 9 4 1 . 



Secondary S o u r c e s ; 
175 

There i s l i t t l e m a t e r i a l on t h e N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s ' 
approach t o t h e c h u r c h e s , and, a p a r t from t h e above N a z i 
s o u r c e s , I had t o c o n s u l t a wide v a r i e t y o f books. The f o l l o w -
i n g were u s e f u l a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f my r e s e a r c h ; 

D i e h n , O t t o . B i b l i o g r a p h i e z u r G e s c h i c h t e des K i r c h e n k a m p f e s . 
G B t t i n g e n , Vandennoek and Ruprecht, 1958. 

I n t e r n a t i o n a l B i b l i o g r a p h y o f t h e H i s t o r i c a l S c i e n c e s . Wash-
i n g t o n , I n t e r n a t i o n a l Committee o f H i s t o r i c a l S c i e n c e s , 
22 v o l s . 

I p a i d a s h o r t v i s i t t o t h e German E v a n g e l i c a l Church 
A r c h i v e s i n B i e l e f e l d , West Germany, b u t found l i t t l e t h e r e on 
the N a z i s i d e o f t h e c o n f l i c t ; t h e H i s t o r i c a l Seminar c o l l e c t i o n 
a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f Hamb u r g c o n t a i n e d some m a t e r i a l t h a t t h e 
UBC L i b r a r y does not y e t p o s s e s s . There a r e many a c c o u n t s o f 
t h e s t r u g g l e , w r i t t e n from t h e s t a n d p o i n t o f t h e c h u r c h , but 
t h e y a r e u s u a l l y concerned t o defend o r e x p l a i n t h e c h u r c h e s 1 
b e h a v i o u r , o r t o s i m p l y d e s c r i b e t h e p e r s e c u t i o n . 

The f o l l o w i n g s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s were p a r t i c u l a r l y u s e f u l 
or a r e o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t ; 

A r e n d t , Hannah. O r i g i n s o f T o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . New York, M e r i d i a n , 
1958. 
T h i s c o n s e r v a t i v e w r i t e r i s most i n t e r e s t i n g o f t h e b e h a v i -
our o f modern man i n mass s o c i e t y and on c y n i c a l p o l i t i c a l 
e l i t e s . She h o l d s t h a t modern t o t a l i t a r i a n i s m e x p l o d e s t h e 
premise o f t h e r e a s o n a b l e n a t u r e o f t h e masses on which 
t h e Western concept o f democracy i s founded. 

Baurngflrtel, F r i e d r i c h . Wider den Kirchenkampf-Legenden. Freimund, 
N e u e n d e t t e l s a u , 1959. 
A t h e o l o g i a n a t t a c k s the i d e a t h a t t h e C o n f e s s i o n a l Church 
r e c o g n i z e d from t h e f i r s t t h e N a z i danger t o C h r i s t i a n i t y ; 
he shows, f o r example, t h a t W i l h e l m N i e m B l l e r was, i n 1933 
a t l e a s t , an e n t h u s i a s t i c N a z i . 

B e c k e r , Howard. German Youth: Bond o r F r e e . New York, O x f o r d , 
1946. 
I n t h i s h i s t o r y o f t h e German y o u t h movements, t h e a u t h o r 
i n t r o d u c e s t h e u s e f u l " e c c l e s i a " i d e a , w h i c h l e d me t o 
c o n s i d e r t h e p s e u d o - r e l i g i o u s element i n Nazism; h i s book 
c o n t a i n s a good b i b l i o g r a p h y on the s u b j e c t as w e l l . There 
i s some u n f o r t u n a t e s o c i o l o g i c a l d o u b l e t a l k h e r e , but t h e 
book i s t h e b e s t account i n E n g l i s h on the youth move-
m e n t s ( a v a i l a b l e a t U.B.C. a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g ) . 



176 

Berdyaev, N i c o l a s . End o f Our Time* London, Sheed and Ward, 1 9 3 3 . 
Berdyaev, i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e l o n e l i n e s s o f modern man, 
s t r e s s e s t h a t o n l y a r e v i v a l o f C h r i s t i a n f a i t h w i l l 
r e g e n e r a t e t h e West, b u t he p r e d i c t s t h a t something 
l i k e Nazism c o u l d p e r v e r t t h i s r e v i v a l . 

B e r n i n g , W i l h e l m . K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e und d e u t s c h e s V o l k s t u m . 
Mtlnchen, C a l l w e y , 1 9 3 4 . 
T h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e C a t h o l i c approach t o Nazism gave 
me an i n s i g h t i n t o a view w h i c h approved o f t h e movement. 

Brennecke, F. ed. N a z i P r i m e r . New York, H a r p e r s , 1 9 3 8 . 
T h i s i s a good example o f the k i n d of t e x t b o o k s t h e P a r t y 
i n t r o d u c e d i n t o s c h o o l s . 

Buchheim, Hans. G l a u b e n s k r i s e im D r i t t e n R e i c h . D r e i K a p i t a l  
N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s t i s c h e r R e l i g i o n s p o l i t i k . S t u t t g a r t , 
Deutsche V e r l a g s a n s t a l t , 1 9 5 3 . 
Buchheim 1 s s t u d y o f t h e " c r i s i s o f f a i t h " o f f e r s a l u c i d 
s e c t i o n on t h e c o n f u s i n g F a i t h Movements as w e l l as a u s e -
f u l b i b l i o g r a p h y . 

B u l l o c k , A l a n . H i t l e r . A Study i n Tyranny. New York, Harper, 
1 9 5 3 . 
T h i s i s t h e b e s t post-war b i o g r a p h y o f t h e F t l h r e r . B u l l o c k 
b e l i e v e s , and I t h i n k r i g h t l y , t h a t t h e N a z i movement was 
r e a l l y b a r r e n o f i d e a s , t h a t i t s i d e o l o g y was f r a u d u l e n t , 
and t h a t H i t l e r was an o p p o r t u n i s t , whose o n l y g u i d i n g 
p r i n c i p l e was a w i l l t o power. 

Cochrane, A r t h u r C. The Church's C o n f e s s i o n Under H i t l e r . 
P h i l s d e l p h i a , W e s t m i n s t e r , 1 9 6 2 . 
F o r E n g l i s h r e a d e r s , t h i s i s p r o b a b l y t h e b e s t account o f 
t h e L u t h e r a n c h u r c h ' s a c t i v i t y i n the T h i r d R e i c h . 

F r i e d r i c h, C a r l J . ed. T o t a l i t a r i a n i s m . P r o c e e d i n g s o f a Con-
f e r e n c e h e l d a t t h e American Academy o f A r t s and S c i e n c e s . 
Cambridge, H a r v a r d , 1 9 5 3 . 
There a r e s e v e r a l i n t e r e s t i n g and u s e f u l e s s a y s i n t h i s 
volume, such as t h o s e by Waldemar G u r i a n , " T o t a l i t a r i a n -
i s m as P o l i t i c a l R e l i g i o n " , and by A l e x I n k e l e s , "The 
T o t a l i t a r i a n M y s t i q u e " . 

Fromm, E r i c h , Escape from Freedom. New York, F a r r a r and R i n e -
h a r t , 1 9 4 1 . 
Fromm's a l m o s t c l a s s i c p s y c h o l o g i c a l s t u d y s u g g e s t s t h a t 
the German m i d d l e c l a s s i s s a d o - m a s o c h i s t i c , an argument 
d i f f i c u l t t o prove h i s t o r i c a l l y ; I a l s o doubt i f he i n t e r -
p r e t s L u t h e r j u s t l y , but h i s i n s i g h t i n t o the German 
problem h e l p s t o b a l a n c e t h e p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s i s o f Arendt 
and the C h r i s t i a n view o f Berdyaev. 



Gamm, Hans-Jochen. Der braune Kult. Das dritte Reich und seine  
Ersatzreligion. Hamburg, Ratten and Loening. 1 9 6 2 . 
This book i s especially relevant to the thesis; unfortu-
nately, i t is only a description of Nazi "religiofication", 
and does not draw many wider conclusions. Several inter-
esting photographs and documents are reproduced. 

Groppe, Herbert. Das Reichskonkordat vom 20. J u l i 1 9 3 3 . K81n, 
Bachem, 1 9 5 6 . 
Groppe considers the concordat only in i t s legal aspect. 

Hayes, Carlton J.H. Nationalism: A Religion. New York, Macmillan, 
I960. 
This i s a rather pedestrian study, but offers a good re-
view of the phenomenon. 

Heiden, Konrad, Adolf Hitler. Eine Biographie. Zttrich, Europa, 
1 9 3 6 and 1 9 3 7 , 2 vols. 
Heiden's book i s s t i l l one of the best on Hitler. 

Kirkpatrick, Clifford. Nazi Germany: Its Women and Family L i f e . 
New York, Bobbs-Merrill, 1938. 
One of the few studies of this kind, Kirkpatrick's book 
offers insight into the effect of Nazi organization of 
those who were not actively p o l i t i c a l . 

KlOnne, Arno. Hitler.jugend: die Jugend und ihre Organisation im 
Dritten Reic h. Hannover, Norddeutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1 9 5 5 . 
This i s the best description of the Hitler Youth I found. 

Kneller, George Frederick. Educ ational Philosophy of National  
Socialism. New York, Yale, 1941. 
Kneller's book on Nazi educational principles- ( i f such 
they can be termed) offers an excellent review of the 
movement's pseudo-intellectuals and their beliefs; his 
bibliography was also useful. As yet there is no good 
post-war book on Nazi education. 

Kolnai, Aurel. War Against the West. London, Gollancz, 1933. 
This long and d i f f i c u l t volume i s rich in quotations from 
Nazi and proto-Nazi sources, but contains no analysis or 
interpretation of the meaning of a l l that i s reproduced. 
His criticism of Christianity i s rather far-fetched. 

Kupisch, Karl. Zwischen Idealismus und Massandemokratie. Eine  
Geschichte der evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland von  
1815-1945. Berlin, Lettner. 1953. 
This i s the best history of the Lutheran church available. 

L i t t e l l , F.H.German Phoenix, Men and Movements in the Church  
in Germany. New York, Doubleday. I960. 
L i t t e l l has drawn from existing historical material and 
has not produced an independent study; nevertheless, i t 
i s a good summary and i s useful for English readers. 



178 

M a c f a r l a n d , C h a r l e s S. New Church and t h e New Germany. A Study  
o f Church and S t a t e . New Y o r k , M a c m i l l a n , 1934. 

Means, P a u l B. Things t h a t a r e C a e s a r ' s ; t h e Genesis o f t h e 
German Church C o n f l i c t . New York, Round T a b l e , 1935. 

M i c k l e m , N a t h a n i e l . N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and C h r i s t i a n i t y . O x f o r d , 
C l a r e n d o n , 1939. 

N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m and t h e Roman C a t h o l i c  
Church. Londyi,Oxford, 1939. 

S e v e r a l books were w r i t t e n on t h e church c o n f l i c t a t t h e 
t i m e ; t h o s e c i t e d here by M a c f a r l a n d and Means s u f f e r from 
a l a c k o f " i n s i d e " knowledge and from r e a l f a c t u a l e r r o r s 
due t o f a u l t y r e s e a r c h . Micklem's two books, however, a r e 
more s c h o l a r l y , do not seem a s d a t e d , and a r e s t i l l u s e f u l . 
(The former two d e a l m a i n l y w i t h t h e P r o t e s t a n t church.) 

Neumann, F r a n z . Behemoth. S t r u c t u r e and P r a c t i c e o f N a t i o n a l  
S o c i a l i s m . T o r o n t o , O x f o r d , 1942. 
I n s p i t e o f the f a c t t h a t t h i s book i s a l s o a p r o d u c t o f 
t h e p e r i o d i t s e l f , and i n s p i t e o f a l e g a l i s t i c , M a r x i s t 
approach ( f a s c i s m i s equated w i t h a stage o f c a p i t a l i s m ) , 
"Behemoth" i s s t i l l a r e m a r k a b l y good s t u d y o f Nazism; 
Neumann o f f e r s some u s e f u l i d e a s on t h e p r a g m a t i c and 
n i h i l i s t i c n a t u r e o f t h e P a r t y . 

Neurohr, J e a n F. Mvthos vom D r i t t e n R e i c h . Zur G e i s t e s g e s c h i c h t e  
des N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . S t u t t g a r t , G o t t a , 1957. 
T h i s i s one o f t h e b e s t o f many a t t e m p t s t o t r a c e t h e 
i n t e l l e c t u a l and s p i r i t u a l r o o t s o f Nazism; Neurohr man-
ages t o a v o i d a c c u s i n g L u t h e r , Kant, o r Hegel o f a c t u a l l y 
c o n t r i b u t i n g t o N a z i s m — f o r t h i s p o i n t o f view, see W.M. 
McGovern's From L u t h e r t o H i t l e r (New York, Houghton 
M i f f l i n , n.aTn 

N i e k i s c h , E r n s t . Das R e i c h d e r n i e d e r e n DUmonen. Hamburg, 
Rowohlt. 1953. 
L i k e Neumann, N i e k i s c h g i v e s a M a r x i s t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f 
Nazism; f o r him, t o o , t h e i d e o l o g y was f r a u d u l e n t . 

N i e m B l l e r , W i l h e l m . D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e K i r c h e im D r i t t e n R e i c h . 
Handbuch des K i r c h e n k a m p f e s . B i e l e f e l d . Bechauf, 1956. 
The "Handbook" has been c r i t i c i s e d by BaumgSrtel (see 
above) f o r i g n o r i n g t h e c o m p l i c i t y o f even t h e C o n f e s s -
i o n a l churchmen i n s u p p o r t i n g t h e N a z i s ; h i s c r i t i c i s m 
would seem t o be j u s t , but N i e m O l l e r ' s book, and i t s s m a l l e r 
companion (Kirchenkampf im D r i t t e n R e i c h . B i e l e f e l d , 
Bechauf, 1946), a r e e s s e n t i a l t o u n d e r s t a n d i n g the m o t i v e s 
b e h i n d t h e B a r m e n a D e c l a r a t i o n . I have not i n c l u d e d here 
t h e v a r i o u s books, some o f them by W i l h e l m N i e m O l l e r , on 
t h e C o n f e s s i o n a l Church Synods, o r on t h e t h e o l o g i c a l 
i s s u e s a t s t a k e . 



179 

P e r a u , J o s e f . P r i e s t e r im Heere H i t l e r s . E r i n n e r u n g e n 1940-45. 
E s s e n , Ludgerus, 1963. 
T h i s book i s t h e d i a r y o f a C a t h o l i c p r i e s t i n t h e German 
army; i t was not e s p e c i a l l y u s e f u l i n the t h e s i s , but 
p r e s e n t s t h e C a t h o l i c o u t l o o f o w e l l . 

Samuel, R.H. and Thomas, R. H i n t o n . E d u c a t i o n and S o c i e t y i n  
Modern Germany. London, Routledge and Kegan P a u l , 1949. 
T h i s i s a v e r y u s e f u l book; the same a u t h o r s would do 
even b e t t e r t o r e v i e w t h e N a z i p e r i o d a l o n e . 

Zahn, Gordon C. German C a t h o l i c s and H i t l e r ' s Wars. A S t u d y  
i n S o c i a l C o n t r o l . New York. Sheed and Ward. 1962. 
A much needed s t u d y , t h i s book h e l p s t o c o r r e c t mis-
c o n c e p t i o n s about C a t h o l i c " r e s i s t a n c e " . 

The s e c o n d a r y s o u r c e s which f o l l o w were i n t e r e s t i n g but not 
as u s e f u l ; 

Brady, Rob e r t A. S p i r i t and S t r u c t u r e o f German F a s c i s m . 
London, G o l l a n c s , 1937. 

Carmer, C a r l . War A g a i n s t God. New York, H o l t , 1943. 

C a s s i r e r , E r n s t . Myth o f t h e S t a t e . New Haven, Y a l e , 1946. 

C h a k h o t i n , Serge. Rape o f t h e Masses, t r a n s . E.W.Dickes, 
London, R o u t l e d g e , 1940. 

Conrad, W a l t e r , Der Kampf urn d i e K a n z e l n . E r i n n e r u n g e n und  
Dokumente aus d e r H i t l e r z e i t . B e r l i n , TBpelmann, 1957. 

G a l l i n , Mother Mary A l i c e . German R e s i s t a n c e t o . . . H i t l e r :  
E t h i c a l and R e l i g i o u s F a c t o r s . Washington. C a t h o l i c 
U n i v e r s i t y o f A m e r i c a , 1961. 

G i l b e r t , G.M. P s y c h o l o g y o f D i c t a t o r s h i p . New York, R o n a l d , 1950. 

H a f k e s b r i n k , Hannah. Unknown Germany: An I n n e r C h r o n i c l e o f 
the F i r s t World War based on L e t t e r s and D i a r i e s . New 
Haven, Y a l e , 1948. 

H a r t s h o r n e , E.Y. German U n i v e r s i t i e s and N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m . 
London, A l l e n and Unwin, 1937. 

Herman, S t e w a r t W. Eure S e e l e n W o l l e n W i r . K i r c h e im U n t e r g r u n d . 
i n s deutsche t l b e r t r a g e n von W i l h e l m Gossmann, Mtlnchen, 
Neubau, 1951. 

K e l l e r m a n n , F r i t z . The E f f e c t of t h e World War on European 
E d u c a t i o n ; w i t h s p e c i a l a t t e n t i o n to Germany. Cambridge, 
H a r v a r d , 1928. 



1 8 0 

Kosok, P a u l . Modern Germany. A Study o f C o n f l i c t i n g L o y a l t i e s . 
C h i c a g o , 1 9 3 3 . 

K o t s c h n i g , W a l t e r M. S l a v e s Need No L e a d e r s . An Answer t o t h e  
F a s c i s t C h a l l e n g e t o E d u c a t i o n . London, O x f o r d , 1 9 4 3 . 

L e r s n e r , D i e t e r F r h r . von. D i e e v a n g e l i s c h e n Jugendverbande  
Wttrttembergs und d i e H i t l e r . j u g e n d 1 9 3 3 - 4 5 . G Q t t i n g e n , 
Vandenhoek und Rupprecht, 1 9 5 8 . 

L i l g e , F r e d e r i c . The Abuse o f L e a r n i n g . The F a i l u r e o f t h e  
German U n i v e r s i t i e s . New York. M a c m i l l a n , 1 9 4 8 . 

L o r t z , J o s e p h . K a t h o l i s c h e r Zugang zum N a t i o n a l s o z i a l i s m u s . 
MUnster, A s c h e n d o r f f , 1 9 3 3 . 

Mann, E r i k a . S c h o o l F o r B a r b a r i a n s . E d u c a t i o n Under t h e N a z i s . 
London, Drummond, 1 9 3 8 . 

N a t t e r e r , A l o i s . P e r b a v e r i s c h e K l e r u s i n d e r Z e i t d r e i e r 
R e v o l u t i o n e n 1 9 1 8 - 1 9 3 3 - 1 9 4 5 . Mttnchen. K a t h o l i s c h e K i r c h e 
B a y e r n s , 1 9 4 6 . 

Neumann, Sigmund. Permanent R e v o l u t i o n : t h e T o t a l S t a t e i n a  
World a t War. New York, H a r p e r s , 1 9 4 2 . 

P i n s o n , K o p p e l S. P i e t i s m as a F a c t o r i n the R i s e o f German  
N a t i o n a l i s m . New York, Columbia, 1 9 3 4 . 

P r i e p k e , M a n f r e d . P i e e v a n g e l i s c h e Jugend im D r i t t e n R e i c h  
1 9 3 3 - 3 6 . New York; Columbia, 19§>U. 

P r o s s , H a r r y . Vor und nach H i t l e r . Zur d e u t s c h e n S o z i o p a t h o l o g i e . 
F r e i b u r g , W a l t e r , 1 9 6 2 . 

Schmidt, D i e t m a r . P a s t o r N i e m g l l e r . t r a n s . Lawrence W i l s o n , 
London, Odhams, 1 9 5 9 . 

S c h r e y , H e i n z H o r s t . D i e G e n e r a t i o n d e r E n t s c h e i d u n g . S t a a t  
und K i r c h e i n Europa und im e u r o p a i s c h e n R u s s l a n d 1 9 1 8 -
1 9 3 3 . Mttnchen, K a i s e r , 1 9 5 5 . 

V e r m e i l , Edmond. The German Scene, t r a n s . L . J . L u d o v i c o , London 
H a r r a p , 1 9 5 6 . 

Ziemer, Gregor. E d u c a t i o n f o r Death. London, O x f o r d , 1 9 4 1 

I n o r d e r t o s h o r t e n t h e B i b l i o g r a p h y , I have o m i t t e d 
from t h i s l i s t s e v e r a l books o f l e s s e r i n t e r e s t w h i c h a p p e a r , 
n e v e r t h e l e s s , i n t h e f o o t n o t e s . 



1 8 1 

P e r i o d i c a l s : 

There i s a w e a l t h o f contemporary p e r i o d i c a l m a t e r i a l 
on t h e c h u r c h problem; a l t h o u g h much o f i t l a c k s d o c u m e n t a t i o n , 
i t o f t e n sheds l i g h t on a s p e c t s o f t h e c o n f l i c t t h a t do not 
come out e l s e w h e r e . Below I have l i s t e d o n l y the most u s e f u l 
a r t i c l e s o f the ' t h i r t i e s and ' f o r t i e s . 

B e a r d , C h a r l e s A. " E d u c a t i o n under the N a z i s " . F o r e i g h A f f a i r s , 
v o l . 1 3 , June 1935, pp. 4 8 3 - 4 9 8 . 

B r i n t o n , Crane. "The N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s t s ' Use o f N i e t z s c h e " . 
J o u r n a l o f the H i s t o r y o f I d e a s , v o l . 1 , A p r i l 1 9 4 0 , pp. 
1 3 1 - 1 5 0 . 

Buxton, D o r o t h y . " N i e m O l l e r o r H i t l e r ? " S p e c t a t o r , v o l . 164, 
J u l y 28, 1 9 3 9 , pp. 1 3 6 - 1 3 7 . 

Dean o f C h i c h e s t e r . " C r i s i s o f t h e Church i n Germany". S p e c t a t o r , 
v o l . 1 5 8 , August 1 1 , 1 9 3 3 , pp. 1 8 3 - 1 8 4 . 

G u r i a n , Waldemar. " H i t l e r ' s U n d e c l a r e d War on t h e C a t h o l i c 
Church". F o r e i g n A f f a i r s , v o l . 16, J a n u a r y 1 9 3 8 , pp. 2 6 0 - 2 7 1 . 

" P a r t e i s c h u l e n " , S p e c t a t o r , v o l . 162, December 1 0 , 1 9 3 7 , p. 1 0 5 0 . 

Reed, Douglas L. "German Church C o n f l i c t " . F o r e i g n A f f a i r s , 
v o l . 1 3 , June 1 9 3 5 , pp. 4 8 3 - 4 9 8 . 

Rouse, Ruth. "Does Young Germany Want War?" S p e c t a t o r , v o l . 1 5 1 , 
December 1 , 1 9 3 3 , pp. 7 9 7 - 7 9 8 . 

Rowan-Robinson, G.A. "The T r a i n i n g o f t h e N a z i L e a d e r s o f t h e 
F u t u r e " , I n t e r n a t i o n a l A f f a i r s , v o l . 8 , March 1 9 3 8 , 
pp. 2 3 3 - 2 5 0 . 

" S c h u l e Oder V e r e i n " , S p e c t a t o r , v o l . 1 5 2 , June 29 1 9 3 4 , p. 9 9 4 . 

S p e n l e , Jean-Edouard. "Le Probleme de l a Jeunesse en Allemagne". 
Mercure de F r a n c e , v o l s . 2 4 1 - 2 4 2 , March 1 , 1 9 3 3 , pp. 2 7 9 - 3 0 7 

T i l l i c h , P a u l , " T o t a l i t a r i a n S t a t e and the Claims o f t h e Church". 
S o c i a l R e s e a r c h , v o l . 1 , November 1 9 3 4 , pp. 4 0 6 - 4 3 3 . 

S e v e r a l post-war a r t i c l e s a r e o f i n t e r e s t ; a p a r t f r o m t h e 
f o l l o w i n g , t h e r e a r e r e l a t e d a r t i c l e s i n t h e V i e r t e l . l a h r e s h e f t  
f t t r Z e i t g e s c h i c h t e . 

Hunt, C h e s t e r L. " L i f e C y c l e o f D i c t a t o r s h i p s as seen i n t h e 
Treatment o f R e l i g i o u s I n s t i t u t i o n s " . S o c i a l F o r c e s , 
v o l . 2 7 , 1 9 4 9 , pp. 3 6 5 - 3 6 9 . 



182 

. K l o s e , Werner. " H i t l e r j u g e n d . D i e G e s c h i c h t e e i n e r i r r e g e f t l f i r t e n 
G e n e r a t i o n " . Welt am Sonntag, F e b r u a r y 17 t o March 31, 
1963. 
T h i s s e r i e s o f a r t i c l e s , a l t h o u g h o n l y a j o u r n a l i s t i c 
d e s c r i p t i o n , i s o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t f o r t h e t h e s i s . 

Mayer, C a r l . " C r i s i s o f German P r o t e s t a n t i s m " . S o c i a l Research, 
v o l . 12, November, 1945, pp. 397-432. 

Mosse, G.L. " M y s t i c a l O r i g i n s o f N a t i o n a l S o c i a l i s m " . J o u r n a l 
o f t h e H i s t o r y o f I d e a s , v o l . 22, J a n u a r y 1961, pp. 81-96. 

M t l l l e r , Hans. "Der p s e u d o r e l i g i O s e C h a r a k t e r d e r n a t i o n a l s o z i a l -
i s t i s c h e n Weltanschauung", G e s c h i c h t e i n W i s s e n s c h a f t und  
U n t e r r i c h t . 12. J a h r g a n g , H e f t 6, 1961, pp. 337-352. 
T h i s a r t i c l e , a s the t i t l e s u g g e s t s , i s fundamental t o t h e 
t h e s i s .