1,249,045 THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE RE POSITORY OF fatts amb Čbents in Štiente, jistory, amb 3rt, RELATING TO EASTERN A S.I.A. EDITED BY THE REV. JAMES SUMMERS, Magdalen Hall, Oxford; Professor of Chinese, King's College, London; and Corresponding Member of the Ethnographical Society of Paris, &c. &c. * | * * | * VOL. I. AND AT THE OFFICE of THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY, [FROM JULY 1863–JUNE 1864.] 3Lombon : W. H. ALLEN AND CO. Waterloo Place; 33aris: BEN.J. DUPRAT, Rue du Cloître-Saint-Benoit; 31, King Street, Cheapside, London. DS 5 O . C. S. QBxfort, T. COM BE, M.A., E. PICKA R D HALL, AND H. LATH AM, M.A. PRINTER's To THE UNIVERSITY 3. *. *-*. cº- *** *- wo-a-so PR E FA C E. IN presenting this first volume of The Chinese and Japanese Repository to the subscribers, the Editor asks their indulg- ence for his shortcomings in this first year of its existence, and begs to thank them for their encouraging support. He trusts that under the more favourable circumstances of its continuance during the second year, he may be enabled to fulfil more satisfactorily the original design of the publication, and make it more worthy of their patronage. There are numerous drawbacks to the imme- diate success of a work of this nature, and especially when carried on almost single handed. The prospects however of its succeeding in being the vehicle and medium of information between Europe and the extreme Eastern world are now much more favourable, and are rapidly improving, and the Editor believes that the objects in view are becoming daily of more permanent interest. KING's College, July, 1864. CONTENTS, JULY, 1863. Art. - Introductory Essay on the Scope and Objects of the Chinese and Japanese Repository - - - - - - - - - - I.—Israelites in China II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection - - - - - - - - - - - III.-On the Present State of Science, Literature, and Literary Criticism in China .. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - IV.-Thoughts on the Past and the Future of China W.—Literary Notices.—Chinese and Japanese Bibliography.—Re- views.-The Study of the Chinese and Japanese Languages in Europe - AUGUST. I.—Israelites in China .. - - II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection - - - - - - - - - - - III.-On the Present State of Science, Literature, and Literary Criticism in China .. - - - - - - - IV.-Thoughts on the Past and the Future of China V.—A Memoir of Rémusat - - - - - - - - - - VI.-Notices of the Political Aspect of Affairs in China and Japan, and a Summary of the Events of the Last Three Months relating thereto - - - - - - - - - - 22–29 29–32 32–36 36–42 43–52 53-63 63–69 70–77 77–84 84–90 vi C O N T E N T S. SEPTEMBER. Art. Pages I.—Chinese Romance.—The Elfin Foxes - - 91-99 II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection - - - - - - . . 99-i II III.-On the Application of the Roman Alphabet to the Languages and Various Spoken Dialects of China and Japan . I I 2–124 IV.-A Memoir of Marco Polo, the Venetian Traveller to Tartary and China - - - - - - - - - - . I 24-129 V.—A Chinese Ballad, freely done into English Verse .. . I 29-132 VI.-Notices of the Political Aspect of Affairs in China and Japan, &c. 132-138 OCTOBER. I.—The Miáu-tsz, or Aboriginal Tribes, inhabiting various Highlands in the Southern and Western Provinces of China Proper . 139-149 II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection - . 150–163 III.-On the Religious Practices and Superstitions of the Annamites ... 163–169 IV.-A Memoir of Marco Polo, the Venetian Traveller to Tartary and China . 169–188 V.—Documents concerning the Present State of Affairs in Japan, in relation to the European Powers, &c. . 189–202 NOVEMBER. I.—Opening Lecture on the Japanese Language . 203-214 II.-Fables of Beasts and Birds in Chinese, with a Notice of Professor Julien’s “Les Avadānas. Contes et Apologues Indiens” . 214-21.7 III.-Memoir of Klaproth . . - - - - - - - - ... 217–220 IV.-The Religious Sects and the Principal Events of the Modern History of Japan . 220-232 V.—Notices of Annam or Cochin-China .. . 232-239 VI.-The State of our Relations with Japan.—The Destruction of Kago- sima, the Capital of the Prince of Satsuma's Dominions, &c. .. 239-242 DECEMBER. I.—Our Policy and Prospects in Japan .. . 243-248 II.-Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature . 248-254 III.-Memoir of Klaproth . . . 254-267 IV.-The Yang-tze-kiang and the New Treaty Ports . 268-270 CON TE N T S. vii Art. Pages W.—Notices of Annam or Cochin-China .. . 271-276 VI.-The Trade with Japan.. . 276-279 VII.-State Papers relating to the Recent Destruction of Kagosima in Japan, &c. .. ... 280–290 JANUARY, 1864. I.—The Poetry of the Chinese . 29.1-307 II.-FXtracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature . 307-315 III.-Japan: its Political State; its People, Laws, Prisons, &c... . 315-321 IV.-The Lay-Osborn Expedition to China . 321-322 FEBRUARY. I.—The Poetry of the Chinese . 323-343 II.-Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature • 344-349 III.-Japan: its Political State; its People, Laws, Prisons, &c. .. . 350-356 iv.–F# %. # Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent” . 357-365 V.—Official Papers, &c. . 365-376 VI.-Summary of the News of the Month from China and Japan . 376–378 MARCH. I.—The Mythology of the Dayaks of Banjer-masing . 379–39 I II.-Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature - - . 39 I-397 III.-A Sketch of the Mongolian Language and Literature . 398-400 IV.— I | | Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-wān and the White Serpent” - - 4o I-41o APRIL. I.—The Science of the Chinese. Arithmetic . . 41 I-417 II.-Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature - - . 418–424 III.-The Conquest of the Island Tai-wan (Formosa) by the Chinese Kösenya or Coshinga, A. D. 1662 - - - - - - . 424–428 IV.— . | | Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent” - - . 429-435 V.—The Chinese Drama . . 435-44. I VI.-Notices of Books, &c. .. . . 44 I-442 viii C O N T E N T S. - MAY. rt. Pages I.—On Railways in China - - - - - - - - - - . 443-448 II.-The Science of the Chinese. Arithmetic .. - - -- . 448-457 III.-Suttee in China - - - - - - - - - - - - ... 457-461 IV.- | | | Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent” - - - - ... 461–468 W.—Extracts from A. Loudon’s “Journal of a Mission to Siam ” .. 469-47, VI.-Medical Missionary Practice in Peking in 1861–2 . 472–48o VII.-Notices of Recent Publications on Chinese, &c. . 480–482 JUNE. I.—Medical Missionary Practice in Peking in 1861–2 . . 483-494 II.-The Science of the Chinese. Arithmetic .. - - - - . . 494-500 III.-Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are fre- quently made in Chinese Literature - - - - - - ... 500-503 IV.- | | | Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent” .. -- . . 503–513 V.—Record of Events in China during the First Four Months of 1864. 513-522 THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. I. JULY, 1863. Introductory Essay on the Scope and Objects of the Chinese and Japanese Repository. By THE EDITOR. To old residents in China there will be no need to explain what the original Chinese Repository was; and the title of the magazine, the first number of which we now present to them, will recal to their minds the object and character of that admirable publication. But as that work was comparatively little known in England, it will be necessary to inform our readers at home what the general character and objects of the former Repository were, by giving an outline here of what is proposed, and of the wide field for research which is now open to enquirers. The Chinese Repository was first issued in Canton in 1833, about the time of the closing of the Honourable East India Company's monopoly there. The names of Dr. Morrison and Dr. Bridgeman, both missionaries, the former an Englishman, the latter an American, were coupled in its origin and its early life. Valuable papers were contributed by others of great labour and experience in the history and languages of China;-among these arises pre-eminently the name of John Robert Morrison. Many other names of writers in the Repository it would be useless to mention, as they are hardly known in this country, and many who bore them are dead. But suffice it to say that the instructive essays and papers which were supplied were very ably edited, principally by Drs. Bridgeman and b Y 2 Introductory Essay. [No. I. Williams, and that the result has been a work of twenty volumes, forming a most useful book of reference. It is now unfortunately very scarce, and few have complete copies. The suggestion was made to reprint it, but to do this in its entire state would certainly not be wise. There is however good reason to hope that many of the original articles, if they were reprinted, would be very acceptable and profitable to our readers. In proportion as the present work meets with support, the size of it will be enlarged, and the reproduction of Articles in the former Repository will be inserted. The writers would in almost every case approve of this, their object in penning these papers having been simply to aid the cause of religion or of science. It remains only to state that the learned editors of the Repository expressed the wish in their concluding number that the threads of the unfinished web, which they seemed to cut, would be taken up by other hands. The field of enquiry never appeared to them more extensive, and they declared that they gave up the work with reluctance. It cannot be requisite to assert the claims which Eastern Asia has upon the interest of the people of England. Since the first charter of Queen Elizabeth to a few merchants to trade with those parts, under the title of “The Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading to the East Indies,” the intercourse of Great Britain with India and the East has steadily increased. All Asia was then, and for nearly two centuries later, considered as but one general field for commercial enterprise. Little distinction was made. The voyage thither, (that is, to most parts of the Indian seas,) took from twelve months to two years, in consequence of the unskilful navigation and the delays at different ports where the ships called. And in this respect the speed in carrying on communications with the East is to be referred to very recent times. Until quite lately—within the last twenty years—the voyage out and home from China took a full year. But as commerce has become more developed, separate spheres of trade have become distinguished, and as we approach our own days, these distinctions have become more marked. China now constitutes of itself an immense field for trade. Japan is just now, but quite as surely, opening her ports to the commerce of the West. Burmah and Siam are becoming more civilized in this respect, and are ready to July, 1863.] Introductory Essay. 3 give facilities to British trade. There is no longer a Dutch, a Portu- guese, or an English monopoly to contend against, and every year brings new advantages. India has quite grown into an empire under British control, and she is distinct from these other Eastern realms. There is indeed little in common between her and them, and the grand divisions of races and languages, the Indo-Germanic or Indo- European and the Indo-Chinese,_with their respective heads, the Sanskrit or Aryan race and the Chinese and Mongolian,—are the marks of these separate phases of Asiatic life. India therefore requires a treatment distinct from that of China, and it is but natural to look for, as well as prudent to establish, a separate magazine for the profusion of literary matter which is constantly arising in respect of each of these quarters of Asia. About a century ago we were fighting for a footing in Hindostan. China was known only as a very distant land producing that curious article.-tea, and a few objects of interest to the virtuoso. The fair Cathay of Marco Polo was almost unknown, and the Zipangu of the same worthy traveller was hardly more thought of, though the unim- provable story of quaint old Kämpfer had been extant for well-nigh a century before that. But time flies all too swiftly, and the Hindostan of a hundred years ago is now nearer to us than formerly. Its cities are our cities, and its people are rapidly becoming Anglicised. We can govern her from Whitehall by the electric current’s aid; and all that concerns this ancient land, the cradle of our European race, has become not a matter of interest and curiosity to us merely, but a necessity for us to know. All exclusiveness has vanished, and India must be studied in every phase of her life and history. And if India is nearer so is China, and so is Japan. The struggles of civilization with semi-barbarism, or, to say the least, with an effete and worn out civilization, are being felt in these verges of the Oriental world; and the same process, or nearly such, as went on in India a hundred years ago, has been going on for some time, and has still to proceed, in the Far East. China has succumbed, Japan must yield. The cases vary doubtless. China has been for a long period in a state of politi- cal decay, while the heart of Japan is comparatively sound. The vigour of the executive, and the power of the police administration in B 2 4 Introductory Essay. [No. I. that country, and the limited monarchy which has existed there while the powerful barons have been able to assert their opinions and judg- ment, these things have tended to produce this soundness, if so it may be called, in Japan. But the truth is that these Eastern monarchies are unable to survive the shock of a contest with Europeans. As long as they proceed in their own way they succeed to a certain extent in securing peace and comparative prosperity for their states, but a collision with Western civilization seems to have the same effect upon their imbecile frame- work, as the enlightened views of constitutional government have upon some petty states that are unaccustomed to the exercise of self-guid- ance. We are endeavouring to draw a parallel between the affairs of England in India a century ago, and our present position in China. We believe the tendency of our present policy is to absorb China, about Japan it is premature to speak. And with this prospect before us it seems most desirable that Englishmen should acquaint themselves with the position in which China and Japan at present stand to us. It is devoutly to be wished that European civilization and the Christian religion should spread over the East as they have done in the West, but we must beware of doing this by the sword as Mahomet extended his false faith. Nations cannot be civilized en masse or converted to the true religion in this way. If we could baptize all China, or give them a form of civilization in a month or a year, what good fruit of this could be expected : In the one case there would be merely a form of religion without power, and in the other an infidel civilization which is almost worse than none at all. But our project in this publication may be viewed in another aspect, as affording materials for substantial and profitable results. If Aristo- tle could rise from his grave and could read a copy of “the Times” as it issues fresh with the news of treaties in the East, wars in the West and bright prospects for his Fatherland, his great spirit would be stirred within him, and he would be inspired with renewed ardour to gather up, as he did of old, the fragments with which his mighty intellect wrought out the most splendid theories, and at the same time the truest science. He would yearn for further facts to establish his opinions, and he would undertake greater researches that truth might JULY, 1863.] Introductory Essay. 5 be confirmed. While Alexander supplied his old preceptor with materials from the East, Aristotle's mind actively pursued its investi- gations. Had he lived in our days he would have sought for informa- tion respecting countries and people more distant than those to which Alexander's conquests were extended, and the result would have been probably some stupendous theory leading to a great practical end. If Confucius could look down upon the land of his nativity, over which his own powerful teachings spread, and into the life of whose people his deep doctrines have penetrated, he would marvel that his sage maxims and philosophy had been so utterly perverted and wasted by his very admirers to their own decay and ruin. He would probably gather from these phenomena that present themselves, the evil of a superstitious veneration for rule and antiquity, while the soul is without intellectual and spiritual power of improvement implanted within it. These two worthies, alike in many points, would behold with intense interest the strife of nations,—the phenomena of nature, the political schemes and the plans for improvement now manifest in the world. The East and the West brought nearer to each other by the strong powers of steam and electricity, the current of our humanity flowing quickly through our veins of commerce, and expanding civilization,-the various kingdoms of the world growing nearer and closer into a universal brotherhood of nations,—the industries of the remotest realms being concentrated at a single point of this earth, the book of nature being laid open to all,—the languages of men, if not assimilating, at least becoming better known, and last and greatest of all, the good news of salvation for the souls of men being proclaimed to the ends of the earth;—these are some of the mighty changes and circumstances which are affecting our race, and are telling with enormous power upon the dark, weak, and ignorant nations on the Eastern shores of Asia. We turn our eyes with amazement thither- ward, as often as we contemplate the fact of 3Co,000,000 of Chinese and many millions in Japan and the Indian Archipelago residing on those shores, and think of their present condition in contrast with our own favoured land and the countries of Europe. In China there is misrule and its attendant rebellion. There “the 6 Introductory Essay. [No. I. whole head is sick and the whole heart faint.” In Japan we may read the story of Feudal France again, as in the days of Charlemagne. A powerful baron attends court, as it is said the Prince of Satzuma did a short time ago, with his thirty or forty thousand retainers to obey his behest, and if his council be not listened to, to enforce his wishes. Cruelty and vice, superstition and pride are triumphant in all these countries. The strong arm of European warfare has indeed humbled the pride and repressed the cruelty, and led some to seek favour and knowledge of the Western Barbarians. But supersti- tion still reigns and vices are rampant in spite of the missionary's teaching. It may well be asked what remedy can be found for these evils. It is assumed that in respect of these vast heathen lands, where so much misery prevails, we do not merely wish to know the history of it all, to indulge our curiosity about what they are, we suppose that the man of science and the Christian gentleman desires to learn about the facts of the case, the beautiful lands,-the intelligent minds,-the ancient lore and the pagan superstitions, as a means to an end,-that he may show unto these nations “a more excellent way.” Let this then be our aim. We propose to collect materials, crude though they may be, that others may raise the well-proportioned edifice. Let none grudge to communicate of his store; science can only be advanced by the community of experiences, the multiplicity of experiments, and the large record of phenomena. We are not all Aristotles, but we may all be Alexanders in one sense at least,-in furnishing to the wiser of our generation facts for their inference, and data for their reasonings. Every one may do a little, and some may do much, not only by recording their experience to form data, but by drawing right conclusions therefrom. - There is superfluity of matter which will interest every intelligent and inquiring mind. The historian may find records to him unknown; the scientific man will find facts he has never heard of; and the merely casual reader ought not to be dissatisfied with the novel scenes and strange pictures of Oriental life in the Far East. Geographical knowledge especially we may now look for from China and Japan. The philosophy of this region has not been fully or adequately JULY, 1863.] Introductory Essay. 7 explained. The genius of the Indo-Chinese languages and their parent the Chinese requires much more elucidation. The languages have been too often explained by means of contrasts to which they have no affinity, and with which they are not comparable. Inven- tions which have arisen in these lands and the present arts and handicrafts which are being practised in them are too little known. We know not how much their antiquities and mythology might confirm the views of some, and prove the common origin or connexion of nations. In politics, the science of government, and in all social science, we might perhaps learn much from these Orientals. The system of competitive examinations, which is now but a new practice in this country, has been for ages in use in China. New species of animals have been discovered in this terra incognita. And when all this is said to show how much we may discover that is interesting and instructive in China and Japan, we have only half pleaded the desirableness of forming a magazine for the accumulation of such matter. The people of England, and the mercantile community especially, ought, by the law of compensation and gratitude for benefits received in the way of commerce with China and Japan, to confer upon these countries some of the advantages which a higher civiliza- tion has brought to themselves. Plans for the benefit of China may well form one object aimed at in this work. And among these, educa- tion in sound principles of religion and secular knowledge come first; for the establishment of these principles will form the only sure guaran- tee for peace and security, and for a continuance of that prosperity which arises from just and equal gains in commercial transactions. What shall be done with China? Shall we make war upon and conquer Japan Will Siam grow into a powerful state with a patch- work of European improvements upon the old garment of pagan superstition ? How in the pursuit of wealth by commerce shall we avoid complications with the native governments? Where shall the wave of our commercial activity be stayed Where the influence of our civilization and our religion begin? No European who visits these lands would like to be counted as the heathen in whose country he dwells. And no ordinary philanthropist would fail to perceive the difference, and to use his strength to remove it, by endeavouring not to 8 Introductory Essay. [No. I. cancel it by conforming to Eastern habits, but by transforming, as far as possible, the savage and the semi-barbarian into a decent and perchance a civilized being. Such aims will exalt our own nature, and such objects will render the East blessed and us happy in our relations to it. To solve the problems, which the present state of the East gives rise to, requires no common intelligence. Those who know the facts are not always the best judges of procedure from those facts. But there are minds in this country capable of approaching these subjects, and for them we propose to cater and to induce an interest where none has been hitherto felt for these topics. The ever-recurring circumstances of a nation's history and character must be studied. It is not enough to say that the Chinese and Japanese are semi-barbarians, or that, in the matter of their religion, they are superstitious pagans. We want to know the particulars of their history. How far they are civilized,—what principles of government they allow, what great men and great deeds they have to tell of, for these are the marks of a nation's civilization. What code of laws and morals they sanction, and what superstitions they believe in and practise, how these were introduced and when, how and why they took root in these countries, and to what extent they benefited or degraded each, are questions which deserve consideration. The patriarchal government, —the system of national education, —the methods of promoting learning and merit, the adherence to certain systems of philosophy, -and other topics concerning these nations, demand enquiry and research. Buddhism in its various forms—Rationalism under its many phases, and the political creeds of Confucianists, are all subjects of great extent, and call for careful investigation. But whatever good we may expect to accrue from the consideration of these and kindred subjects which need exposition, we must expect no great changes in the political world of the East on a sudden. China is too great a nation to be regenerated in a month, a year, or even a lifetime. In our own country the changes of opinion, of policy, of religion, and of education, occupied long periods of time; and so it must be in those Eastern lands, which have a less flexible constitution. Revolu- July, 1863.] Introductory Essay. 9 tions and great changes in China have generally taken a generation to produce. The Manchus established their dominion only after forty years of strife with the remnants of the Ming. Even now the adherents of the Ming dynasty have been struggling against the Ta-tsing, that is, their Manchu rulers, for above twelve years. In so mighty and extended an empire a thorough change cannot take place very rapidly. Their maxims of civil war preclude, by their severity, the confidence of those who are well-disposed to a change, but who are of moderate views and quiet habits. The Chinese seldom expect or give quarter in battle, hence a certain desperation in the conflict, and a prolongation of hostilities. But it is impossible in a few pages to describe adequately the extensive range which now lies open to the merchant and the missionary. To take full advantage of this fair field we need to understand the condition of these countries. The merchant and far-sighted man of business will wish to know many particulars respecting these foreign lands, before he will venture his health and his fortunes in them. The physical features therefore, the climate, and the population, will afford scope enough to such enquirers. But the missionary must learn something more. Their languages, manners and customs, with their superstitions and their principles of action, are points of vast importance to him. Too much about China, Japan, and their in- habitants, he cannot know. The wise worker in this field will not despise the use of all human means to convert the heathen, while he depends also on divine assistance. To missionary societies it is of the greatest concern to acquire all information respecting the climate of the provinces to which they are about to send their agents. The ethnographic character and type of these races, and the quality and proportional difficulties of the dialects and languages of these regions, with statistics on every subject which admits it, are most desirable. Scientific men and academic bodies have a large interest in this quarter of the globe. They look beyond the surface of things. And theirs it is to test, arrange, and classify, in order to confirm or to nullify the data which is afforded to them. The most insignificant piece of information may be to them of vital importance for some 10 Introductory Essay. [No. I. struggling theory, or may upset the most plausible schemes in the course of formation. Such fragments may be the first of a series which in due course may become the nucleus around which will be attracted great accumulations of data, which finally may serve as the basis of a new law. While the merchant by his stores of wealth is strengthen- ing the body and well-being of his country, the philosopher is elevating the human race, by the invention of laws and the discovery of first principles. In these ancient kingdoms there is no lack of lessons to be learnt by all. Monuments of ancient greatness, both of a material and of an intellectual character, are there in “the Flowery Land,” and also in “the Land of the Sunrise.” Such demand our respect as relics of the past, and lead us to anticipate that, perhaps under more benign influences, they may yet prove types of more prosperous times, and of a renascent state for the race that conceived them. These aims and objects of the Chinese Repository are laid before our readers as simple indications of the direction in which informa- tion will be sought; and with the hope that well-wishers to China will both support the project and induce those who are able to send original views and experiences to strengthen our hands. There are many ways in which help may be given. Those acquainted with the original languages will send aid which others cannot afford; but many can tell their daily experience among these living races. Hence we may look for Pictures of Chinese and Japanese life; Stories from their histories; Tales from their novels; Ballads and ancient songs; Portraits of their philosophers, statesmen, and patriots; Journals of tours through provinces; Visits to cities and remarkable places; Notes by the way on monuments, pagodas, caves, springs, and all objects of curiosity in nature and art, showing footprints of the Creator and vestiges of the handiwork of man. The social state and moral condition of the people; the productions,—vegetable, animal, and mineral, of the various quarters of these kingdoms; records of meteorological changes, of the fall of rain, of the aspects of separate regions, of inundations and great physical mutations which are now oc- curring, or have happened in days gone by ; these and numerous other topics before hinted at will give ample scope to those who are willing July, 1863.] Introductory Essay. II to bring their help to this work. The units may not be very sig- nificant, but they will all conduce to form a powerful aggregate, which will be useful and we may hope attractive. In venturing to launch a periodical in England, which has for its object the description and the discussion of things relating to coun- tries and people ten thousand miles away, we may be regarded by some as exceeding bold. Such works are supposed to flourish best in the regions whence the matter of them springs. And there was a time certainly when but very few indeed of our countrymen thought of China and Japan, excepting as furnishing us with a very grateful beverage, quaint crockery, and varnished wares of a rare sort. The sources of our knowledge of these far-off lands were very scanty. The records and diaries of several embassies, and the more or less highly-coloured stories of our East Indian merchantmen, were all we had to depend upon. What we learnt of these nations produced notions the reflex of those they had formed of us. In the eyes of each other we were alike savages, outer-barbarians, fan-kwei (foreign- imps),-neither cared to disabuse the other's mind. Trade was regarded by them as a necessary evil, and it was deemed prudent to hold as little intereourse with us as possible. We were on our part content to pursue a friendly commerce, and to waive many questions for the sake of peace. But another phase has come over our inter- course. The East India Company’s monopoly came to an end in 1834, and the trade of all nations and of every merchant was ad- mitted. Quarrels arose, and hence wars;–bella / horrida bella t— with all their consequences; and now we know much more of China and Japan than we ever dreamt of in the days of our early visits to those lands, when our grandmothers sipped their tea and admired their China saucers. Now we know a good deal about China, and we want to know more. She has been a matter of great expense to us, and is conse- quently an object of great interest. We have made mistakes in dealing with the East through ignorance and prejudice, but we wish to do so no more. England cannot afford to pay £8,000,ooo every five or ten years for a new war. It is true that we compel a settle- ment at the end of each contest, but the compensation returns to our 12 Introductory Essay. [No. I. pockets by a very circuituous route, if it really comes at all. That is a question for the political economist to settle. One thing is certain, that in affairs in which such large stakes are concerned, it becomes a necessity as well as a duty for the people of England, and for our statesmen in particular, who manage these vast transactions, to be largely and clearly acquainted with the state of these Eastern realms in a political and economical point of view. This will include prin- cipally the system of state policy which has ruled and does still exist in these countries; and to understand this rightly, the theories of moral duty and social economy which are there prevailing must be understood, for otherwise some of the principles of political action will be unintelligible. And in the Far East, where the systems of Confucian philosophy, of Buddhism and of Tauism, have held so great a sway over the minds of men, it is the more incumbent upon the student of the history and present condition of these countries to look carefully and subtilely for the clue in them to the motives which have guided the minds of their devotees. With these high aims and with earnest efforts to grasp the first principles of Oriental life and action, that we may gain power to treat with this life and to energize it for great and noble ends, we may have raised our mark too high, we may be called presumptuous or vainly theoretical,—as feeling after an airy phantom of imagina- tion, instead of seeking a directly practical result. But the imagina- tions of some men are resolved into real benefits by others; and what may appear vain, because merely theoretical, will at last be made to issue in some fruitful plans for good by more business-like minds. JULY, 1863.] Israelites in China. 13 [By way of introduction to Mr. Wylie's article, it may be stated that a Mission of Enquiry to the Jewish Synagogue at Kai-fung-foo was sent in 1850, on behalf of the London Society for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, and that a narrative of the results of that enquiry was published at Shanghai by the Bishop of Victoria in 1851. For our previous knowledge of the Jews in China we are indebted to the Roman Catholic Missionaries. A small work was published by James Finn, Esq., in 1843, which contains a succinct and interesting account of what was previously known. Two of the Jews from K'ai-fung visited Shanghai in 1851, when the Editor had an opportunity of seeing them and of making a sketch of their faces, which bore distinct marks of the Jewish physiognomy.] ART. I.-Israelites in China. By ALEXANDER WYLIE, Esq. IT is well known that Israelites in considerable numbers have been resident in China from a very remote period, and brief notices of their existence have from time to time come before the European public. Interesting as such incidental notices undoubtedly are, they are generally far too meagre to satisfy the inquiring mind; and we cannot but regret the absence of fuller details, which would prove acceptable to the ethnologist, to the historian, and to those who delight in tracing out the wanderings and fortunes of the chosen people in the lands of their expatriation. In the twelfth century, Benjamin of Tudela, a Spanish Jew, made a journey through several of the kingdoms of Asia, to discover the existing remnants of his kindred, which he succeeded in tracing up to the confines of China. Had he extended his travels into that empire, he would have doubtless left us much information on the subject, regarding which we are now left to conjecture. The learned Rabbi Manasseh asserts that a part of the Ten tribes crossed the Great Wall, which divided China from Tartary, and settled in the former country; and he believes that the Scriptures clearly refer to this emigration of the dispersed tribes. The exist- ence of a colony of Israelites to the present day, in the centre of China, though merely sufficient to attest the fact of an earlier prosperity, yet precludes all doubt as to these people having penetrated into the empire in former ages. It becomes then a question of some interest, to ascertain if any memento of the existence of these Hebrews has been preserved in the literature of the Chinese; regarding which, the following observations are presented in a spirit of diffidence, with a desire that the discussion of the question may lead to farther light. We find that during the middle ages, the annals of China contain the men- tion of several foreign sects by name, among which are Muh-hoo, Ta-tsin, King-keaou, Mo-ne, Mö-ne, Po-sze-king-keaou, Ho-shin, Heen-keaou,T'één-shin, Hoo-t'één-shin, Hoo-heen, Ho-heen, &c. Of the above creeds, some receive their designation from the name of their founders; as Muh-hoo, Moham- medans, and Mo-ne or Mö-ne, the Manichaeans. The designation of others 14 Israelites in China. [No. 1. is national; as Ta-tsin, the Syrian, and Po-sze-king-keaou, the Persian Classic religion. One has an honorific appellation,-King-keaou, the Illustrious reli- gion, the name adopted by the Nestorian Christians in China. Others are named from the objects they worship; as Ho-shin-keaou, the Fire worship- pers or Parsees. One of this class is called the iſſ # Heen-keaou, to which it is now proposed to draw attention. Tèën-shin, Hoo-t'één-shin, and Hoo-heen, seem to be merely synonymes of Heen; and Ho-heen the equivalent of Ho-shin of the Parsees. Endeavouring to ascertain what is the Heen-keaou or Heen religion here spoken of, it will be well first to inquire into the meaning of the character Heen. Speaking of the chapels of this sect, Peſh Yuen, the editor of a recent edition of the Ch'ang-gan-che", says, “I find these are the same as the (Téén) HEAven chapels spoken of in the History of the Northern Wei dynasty. In ancient times there was no such character as Héen t.” Peſh Yuen's assertion is so far borne out by reference to the native dictionaries, for the character is not to be found in the most ancient ones; and the earliest lexicon in which it occurs, appears to be the Yūh péen f, which gives under this character, “Pronunciation, Héen. A foreign spirit.” The Kwang-yun $, of later date, gives, “A foreign spirit. In the ‘Cata- logue of official grades,' there is one styled the HEEN chief. Pronunciation, Hyen.” The Tseih-yun, a work of the Sung dynasty, gives, “Pronunciation, T'éen; the same sound as Têen.” The Yūn-hwuy, a subsequent work, gives, “Pronunciation, Hyen; the same sound as Heuen.” The Lüh-shoo-t’ung, published during the fourteenth century, gives, “In Kwan-chung (Shen-se), Heaven is called HEEN. Foreigners designate Deity by the word HEEN.” The Hung-woo-ching-yôn, about the end of the fourteenth century, gives, “A foreign spirit. The character is formed from the radical Téén (Heaven). In the ‘Catalogue of the Tang officials, there is one called the HEEN chief.” The Ching-yūn-hwuy-péen, which is a re-arrangement of the materials of the preceding, with modifications, published at the beginning of the seventeenth century, says, “This rhymes with Séén. Hēen. Pronunciation, Hyen. A foreign spirit. The character is formed from the radical T'één (Heaven).” The Ching-tszé-t’ung, published about the middle of the seventeenth cen- tury, gives, “Pronunciation, Hyen. Same sound as Héén. The name of a foreign spirit. In the ‘Catalogue of the Tang officials,' there is the HEEN chief.” * Published A. D. 1787. † Book IX. p. 4. f Published by Koč Yay-wäng, A. D. 523. § This is of uncertain date, but was doubtless written during the Tang dynasty. The earliest known edition is of the time of the Sung. JULY, 1863.] Israelites in China. 15 The K'ang-he tszé-teen, published under the direction of the second emperor of the present dynasty, merely contains a summary of the preceding Inotes. A new edition of the Shwö-wān “, Shwö-wān keae-tszé tung-shih, gives, “A foreign spirit. The character is formed of the elements She (Spiritual influ- ence) and T'één (Heaven). The pronunciation is Héén.” From the above lexicographical details, then, we learn that the character již is pronounced Héen, that being the local pronunciation of the word T“een (Heaven) in the province of Shen-se; that this same Héen was the generic word for “Deity” among Western foreigners; that it was the name of a being worshipped by a foreign sect in China; and that it formed a component part of the title of a government officer during the Tang dynasty. Thus we see that the character is of comparatively recent formation, as it is not found in any book earlier than the sixth century; and we have the authority of Peſh Yuen, noticed above, for the fact that the word Héen is the synonyme of Téén (Heaven), which we find mentioned as an object worshipped by a foreign sect at the beginning of the sixth century; for he says the character Héen was not used in ancient times. In opposition to this view, indeed, Yaou K'want professes to trace this religion up to the seventh century B.C. The passage on which he supports his statement is taken from Too Yu's commentary on the Tso chuen t, which is an amplification of Confucius' history Ch'un ts'ew (Spring and Autumn Annals) S. The text of the Ch'un ts'ew says, “In the nineteenth year of Duke He (B. C. 631), in summer, on the forty-sixth day of the cycle, the men of Choo took the Viscount Tsang and offered him in sacrifice.” The Tso chuen says regarding this, “In summer, the Duke of Sung caused Wån the Duke of Choo to offer up the Viscount Tsang at the tutelary altar by the river Suy, with a desire to conciliate the Eastern foreigners.” The Commentary on this, as quoted by Yaou Kºwan, reads, “The Suy receives the Peen, and passing Chin to the east, leaving Leang-tseaou and Pang-ching, it flows into the Sze. Near this water a Héen spirit ruled, which it was the general practice to serve with tutelary worship; hence human beings were slain and offered in sacrifice.” This is such an evident perversion of the original passage, that it would be scarcely worth noticing, were it not that it has been reproduced without comment in the modern native geography Hae kwo t'o6 * The Shwö-wān was composed by Heil Shin, and published A. D. loo, being the first dictionary arranged according to the radicals. The original work however does not contain the character Héen. f In the Se-ké ts'ung-yū, a collection of notes critical and historical, written about the middle of the twelfth century, book I. p. 18. : This was written by Tso Kew-ming, a disciple of Confucius, and is a record of contem- porary events necessary to throw light on the original chronicle. § This is a history of Loo, the native state of Confucius, being the only complete work written by the sage. 16 Israelites in China. [No. I. ché”. The reading is supported by no authority; the word here given jæ Héen, being in all standard editions of the Classics written lſº Yaou (Elfish or Demonaical), which is doubtless the true version, an equivalent form of this character being iſ, which very nearly resembles Héen; and indeed the dic- tionary Hiing woo ching yün gives the same form of character (probably through inadvertence) to the two definitions; but the other dictionaries all clearly mark the distinction of the two characters. The anachronism has not escaped native scholars, one of whom thus tersely expresses himself in the Gae jih tsung ch'aout : “Too Yu, in his commentary on the Tso chuen, re- garding the passage the tutelary altar by the river Suy,' says, “There was a Héén chapel upon the Suy river.' That is impossible. How could there be a Héen chapel in China in the time of Duke Seang of Sung’” Is there any reason to think then that the Héen religion is that of the Israelites ? Bearing in mind that Heaven is used in China by metonymy for the God of Heaven, it may be well to draw attention to a usus loquendi discoverable in the Old Testament, where we find the frequent employment of the term God of Heaven to designate Jehovah, in the books written sub- sequent to the Babylonish captivity, instead of Lord of Hosts, which is generally employed in the earlier historical books and in the prophetic scriptures. This appears to be especially the case in the narrative of inter- course with foreign nations, implying the supremacy which the Israelites asserted for their God above all the gods of the nations; an honour which seems to have been freely accorded also by the heathen potentates, with whom they came in contact. During the Babylonian exile, the prophet Daniel, having addressed the God of HEAven, is introduced as fearlessly asserting the power and omniscience of the God of Heaven, before the despot Nebuchadnezzar, who replies; “Of a truth it is, that your God is a God of gods, and a Lord of kings f;” and on a later occasion, after his recovery from a humiliating affliction, the monarch was constrained to say, “I Nebuchadnezzar praise and extol and honour the KING of HEAVEN, all whose works are truth, and his ways judgment $.” Cyrus king of Persia, in his edict for the restoration of the captives, says, “Jehovah the God of HEAven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth; and he hath charged me to build him an house at Jerusalem, which is in Judah ||.” Again, Darius, in his decree confirming certain privileges granted by his predecessor Cyrus, directs the Persian governor to furnish the Jews with such * The materials for this work were in great part collected from foreign sources by the Commissioner Lin, famous in the first war with China. The work of editing was confided to Wei Yuén a highly accomplished native scholar, but a bitter enemy to foreigners, as is too apparent in the spirit of the work throughout, which is a valuable one nevertheless. + The Gae jih ts'ung ch'aou is a miscellaneous work, discussing numerous questions of historical interest, said to have been written by one Yé, about the end of the Sung dynasty. † Daniel ii. 47. § Daniel iv. 37. | Ezra i. 2. July, 1863.] Israelites in China. 17 articles as were necessary for the divine service; “That they may offer sacrifices of sweet savours unto the God of HEAven, and pray for the life of the king, and of his sons *.” Artaxerxes, a later king of Persia, who continued to confer protection and liberal favours on the Jews, in commissioning Ezra, who is called by the author of the book of the same name, “A scribe of the words of the com- mandments of the Load t,” presented him with a letter, commencing thus, “Artaxerxes, king of kings, unto Ezra the priest, a scribe of the law of the God of HEAvent;” and further adds, “Whatsoever is commanded by the God of HEAven, let it be diligently done for the house of the God of HEAven $.” Nehemiah in like manner, who had long been a resident at the Persian court, addresses his complaints to the God of HEAven. It is an interesting fact to find the heathen monarchs of an empire like Persia, according this signal pre-eminence to the God of the Hebrews, and suggests the thought that an influence in that direction had been exerted by the Ten tribes, already long settled in the land. The several expressions above noted, and others which might be named, taken in connexion with a remark- able passage in the interpretation of Nebuchadnezzar's dream by Daniel, “Thy kingdom shall be sure unto thee, after that thou shalt have known that the HEAvens do rule |,” point to a usage traces of which we shall find very general through the kingdoms of Asia in later times. Frequent examples are found in the Apocrypha, as when the third martyr addresses his tormentor, who required him to put out his tongue to be cut off, when holding forth his hands, he said, “These I had from HEAvRN, and for his laws I despise them, and from him I hope to receive them again".” Some two centuries later we observe the same practice in the time of our Saviour, as where the prodigal son is introduced saying, “Father, I have sinned against Heaven, and in thy sight**.” The use of this term for God is very common even among the Jews in Europe at the present time, as in the phrase Eurº ºn Twyn #5 E"ntº, “Do all your works in the name of HEAven (God) tit.” It is fair to believe that this practice was introduced by the Israelites in their widely- extended settlements. But proposing to confine our attention for the present to China, with a few preliminary observations on the name which the colony at Kae-fung has re- tained, we shall proceed to inquire under what name God has been worshipped by the Israelites there. Two agents of the London Missionary Society, who visited these people in 1850, learned that a tradition existed among them that their forefathers were known under the designation of Téen-chüh keaou, “Indian it religion;” but * Ezra vi. Io. + Ezra vii. 11. i Ezra vii. 12. § Ezra vii. 23. | Daniel iv. 26. | 2 Maccabees vii. 1 1. ** Luke xv. 21. ft. Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XVIII. p. 52. tit Syria appears to have been included by the Chinese formerly under the designation Teen-chiik, and is no doubt so intended here, although the term is generally translated “India.” (See “Lettres édifiantes et curieuses,” tom. XXIV. p. 94.) C 18 Israelites in China. [No. I. in consequence of a persecution of the sect which took place at some former period, that name had been abandoned *. Father Trigault, in his account of the Christian mission to China, published at the beginning of the seventeenth century, states that in his time the Mohammedans, Jews, and Cross-worship- pers or ancient Christians, were all known to the Chinese under the general name of Hwuy-hwuy; while, for the sake of distinction, the Mohammedans were called “Hwuy who abstain from pork;” the Cross-worshippers were called “Hwuy who abstain from animals without the cloven foot;” and the Jews were called “Hwuy who extract the sinewst.” The reason of this common appellation for the three sects was not known; the probability is that it originated in the desire of one or other of the parties to avoid detection during a time of persecution. At present, the name Hwuy-tsze, or Hwuy- hwuy, is almost exclusively applied to the Mohammedans, though the Jews are also occasionally termed the Lan maou Hwuy tsze, or “Blue cap Hwuy-tszè,” but the common name of the sect at Kae-fung is Teaou-kin keaou, or “Extract sinew religion.” Another fraternal link between the Mohammedans and Jews seems to exist in the name applied to the synagogue, which is inscribed over the front door of the building Tsing-chin sze, “Temple of Purity and Truth,” being the same name that is used on the Mohammedan mosques in China; and this is not of recent date, for it is found on two old stone inscriptions standing within the precincts of the synagogue, applied to the building that was restored in the thirteenth century. Gozani, who visited them in 1704, calls the synagogue a Le-pae sze t, which is also the common colloquial name of the mosques. Another designation found on one of the tablets is the Yih- tszé-lö-nēē-keaou, or “Israelitish religion $,” and the synagogue itself is known as the Yih-tszé-lº-nēē-têen, “Israelitish Temple || ;” but the people now are totally ignorant of the meaning of the term themselves; and probably it was never generally known among the outside Chinese. As to the name used by this people to designate the Supreme, we discover a sufficiently uniform practice in both ancient and modern times. On both the tablets we find the term Taou or “Word,” equivalent to the Logos of the New Testament, applied to Jehovah in a mystical way; but otherwise the use of the word Tºčn, “Heaven,” is universal in the sense of God. Thus in the earlier inscription we read, “The patriarch thinking upon (Téén) God, the pure and ethereal Being, who dwells on high,”—“He adoringly praised the true (Téén) God,”—“His piety moved the heart of (Téén) God,”—“Ezra inculcated the duty of honouring (T'één) God by ritual worship,”—“Men in their daily avocations must not for a single moment forget (Téén) God, but at the hours of four in the morning, mid-day, and six in the evening, should thrice perform their adorations, which is the true principle of the religion of * Chinese Repository, vol. XX. p. 449. + De Christiana Expeditione apud Sinas, lib. I. p. 123. † Chinese Repository, vol. XX. p. 154. § Chinese Repository, vol. XX, p. 152. | Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XVIII. p. 34. July, 1863.] Israelites in China. 19 (Teen) God,”—“Reason (or the Word) is without form or figure, like the Reason of (Téén) God, exalted on high,”—“He incessantly remembers (Téén) God,”—“He unfailingly remembers (Téén) God,”—“But to venerate (Téén) God, and to neglect ancestors, is to fail in the services which are their due,”—“We reverently pray to (Téén) God,”—“Every man therefore keeps the laws, and knows how to reverence (Téén) God *.” It is needless further to multiply examples; these and other analogous expressions on both the tablets speak very unequivocally of the practice in former times. The phraseology of the various memorial mottoes and stanzas, distributed about the walls of the synagogue, is all in harmony with the above. Gozani says that the sanctuary inside the synagogue is called Téén-tang, “House of (Téén) God,” i. e. Beth-el. Their scriptures are called the (Téén-king) ‘Divine oracles. Their religion is called the Téén-keaou, “Heaven's reli- gion t.” Tseang Yung-che, the elder of the agents of the London Society, who visited the synagogue at Kae-fung (in 1851), in giving an account of the sect, states that at the present day, “In addressing God in the Chinese language, they use the word Téén;” and we have evidence to the same effect from several of the sect who visited Shanghae. Gozani says also that they worship God under the name Téén （ ; and a Memoir on the Jews in China, in the same collection, says, “In translating the name of Jehovah into Chinese, they do not say Téén-choo like the Missionaries, but simply Téén, just as the scholars of China do when they explain their term Shang-te $.” We thus observe a growing practice in Western Asia among the Hebrews of designating Jehovah as the God of HEAven, and sometimes HEAVEN ; and when we find distinct notice in Chinese history of a foreign sect distinguished especially as the worshippers of HEAven, spoken of as existing in China at the beginning of the sixth century, the suggestion of an identity with the worship- pers of the God of HEAVEN in the West presents itself to the mind. This name, as the designation of a foreign sect, is the more remarkable, inasmuch as the state ritual of China has designated the Supreme by the name of HEAven, from the earliest time down to the present day. In this latter fact we may possibly have the cause of the HEAVEN worshippers having changed the character by which they were identified; for while the character Tēēn was undoubtedly the correct etymological representative of their object of worship, yet the vague and materialistic ideas too often attaching to the word in the Chinese mind, would probably lead them to desire that something more of a personal and spiritual nature should be conveyed in the name. That seems to be the idea not inaptly represented by the character invented for the purpose, as will be obvious to any sinologue. Perhaps the fact that the word Téén was employed by the Buddhists as the generic term for one of the inferior orders of their objects of worship may not have been without an influence. From * Chinese Repository, vol. XX. pp. 456–458 passim. + Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XVIII. p. 45. : Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XVIII. p. 36. § Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XXIV. p. 73. C 2 20 Israelites in China. [No. I. whatever cause the character may have been adopted however, the word Héén is stated in the dictionaries to be a synonym of Téén, “HEAven.” Some indeed give it the same pronunciation, while others state that Héén is the local pronunciation in Shen-se for ‘HEAven.” In connexion with this we may remember that in the early ages, when navigation was a difficult and excep- tional method of travelling, the ordinary route for foreigners from the West was by Shen-se, through which province they entered the empire, and where great numbers of them were settled. Assuming then that the Héén worship- pers are the Israelites, an attempt will here be made to put together in chro- nological order the principal matters regarding their existence in China, as derived both from native and foreign sources. According to the testimony of one of the stone tablets in the synagogue at Kae-fung foo, the Israelites first entered China during the Han dynasty”; and we are further told in the Letters of the Jesuits that “they came during the reign of Ming-te (A. D. 58–75), from Se-Yih, i.e. ‘the Western regions.” It appears by all that can be gathered from them, that this Western country is Persia, and that they came by Khorasan and Samarcand. They have many Persian words in their language, and they long preserved a great intercourse with that country't. The Tung-king ke, a work of the Sung dynasty, by Sung Tsze-taou, speaking of Péen-leang, which is the present Kae-fung, says, “In Ning-yuen square there is a Héén-spirit monastery;” and adds, “It is traditionally reported that this was erected about the time of the incursion of the Western Tartars during the Tsin dynasty f" (third to the fifth century). If this be correct, then it is the earliest location of the sect of which we have any definite mention. In the Leang king sin ke $ we meet the following notice of another of these edifices in the city of Chan-gan in Shen-se: “At the south-west angle of Poo-ching square || is a Foreign Héén chapel.” It adds, by way of com- ment, “This was erected in the year A. D. 621. The (Téén) God wor- shipped by the foreigners of the Western regions is the Maheshwara of the Buddhist Classics.” This latter remark will form ground for future discussion. The Ch'ing-gan-ché", commenting on the same notice, says, “The object of worship there is the T'één-spirit of the foreigners from the Western regions. There was an officer called Sa-paou, who managed the sacred services to the * Chinese Repository, vol. XX. p. 454. + Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XXIV. p. 62. t Se k'e ts'ung yū, book I. p. 18. § This work was published by Wei Shuh during the eighth century. Only the third out of five volumes is now extant, and that incomplete, but there are considerable extracts from it in the Ch'ang-gan-ché. | This was the fourth square from the north, between the first and second streets west from the Imperial city. * The Ch'ang-gan ché, by Min-K'éw of the Sung dynasty, is an elaborate detail in twenty books of the public buildings, boundaries, and a variety of matters relating to Ch'ang-gan, the Western metropolis of the Tang dynasty. July, 1863.] Israelites in China. 21 Heen-spirit, and also officially designated a Foreign priest *.” To this Peſh Yuen adds, “According to the ‘Complete details regarding the foreign spirit, Hèën f, this chapel is stated in the History of the Northern Wei dynasty to have been erected in the time of the Empress dowager Ling, (i. e. in the first half of the sixth century.)” There is an apparent discrepancy here of about a century regarding the erection of this chapel; but probably the two statements may be harmonized by supposing it to have been first built in the sixth century, and the year 621 being the date of its re-erection. On looking over the biography of the empress alluded to, in the Wei History, we find it stated that, “Having ascended a lofty hill, attended by several hundred followers, consisting of the imperial consorts, ladies of the palace, princesses and others, she abolished the various corrupt systems of religious worship, excepting that of the foreign Téén-spiritt.” The commentary of the Ch'ang-gan-ché gives two of the names of office connected with this religion, “Sa-paou” and “Foreign priest.” The latter requires no remark, unless perhaps that Rabbi would be quite as appropriate a rendering of the Chinese term. The other, Sa-paou, which is not a Chinese word, almost involuntarily suggests the Hebrew net Saupher, a “Scribe.” An attentive reader of the New Testament will understand the growing im- portance of this class of functionaries under the Jewish polity. The following is the concise account of them given in Horne's “Introduction, &c.:”—“There is in the Gospels frequent mention of a set of men called Scribes, who are often joined with the chief priests, elders, and Pharisees. They seem to have been men of learning, and on that account to have had great deference paid to them; but, strictly speaking, they did not form any sect. The Scribes generally belonged to the sect of the Pharisees, in whose traditions and explanations of the law they were profoundly skilled; and on the sabbath days “they sat in Moses' seat' and instructed the people. Originally they had their name from their employment, which at first was transcribing the law; but in process of time they exalted themselves into the public ministry and became teachers of it, authoritatively determining what doctrines were or were not contained in the Scriptures, and teaching the common people in what sense to understand the Law and the Prophets. In short, they were the oracles that were consulted in all difficult points of doctrine and duty; and it is not improbable that they were, for the most part, Levites, whose peculiar business it was to study and read the Law §.” We have the most authentic evidence of this class of officers existing among the Israelites in China. A note at the end of the 1st section of the Law|, as found in the synagogue at * Book X. p. 2. + Unfortunately I have been unable to get any clue to the existence of this work, which would no doubt be of great value in the present inquiry. it Wei shoo, book XIII. p. 12. § Vol. III. p. 375. | This section, with a great many others, was brought down to Shanghae by the two messengers of the London Society, who visited the colony in 1851. The whole are now deposited in charge of the “Society for the Propagation of Christianity among the Jews,” in Lincoln's Inn Fields, London. 22 The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and [No. I. Kae-fung, a transcript of which was sent to Europe by the Jesuit missionaries, contains the following sentence: “Our master, our rabbi, R. Jacob, son of Abishai, the son of R. Eldad the (Saupher) : Scribe,” and (melammed) teacher, finished this *.” The date of this is about 162o. In a register of the Hebrews resident at Kae-fung foo, which was brought to Shanghae in July 1851, and probably dates some time in the 17th century, there are also several mentioned as holding this office. On the first page we have, “Rabbi Jeremiah the (Saupher) Scribe, teacher, Sheloh, the son of Rabbi Akiba the teacher, Sheloh.” In the record of the Kaou family we find, “Ezekiel, Samuel, Rabbi Issachar, Joseph, sons of Rabbi Mordecai the (Saupher) Scribe; Joshua, Shalman, Rabbi Mordecai the (Saupher) Scribe, sons of Simeon.” In the Le family are given, “Rabbi Reuben the (Saupher) Scribe, son of Eliezer; Rabbi Ezekiel the (Saupher) Scribe, son of Rabbi Shelephidim.” It is deserving of notice that among the few names of office or dignity, found in the books at Kae-fung, one, Rabbi, should correspond to the minister of the chapel men- tioned in the Chinese work; and another, the Saupher, to the presiding officer, not only in the station indicated, but almost identical in sound, the difference being not greater than we might look for in a Chinese transfer. The remaining fragment of the Léâng-king sin ké notices another of these buildings in Chang-gan, thus: “At the north west corner of Poo-ning squaret is a Héén chapel.” These two are the only buildings of the kind named in the part of the above work that has come down to us, but it gives the following summary of public buildings in the city of Ch'ang-gan: “The city contains four Military tribunals, sixty-four Buddhist monasteries, twenty-seven Buddhist nunneries, ten Taouist monasteries, six Taouist nunneries, two Persian temples, and four chapels of the Foreign Héén religion.” (To be continued.) ART. II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. By the Rev. THEoDoRE HAMBERG, Missionary of the Basle Evangelical Society to China. Note.—At a time when the movements of the Tai-ping rebellion in China and our rein- tions to it have been exciting so much interest, there needs no apology for reprinting Mr. Hamberg's admirable history of its origin, and of the founder of the present great power existing like an imperium in imperio in China. The views of Christian people in England have been considerably modified since this paper was written, but it is well to look back to the facts connected with the origin of this rebellion, and hopefully, but wisely, to look for a true and good solution of the anomalies that have arisen in its history. 1. GENEAlogy of The HUNG FAMILY.—The Hung family trace the pedi- gree of their ancestors back to the time of the Sung dynasty, and the reign * Finn's “Jews in China,” p. 37. The original Hebrew of this note, with a Latin and French translation, is given in the Prolegomena to Bagster's Polyglott Bible, p. 17. + This is the third square from the north, next the west wall of the suburban city. July, 1863.] Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. 23 of the two Emperors Hwui-tsung and Kin-tsung, about the beginning of the twelfth century. These two Emperors were taken captive by the northern barbarians, the people of Kin, and carried away to their country. At this period one Hung-hau was Minister of State, and actuated by feelings of duty and compassion, with but one companion to share his dangers, he resolved to visit the Kin country, in order to offer his services to his unfortunate master. Exposed to the severe cold in those northern regions, and being driven out without relief into the uninhabited forests, they soon found that their pro- visions and clothing were insufficient to keep them both alive, upon which Hung's companion magnanimously proposed to sacrifice his own life in order to save Hung, and gave him his own food and raiment, to enable him to continue his wandering, while he himself was left to perish in the forest. Hung was nevertheless soon reduced to extreme distress, and had only the roots of wild herbs wherewith to support his life. The Kin people were astonished to find him after some time still alive, and permitted him to return to his native country. Hung-hau had three sons, Hung-tsun, Hung-mai, and Hung-kwah. The first of these was appointed Minister of State, as his father had been ; the two others were members of the Han-lin college. Hung-tsun's son Hung- Phuh also attained to this distinction, the highest literary rank in China, and at that time there were more than eighty individuals of the Hung family at the Imperial court. From Hung-Phuh to Hung-Nien-kiu-lang were fifteen generations. The latter lived in the department of Chau-chau in the eastern part of Kwang-tung province, but having to suffer insult and persecution from some of his relatives, he removed farther north, to Kia-jing-chau. His descendants afterwards gradually spread in the province of Kwang-tung, and number at the present time about twenty thousand individuals. Among them there always have been found men of literary attainments and renown. From the above Hung-Nien-kiu-lang to Hung-Kung were eleven generations. The latter had four sons, Hung-Jin-king, Hung-Jin-lun, Hung-Jin-shing, and Hung-Jin-wui. Of these Jin-lun and Jin-wui first removed to the district of Hwa-hien, to the northward of the city of Canton, where they settled as farmers, and afterwards brought their parents and brothers to the same place. The descendants of Hung-Kung now amount to about five hundred persons. From one of the above-named four brothers, Jin-lun, descends Hung-Siu- tshuen in the fourth generation, and from another brother Jin-wui, his friend Hung-Jin, also in the fourth generation, from whom the statements composing this narrative have been obtained. In China, where the security of a family depends on the influence and number of its members, all descendants from one ancestral head consider themselves nearly related, and as belonging to one family, mutually bound to protect and assist each other. All of the same generation are called brothers and sisters, those of the former generation are called uncles and aunts, and intermarrying between parties of the same surname or clan is strictly for- bidden. Thus Hung-Siu-tshuen, the subject of the following pages, and 24 The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and [No. I. Hung-Jin, the informant respecting him, are in China considered as much more nearly related than persons under similar circumstances in a western country would be. Hung-Siu-tshuen's father Hung-Jang had three sons and two daughters by his first wife of the Choo family; by his second wife of the Li family, who is still alive, he had no issue. Siu-tshuen was the fourth of the children, and only a sister was younger than himself. Siu-tshuen by his wife of the Lai family has three children, the elder girl about fifteen, the younger about ten, and a son five years of age. Several of Siu-tshuen's nearest ancestors were generally known and renowned for their integrity of character, and attained a venerable old age. Hung-Jin-lun, his great-grand- father's father, was a man of remarkable benevolence, who extended his care to all the members of the clan, and died at ninety-six years of age. The son of Jin-lun attained an age of more than ninety years, and his grandson, the grandfather of Siu-tshuen, was about eighty when he died. Siu-tshuen's father was a venerable old man with a long beard, honest and straight- forward, and was appointed by the clan to take charge of the ancestral fields, the produce of which is the property of the whole clan, and the spending of the revenue derived from which is reserved for extraordinary occurrences, when the interest of all is concerned. He was also appointed headman or elder of his native village, in which capacity he had not only to settle disputes among the inhabitants of his own village, but also to arrange the terms of any agreement with the surrounding villages. In China, where the distance to the district town, or nearest mandarin office, is often very great, perhaps twenty or thirty miles, and where a lawsuit generally results in a mere spending of large sums of money to the benefit of the mandarins and their servants, the method of settling any disputes between themselves by means of appointed, or generally acknowledged, headmen, is in most instances resorted to, and very often war between the different villages is resolved upon, carried on for months, and peace finally concluded, without any interference on the side of the mandarins, who at the present time have lost a great part of their influence among the native population. 2. HUNG's BIRTH placE AND Childhood.—The native place of Hung- Siu-tshuen is a small village in the Hwa-hien district. Its distance from the city of Canton is about thirty English miles, and the country in this direction forms an extensive plain; it is covered with paddy fields, and interspersed with numerous villages. The White-cloud Mountains near Canton may upon a clear day be seen from thence. Siu-tshuen's ancestors having moved hither from Kia-jing-chau, and speaking the Kia-jing-chau dialect, their descendants, and all other Chinese, who have moved down to settle in the southern part of the Kwang-tung province, are by the aborigines, or Punti people, known under the name of Hakkas (Kheh-kia), or settlers. The Chinese adhere strictly to the customs of their forefathers; they spend their whole lives in an unceasing toil for procuring a bare support, and seem by habit almost unable to appreciate those comforts of life which are deemed indispensable by western nations. In such a Hakka village we only find what is useful and JULY, 1863.] Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. 25 necessary, without any thought of comfort or luxury. A description of the native village of Siu-tshuen may serve as a pattern for numerous others. The front part of the houses faces the south to admit the light, and to receive the refreshing south-west breeze during the summer months, and also to avoid the cold north wind during the winter season. Upon entering through the front door there is an open space about ten or twelve feet square, on the sides of which are the cooking and bathing rooms, and right opposite the door is the large room or hall of the house, which is quite open in front, to admit the light and air. On both sides are private apartments of the several branches of the family, who possess one common room for assembling in. The houses con- sist of only one story; the ground is made hard by a mixture of moistened sand and lime, being beaten quite smooth on the surface; the walls are made of the same materials, but with a greater proportion of clay. The roof is simply formed by spars and laths, upon which the tiles are thickly laid, first in rows with the concave side upwards, and above them a second row with the concave side downwards, by which means the water is kept from pene- trating into the house below. The whole population of Hung's native village only amounts to about four hundred people, the most part of whom belong to the Hung family. There are only half-a-dozen houses in the front, but behind are two other rows of houses with narrow lanes leading to them, and in the third row on the west side we find the humble dwelling of Hung's parents. Before the village in front of the houses is a large pool of muddy water, where all the dirt and refuse of the village is carried down by the rain, and which forms a rich supply of water for manuring purposes, though the smell thereof is offensive to persons unaccustomed to Chinese agricultural economy. Upon the left hand from the village, and on the side of this pool, is situated the school- house, where every boy may study the same Chinese classics as are studied everywhere and by every student in the whole country, with the hope ulti- mately of rising from his present humble station to the highest dignities in the Empire. In this village, in the year 1813, Hung-Siu-tshuen was born, and received upon his birth the name, “Brilliant fire;” afterwards upon attaining the age of manhood, another name was given him, marking his relation to the Hung family; and subsequently he himself adopted Siu-tshuen, “Elegant and Perfect,” as his literary name. The two elder brothers of Siu-tshuen assisted their father in cultivating their paddy fields, and a few simple vegetables, which supplied their principal nourishment. The family was in a humble position, possessing only one or two buffaloes, besides some pigs, dogs, and poultry, which are generally included in a Chinese farming establishment. . The young Siu-tshuen soon developed an extraordinary capacity for study, and was sent to school when seven years of age. In the course of five or six years, he had already committed to memory and studied the Four Books, the five Classics, the Koo-wun, and the Hau-king; afterwards he read for himself the History of China, and the more extraordinary books of Chinese literature, 26 The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and [No. I. all of which he very easily understood at the first perusal. He soon gained the favour of his teachers as well as of his own family relations, who felt proud of his talents, and surely hoped that he would in course of time attain the degree of a Tsin-tzu, or even become a member of the Han-lin college, from which the highest officers are selected by the Emperor, and thus by his high station reflect a lustre upon his whole family. Several of his teachers would not receive any pay for instructing him, and though some of the schools he visited were at a great distance, and the circumstances of his family not very good, yet, in order that he might continue his studies, they rejoiced to bring him provisions, and several of his relatives shared their clothing with him, for the same purpose. His old father, in talking with his friends, was particularly fond of dwelling upon the subject of the talents of his youngest son. His face brightened whenever he heard any one speak in his son's praise, and this was inducement enough for him to invite the speaker to the family hall, to partake of a cup of tea, or a bowl of rice, and quietly continue this his favourite topic of discourse. When Siu-tshuen was about sixteen years of age, the poverty of his father did not permit him to continue his studies, but like the other youths of the village, who were no students, he assisted in the field labour, or led the oxen to graze upon the mountains, a common occupation in China for those who, either by their age or by their youth, are unable to perform heavy manual labour. Still it was regretted by all, that Siu-tshuen's studies should thus be discontinued; and in the following year a friend of the same age as himself invited him to become associated with him as a fellow-student for one year, hop- ing to derive benefit from a companion of so much talent. After the expiration of this period, his relatives and friends regretted that his talents should be wasted upon mere manual labour in the fields, and they therefore engaged him as teacher in their own village, whereby an opportunity was given him quietly to continue his literary pursuits, and develop his character. The yearly income of a Chinese schoolmaster depends upon the number of boys who attend his school. The usual number is between ten and twenty; a smaller number than ten would be insufficient for his support, and to more than twenty he could not give proper attention, as he has to teach every boy separately, and hear him repeat his lessons by heart, after he has committed them to memory. Every boy is bound to supply his teacher with the follow- ing articles annually:—Rice 50 lbs., for extra provisions 3oo cash, lamp-oil 1 catty (1}lbs.), lard I catty, salt 1 catty, tea 1 catty, and, besides, a sum of from 14 to 4 dollars, according to the age and ability of the boy. In the district of Hwa-hien, the school studies are continued throughout the whole year, with only about one month's intermission at the New Year. At this time the teacher's engagement terminates, a new engagement must be made, and a change of teachers often follows. 3. HUNg's LITERARY CAREER, SickNess, AND Visions.—At an early period, when he was only about sixteen years of age, Hung commenced to visit the public examinations at Canton, with the hope to realize the high July, 1863.] Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. 27 expectations entertained in his family respecting his literary abilities. There are in China four literary degrees, which can be attained by every one who at the examination distinguishes himself by superior talent, elegance of com- position, and fine handwriting. The first or lowest degree is called Siu-tshai, the second Keu-jin, the third Tsin-szu, and the fourth or highest Han-lin. In order to attain to the first of these degrees, every student must pass three different examinations, namely, first, the examination of the district, called Hien-khau; then the examination of the department called the Fuh-khau; and finally, the decisive examination before the Imperial examiner, called the Thau-khau. At the examination of the district, by the magistrate of Hwa- hien, there are collected about five hundred students every time, being all candidates aspiring to gain the first literary degree of Siu-tshai. Every can- didate must state his own name, and the names of his ancestors during three previous generations; and besides, procure the evidence of a graduate in the district, that he really does belong to its jurisdiction, and is entitled to the right of attending the examination. When the names have been duly regis- tered, every candidate receives a roll of white paper, marked with his num- ber, upon which he has to write his essays. Upon the first day two passages from the Four Books are selected as themes for the essays, and one arbitrary theme for a piece of poetry. Afterwards all these essays are examined, and arranged according to their merits. All the names of candidates are arranged accordingly in ten circles, every circle containing fifty names. After an in- terval of three or four days, the same process is repeated, until the candidates have been collected, and have written their essays and pieces of poetry seven different times—the first three times two essays and one verse, but the last four times only one essay and one verse every day. Finally, he whose name during the course of the seven trials stood highest upon the circle board, is selected as the head of the district examinations. It is, however, often the case, that upon the first and following trials, essays are thrown out as too bad in composition and handwriting, and the names left out, so that the number decreases after every new trial, and at the last trial only fifteen to twenty names remain upon the board. The second examination in the city of the department is very much like the first in the district town. At the third examination, when the names of the graduates are selected by the Imperial examiner, all the candidates from all the district towns of the de- partment assemble together, and this time the examination lasts only one day. A certain number of graduates is appointed, according to the popu- lation of the several districts, from eight to twenty-four individuals from every district, making in the fourteen districts of Canton above two hundred graduates. Those appointed to the degree of Siu-tshai must upon the fol- lowing day stand a new trial, to ascertain if their talent be of a real nature, and that no deception was practised upon the day of the examination. The Siu-tshais of the different departments afterwards repair to the provincial city, and in this province, seventy-two of them are promoted to the second degree of Keu-jin. The Keu-jins of the eighteen provinces in their turn, repair to 28 The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen. [No. I. the capital of the Empire, and about one hundred and twenty or thirty are promoted to the third degree of Tsin-szu. All Tsin-szus repair for further promotion to the Imperial palace, when, upon examination in the presence of the Emperor, forty or fifty of their number are appointed members of the Han-lin college. All graduates are obliged regularly to attend at future examinations, until they are sixty years of age, on pain of losing their degree. Siu-tshuen's name was always among the first upon the board at the district examinations, yet he never succeeded in attaining the degree of Siu- tshai. In the year 1836+, when he was twenty-three years of age, he again visited Canton, to be presented at the public examination. Just before the office of the Superintendant of Finances, he found a man dressed according to the custom of the Ming dynasty, in a coat with wide sleeves, and his hair tied in a knot upon his head. The man was unacquainted with the Chinese vernacular tongue, and employed a native as interpreter. A number of people kept gathering round the stranger, who used to tell them the fulfilment of their wishes, even without waiting for a question from their side. Siu-tshuen approached the man, intending to ask if he should attain a literary degree, but the man prevented him by saying, “You will attain the highest rank, but do not be grieved, for grief will make you sick. I congratulate your vir- tuous father.” On the following day he again met with two men in the Liung-tsang street t. One of these men had in his possession a parcel of books consisting of nine small volumes, being a complete set of a work entitled “Keuen shi leang yen,” or “Good Words for exhorting the Age;” the whole of which he gave Hung-Siu-tshuen, who, on his return from the examination, brought them home, and after a superficial glance at their con- tents, placed them in his book-case, without at the time considering them to be of any particular importance. The following year, 1837, he again attended the public examination at the provincial city of Kwang-tung. In the com- mencement his name was placed high upon the board, but afterwards it was again put lower. Deeply grieved and discontented, he was obliged once more to return home without his hopes being realized; and at the same time feeling very ill, he engaged a sedan-chair with two stout men, who carried him to his native village, where he arrived on the first day of the third Chinese month in a very feeble state, and was for some time confined to his bed. During this period he had a succession of dreams or visions. He first saw a great number of people, bidding him welcome to their number, and thought this dream was to signify that he should soon die, and go into the presence of Yen-lo-wang, the Chinese King of Hades. He therefore called his parents and other rela- tives to assemble at his bedside, and addressed them in the following terms: * It may also have been some time before that period. + Siu-tshuen supposed these two men to have been the same whom he saw the previous day, and who had told him the future; but in all probability his memory was here mistaken, which however was very excusable, as seven years had passed between his first getting the books and his studying their contents carefully. JULY, 1863.] Present State of Science in China. 29 “My days are counted, and my life will soon be closed. O my parents! how badly have I returned the favour of your love to me! I shall never attain a name that may reflect its lustre upon you.” After he had uttered these words, during which time his two elder brothers had supported him in a sitting pos- ture upon his bed, he shut his eyes and lost all strength and command over his body. All present thought he was going to die, and his two brothers placed him quietly down upon the bed. Siu-tshuen became for some time unconscious of what was going on around him; his outward senses were in- active, and his body appeared as dead, lying upon the bed; but his soul was acted upon by a peculiar energy, so that he not only experienced things of a very extraordinary nature, but afterwards also retained in memory what had occurred to him. At first when his eyes were closed, he saw a dragon, a tiger, and a cock entering his room, and soon after he observed a great number of men, playing upon musical instruments, approaching with a beautiful sedan- chair, in which they invited him to be seated, and then carried him away. Siu-tshuen felt greatly astonished at the honour and distinction bestowed upon him, and knew not what to think thereof. (To be continued.) ART. III.-On the Present State of Science, Literature, and Literary Criticism in China. By J. E. [Rev. Joseph EDKINs, B.A.] Re- printed from the “ North China Herald" of March 1857. Authors and literary men have latterly visited Shanghai, seeking inter- course with foreigners who were willing to translate works into the Chinese language. From them much information has been obtained on the existing state of authorship in China. This is a subject, which so far as I am aware, has not been examined into by foreign scholars, French or English. Some notes on the subject, tending to show that the native literature is now in a highly respectable condition, and that works well translated will be received as a great boon by the literary class, will perhaps be acceptable. New works on mathematics, and also on the physical sciences, and on literature and philology, would probably be very beneficial. The Chinese scholars, who are willing to assist in the work of translation, are fully equal in their qualifications to those who aided the Jesuits; and the interval of a century and a half of active authorship in China and the west, has placed the foreigner in a much better position than the Catholic missionaries ever occupied, both for teaching the Chinese new truth, and for knowing the extent to which their acquirements have gone. Their lot was cast in a less fortunate period, and though they were aided by some good mathematicians, and had all the advantages that the imperial court could furnish, they did not know, so well as is now known, what had been done already by the scientific men of former dynasties in China. If the scholars who are now assisting the foreign missionaries in translation should become persuaded of the truth of 30 Present State of Science, Literature, [No. I. Christianity, and join, as the converts of the Catholic missionaries did, in promoting it, a most beneficial impetus would be given to the cause of sacred truth in China. Few foreigners are aware of the true character and extent of modern Chinese authorship. During the present dynasty there has been a succession of good authors in many branches of knowledge, whose names have scarcely been heard beyond the limits of their own country. Proofs are abundant that the literary spirit is still living in this nation, and that all contributions of new knowledge from western stores will be gladly welcomed. A sketch of the principal branches of study investigated at the present time, and during the reigns of the last few emperors, will help to show that the Chinese are not so stationary as many persons imagine. There are some new and re- markable features in the recent literature of this country, which spring from that ceaseless law of change that distinguishes the history of man more or less in every age and nation. First in rank among the studies of modern Chinese scholars stands the criticism of the ancient books. (King-hió.) It investigates all questions connected with the Thirteen classics, discussing their genuineness, interpreta- tion, verbal errors, geography, zoology, botany, pronunciation, chronology, &c. There are some twenty other works contemporary with these, some fifty more of the Han dynasty, and an equal number of the succeeding period before the Tang dynasty, 600 A.D. Scholars of this class labour on all these works, and they have been eminently successful. Out of perhaps 5oo names, about 2 o are of the highest reputation, and they have raised the scholarship of the present dynasty above all comparison with those that have preceded it. This pre-eminence has been gained partly by extensive reading, but more by a spirit of free inquiry and willingness to allow their full value to facts, what- ever may become of time-honoured hypotheses. The re-action against Chu fu-tsz may be adduced as an example of this new criticism. The best modern writers distinctly oppose many of that author's interpretations; e.g. of fien, heaven, as meaning li, “reason. They refer, in defence of their opinion, to passages in the classics, which imply personality of the being called “Heaven.” Another example is the discovery that many parts of the Shu-king, “Book of History, are not genuine, but have been introduced early in the Christian era into that work. These authors have attended to the scholars of the Han as interpreters of the classics, in preference to those of the modern Sung family, and this tendency must become more popular as time progresses, on account of the great influence of its promoters, so that we may expect to see the reign of Chufu-tsz and his compeers, as the leaders of opinion in China, terminated. The importance of the Yih-king, or “Book of Changes, has led to its being made the study of a distinct class of authors. Some of them follow the views of the Han authors, but the greater number follow the method of the literary men under the Sung dynasty, who based their criticism of this celebrated book on moral philosophy. JULY, 1863.] and Literary Criticism in China. 31 The students of ancient manners and customs comprise another school subordinate to the first mentioned, King-hió. Two other subdivisions of the same great school consist of critical labours on old dictionaries (Siau-hió), from the Shwo-wen downwards, and on the ancient pronunciation of the language. (Yin-hió.) These authors have pointed out many remarkable changes in the tones of the language, and also in the alphabetical form of the sounds, and singularly enough they have con- trived to do so without the aid of alphabetic symbols. They condemn the imperial dictionary of K'ang-hi for its numerous mistakes, and hold that a work of this kind is better made by a single hand than by a large committee. They investigate not only the sound and meaning of words, but also the age and old forms of characters. The study of the twenty-four dynastic histories supplies work to another class of authors. They have examined some periods afresh, made new ar- rangements and additions, and investigated ancient astronomy, economics, laws, biography, &c., as found in those works. One of the most flourishing schools of authors is that of astronomers and mathematicians. The introduction of western science by the Roman Catholic missionaries had much to do with this new literary development. It not merely gave to the Chinese, logarithms, geometry, trigonometry, new astro- nomical methods, and an imperfect algebra, but it stimulated Chinese scholars to study their own older mathematical authors, in whose writings they found a native algebra anterior to that of Europe, and at least equal in value to the rudimental algebra taught by the Jesuits. There have been probably fifty authors on these subjects, of whom some half-dozen are still living. One who is now in the astronomical board at Peking, a successor of the discarded Jesuits, is considered to be very competent for his duties. The geographers, of whom there have been fifty or sixty, have studied the great rivers of the country in their ancient and modern channels. It is known to foreigners that the Yellow River has frequently changed its course, but it is not so well known that the Yang tsz kiang once flowed into the sea by three mouths, one at Hangcheu, another by Sucheu and Shanghae, and the third coinciding with its present embouchure. These researches are important for geology. They have also investigated the ancient and modern names of places, the geography of the ancient books, and partially the geography of foreign countries. Foreign geography however has not been studied by them with so much avidity as that of their own country, because the latter is a subject of book criticism, which the Chinese scholar can engage in without leaving the interior of his well-stored library. Another school is concerned with monumental inscriptions on metal and stone (kin-shih.) This has become very extensive, including the examination of chronology, government offices and titles, geography, economics, and the art of writing. There are many hundred authors of this school, of whom several tens are celebrated. Economics (king-tsi) is a branch very much cultivated. It embraces the 32 Thoughts on the Past and [No. I. mode of paying the grain revenue, whether as now done through the magis- trate of each district, or as formerly by the conveyance of the grain direct to Nanking by the people themselves. It also studies canal navigation, em- bankments, and the improvement of agriculture, &c. There have been some good writers of novels, one or two on philosophy (sing-li), a few on music and the military art; but these branches of knowledge have been in a low state during the present dynasty. The poets and essayists are counted by thousands, but not many of them will live. The Chinese however say that some 4oo or 5oo are good, The contemplation of the preceding facts is replete with interest to every observer of the intellectual life of man. Under the Sung family the Chinese literati gave their minds to philosophy, in the two departments of morals and cosmogony. Now they have left those subjects by common consent to de- vote themselves to criticism and antiquities. Mathematical science flourished in both periods, but fell to decay in the intervening dynasty, the Ming. The modern advance in mathematics has been due to the translation of western works, and Euclid is as much honoured in China as in Europe. A fact perhaps still more interesting is, that there has been, as above shown, a spontaneous movement in China itself to criticise received theories, and reject boldly what could not be sustained by facts. This movement has not pro- ceeded so far as to shake in any way the authority of Confucius, or the ancient books and polity generally; but the wider introduction of western knowledge, of our history, literature, politics, and arts, would probably produce a marked and beneficial effect on the succeeding race of Chinese authors. The provinces of Kiangnan and Chehkiang seem to be unusually pro- ductive in authors at the present time. Scholars of the greatest eminence are now residing in Hangcheu, Huchen, and Sucheu, and the neighbouring towns, and they spread around them a literary enthusiasm. The provinces of the north and the south do not appear to be at all equal in scholarship to this more favoured region, where most of the principal critics, philologists, and mathematicians of the reigning dynasty, appear to have been born. ART. IV.-Thoughts on the Past and the Future of China, [translated from the French of Count D'EscAYRAc DE LAUTURE.] Of all the states of Asia, China is the most vast, the most ancient, and the most civilised. Ancient as regards its customs, as well as in consequence of the ages it has passed through. It is a most curious study for this ad- vancing and renascent world of ours. The rare fertility of its soil, increased by the labours of an intelligent race, makes it the richest region of the earth. At the present time, when the life and the interests of the Chinese people are becoming blended with the life and the interests of Europe, it is more im- portant for us to know the past and the present, and to anticipate the future July, 1863.] the Future of China. 33 of this people. We ought also to enquire what are the true interests of Europe in these most distant parts of Asia. We find in the traditions of the Chinese people, as in those of every nation, at first mere fables and legends, afterwards more probable stories and accounts which constitute real history. Fable represents the time anterior to the foundation of the first monarchies, before the adoption of the first forms of worship, and prior to the invention of the useful arts. Legendary stories are explanatory of the beginning of society. Writing comes gradually to aid these accounts, and finally, history is produced and certitude commences. It is natural that the events mentioned in history should resemble each other, for they generally owe their origin to similar laws. Though the similarity of fables frequently strikes us, it cannot be accounted for in the same way. Does it proceed from a like tendency of the human mind? Does it originate in the intercourse of so many nations in ancient times, who were reared in the same cradle? Or must we recognize in what we call fables a portion of history itself, though more or less changed? Be this as it may, the prodigious length of human life, the gigantic forms of the first men and their enormous works, are in China, as well as in other countries, the standing-points of their ancient traditions. Among the Chinese, as among the Greeks, among the Egyptians, and so many other nations, the first men being more powerful than their descendants, were also more just and more happy. The golden age was the first age of the world. At several periods and in various places the waters inundated the lands, the accounts of which are vague and obscure, but notwithstanding, society became established. The human mind in its simple state, while still scarcely conscious of its own existence, was yet great in its spontaneity and its dis- coveries. Men employed fire, smelted metallic ore, subdued the earth, hol- lowed out canoes, raised temples and covered them with the rude represen- tations of the chief events of their own lives. It was under such circumstances that the legends of the Chinese people began twenty-five centuries before Christ. It was on the banks of the Yellow River, which has caused more than one flood, and which is with difficulty kept within bounds, that the first colonists appeared ; and even now, it is there that the Chinese race exhibits its finest and most vigorous specimens. The first agriculturists were few in number: they divided the land amongst them, just as their patriarchs dis- tributed amongst their children the small portions of power which they had in the Empire. Thus a few tribes or clans were formed. The petty princes over them had only the title of ti, which may be adequately translated by the word lord. The dynasty of Cheu, under which Confucius lived, was the first that had kings (wdng); feeble monarchs, indeed, and in peril, for they were surrounded by neighbouring kings whose names appear in history side by side with theirs. In those days when China extended southwards not so far as at present, she had from six to eight rulers at one time. About three centuries before our era, all China was conquered by the Tsin d 34 Thoughts on the Past and [No. 1. kingdom, the rule of which was both short and unsettled. The first princes of this dynasty built the Great Wall, and vainly endeavoured, by banishing (or burying) the literati, and burning the books, to put an end to the influence which fresh revolutions had given to the Confucian school. About the time of Christ, the Han dynasty ruled the whole Empire in a state of peace. This dynasty continued more than four centuries, and filled the whole of Asia with a name by which the Chinese of the present day delight to call themselves, just as the Jews use the name of Israelites, and the Turks that of Osmanli. Three kingdoms rose from the ruins of this Empire; these were for a very short time united under the Tsin dynasty, but not that Tsin just mentioned, and by which China came to be designated in Europe. Very soon China fell to pieces again. At last the illustrious dynasty of Táng appeared, and this during three centuries swayed its sceptre over the half of Asia. Persia, a vassal state, implored her aid continually, in vain, against the Arabs. Her last princes were reduced to a state of vassalage under the emperor of China. . Islam threatened China and checked her progress. She crept in with com- merce, she was introduced with Turkish mercenaries, and held her own with- out extending very far. Buddhism, expelled from India, and in quest of new settlements, became acceptable to China, by taking to herself the greater part of the superstitions of that country. For the first time, in the early days of the Táng dynasty, Christianity appeared, being preached by the Nestorian apostle Olopen and some of his disciples; their efforts were unsuccessful. It was reserved for the Jesuits, Francis Xavier and Matthew Ricci, to have the great honour of truly planting the cross upon the ungrateful soil of China and Japan. The throne of the Táng crumbles in the dust, and the void occasioned by this event is not filled up by the succeeding but ephemeral restorations of five more ancient dynasties. The Sung dynasty then takes the power, but China continues in a distracted state until nearly the termination of this government. The Tartar dynasties, Liau, Kin, Yuen—manchu or mongol– come in and divide among themselves the fragments that remain. The mon- gols of the Yuen dynasty triumph for a century, then they fall; and while Timur reigns at Samarcand, the Chinese dynasty of Ming is founded. Under the Sung and the Yuen dynasties, the Venetian family of Polo visited China. Under the Ming, Andrada landed on her coasts; the Jesuits began their missions there, and those investigations, which still obtain for them the admiration and gratitude of every one who is concerned with China. At last, in 1644, the Manchus seized the Empire, which is still governed by their descendants. During so long a succession, not of years, but of ages, China had indeed passed through some of the phases which appear in our history likewise. Her capital cities as well as her dynasties had changed; the petty princes who strove for power fell one by one; the feudal period was closed, and a reign of despotism and centralization was introduced. China presents us July, 1863.] the Future of China. 35 with an example of the division of the land in early times into a few scattered settlements; the constant advance of the race from the north, southwards, and the ultimate and complete subjection of the southern aborigines who were driven back or destroyed. We also find in the annals of China one fact which our own history does not present in the same degree —an unceasing contest between two races— the one, diligent and wealthy, cultivating the fruitful plains; the other, idle and poor, but proud and turbulent, rising from time to time in the midst of their prairies to attack the government by which in turn they are to be driven back. Such were the wars of the shepherd kings and the Arabs against the Egyptians, and in many other countries between the mountaineers and the dwellers in the plains. In China we may consider these contests as having had three distinct epochs. During the first, the Tartars, more desirous of pillage than conquest, effected but little. The Great Wall, constructed, (as the story goes,) by Chi Hwangti, restrained them during the second period. This was the famous epoch in the history of the Mongols, when they repeatedly ob- tained a footing in the Empire, and very often were completely triumphant. The third epoch began with the Ming dynasty, when the Chinese were com- pletely victorious. The Manchu Tartars, indeed, were able after three cen- turies again to invade and subjugate China, but their insignificant nation has been swallowed up in the greater. Their small kingdom has become the smallest province of China proper. It is full of Chinese immigrants; these spread themselves into Corea and Mongolia; they drive their plough across the virgin soil of the boundless prairie, and, without fighting, they conquer, and drive before them the martial hordes who had overcome them. Through so many changes, under Tartar or Chinese rulers, the Empire was gradually extended, until it included territory as vast as Europe, as fair as Italy, and as fertile as Egypt. Its power stretched across boundless deserts, over hundreds of nomad tribes. It gave laws to almost all Asia, and reckoned among its tributaries some even in India, and others on the confines of Europe. The head of this Empire, cut off from the rest of mankind by distances seldom traversed, looked upon himself as the sovereign of the human race—the link of communication between heaven and earth—the high priest of the divinely appointed sacrifices. At length, however, Europe crossing her boundaries, which have become too narrow for her, and spreading her enterprising citizens, her merchants, and her missionaries over all the earth, made herself known in China. At that time Portuguese, Spanish, and Dutch navigators, greedy after every possible acquisition of territory, seized the islands in the extreme parts of Asia, to the exclusion of all others, without thinking what they could do with them, or how their small nations could occupy and retain such vast and dis- tant possessions. Such specimens of European nations must have given an unfavourable im- pression to the East. England and France only occupied a secondary rank D 2 36 Literary Notices. [No. I. on the Eastern seas; as for Russia, she was preparing in the background to fill a most prominent position. (To be continued.) ART. W.—Literary Notices. Chinese and Japanese Bibliography. Re- views. The Study of the Chinese and Japanese Languages in Europe. The press, at the present time, is exceedingly fruitful in works on China, Japan, and the Eastern archipelago. Most of these works are reviewed partially as they are issued; some are unduly praised; others are carelessly overlooked, or merely noticed as new books on old subjects. The difficulty no doubt arises from the scarcity of reviewers on subjects which relate to the extreme East. Only those who have made China and Japan their study, and who have actually resided in these countries, can properly separate the wheat from the chaff, by distinguishing what is true in fact from what is beautiful in style and elegant in composition, as well as from what is false in judgment or opinion. There never was a period however in which a larger or more enlightening series of literary works on these countries has appeared than within the past ten years. Three considerable wars with China, and the opening of Japan to European commerce, have had an influence in stimulating the minds of our countrymen in these quarters to a degree never before experienced, and the result has been many narratives of travels, experiences, descriptions, &c. &c., worthy of the subjects and their authors. We have had Mr. Robert Fortune's interest- ing books, and Mr. Wingrove Cooke's Letters to “the Times” on China. The Bishop of Victoria's pleasant narrative of “Ten Weeks in Japan,” and Sir Rutherford Alcock’s “Capital of the Tycoon,” the size of which might have been less without loss to its general merits. Captain Sherard Osborn's “Cruize in Japanese Waters,” and “Japanese Fragments,” and Mr. Laurence Oliphant's experiences in the same quarters. Mr. Consul Swinhoe's “Narra- tive of the North China Campaign of 1860;” Lieutenant Colonel Fisher's “Personal Narrative of Three Years' Service in China;” Messrs. Fleming and Mitchie's “Travels on Horseback in Mantchu Tartary, a Summer's Ride beyond the Great Wall of China;” a beautifully illustrated work by Mr. Spencer St. John on “Borneo;” Captain Blakiston’s “Five Months on the Yangtsz;” Commander Lindesay Brine's “Narrative of the Rise and Pro- gress of the Taiping Rebellion in China,” and Mr. Fortune’s “Yedo and Peking,” are among the most recent and interesting publications on these Eastern countries. Some of these it is our intention to review in due course. We can only indicate their names at present. On the Continent, in France especially, a great number of new works have appeared, and others are on the eve of publication. Among the former are the valuable works of Professor Julien, “Histoire de la Vie de Hiouen-Thsang,”—the travels of a Buddhist priest to India; “Méthode pour déchiffreret transcrire les Noms Sanscrits qui July, 1863.] Literary Notices. 37 se rencontrent dans les Livres Chinois;” “Les deux Jeunes Filles lettrées,” —a novel; “Les Avadānas, Contes et Apologues indiens inconnus jusqu'à ce jour; suivis de Fables, de Poésies et de Nouvelles Chinoises.” By the late Professor Bazin several able works appeared in the Journal Asiatique of Paris, and separately. The late M. Callery too was active in his efforts to illustrate China by his pen. The names of MM. Panthier, Léon Pages, Léon de Rosny d'Hervey Saint-Denys (on Chinese Poetry), M. Huc's “Travels in Tartary,” “Christianity in China,” and “La Chine et les Puissances Chrétiennes par D. Sinibaldo de Mas,” late envoy extraordinary from Spain to China, deserve notice; and it is intended to devote an article occasion- ally to the bibliography of China and Japan, in the various languages of Europe, with notes on these books; and the most careful attention will be given to review any works sent to the Editor for this purpose. Among the German works the following by Professor Neumann of Munich is deserving of a fuller review than this below, which barely indicates the extent and contents of the book: —“Ostasiatische Geschichte, vom ersten Chinesischen Krieg bis zu den Vertragen in Peking (1840–1860). Von Karl Friedrich Neumann. Leipzig : Verlag von Wilhelm Engelmann, 1861.--This work contains a survey of the last twenty years of Chinese history, one of the most interesting periods, perhaps, that has ever occurred in her annals. Commotions from within, and struggles from without, have produced changes of various kinds, which, when this transition state is past, will affect the whole empire in an inconceivable degree. Notwithstanding the devastation of her fair provinces, the temporary stagnation of trade, the drain upon her resources to supply soldiers to meet the rebels, and dollars to pay the foreign- ers for their expensive wars, China is progressing rapidly towards a new life. To record the events to which we have referred, and to point out some of the lessons which may be drawn from them, is the object of Dr. Neumann. “About thirty years ago, as he informs us, he visited China, and there formed many acquaintances in the then limited sphere of mercantile and missionary life at Canton. From Dr. Morrison, the first Protestant mission- ary to China, he derived much information; and was enabled to draw from original sources on the spot, some portion of the stock which he has accumu- lated for us in his ‘History of Eastern Asia.’ In the first chapter Dr. Neumann notices the remarkable geographical position of China, and its peculiar name, ‘Middle Kingdom,’ the chosen dwelling-place of the gods, the centre of the earth, as were Delphi, Jerusalem, Mecca, Kapilapura, among the Greeks, the Jews, the Christians, the Mahomedans, and the Buddhists. The origin and use of opium, the gradual increase of the trade in that article, the enormous profits arising therefrom, the various qualities of opium, and the kinds which the Chinese prefer, the law against its introduction into China, where it is not indigenous, and the evasion of the laws by the con- nivance of persons interested in the traffic, are referred to as a preliminary to the second chapter, which details the state of affairs which immediately pre- ceded the first China war. 38 Literary Notices. [No. I. “The Emperor Kang-hi, in the fifty-fifth year of his reign (1717), had, with prophetic words, warned his ministers against the advances of a western sea- faring people, and intimated that these people would prove dangerous to the State. The revival of trade at Canton with the English, and the flourishing opium traffic, excited the suspicious Chinese, and stringent regulations were made to put it down. Lin Tsé-sii, who was sent from Peking as Imperial Commissioner in 1839, after various communications and discussions on the subject, demanded the surrender into his hands of all the opium then in port. The details of this transaction, with which our readers are doubtless familiar, are given in Dr. Neumann's work. The subsequent occupation of Chusan, the taking of the Bogue forts—Canton, Hong Kong, Amoy, Ningpo, and Chinhai—the capture of Chapu and Shanghai, and their consequences, are in turn related. The narrative of the first war is ably told by Dr. Neumann, and the American and French participation in the treaties, with the motives of state policy which influenced these people and their envoys is discussed in detail. The generous and thorough emancipation of China, which some of the American statesmen aimed at, and the narrow-minded designs of France to secure religious and political freedom in China only to subjects of her own faith, are ably contrasted. Dr. Neumann is, however, prone to overlook the enormous influence which Great Britain has exerted in China for the good of all nations, and he leans towards the party which has ever deprecated war with that country. That is, unmindful of the real benefits which accrue from these unfortunate contests, he tries to explain away the reasons which forced them upon us, and fails, as we think, to render justice where justice is due. He next turns to the first causes of the rebellion in China, the secret societies and bloody persecutions which have arisen in the southern provinces. The history of Hung Siu-tsiuen and his blasphemous assumption of brotherhood with Jesus Christ, his visions, his plans, and his proceedings, are summed up in a few pages. The new colonies of California and British Columbia, and the maritime traffic in the Pacific, calculated to have so important an influence upon China, and the recently-opened Empire of Japan, take up two more chapters. Then follows a tractate on Japan, its civilisation and products, its literature and political system, with notes on its history in a religious and commercial point of view. Commodore Perry's expedition to Japan, the Russians on the Amoor, in Eastern Siberia and Japan, and the various subse- quent treaties between Japan and other countries, are introduced into this volume. And a very full account is given of the last Chinese wars with England and France, the advance on Peking, the imprisonment of Consul Parkes, the destruction of the Summer Palace, the recent treaties, and their ratifications and consequences. In a word, notwithstanding Dr. Neumann's peculiar style, and the ultra views which he expresses upon some subjects, we can, in good faith, recommend his work to those who wish to obtain a clear and full history of the last twenty years in China. The position which Dr. Neumann has long held in Munich as Professor of History, as well as of the Chinese language, renders his opinions and dicta worthy of the attention of all connected with the Far East.” JULY, 1863.] Literary Notices. 39 The works of several missionaries have been added to the list during the last ten years. We have Archdeacon Cobbold's “Pictures of the Chinese,” an original and interesting work. The Rev. Wm. Milner's “China” is replete too with original information. And a little work “by a missionary's wife” (Mrs. Collins) has been sent to us for review. The title of it is, “ China and its People, a Book for Young Readers,” elegantly bound, with numerous illus- trations, and published by Messrs. Nisbet. Though intended for children, and written in a simple style, we can heartily recommend it, as a little work worthy of perusal by those who seek to know something beyond the mere hackneyed accounts which are usually given. Mrs. Collins has evidently much more to tell, and we hope she will devote some time to the production of a work for grown-up readers. The following extracts from the chapter on the appearance and dress of the Chinese is worthy of insertion as speci- mens of the book. The pretty and exact woodcuts, with which it is em- bellished, are very beautiful. Among these are a military officer, a Fu-cheu field-woman, a Chinese gentleman, a man walking in the rain, a scholar, a Mandarin's wife, a Canton lady with a guitar, a bride in full dress, which are evidently fresh from the pencil. Chinese Costume. The Chinese women dress their hair very neatly; though coarse, it is glossy and abun- dant; they often increase it with false hair. Unmarried women have a lock on each side, braided behind their ears. All married women wear it brushed off the forehead, and fastened up into a large knot on the back of the head, with a flat silver or mother of pearl pin placed lengthwise, and a shorter one across the knot. There is a great variety in the way of forming this knot in different parts of China. In Shanghai it is oval, with a scarlet cord bound round the hair in the centre of it, for three or four inches, which contrasts very prettily with the black hair. The women of Ningpo fasten two large appendages like wings under their back hair; these wings are made of hair stiffened and spread out in a curious manner, and are not worn at all times. At Hang-chau, the hair is extended behind, like the back of a Grecian helmet. In Fuh-chau, the country-women, whose feet are not bound, like to adorn their heads with gay flowers, either natural or artificial. They dress their hair very high behind, and insert at the top a silver or pewter horn, which bends over their head; long pins, like skewers, are placed on each side, either with large beads, or with flowers fastened to them. In sunny weather, these women shade themselves with a large, round, flat, straw hat, with a hole in the centre instead of a crown, and a plaited frill of blue cotton or silk hanging from the edge of the brim; their hair, horn, flowers, and pins being passed through the hole. At Fuh-chau you often see a gaily decorated head with bare feet and legs. A favourite ornament for the head is a small gilt and jewelled bird at the end of a long pin, projecting over the forehead, and so fastened as to quiver when the lady walks. Flowers are also worn by all classes, as well as ear-rings and bracelets of plain or twisted silver or gold. Nothing like a bonnet is worn in China. The only head-dress is a band of silk, velvet, or fur, broad over the forehead, and gradually narrowing to the back of the head, where it is hooked together under the knot of hair. This is very neatly made and lined, and often ornamented in front with three or four real or imitation jewels. Those women who have to walk in the sun, shade themselves with a fan or umbrella; and in the south they pin a kerchief round their heads in windy weather. In this respect the Chinese fashion is the reverse of ours; they protect the forehead, we the back of the head. The dress of men and women in China is not nearly so different as in western lands. The upper garment is very similar for both, buttoning round the neck and down under the right arm, in the same manner. The common colour and material for the poor is blue or black 40 Literary Notices. [No. 1. cotton cloth; both inner and outer garments are made of this material; indeed what is the inner garment in winter, is the only one in summer, with the loose trowsers which are worn at all seasons, by all classes, both of men and women. A Chinaman suspends many things from his waist which an Englishman would put in his pocket; if poor, his tobacco-pouch, flint and steel; if a literary man, his writing materials, fan-case, and spectacles; if rich, a watch or two in addition, all in richly embroidered pouches. No man is allowed to carry arms. The sleeve is often used as a pocket; the handkerchief, a book, or a tailor's working implements are carried in it; though another pocket is frequently tied round the waist, and hangs down in front under the long dress— this they use as a purse. Mandarins wear thick-soled clumsy-looking boots of black satin. The dress of the Tartars is very much like that of the Chinese; in Fuh-chau they may be known by having only one rib on the toe of their shoes. Tartar women wear a long gown like the men, but dress their hair like the Chinese women. There is very little change of fashions in China; clothes are handed down from father to son. It is not considered rude to make remarks on the dress of others, nor would it be a bad compliment to say of a handsome dress, “I sup- pose that belonged to your grandfather,” as it would show that the wearer's family had been wealthy enough to purchase it. The dress of a Chinese woman is modest and becoming—an upper garment, fitting closely at the neck, and reaching to the knees, loose trowsers, with a border round the ankles, and over these a skirt, open in front, prettily arranged in large plaits over the hips. The sleeves of the dress are generally worn long by ladies, in cold weather quite concealing the hands ; sometimes they are very wide, with splendidly embroidered satin lining, which is turned back to form a border. In Shanghai, women whose feet have not been bound in childhood, often wrap them up in imitation of small feet, and wear high-heeled shoes; and all Chinese women walk more or less in the same manner as those whose feet are cramped. Chinese poets call the small feet “golden lilies,” yet there can be really no beauty in deformity; let us be thankful that we are allowed to go freely as God has made us. In some places, as at Fuh-chau, there is a great distinction kept up between the large and small footed women; the former generally wear blue or black clothes, the latter frequently light colours. I have mentioned before how differently they dress their hair. As regards the study of the languages of the extreme East in Europe, much more can be said now than could have been ten or fifteen years ago. Before Hongkong was ceded to the British Crown in 1842, no thought of teaching Chinese in England was entertained. There had been before that time means afforded for this object in France, Germany, Russia, and Bavaria, but it was not until 1847 that the Professorship of Chinese was endowed in King's College, London, mainly by the energy and liberality of the late Sir George Thomas Staunton, Bart., for the purpose of affording to gentlemen about to proceed to the East, the benefit of instruction in the rudiments of the Chinese language. Since that time, more than twenty gentlemen have been ap- pointed by Her Majesty's Government, from the Chinese class, to posts in China as Student Interpreters; and several who are now holding lucrative offices in mercantile firms in Hongkong and Shanghai commenced, and pro- secuted with success, the study of Chinese at that College. Missionaries destined for China have also availed themselves of this means to lay the foundation for their future studies in the Chinese language. The present state of affairs in China, consequent upon the opening of that July, 1863.] Literary Notices. 41 country more widely to British commercial enterprise, and upon the policy of Prince Kung, the Regent, who is favourable to foreign intercourse, leads to the anticipation that trade with the Chinese in the interior will rapidly in- crease, and that the services of a large number of gentlemen acquainted with the language will be required; for, unless the foreign merchant or his respon- sible agent is acquainted with the language of the native merchant, the former must ever be liable to suffer in the transactions in which he will be compelled to employ native agents and interpreters. The reason why so few of those who go from this country to China and Japan trouble themselves to obtain a little help in commencing the language is the false conceptions which have been prevalent concerning the difficulties to be contended against. Explanation is necessary, and then common sense should be regarded before the dicta of any one on this point be accepted. The language of the Chinese may be viewed from two points: either, first, as a dead language, written in books, which is the source of the numerous dialects of the country; or, secondly, as a living language, which consists of many spoken dialects, all of which are conformable to the general rules and princi- ples of the dead language, just as the living Italian, Spanish, or French may be understood best by those who have cultivated the dead Classics. The acquisition of the living tongue of China can be made more readily and perfectly under a European than by means of the unscientific teaching of a native, who has no conception of an alphabet or a grammar, and cannot, therefore, assist his pupil in the work of analysis, either of sounds or sen- tences. The European scholar can at once point out the path which he has himself trodden, and the real distinctions which exist. The student of a barbarous jargon of sounds, such as Chinese is in some dialects when uttered by the untutored voice, will be prone to make distinctions where the differ- ences are imperceptible to the native, and to neglect peculiarities which are absolutely essential. His native assistant will be unable to explain these things; he will merely leave his pupil to imitate the sound, which at every utterance will probably seem more undefinable. The aid which a native scholar can afford to advanced students is, of course, much greater than that which can generally be supplied by a foreigner; but for initiation into the subject, a European teacher is preferable to a native. The chief drawback to a systematic course of study in Chinese has hitherto been the want of a sufficiently complete apparatus for the purpose ; but this want has been supplied recently by the preparation of a “Handbook of the Chinese Language” by the present Professor, which consists of a Grammar and a Chrestomathy, which are now in use in the Chinese class. Extracts from native authors are included in the Chrestomathy, and upon these lec- tures are given, while the Mandarin dialect forms the principal subject of the grammatical rules, which are studied by the class. Now that the whole Empire is open to Europeans, both diplomatic and commercial agents will, under the passport system, be admitted to the interior, especially along the great arteries of commerce; and in order to perform E. 42 Literary Notices. [No. I. their functions efficiently, they must have a good knowledge of the language, the rudiments of which they may acquire in this country; and as the Japanese language is very intimately connected with the Chinese, the latter serves as a valuable introduction to the study of the former. In Paris, Berlin, and Munich, three learned Professors give instruction in the literary compositions of China, and the classes in Paris (about which only we have the means of knowing at present) are pretty well attended. Recently a class for Japanese has been commenced under the auspices of the Imperial Government, at the Ecole impériale et spéciale des Langues Orientales, by M. Léon de Rosny, who has had great opportunities, by a six months' tour with the Japanese Ambassadors in Europe, and by his previous experience for knowing his subject. He proposes “après avoir exposé les éléments de l'écriture et de la Grammaire Japonoise, d'expliquer plusieurs morceaux de sa Chrestomathie, et d'erercer a la conversation.” The course is public and gratuitously given, under the sanction and approval of the Secretary of State for Public In- struction. OXFORD : PRINTED Y T. CoMBE, E. Pick ARD HALL, AND H. L.AthAM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE ANI) JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. II. AUGUST 3, 1863. ART. I.-Israelites in China. By Alex ANDER Wylie, Esq. (Continued from page 22.) The Se-k'e ts’ung-yi, mentions another of these in the same city, thus: “In the year A. D. 631, a teacher of the Héén-religion, named Muh-hoo-ho-liih arrived at the capital, and having presented a memorial to the throne, an Imperial rescript gave orders that a Heen-monastery should be erected in Tsung-hwa square” in Ch'ang-gan. It was also designated a (Ta-tsin) Syrian monastery, and a (Po-sze) Persian monasteryt.” Several of the dictionaries bear witness to the fact of an Imperial officer having been appointed to take charge of matters connected with this body. Yaou-Kwan speaking of this, says, “In a Catalogue of the Imperial officers, I have seen one styled the Héân-chief. When the professors of the Héén- religion first arrived, they were received at the capital as foreigners, according to the rites of the (Hung-loo she) • Guest reception hotel.” Hence in after times the male and female members of their community were subject to the authority of this tribunal; and such is the origin of the appointment of the officer. It was probably about the commencement of the Tang dynasty that the Héén-religion first had a chief;.” Had any enterprising Israelitish traveller left us an account of his visit to China at that early period, many questions connected with these foreign settlers would probably have received a satis- factory explanation, regarding which we can now only judge from analogy. On this principle, we find it the most natural thing possible that a functionary should be commissioned to superintend the affairs of the Hebrews; as we are actually assured such was the case with the Mohammedans, by one of their * This was the seventh square from the north, next the western wall of the suburban city. † Book I. p. 18. f Book I. p. 18. F. 44 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. countrymen who visited China in the ninth century: “The merchant Soleyman relates, that at Khan-fou, which is the centre of concourse for the merchants, a Mohammedan is appointed by the sovereign to judge all questions that may arise among those of his religion who resort to that country. Such has been the will of the king of China. Upon festival days this man performs religious service with the Mohammedans; he pronounces the khotba and makes suppli- cation to Heaven for the Sultan of the Moslems. The merchants of Irac are never dissatisfied with his decisions; indeed he acts according to truth, and his decisions are conformable to the book of God (Koran) and the precepts of Islamism *.” With this explicit statement before us regarding the Moslems, even were it not expressly declared by the Chinese records, we should be justified in assuming a priori that such an officer would be placed over the Israelites. The sect is named on the Chung-yen-sze pae, or “Tablet of the Chung yen Monastery,” by Shoo Yuen-yu, in the former part of the ninth century, thus: “Among the miscellaneous foreigners who arrived were the Manichaeans, the Syrians, and the Héén worshippers. The monasteries of these three classes of foreigners throughout the empire are not equal in number to those of our Buddhists in one small district.” Tseen Ta-hin, who quotes this, adds: “Now the chapels of the Manichaeans and Hēēn-worshippers have long since disappeared, and nothing is known of their origin; while this tablet (the Nestorian inscription at Se-gan) is the only record which gives any details regarding the Nestorianst.” It is not surprising that a writer of the present day should ignore the existence of the Israelites in China, as the few remain- ing at Kae-fung have scarcely been heard of beyond their immediate vicinity, and are by the Chinese generally identified with the Mohammedans. Even the Kae-fung foo ché, a topographical and historical account of that city, which enters largely and minutely into a description of the public buildings and remarkable objects, makes not the slightest memtion of their existence. The same author, in another work, after quoting the above extract from the tablet, adds: “The Buddhist monasteries were united as one, but these Foreign monasteries were of three kinds; the Mo-ne (Manichaeans) were the Mö-ne, the Ta-tsin (Syrians) were the King-keaou (Nestorians), and the Héén-shin (Héén-spirit worshippers) were Po-sze (Persians):.” As Persia appears to have been the country by which the Israelites reached China, and this conclusion is supported by the number of Persian words found in their rituals, it is natural that they should be included under this national designa- tion; but it is obvious that the same term sometimes embraced the Parsees, and even the Nestorians. * Relation des Voyages faits parles Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et à la Chine; tra- duit par M. Reinaud, Paris, tom. I. p. 13. + Tseen yen tang kin shih win pa wei suh, book III. p. 3. This is a work on stone inscriptions, written by Tséén Tá-hin, in the early part of the present century. t King keaou kaou. An investigation of the Nestorian religion, by Tséén. Tá-kin. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese de Japanese Repository. . 45 The numbers of these foreign sectaries must have multiplied greatly during the Tang dynasty, as we are warranted in believing, from the few indi- cations within our reach. Chinese history informs us that in the year 845 the Emperor Woo-tsung issued an edict for the suppression of Buddhist monasteries, in which he commanded “ those of the religious orders belonging to the Nestorians, Mohammedans, Fire-worshippers, Hèën-worshippers”, and others, more than six thousandt people in all, to retire into private lifet.” What may have been the immediate effect of this edict there are no data to prove; but the probability is that it merely resulted in suppressing the names of the different sects, and the public practice of their ritual services; in 862 we may conclude that some of their adherents stood high in the imperial service Ś, and about sixteen years later they were very numerous in some parts of the empire. This we gather from the first account of China by any foreigner from the West, being a narrative by Abou-Zeyd Al-Hassan, an Arab, of such things as he had learned from his countrymen who had been there, and appears to have been written in the twelfth century. He says, speaking of a general massacre which took place at Khan-fou in 878: “People who are well informed regarding the affairs of China relate that there perished on this occasion a hundred and twenty thousand Mohammedans, Jews, Christians, and Parsees, who were established in the city, and carried on trade there, besides the number of the natives who were put to death. The number of persons of these four religions, who lost their lives, is known, because the Chinese government levied an impost upon them according to their numbers ||.” This last sentence is in admirable agreement with the previous statement, that a superintending officer was placed over the Héén sect by the Chinese government. * A modern edition of this edict, published in the Koo-wan yuen-kéºn, gives a different version of this sentence. Its words are Ta-tsin (Nestorians) and Müh-hoo-pa, of which two proper names the Manchu translation of the same work gives a literal transcript. But the meaning of Müh-hoo-pa is not known. , Gaubil, in the Mémoires sur les Chinois, tom. XV, thinks it alludes to the Mobeds of Persia, while M. Pauthier recognizes in the name, Maabar of Southern India. (See “De l'authenticité de l'inscription Nestorienne de Si-ngan-fou,” p. 72.) It is well known to sinologues however, that there is a great uncertainty in the ancient proper names, as they have been republished in the splendid imperial editions of the present dynasty. This was shown by Klaproth thirty years ago, in a communication to the Journal Asiatique; and it is obvious to any one who has occasion to examine critically the modern editions of historical works where many proper names occur. They are often so disfigured by the improved (!) orthography, that for etymological researches it is necessary to repair to the ancient editions. The quotation given above is from the Se-ke-ts'ung-yu, which reads Ta-tsin (Nestorians), Muh-hoo (Mohammedans), Ho (Fire), Hèen and others. + The Se-ke-ts'ung-yū gives luh-shih, “sixty,” but this is evidently a typographical error for luh-tsºn, which by an additional stroke makes “six thousand.” The Koo-win yuen- keen gives San-tseen, “three thousand.” f Se-ke-ts'ung-yū, book I. p. 19. $ Mik-chwang-mwón lith, book IV. p. 2. | Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l'Inde et a la Chine, tom. I. p. 64. 46 . The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. In the years 956 and 958 we find tokens of favour conferred on them by the local authorities of Kae-fung foo". The next information we get about this sect is from the tablets in the synagogue, which relate an immigration of seventy families with tribute of Western cloth t. The Emperor Heaou-tsung of the Sung dynasty said, “Since they have come to our Central Land, and reverently observe the customs of their ancestors, let them hand down their doctrines at Pèën-leang (Kae-fung).” In the year 1163 a synagogue was commenced, and two years later it was finished, at the expense of Yen too-la, while Lie Ching and Woo-sze-ta superintended the religion f. Previous to this it would appear, the Israelites in China, like their brethren in western nations, had passed through a season of reverse, and by this special act of imperial clemency the reinforcement was allowed to occupy the place that had been hallowed by the worship of their forefathers. There is an interesting note in the Mih-chuang-mwón lith $, published about this time, regarding some of these places of worship, the first of which probably refers to the synagogue just mentioned. “On the north side of the city wall of the Eastern capital (Kae-fung), there is a Héén-temple. The Hèën-spirit is originally from the (Se-yih) Western regions. This is a foreign spirit. The adherents came to China with the Nestorians and Mohammedans, and their worship is after the manner of the Parsees. The people in the capital reverence the majesty and intelligence of this spirit, and render to him extreme homage. The minister of the temple is surnamed She, with the postnomen She-chwang, and says that the office has been hereditary in his family for many generations. Three tablets are preserved there which were presented to them in former times. One, denominated “Cherishing favour,’ was given in the year 862, by Ling-hoo, the Military commissioner for Seuen-woo, who was acting as Minister of state. One, denominated ‘Soothing,’ was given in the year 956, by Wang, the Prefect of Kae-fung, with the authority of Chancellor of the Twan-ming palace. One is denominated ‘Noble,” and was given in the year 958, by Wang, the Prefect of Kae-fung, with the authority of Commissioner of the Privy-council. From the time of the T'ang dynasty, the Héén-spirit has been worshipped in Pèen, and the ministers may have succeeded each other in the office for two hundred years, which is a remarkable thing. On the city wall, to the east of the Choo-fang Gate of Chin-keang foo, there is a chapel of the Héén-spirit, but it is not known by whom it was erected|.” Two other chapels of the sect in Ch'ang-gan are named in the Ch'ang-gan che, but without anything to denote the time of their foundation: “On the * Mih-chwang-mwón lith, book IV. p. 2. + This appears to have been cotton, the plant not having been introduced into China until some centuries later. f Chinese Repository, vol. XX, pp. 454, 457. § This is a miscellaneous collection of facts, in ten books, supplementary to the national histories, by Chang Pang-ke, and evinces much depth of research. | Book IV. p. 2. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 47 west side of the south street dividing the Tsing-kung square” is a Hèën- chapel t.” “To the south of the Western gate of Le-tseuen squaret is a Hèën-chapel $.” In 1279, one of the tablets informs us, the ancient synagogue in the south- eastern part of Too-shih-tsze street was rebuilt by the Woo-sze-ta, covering an area of 35o feet square; ; being probably the restoration of one of the edifices originally established under a former dynasty. From some incidental remarks in Marco Polo's Travels, we learn that the Jews were sufficiently numerous about this time to assert a political influence in China and Tartary. Speaking of the defeat by Kubla khan of the Tartar prince Nayan in 1286, who had a vast number of Christians in his army, he continues: “When the Jews and Saracens perceived that the banner of the cross was overthrown, they taunted the Christian inhabitants with it, saying, * Behold the state to which your (vaunted) banners, and those who followed them, are reduced" !’” In the following chapter, speaking of the rites with which Kubla honoured the Christian festivals at Kanbalu (Peking), he adds: “And he observed the same at the festivals of the Saracens, Jews, and idol- aters. Upon being asked his motive for this conduct, he said: “There are four great Prophets who are reverenced and worshipped by the different classes of mankind. The Christians regard Jesus Christ as their divinity; the Saracens, Mahomet; the Jews, Moses; and the idolaters, Sogomombar- kan”, the most eminent amongst their idols. I do honour and show respect to all the four, and invoke to my aid whichever amongst them is in truth supreme in heaven tr.’” “This conduct,” remarks Mr. Wright, “towards the professors of the several systems of faith is perfectly consistent with the character of Kubla, in which policy was the leading feature. It was his object to keep in good humour all classes of his subjects, and especially those of the capital or about the court, by indulging them in the liberty of following un- molested their own religious tenets, and by flattering each with the idea of possessing his special protection it.” And the rebuilding of the synagogue above noticed was probably a result of his toleration and patronage. Towards the close of the same dynasty we have the testimony of Ibn Batuta, the Arabian envoy, as to the existence of the Jews in China about the year 1346. In his account of the city of Khansa (Hang-chow), he remarks: “In the second division are the Jews, Christians, and the Turks who worship the sun : these are numerous, their number is not known : and * This was the seventh square from the north, against the east wall of the suburban city. + Book IX. p. 4. it This was the fourth square from the north, on the west side of the second street west from the imperial city. § Book X. p. 6. | Chinese Repository, vol. XX. p. 457. * Marsden's Translation, edited by Thomas Wright, London, 1854. p. 166. ** This word is obviously an erroneous transcript of Shigamouni borkhan, Shakye mouni Buddha (or God). ++ Travels of Marco Polo, pp. 167, 168. it: Travels of Marco Polo, p. 167. 48 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. theirs is the most beautiful city. Their streets are well disposed, and their great men are exceedingly wealthy”.” The privileges of this people seem to have been ratified to them on the accession of the Ming dynasty, in the latter half of the fourteenth century, at which time they had a good number of mullahs or teachers among them; and a commission from among these was appointed to take charge of and manage the affairs of the synagogue in Kae-fungt. In 1421 the building was repaired under imperial patronage, and the im- perial tablet or Wan-suy pae of the Ming dynasty was placed in the hall of worship, a commissioner having been sent to burn incense there. Two years later, one of the fraternity received a high military commission. In 1445 the front portion of the establishment was rebuilt, but a flood that occurred in 1461, from the overflowing of the Yellow River, almost destroyed the whole building. It was again restored by official permission, and an additional portion was annexed to it, in the latter half of the fifteenth century. Families of Israelites must have been living in other parts of China at that time, in the full enjoyment of their religious privileges, as we find they were able to procure rolls of the Law from Ning-hea and Ningpo, in place of those that had been destroyed by the flood; and they appear to have had establishments also at Hang-chow and Peking!. In 1489 the building was entirely renewed, a record of which event is preserved on a stone erected the same year. Another stone tablet still remains within the enclosure, dated 1512, giving a general outline of the religious views of the residents at that period; forming a traditional memento of singular interest, as surviving the influence of cen- turies of heathen contact. At the close of the sixteenth century they were again deprived of their books by a fire, and the loss was in part supplied by the purchase of a roll of the Law from a Mohammedan at Ning-keang-chow in Shen-se, who had received it by legacy from a dying Israelite at Canton; and from this Hebrew roll they were able to make several copies. The synagogue was rebuilt by one of the fraternity, of the surname Chaou, at that time magistrate of a district city. We have allusion to the Israelites in China about this time in the Relation of Galeotta Perera, an Italian gentleman, who was many years a prisoner in the country. Speaking of the administration of justice there, he says: “The Moores, Gentiles, and Jewes have all their sundry othes, the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos, the Brachmans by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they do worship $.” A native cyclopaedia, published about this period, speaks of eight different * Travels of Ibn Batuta, Lee's translation, p. 217. + Chinese Repository, vol. XX. p. 457. f Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tom. XXIV. p. 62. § The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries of the English Nation; by Richard Hakluyt, vol. II, part ii. p. 73. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 49 systems of Astronomy promulgated at various times in China, the last named being “denominated the ‘Four heavens,’ a theory introduced by the Héén foreigners”.” It appears extremely probable that the Jews would bring with them from the West some of the astronomical notions current in the countries where they had been residing. Noticing the wealth and influence of those who had settled in Bagdad, Renaudot tells us: “They thrived by various means; many of them cultivated the sciences, particularly Philosophy, Astro- nomy, and Physict.” It was not many years after the conflagration above mentioned, that the Jesuits, who had newly obtained a residence in Peking, became acquainted with the existence of the Jewish settlement in Kae-fung, by one of the Hebrews having come to Peking to procure literary honours. He stated that in his native city there were ten or twelve families of Israelites, with a fair synagogue, which they had recently restored and decorated at an expense of ten thousand crowns, and in which they pre- served a roll of the Law, four or five hundred years old; adding, that in Hang-chow-foo, the capital of Che-keang, there were considerably more families and a synagogue; and that there were many in other parts of the country: but these having no synagogue, their religion was gradually becoming extinct. This last statement harmonises well with what Semedo learned while residing in Nanking. He was there informed by a Mohammedan that in that city he knew of four families of Jews who had embraced the religion of the Koran, they being the last of their race there, and their instructors having failed as their numbers diminished. The first European we hear of having visited the Kae-fung synagogue was Jules Aleni, in 1613; but although he confirmed what was previously ascer- tained, he added little new information. In 1642 the synagogue was again devastated by the overflowing of that scourge of Honan the Yellow River, when a great number of their books were destroyed or washed away; and this being followed within a short period by the investment of the city of Kae-fung, at the establishment of the present dynasty, the resident Israelites became completely dispersed for the time; but members of seven of the clans returned to their ancient patrimony soon afterwards, these being commonly designated the seven clans of Hwuy- tsze. During the eighteenth century several Europeans were admitted within the synagogue, but the most circumstantial account we have is from the pen of Father Gozani. From his statement we gather that a commendable spirit of enterprise had been exhibited by the remaining families, in having restored the edifice, and procured thirteen complete copies of the Pentateuch on rolls of skin. The several mural legends also which still exist, bearing date at * San-tsad t'o6-hway. Astronomical section, p. 2. t Ancient Accounts of India and China, from the French of Renaudot; Appendix, p. 190. 50 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. various times from 1657 down to 1797, would seem to indicate a regard on the part of the Israelites for the sanctity of the place. A recent notice of the existence of the Héén-religion is found in the Shang- hae heen che *. In the Biographical section of that work we read, “Chang Wei-chung, cognomen Leſh-jiu, epithet Shih-heu, obtained the degree of Tsin- sze (LL.D.) at Sueen-hwa in the year 1779. He was afterwards Mayor of Shay-hung in Sze-chuen, where, by his economy, prudence, and benevolence, he was reputed the best magistrate in that part of the country. The Héen- worship being prevalent in that district, an impostor claiming supernatural powers appeared among them, (raising subscriptions for the restoration of a temple), by whom the preceding district magistrate had been imposed upon. But Wei-chung meeting his pretensions with severe personal chastisement, his influence gradually became extinct f.” In 1777 and 1779, successively, the oriental scholar Olave Gerhard Tychsen sent Hebrew letters to the Jews at Kae-fung, through some friends in Batavia, but it is not known if these ever reached their destination. In 1815, Dr. Morrison forwarded to them a Hebrew letter from some Jews in London, which there is good reason to believe they retained possession of, although since that time there has been no one sufficiently skilled in Hebrew to read it. In 1850 another Hebrew letter, accompanied by a communication in Chinese, was forwarded to them by Mr. Layton the British Consul at Amoy. This was received f, but the fear of the authorities knowing that they had any correspondence with foreigners, prevented them taking any notice of it in reply. The most recent information procured regarding this colony is the result of a deputation despatched at the instance of the London Society for promot- ing Christianity among the Jews, two Chinese having been specially com- missioned to visit them on two occasions in 1850 and 1851, for the purpose of obtaining all possible information regarding them. The result of their inquiries confirmed in every respect the previous accounts; representatives of the seven clans were said to be still there, but to all appearance the community was reduced to a deplorable state of poverty; for fifty years they had been without a rabbi, and their condition indicated a state of decline threatening a rapid extinction of the sect. The synagogue still remained with its various appurtenances, but the ravages of time were apparent in its hastening dilapida tion; the rolls of the Law on sheep-skin and the smaller rituals were still preserved, but they were now a dead letter to the remaining Israelites: some of these were purchased for the Society in London. Some of the members of this community have on several occasions since visited Shanghae. Within * This is a topographical account of the district of Shanghae, comprising history, anti- quities, institutions, men of note, &c. + Book XIII, p. 48. - # It is now in the possession of the “Society for the Propagation of Christianity among the Jews,” at their establishment in Lincoln's Inn Fields, London. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 51 the past few years the city of Kae-fung has been repeatedly visited by rebel bands, whose incursions have spread desolation and misery among the inha- bitants. Report says that the Israelite remnant is again dispersed, and that their interesting literary relics have been carried with them to different parts of the country. Another visit to the establishment by some European might succeed in obtaining further light regarding their past history, and the prospect of their future return to the same locality. Should the present be the ultimate dispersion of the community, and the ancient syna- gogue be removed, or adapted to some idolatrous use, so scanty and indefinite are the notices of this people in the native literature, that the fact of their ever having been in China will soon be unknown among the natives to all but some few archaeological investigators; and were it not for the circumstantial statements which have of late years been given to the public, many Europeans would be ready to place the accounts of their residence in China among the incredible marvels of oriental travellers. Ill-informed and indifferent as Chinese authors generally are with regard to foreign religions, it is not surprising to find them at a loss to know what system to refer the Héen-religion to ; and we do not find unanimity among those who have ventured to speculate on the subject. Yaou-Kwan says it is the Parsee faith *. The “Catalogue of Books in the Imperial Library t,” drawn up and pub- lished under the superintendence of the Emperor, during the K'éen-lung period, asserts that it is identical with the Nestorian religion of the Tang dynasty, and the Roman Catholic of modern times. But were there no other objection to that view, the date of its existence in China is sufficient to re- fute it. In recent times, we have the opinion of a Chinese scholar who is perhaps better qualified than most of his countrymen to speak on the subject. The late Lieutenant-governor of Füh-kéén, Seu Ke-yu, in his “Geography of Foreign Countries 1,” has the following remarks, which are deserving of attention: “From Judea westward, the nations all worship the Teen-(Heaven)- spirit. This worship originated with Moses, about the time of the com- mencement of the Shang dynasty. It is said that the Teen-spirit descended on Mount Sinai, and gave ten commandments for the guidance of mankind; whence originated the appointment of the seventh day for rest and worship, being a thousand and several hundred years before the birth of Christ. This then is the source whence the Roman Catholic religion took its rise, but it is not identical with the Roman Catholic religion. From the time of the former five dynasties there have been chapels of the Heen-spirit in China. There * Se-ke-ts'ung-yū, book I. p. 19. + Kin-ting sze-koo tseuen-shoo tsung-muh, book CXXV. p. 33. : Ying hwan ché leg. In this compendious sketch of outside nations, the author has taken advantage of his opportunities for consulting foreigners regarding foreign affairs, which he freely acknowledges, and impartially uses the information thus derived. 52 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. were also chapels of the (Hoo) Foreign Heen, and the (Hö) Fire Heen. We find this character Heen is compounded of the two characters she (spiritual influence) and teen (heaven), equivalent to the Teen-(Heaven)-spirit. This religion took its rise in Judea, on the eastern border of the Roman empire. The designation Foreign Heen' is the same as the ‘Heen-spirit.” The “Héen-spirit’ is the same as the ‘T'éen-spirit, and appears to belong to the Roman empire. This was the foreshadow of the Christian religion. As to the “Fire-spirit' (Parsee) religion, it came from Persia, and had no connexion with the Roman empire. Calling this by the name “Fire-Héen' is con- founding in one the two names (Ho-shin) “Fire-spirit,' and (Teen-shin) Teen- spirit.” To say that the Persian (Parsee) religion came from the Roman empire is like tracing out one's own family connexions in a strange clan *.” It is not a little remarkable how distinctly this author alludes to the Israelites here as a separate sect, although apparently he had no knowledge of the existence of a synagogue and settlement at Kae-fung foo, for while treating of various foreign religions in China, he does not once allude to this through- out his work. In view of the various facts and opinions, which have been thus brought together from native and foreign sources, there does appear to be good ground for concluding that the Heen-worship in China was that of the Hebrews. Apart from the other evidence, it should be borne in mind that a certain number of foreign religions are named in the Chinese books, and that these just agree in number with those that we know from other sources to have entered China. The Mohammedans, Manichaeans, Parsees, and Nestorians, we can clearly identify. But the Israelites, we have reason to believe, were much more numerous than some of these others, and have remained in China through a long succession of ages; is it probable that they alone should be omitted, when all other sects were named If they have been entirely omitted, then the name of a foreign religious body, the Héen-worshippers, alone remains unidentified. The two negative suppositions imply a strong positive, and—to use a Chinese metaphor—“unite like the two parts of a signet.” Besides the notices of the Héen-worshippers in China, there are a goodly number of records, in the native literature, of this sect in various other countries of Asia, which it may be interesting to trace out, and will probably form the substance of a future paper. * Book III. p. 37. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 53 ART. II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. By the Rev. Theodore HAMBERG, Missionary of the Basle Evangelical Society to China. (Continued from page 29.) They soon arrived at a beautiful and luminous place, where on both sides were assembled a multitude of fine men and women, who saluted him with expressions of great joy. As he left the sedan, an old woman took him down to a river and said, “Thou dirty man, why hast thou kept company with yonder people and defiled thyself? I must now wash thee clean.” After the washing was performed, Siu-tshuen, in company with a great number of vir- tuous and venerable old men, among whom he remarked many of the ancient sages, entered a large building, where they opened his body with a knife, took out his heart and other parts, and put in their place others new and of a red colour. Instantly when this was done, the wound closed, and he could see no trace of the incision which had been made. Upon the walls surrounding this place, Siu-tshuen remarked a number of tablets with inscriptions exhorting to virtue, which he one by one examined. Afterwards they entered another large hall, the beauty and splendour of which were beyond description. A man, venerable in years, with golden beard and dressed in a black robe, was sitting in an imposing attitude upon the highest place. As soon as he observed Siu-tshuen, he began to shed tears, and said, “All human beings in the whole world are produced and sustained by me; they eat my food and wear my clothing, but not a single one among them has a heart to remember and venerate me; what is however still worse than that, they take of my gifts, and therewith worship demons; they purposely rebel against me, and arouse my anger. Do thou not imitate them.” Thereupon he gave Siu-tshuen a sword, commanding him to exterminate the demons, but to spare his brothers and sisters; a seal by which he would overcome the evil spirits; and also a yellow fruit to eat, which Siu-tshuen found sweet to the taste. When he had received the ensigns of royalty from the hand of the old man, he instantly commenced to exhort those collected in the hall to return to their duties toward the venerable old man upon the high seat. Some replied to his exhortations, saying, “We have indeed forgotten our duties toward the venerable.” Others said, “Why should we venerate him? let us only be merry, and drink together with our friends.” Siu-tshuen then, because of the hardness of their hearts, continued his admonitions with tears. The old man said to him, “Take courage and do the work; I will assist thee in every diffi- culty.” Shortly after this he turned to the assemblage of the old and virtuous, saying, “Siu-tshuen is competent to this charge;” and thereupon he led Siu- tshuen out, told him to look down from above, and said, “Behold the people upon this earth ! hundredfold is the perverseness of their hearts.” Siu-tshuen looked and saw such a degree of depravity and vice, that his eyes could not 54 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. endure the sight, nor his mouth express their deeds. He then awoke from his trance, but still being under its influence, he felt the very hairs of his head raise themselves, and suddenly, seized by a violent anger, forgetting his feeble state, put on his clothes, left his bedroom, went into the presence of his father, and making a low bow said, “The venerable old man above has commanded that all men shall turn to me, and all treasures shall flow to me.” When his father saw him come out, and heard him speak in this manner, he did not know what to think, feeling at the same time both joy and fear. The sickness of Siu-tshuen continued about forty days, and in vision he often met with a man of middle age, whom he called his elder brother, who instructed him how to act, accompanied him upon his wanderings to the utter- most regions in search of evil spirits, and assisted him in slaying and extermi- nating them. Siu-tshuen also heard the venerable old man with the black robe reprove Confucius for having omitted in his books clearly to expound the true doctrine. Confucius seemed much ashamed, and confessed his guilt. Siu-tshuen, while sick, as his mind was wandering, often used to run about his room, leaping and fighting like a soldier engaged in battle. His constant cry was, “Tsan jau, tsanjau, tsan-ah, tsan-ah,”—“Slay the demons! slay the demons! slay, slay; there is one, and there is another, many many cannot withstand one single blow of my sword.” His father felt very anxious about the state of his mind, and ascribed their present misfortune to the fault of the Geomancer in selecting an unlucky spot of ground for the burial of their forefathers. He invited therefore magicians, who by their secret art should drive away evil spirits; but Siu-tshuen said, “How could these imps dare to oppose me? I must slay them, I must slay them | Many many cannot resist me.” As in his imagination he pursued the demons, they seemed to undergo various changes and transformations—at one time flying as birds, at another time appearing as lions. Lest he should be unable to overcome them, he held out his seal against them, at the sight of which they immediately fled away. He imagined himself pursuing them to the most remote places under heaven, and every where he made war with and destroyed them. Whenever he succeeded, he laughed joyfully and said, “They can't withstand me.” He also constantly used to sing one passage of an old song, “The virtuous swain he travels over rivers and seas; he saves many friends and he kills his enemies.” During his exhortations he often burst into tears, saying, “You have no hearts to venerate the old father, but you are on good terms with the impish fiends; indeed, indeed, you have no hearts, no conscience more.” Siu-tshuen's two brothers constantly kept his door shut, and watched him, to prevent him from running out of the house. After he had fatigued himself by fighting, jumping about, singing, and exhorting, he lay down again upon his bed. When he was asleep, many persons used to come and look at him, and he was soon known in the whole district as the madman. He often said, that he was duly appointed Emperor of China, and was highly gratified when any one called him by that name; but if any one called him mad, he used to laugh at him and to reply, “You are indeed mad yourself, and do you call me mad?” When men Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 55 of bad character came to see him, he often rebuked them and called them demons. All the day long he used to sing, weep, exhort, reprove by turns, and in full earnest. During his sickness he composed the following piece of poetry:- My hand now holds both in heaven and earth the power to punish and kill— To slay the depraved, and spare the upright; to relieve the people's distress. My eyes survey from the North to the South, beyond the rivers and mountains; My voice is heard from the East to the West, to the tracts of the sun and the moon. The Dragon expands his claws, as if the road in the clouds were too narrow ; And when he ascends, why should he fear the bent of the milky-way ? Then tempest and thunder as music attend, and the foaming waves are excited, The flying Dragon which the Yih-king describes, dwells surely in Heaven above. One morning very early when Siu-tshuen was about to leave his bed, he heard the birds of the spring singing in the trees which surrounded the village, and instantly he recited the following Ode:– The Birds in their flight all turn to the light, In this resembling me ; For I'm now a King, and every thing At will to do I’m free. As the sun to the sight, my body shines bright— Calamities are gone ; The high Dragon and the Tiger band Are helping me each one. Siu-tshuen's relatives asked the advice of several physicians, who tried to cure his disease by the aid of medicines, but without success. One day his father noticed a slip of paper put into a crack of the doorpost, upon which were written the following characters in red : “The noble principles of the heavenly King, the Sovereign King Tshuen.” He took the paper and showed it to the other members of the family, who however could not understand the meaning of the seven characters. From this time Siu-tshuen gradually re- gained his health. Many of his friends and relatives now visited him, desirous to hear from his own mouth what he had experienced during his disease, and Siu-tshuen related to them without reserve all that he could remember of his extraordinary visions. His friends and relatives only replied, that the whole was very strange indeed, without thinking at the time that there was any reality in the matter. 4. SIU-Tsh UEN's CHANGE–READING of THE TRActs—BAptism.—With the return of health, Siu-tshuen's whole person became gradually changed both in character and appearance. He was careful in his conduct, friendly and open in his demeanour, his body increased in height and size, his pace became firm and imposing, his views enlarged and liberal. His friend describes him as being, at a later period, a rather tall man, with oval face and fair complexion, high nose, small round ears, his voice clear and sonorous—when he laughed, the whole house resounded; his hair was black, his beard long and sandy, his strength of body extraordinary, his power of understanding rare. Persons of vicious habits fled from his presence, but the honest sought his company. He 56 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. now again attended the public examination at Canton, and was also, as before, several years engaged as teacher of a school about eight miles from his native place. As a schoolmaster he was rather severe, and kept his pupils in strict order; he was however very friendly to those whose character he approved of, and in confidential conversation he occasionally disclosed the thoughts of his heart, whereby it was evident, that the impression which his former sick- ness and visions had made upon his mind had not been effaced. In the year 1843 he had a school in a village called “Water-lily,” about ten miles from his native place, being engaged as teacher by the Lee family. In the fifth month, his cousin Lee, whilst looking into his bookcase, happened to take out from among his books the work entitled “Good Words for exhorting the Age,” and asked Siu-tshuen what these books contained. Siu-tshuen answered, that he did not know their contents; that the books had been pre- sented to him when he once attended the examination at Canton. Lee asked his permission to take the books home and read them at his leisure, which Siu-tshuen readily granted. Whilst the cousin of Siu-tshuen is looking over the nine little volumes of “Good Words for exhorting the Age,” which were destined to exercise a great influence upon Siu-tshuen's mind and actions, it may not be out of the way for us also to take a glance at their contents. The author of the “Keuen- she-leang-yen,” or “Good Words for exhorting the Age,” calls himself “Hioh-shen,” or “the Student of Virtue.” The name however by which he is commonly called is Liang Afah, known as one of Dr. Milne's Chinese converts. Whilst he was engaged at Malacca as a type-cutter, he had daily opportunities of hearing Dr. Milne expound the Scriptures, by means of which his heart was gained to the service of the true God by faith in Jesus Christ. In describing his own conversion, Liang introduces also several conversations between him- self and Dr. Milne, whose explanations of the merits of Christ and the rite of baptism deserve particular notice. Liang says, “Upon every Sabbath day, when no work was performed, I used to read the holy Scrip- tures. If I did not understand a passage, I went to ask Dr. Milne, who was very willing to explain the meaning to me. I therefore asked Dr. Milne about the atonement of Christ, and how He could save men. Dr. Milne said that all the men of the world had left the worship of the only true God, and fallen into idolatry; had transgressed the righteous law of God, and deserved eternal damnation. But God, the Creator of all men, not willing to destroy the whole race, according to his great mercy, caused his holy son Jesus to leave his glorious place in hea- ven, descend into the world and become a man, conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit, and born of the Virgin. Jesus taught men to know and worship the one Lord and Creator of the universe, and to desist from idolatry. He taught men the value of their never-dying souls, and the importance of preparing for a future judgment; that he came into the world to suffer and die in order to atone for the sins of men; that every one who now believes in the atonement of Jesus and is baptized, may receive the forgiveness of all sins and be saved; but that every sinner who does not believe, will suffer the eternal punishment of hell.” Liang thereupon asked Dr. Milne the meaning of Baptism. Dr. Milne said, L “The rite of Baptism consists in sprinkling a little pure water upon the head or the body of a person. The inner or spiritual meaning of it is to wash a person clean from the pollu- Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 57 tion of his sins, that by the Holy Spirit his heart may be changed, which will cause him from the time of his being baptized to love the good and hate the evil, to change his former life, and become a new man.” Liang, upon retiring to his little room, thought in himself, “I am a sinner; if I do not rely upon the atoning merits of Jesus, how can I pray to God freely to forgive my sins " . . . Liang then made up his mind to become a Christian, and applied for baptism. Dr. Milne said, - “If you with all your heart repent of your sins, believe in the Lord Jesus Christ, and act according to his doctrine; if you have resolved not to worship any idols, but only to adore the great Lord and Creator of the Universe; and to desist from all depravity, wickedness, deceit, and lying, then you may be admitted to baptism, but not otherwise.” Liang Afah then declared himself quite willing to act according to the instruction of Dr. Milne, and was baptized by him. He describes the cere- mony of his own baptism in the following way:-Dr. Milne having again asked him several questions, read some verses of the Scriptures, and explained their meaning. He then kneeled with Liang in prayer, imploring the grace and mercy of God. The prayer being concluded, he took a little pure water with his hand, and applied it to Liang's head. This ceremony was followed by another prayer, and the convert asked Dr. Milne what special mark those had who believed in Jesus; Dr. Milne said, “The special mark of true believers is—to do good with all their heart.” Liang then returned to his little room; and as he sat there alone, musing upon what had taken place, he felt a secret joy in his heart, because he had received the pardon of God for all his great sins. He then took the name of “Student of Virtue,” and continuing in prayer and the reading of the Holy Scriptures, gradually experienced a change of mind and heart. He not only desisted from evil practices, but even evil thoughts after some time became less frequent. He not only himself aban- doned the worship of idols, but he pitied the stupidity of others who engaged therein, and desired to exhort them to throw away the idols, repent of their sins, and worship the only true God. Two years afterwards, in the year 1819, he returned to China, and having instructed his wife, and found her willing to receive the religion of Jesus, he acted according to circumstances and baptized her. Subsequently he and his wife took their infant son to Dr. Mor- rison, requesting baptism for him also. In the course of a few years, Dr. Morrison, finding Liang sincere in his desire to propagate the gospel among his countrymen, ordained him to the office of Evangelist, and gave him the right hand of fellowship, telling him to make known the religion of Jesus far and wide. According to a report from Dr. Morrison, dated September 4th, 1832, Liang Afah had, during the course of that year, printed nine Tracts of about fifty pages each, composed by himself, and interspersed with passages of sacred Scripture. They were revised by Dr. Morrison in manuscript, and afterwards printed at Malacca. The general title is, “Keuen-shi-liang-yen,” or “Good Words for exhorting the Age”.” * The nine volumes have often been bound up as four. 58 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. These books contain a good number of whole chapters of the Bible accord- ing to the translation of Dr. Morrison, many essays upon important subjects from single texts, and sundry miscellaneous statements founded on Scripture. Siu-tshuen's cousin Lee, after having read the books, returned them to him, and said that their contents were very extraordinary, and differed greatly from Chinese books. Siu-tshuen then took the books and commenced reading them closely and carefully. He was greatly astonished to find in these books the key to his own visions, which he had had during his sickness six years before; he found their contents to correspond in a remarkable manner with what he had seen and heard at that time. He now understood the venerable old One who sat upon the highest place, and whom all men ought to worship, to be God the heavenly Father; and the man of middle age, who had in- structed him and assisted him in exterminating the demons, to be Jesus the Saviour of the world. The demons were the idols, his brothers and sisters were the men in the world. Siu-tshuen felt as if awaking from a long dream. He rejoiced to have found in reality a way to heaven, and a sure hope of ever- lasting life and happiness. Learning from the book the necessity of being baptized, Siu-tshuen and Lee now, according to the manner described in the books, and as far as they understood the rite, administered baptism to them- selves. They prayed to God, and promised not to worship evil spirits, not to practice evil things, but to keep the heavenly commands; they then poured water upon their heads, saying, “Purification from all former sins, putting off the old, and regeneration.” When this was done, they felt their hearts over- flowing with joy, and Siu-tshuen composed the following Ode upon repent- ance :- When our transgressions high as heaven rise, How well to trust in Jesus' full atonement; We follow not the demons, we obey The holy precepts, worshipping alone One God, and thus we cultivate our hearts. The heavenly glories open to our view, And every being ought to seek thereafter. I much deplore the miseries of Hell. O turn ye to the fruits of true repentance! Let not your hearts be led by worldly customs. They thereupon cast away their idols, and removed the tablet of Confucius, which is generally found in the schools, and worshipped by the teacher as well as by the pupils. 5. FuRTHER STUDY of the TRActs—PREACHING—AND Adversities.— On the tenth day of the sixth month, Siu-tshuen returned from Water-lily, and first visited a friend named Phang, in whose village he had several years been engaged as teacher. Siu-tshuen's heart was full of his new discovery: he spoke with such a flow of language about his visions, and the books re- ceived from heaven, that his friend Phang really thought he had got a new attack of his former sickness, and ordered a trustworthy man to see him home in safety. During their walk of about eight miles, Siu-tshuen spoke about Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 59 the folly and sinfulness of idolatry, and about the duty of worshipping the true God. His companion listened for a while, and then said, “Why, all that you say is only the truth. Mr. Phang told me that your mind was again de- ranged, and requested me to see you home, lest you might upon your way fall into the water and be drowned.” Upon his return home, Siu-tshuen soon converted to his views two intimate friends, named Fung Yun-san and Hung- jin. He first baptized them in a school, where Fung Yun-san was teacher; but afterwards they all three went down to a rivulet in the neighbourhood, to have a complete cleansing. Siu-tshuen thereupon removed the idols from the schoolrooms of his two converts, and composed the following Ode to awaken the minds of men :- Besides the God of Heaven there is no other God; Why do the foolish men take falsehood to be truth 2 Since their primeval heart is altogether lost, How can they now escape defilement from the dust? Hung-jin wrote a reply according to the Chinese manner, finishing with the same words,- The mighty heavenly Father, He is the one true God. Idols are made of wood, or moulded from the clod. We trust that Jesus came, to save us who were lost, That we may soon escape defilement from the dust. While at home, Siu-tshuen and his two friends attentively studied the books, which Siu-tshuen found to correspond in a striking manner with his former visions; and this remarkable coincidence convinced him fully as to their truth, and that he was appointed by God to restore the world, that is, China, to the worship of the true God.— “These books,” said he, “are certainly sent purposely by heaven to me, to confirm the truth of my former experiences; if I had received the books, without having gone through the sickness, I should not have dared to believe in them, and on my own account to oppose the customs of the whole world; if I had merely been sick, but not also received the books, I should have had no further evidence as to the truth of my visions, which might also have been considered as mere productions of a diseased imagination.” Then he raised his voice, and spoke in a bold manner, “I have received the immediate command from God in his presence, the will of Heaven rests with me. Although thereby I should meet with calamity, difficulties, and suffering, yet I am resolved to act. By disobeying the heavenly command, I would only rouse the anger of God; and are not these books the foundation of all the true doctrines contained in other books?” Under this conviction, Siu-tshuen, when preaching the new doctrine to others, made use of his own visions and the books, as reciprocally evidencing the truth of each other. He revered the books highly; and if any one wished to read them, he urgently told them not to alter or mark them in any manner; “because,” said he, “it is written therein (Ps. xxxiii. 4) Jehovah's word is correct.” One day he visited a Siu-tshai of the name of Wun, with whom he spoke about the books, and the doctrine they contained. Wun would not believe G 60 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. his statements, and said, “Give me the books, and I will correct them for you, and bring you back from your errors.” These words greatly offended Siu-tshuen, and though the Siu-tshai had killed a fowl for his entertainment, he left the house without partaking of it. The books contained many portions of the holy Scriptures, which, though translated certainly in a faithful manner, yet had so much of foreign idiom, and were so often without any introduction and comments, that Siu-tshuen and his friends, left wholly to themselves, of course made many mistakes as to the real meaning. They found, for instance, in these chapters many pronouns, “I, we, you, he,” and so on, introduced. These they were at a loss how to apply, and when they asked Siu-tshuen to whom these pronouns referred, he kept silence; but his friends clearly understood that he often applied the pro- noun “you” or “he” to himself when the meaning suited his views, as he considered the whole of these tracts specially written for him and given him from heaven. Often when he observed the word Tshuen (whole, all, complete) he thought his own name was referred to. He liked exceedingly the 19th and 33rd Psalms, which he and Hung-jin used to recite in a loud voice. The third verse he would understand, “Their voice is gone out to the whole world (country of Tshuen);” the ninth and tenth verses he would read, instead of “altogether righteous,” “Tshuen is righteous, more to be desired than gold.” The twelfth verse again he would read, “Who can understand, so as Tshuen, his errors 2" and so on. Reading the description of the flood, the destruction of Sodom, and the judgment, they were filled with awe, not knowing whether, perhaps, these dreadful calamities were still to be expected. Siu-tshuen in particular began to be very careful in his conduct, and evinced a great deal of earnestness and sincerity in his addresses to others. From these tracts he learned, that virtuous men from the West, by the command of God and constrained by the love of Him, had travelled to the province of Kwang-tung, not fearing the dangers of a sea-voyage of several myriads of miles, in order to preach the gospel in China; that they had gone to the expense of several myriads of cash in order to study the Chinese language, and afterwards to translate the holy Scriptures into Chinese ; that their sole object was to save the Chinese people from the sinful practice of idolatry, that they might obtain forgiveness of sins and life everlasting. . . . He further read, “It is therefore highly desirable that the man (or men) of the great and glorious Middle Kingdom, who sees these books should not vainly boast of his own country being the land of true principles of propriety and fine literature, but with a humble mind put aside his own preju- dices, and the thought of from what country they are derived, and consider that the God of heaven created us to be men, and every one who is a man ought to know the saving doctrines of the holy Scriptures.” Soon after the above statement, it is said (from I Cor. i.), “See to your calling, that among you are not many wise after the flesh, not many mighty or noble; but that God hath chosen the foolish to confound the wise, the weak to confound the mighty, the base and despised by the world, and which are nothing, to bring to naught those that are.” Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Jupanese Repository. 61 In the Chinese language it is often impossible to know whether a word is to be taken in the singular or plural number; it is therefore easy to conceive how Siu-tshuen could apply to himself personally such expressions as really referred to all persons or Christians. On the 15th of the sixth month, he returned to his school in Water-lily, and upon leaving he directed Hung-jin to study the doctrine attentively and preach the same to Siu-tshuen's and his own family and relatives. Siu- tshuen's parents and brothers with their wives and children were soon con- verted from idolatry, and afterwards received baptism. Among their other relatives, several sincerely believed ; others were convinced of the truth, but feared the "mockery of the people. Some said, “Such mad and foolish things ought not to be believed ;” others had to suffer rebuke from their own parents because of their faith. Hung-jin's elder brother struck the former with a stick, tore his coat, and drove him out of the house, for having re- moved the tablet of Confucius from his schoolroom, whereby he had caused all the boys to leave the school. Hung-jin merely replied, “Am I not the teacher ? How is Confucius able to teach, after being dead so long why do you force me to worship him " In the meantime Siu-tshuen and his friend Lee at Water-lily continued their own studies of the books. Being however left to their own judgment as to the meaning, they were unable to distinguish between heavenly and earthly, spiritual and material matters. They no doubt supposed the promised possession of the heavenly kingdom referred to China, and that the inheritance of God's chosen race applied to the Chinese and Hung Siu-tshuen. They ordered two swords to be made, seven Chinese pounds in weight, (about 9 lbs. English,) and three Chinese feet long; one sword for Siu-tshuen, and one for Lee. Upon the blade were engraved three characters, “Demon-exterminating sword.” They now prayed God to bless them and give success, whereupon both sang together : — With the three-foot sword in our hand, We give to quiet sea, and land. Surrounded by ocean, all forming one clan, Dwells man in harmonious union. We seize all the demons, and shut them up Within the cords of the earth ; We gather the traitors, and let them fall Into the heavenly net. All the four parts of the world Depend on the sovereign pole. The sun, the moon, and the stars Join in the chorus of triumph. The tigers roar, the dragon sings, The world is full of light. When over all great peace prevails, O ! what a state of bliss' 6. Siu-Tshuen And Yun-san LEAve their Home AND visit the M1AU- Tsze Tribes—Success of THEIR PREACHING IN KwaNg-SI.-In the year 1844, during the first month, the elders of Hung's native village made a long G 2 62 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. procession with lanterns, according to Chinese customs, at “the Feast of Lanterns,” which is an occasion of great mirth and pomp. They called Siu- tshuen and Hung-jin, knowing them to possess poetical talent, and requested them to write some songs or odes, praising the merits of the idols. Both of them refused to do so, which rather irritated the old men, who now themselves wrote a stanza in order to reprove the young men for their obstinacy in not complying with their request, thinking their conduct to be the result of evil instigations of other young men; their words were, - We stupid, old, are useless now, We thought the young might help us, But find to-day, that we and they Have no relation more. A man may be of talents great, Still comes their use from his own will. By listening to much evil talk You stick to private views. Siu-tshuen wrote back the following verses in reply:— Not because of evil saying, Did we disobey your orders, We but honour God’s commandments— Act according to His precepts. Heaven's and perdition's way Must be rigidly distinguished. We dare not in thoughtless manner Hurry through the present life. After exchanging a few more verses, the matter terminated in a friendly way. The elders were obliged to acknowledge that Siu-tshuen and Hung-jin were in the right; but afraid of the public opinion, they dared not to avow their conviction. From that time, however, they never asked the assistance of the younger Hungs in their idolatrous practices. As Siu-tshuen and his few followers had renounced idolatry, and removed the tablet of Confucius from their schoolrooms, they were in the present year left without employment. Being at the same time very poor, they formed the plan to leave their native place, influenced by the words of Scripture, “A prophet is not without honour, save in his own country, and in his own house.” They resolved to travel to another province, to visit the villages and towns as ink and pencil venders, and preach the true doctrine, while they hoped to support themselves by the small profits of their sales. Siu-tshuen knew that Hung-jin had been beaten by his elder brother, and had still to suffer much derision for having abandoned idolatry, and wished to take him, though nine years younger than himself, as a companion upon the way. The relatives of Hung-jin would however not allow his departure, he being then only twenty-two years of age. Siu-tshuen, Yun-san, and two other friends, then left their native villages, intending to visit the independent tribes of Miau-tsze. They soon came to the district of “Clear-far,” where they con- verted several members of the Lee family to the new doctrine, and administered japtism to those who believed. Hung-jin, who had been left behind, was Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 63 afterwards engaged as teacher in Clear-far for several years, and baptized during that period from fifty to sixty individuals. Siu-tshuen and his friends continued their journey, everywhere preaching the new doctrine, teaching men to worship the one God Jehovah, who sent his Son to atone for the sins of the world; and in every place they found some willing to accept their words. In the third month they reached the borders of the Miau-tsze tribes. The two other friends having already got tired of journeying, and returned to Hwa-hien, Siu-tshuen and Yun-san continued their wanderings alone among the wild tracts and desolate mountains of the Miau-tsze. After four days they were fortunate enough to fall in with a Chinese schoolmaster, of the surname Kiang, who kept a Chinese school among the independent tribes. He enter- tained them in a liberal manner, and believed in the doctrine which they made known to him. But as they were totally unacquainted with the vernacular of the Miau-tsze, they only left with him a few written tracts for distribution among the people. They again left the house of Kiang, who gave them a little money to enable them to continue their journey, and now purposed to visit some of Siu-tshuen's relatives in Kwang-si; but neither of them was acquainted with the way. They found very few villages, only now and then a tea-shed, where they could get a few sugar-cakes and tea to mitigate their hunger. Finally, after twenty days' fatiguing walk, over steep and rugged mountains, they arrived at “Valley-home,” where Siu-tshuen's cousin Wang lived; and now they returned thanks to God, who had protected them during their perilous journey from all kinds of dangers. (To be continued.) ART. III.-On the Present State of Science, Literature, and Literary Criticism in China. By J. E. [Rev. Joseph EDKINS, B.A..] Re- printed from the “ North China Herald " of March 1857. (Continued from page 32.) CHINESE Authors UNDER THE TARTAR DYNAsty.—The two centuries during which the Manchus have ruled China have exhibited a vigorous au- thorship, and a considerable increase in the literature of the country. The great emperors K'ang-hi and K'ien-lung loved learning, and did all that they could to advance it. But the progress that has been made is not so much due to them as to the native authors who have appeared in this period. The greatest of them is perhaps Ku-yen-wu, a native of Kºwen-shan near Sucheu. He lived at the time of the Tartar conquest, and declined to take office under the new dynasty, because he had been a subject of the Ming, which preceded it. His works on economics, on sounds, and on the classical books, have greatly influenced subsequent writers. His most highly valued work is Jih chih luh, Record of daily gatherings. A little later Mei-ting-tsu of Ning-kwoh-fu wrote voluminously on Euclid's 64 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. Elements, on Astronomy, and Trigonometry. His contemporaries Wang-siau- wan and Sih-fung-tsu were also celebrated as mathematicians. Mau-si-ho of Shau-hing, at the same time, in commenting on the classical books, attacked fiercely the opinions of Chu-hi, the most renowned Chinese philosopher since Mencius. A hundred and twenty volumes of multifarious learning testify to his industry, but he wrote only half as much as Ku-yen-wu. Among the geographers and military writers of this time was Ku-tsu-ii. His knowledge of the histories (in all about 500 volumes) was very great. His admirers say that he could repeat them backwards without difficulty. Another geographer, somewhat later, was Tai-tung-yuen. He studied the Shui king, Book of rivers, an important relic of the Han dynasty. He sepa- rated the text from the glosses, and provided it with an ample commentary. One of the most remarkable writers of last century was Kiang-yung, a native of Hweicheu. He was a most successful philologist. He aimed to discover the ancient pronunciations of the language as preserved in the clas- sics. Discarding the mandarin sounds as of modern origin, he laboured at the old tonic dictionaries and the books of the classical period, and con- structed a dictionary containing what he considered to be the true sounds of all words in the ancient books. He found that they are retained in many instances in provincialisms, as in the dialects of Kiang-nan. Condemning those who maintain that the arrangement of the tonic dictionaries is defective, and that the rhymes of former poetry are imperfect, he assumes the accuracy of both, and ascribes their apparent irregularities to the ignorance of the moderns, as to the language of their forefathers. He is distinguished for his modera- tion, learning, and acuteness; and may be said to have restored the old sounds to the Confucian classics in nearly their primitive form". He also wrote well on mathematics and ancient customs. His pupil Twan-yuh-t'sai has followed up his researches in the ancient pro- nunciation, and has sketched the history of the formation of the tones. He has published excellent critical editions of the Shwoh-wen and Shu-king. Tsien-ta-hing of Kia-ting near Shanghai was a member of the Imperial Academy in the latter half of last century. He wrote on most branches of learning. His scholarship was immense, and when he grew old, he became oblivious, like Neander the Church historian, to every thing but books. The sound of a gong beaten at his side would not in the least disturb his medita- tions. He was equally at home in interpreting the classics and correcting the histories. He wrote much on monuments, on the ancient sounds of the lan- guage, and on matters connected with the Mongols in China. * It was only recently that I saw the Ku-yün-piau-tsun and other works of this author. Their results agree remarkably with my own independent researches in the same field, e.g. that the mandarin is modern, that the language of the northern provinces was formerly the same with that still prevailing in the south, that the final o was formerly a, that the final ing was iang, &c. Yet this author needs the alphabet very much in his investigations, and also the aid to be derived from the Fuhkien and Canton dialects, and the old Japanese and other transcriptions of Chinese sounds. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 65 Early at the close of last century flourished Wu-sih-ki, the best poet of the present dynasty. He was a native of Cheh-keang. Early in the reign of K'ien-lung lived Yen-peh-shi, the best critic on the Shu-king. He found that about half of that work is not genuine, being ad- ded in the Tsin dynasty. In this view he was opposed by Mau-si-ho, but he has carried the suffrages of all later critics. - Early in this century Cºhue-tsing-ngan, belonging to the imperial astrono- mical board, wrote on mathematics. He had more than two hundred pupils, and for thirty years in conjunction with the Jesuit mathematicians laboured on the calculation of eclipses, and the preparation of the national calendar. Li-si-hiang, another mathematician, was the first to bring to light the Chi- nese algebra of the Sung and Yuen dynasties, which had been entirely lost sight of. It is called T'ien yuen. He wrote a valuable history of astrono- mers and mathematicians, called Cheu-jen-chuen. Lo-ming-hiang, a mathe- matician of Yang cheu, was a pupil of Cheu-tsing-ngan. He discovered the Si yuen, an expansion of the T'ien yuen, by an author under the Yuen dynasty, and extended it in an edition of his own. He committed suicide at the capture of Yang cheu by the insurgents in 1853. The works of this author, and the preceding, were published at the expense of Yuen yuen, a high man- darin, who was himself a good scholar, and compiled a dictionary said to be much superior to that of K’anghi. Another victim of the rebellion was Sai- shang-a, a Manchu of great reputation as a scholar. He was in command in Hu-kwang, when the insurgent multitude came north towards the Yang-tsi- kiang. He was disgraced by the emperor's command, and in consequence put an end to himself. He wrote much on sounds, and the mode of expressing Manchu in Chinese characters. Among those who have applied themselves to foreign geography one of the best is Wei-yuen, a native of Hunan, now residing at Sucheu. In conjunction with Lin-tseh-sii, the instigator of the opium war, he prepared the work Hai- kwob-t’u-chi, Account of foreign countries, which has been most favourably received, and has already passed through five editions. Notwithstanding his extensive knowledge of foreign nations, he is contemptuous and hostile in his spirit towards them. He seems to seek knowledge in order to discover the means of checking the advances of the “barbarians” in China, rather than for its own sake. He has also written Sheng-wu-ki, The wars of the present dynasty. Another contemporary author on foreign geography is Sü-ki-ii, a native of Shansi, where he is now living in retirement. He is more candid and re- spectful towards foreigners than the preceding writer. Sii-ki-ii has woven his work into a continuous narrative in an excellent style. Wei-yuen's book consists very much of quotations. Together they detail almost all the facts found in our school abridgments of geography and history. To avoid being tedious, a few of the other chief names are here placed together. In the time of K'anghi, Wan-t’ung-tsung and Hwei-ting-ii were renowned critics on history. In the time of Kieu-lung, Sun-sing-yen wrote on 66 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. the ancient books. Contemporary with him was T'si-chau-nan, a good geo- grapher. By a fall from his horse he lost part of his brain. After this accident he wrote better books than before. Alittle later lived the grandson of Mei- ting-tsu, who first recognised the likeness between the Chinese and western algebras. - The writers whose names are given in this notice, with a few others”, living and dead, are gradually producing a radical change in the literary sentiment of the country. The vis inertia of Chinese institutions prevents rapid changes in the public examinations, and the common editions of important books. Other- wise the influence of these authors would already have affected them materi- ally. All changes must be made by imperial command, and the present dynasty is committed to the older system. There are indeed questions in his- tory, geography, economics, &c., attached to the provincial higher examinations, but they occupy a subordinate position. There are also voluntary examina- tions in any branch that the students may wish, and the examiner is competent for. But it is universally admitted by good scholars, that too great preponder- ance is given to essays and poetry. The emperor K'ang-hi made an unsuc- cessful attempt to introduce a compulsory examination in mathematics. On the whole it is easy to foresee that a great change will take place on the ac- cession of a new dynasty. The Sung editions of the classical books will pro- bably be displaced, and with them the dictionaries published under imperial patronage during the present dynasty. More respect will be paid to the opinions of the Han scholars, and the authors of the last two centuries will take a very high position. There is a vacuum in philosophy. The system of the Sung writers is little believed in, and no native author has attempted to supply its place. Are we ready to do this 2 Perhaps a philosophy for science is much better adapted for the Chinese at the present time than a metaphysical one. Bacon would be more suitable for them than Hocke, Kant, and Hegel. German Pantheism would indeed be nothing new to them, for they have it already in the Buddhist books. They need a healthy Christian philosophy which guides man in his inquiries into nature and into himself, and traces all things to the operation of one creating and controlling mind. It would be the aim of such a philosophy to overthrow their attachment to the linear symbols of Fuh-hi, to the Yin and Yang principles, to the symbols on the back of the tortoise and dra- gon, to the T'ai-kih, and the other puerilities which a little more good sense would have led them to abandon long ago. RECENT CRITIcism of THE CHINEsk ANCIENT Books. – During the Tartar dynasty, authors in the highest repute for scholarship have made the ancient books their study. In fact they have accomplished a positive advance towards freedom of thought in this and several other branches of knowledge. Their motto has been, tº # R H Shih shi Kieu shi," in well ascer- * For further notices on the mathematicians, see Mr. Wylie's article on Chinese Arith- metic in Shanghai Calendar. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 67 tained facts seek for the truth.” This principle is akin to the Baconian phi- losophy, and though it is an undeveloped axiom in the hands of the Chinese, wanting a master mind to mould it into a theory of induction, it has produced not a few important results. The following is a sketch of their critical labours on the Confucian classics, for it is not to physical science, but to the depart- ment of literature that their efforts have been directed. The Yih king or “Book of Changes” had been interpreted by Chu futsi and his fellow authors of the Sung dynasty as a treatise on morals, a directory for self-government and politics. Cheng fu tsi had introduced this mode of viewing it. Writers of the present dynasty, such as Hwei-t'ing-ii, Chang- hwei-yen, and others, have drawn attention to the old interpretations of authors who lived early in the Christian era. They regard it rather as a book of fate. According to them it foreshadows the changes of the physical uni- verse and of human affairs. It is the record of the unseen destiny that controls that prosperity and decay, which belong to all beings and things. Its symbols are of so general a kind that they admit of various applications; but the most distinctly marked of these applications are to the accession of an emperor to the throne, and the distinction between the good and noble- minded man and one who possesses the opposite qualities *. These more ancient critics lived very near the time of the disciples of Confucius, and are therefore considered to have been in a better position for ascertaining the real meaning of this book than later scholars. Some of them were Tauists, to whose religion the happy generality of this book accommodates itself as well as to the Confucian. Indeed the primitive religion of China, to which this book belongs, is equally the parent of both these religions. Of the “Book of History’ (Shu king) there are two ancient copies. That called the Ku-wen-shang-shu, or ‘the copy in the old character,’ was found in an old wall in the house of Confucius. It was presented to the emperor, and placed in the imperial library. Here it was beyond the reach of many scho- lars, but K'ung-ngan-kwoh wrote a commentary on it. Lieu-hiang, Pan-ku, Sz-ma-t'sien, and a few other celebrated literati also made use of it. The copy now extant was compiled by Mei-tséh of the Tsin dynasty. He is thought to have invented about half of it, and also much of the commentary attributed to K'ung-ngan-kwoh. In the present dynasty Yen-peh-shi has endeavoured to show that this is the state of the case, and to his views the best subsequent scholars have given in their adhesion. The copy called Kin- wen-shang-shu, or ‘the copy in the new character' (the li shu which inter- vened between the seal character and that now used), was constructed from the recitation of an old man, Fuh-sheng, who had learned it in his youth. K’ung-ngan-kwoh compared it with the imperial copy, and found that they agreed. But it only consisted of one-half of the whole work. In the copy now extant there are 58 sections, of which 25 are considered spurious or partly genuine and partly false. Among those that are not at all * Being in metre this work is what we should call an allegorical poem. 68 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. suspected, are the opening sections on the emperors Yau and Shun, particu- larly valuable on account of the notices they contain of early Chinese astro- nomy, and their being the oldest relic of Chinese writing in existence. The invaluable geography of the emperor Yii is also free from doubts. The former sections are cited by Sz-ma-t'sien in full, and the section on geography by him, and by Pan-ku. Thus their authenticity is confirmed. The passage in which a solar eclipse is mentioned, occurring according to Gaubil in the year B.C. 2 155, is among the condemned portions of the book. It was found difficult to reconcile this eclipse with calculations from modern tables. Gau- bil wished by means of it to verify Chinese chronology. If this recorded eclipse could be proved correct, it would not only aid the chronologer, but also serve to establish the authenticity of the passage in which it is found. The eloquence of Wu wang when he describes heaven and earth as the father and mother of all things, and man as the most intelligent of beings, is spu- rious. This and many other passages read with a smoothness, which betrays their later origin. Under a new dynasty there will doubtless be another edition of the “Book of History,’ about half the size of the present one. That now used was prepared by Tºsai shen, a disciple of Chu-hi, without any of that discrimination which distinguishes the productions of Yen-peh-shi and Twan-yuh-t'sai of the reigning dynasty. Many other scholars have laboured in this field to the number of several hundreds, but these two are the most distinguished. The “Book of Poetry’ was commented on by several scholars of the Han family. The most eminent of them were Mau and Cheng. Chu-hi (Chu-fu-tsi) when he wrote his commentary, which has now been for many centuries an esta- blished school-book, neglected these authors. He was misled by Cheng-t'siau, author of the T'ung chi, one of the great cyclopaedias of the Sung dynasty. This learned man despised the critical aids to be found in the works of the Han scholars, and Chu-hi injudiciously followed his example. He has fallen consequently into many errors. One of the chief is, that he has regarded a part of the poems that make up the Shi king as licentious. Confucius says in the Lun ii, the third of the Four Books, that the music of the Cheng kingdom was licentious. The scholars of the Sung dynasty, and specially their cory- phaeus Chu-hi, deduced from this that the poems of that kingdom are also of this character. This critical judgment has been shown, by Mau-si-ho and Ch'en-ki-yuen of the present dynasty, to be wrong. They have thus rescued the fair fame of Confucius from the charge, to which he was otherwise liable, of having preserved many licentious poems, when he made his selection of about one-tenth from the mass of national songs which passed under his review. Another great fault of Chu-hi was his rejection of the original preface to the “Book of Poetry,' to make room for a new one of his own. The one he omitted is believed to have been written by Confucius himself. Present critics, having begun to assail the great Chu-hi, have proceeded to extraordinary lengths in depreciating him, and he has few friends to under- take his defence. 70 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. ART. IV.-Thoughts on the Past and the Future of China, [translated from the French of Count D’EscayBAc DE LAUTURE.] (Continued from page 36.) SINCE that time, two great empires have planted their standard on the frontiers of China: Russia, which is now as much Asiatic as European, and mistress of half of Tartary, is as well known in Pekin as in Paris or London: England, the mistress of India, the arbitrator of Turkey, who though bold and ardent, steering the course of her distant rule between the shoals of liberty and the excesses of violence, often drawn by her faults to the brink of an abyss, is always saved by a burst of patriotism equal to any sacrifice, and a military honour which overcomes every danger. The Chinese government would not yield to the new situation in which they were placed. They were determined to repel Europe, and shrank from no violence and no trickery. Hoping to terrify us, and to keep us at a dis- tance, they increased their custom duties, and excited against us the deluded inhabitants of the most distant towns, and threatened or massacred our agents. Recent events have shown the necessity of a transformation in China which shall mark a thorough reform. Now she is surrounded by the greatest nations, she must be re-animated by entering into profitable relations with them, and by following their example in many things. Much has been said on the stagnation of this empire; but we know that nothing is stationary in this world. China has passed through changes simi- lar to those of the western parts of Europe. She is now, in many respects, if we may assign to her a European date, in the middle of the fourteenth century. First, in the restricted scope of her studies, of her scholastic philo- sophy and literature, and in the narrowmindedness of her people. Secondly, in the imperfection of her military weapons, of her tactics, fortification, and artillery. Thirdly, she is emphatically in the middle of the fourteenth century in the absolutism and impotency of her government; in her poverty, and the cunning which it suggests; in the difficulties she has to contend with ; and in the outbreaks of intermittent anarchy. If the Manchoos, on conquering China, had overcome a free country, they would certainly have changed its laws: but instead of this, they replaced, after a hard struggle, a dynasty whose government was absolute; and they actually increased the despotism of it. The tractability of Asiatic nations, and especially of those cultivating fertile lands, has always been favourable to the formation of large nations. But the people have lent no increase of strength to their rulers, being enslaved and utterly indifferent to the changes of their rulers. The government was most superficial; and the slightest commotion at home, or the most insignificant attack from without, made this clay-footed giant tremble. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 71 Asiatic despots are always uneasy under their mask of pride, and are con- demned to a policy of perpetual mistrust and falsehood, of temporising and cunning. They strengthen themselves by the rivalries they foment, by dis- arming the people and repressing their thoughts, and by making tools of slaves or creatures deprived of their legitimate rights. As they dare not exact sufficient taxes for the growing wants of the state, they oppress and pillage the weak in order to spare the strong. They take advantage of the animosities which exist between the Manchoos and Tartars. The Manchoo princes hold China by means of their Tartar bowmen, and they keep Tartary by means of Chinese intrigues. - The Mongols and the Manchoos, the latter of whom appear to me greatly superior to the former, differ from the Chinese, not only in all their habits of life, but also in the dogmatism of their religion, the asceticism of their prac- tices, the simplicity of their faith and laws, and in the whole of their political economy. While feudalism has disappeared from China, the wandering and pillaging Tartars have retained a patriarchal and warlike feudalism. The Manchoos consider themselves as the relatives, the serfs, and soldiers of the emperor. The Mongols, who are classed with them under forty-eight stand- ards, owe only a limited period of military service, reminding one of the feudalism of former ages in Europe. Corea and Japan have a somewhat similar organisation. Being the only military resource of China at present, it forms the strongest bulwark of Japan, and would perhaps afford the best explanation of the present progress of that empire, which shows such readiness to receive the inventions of Europe. Absolute monarchy extends not only over China, but also over almost all the Indo-Chinese states, which have received their civilization and many of their inhabitants from the north. Everywhere centralised, mistrustful and cunning, the government grows more corrupt as we advance towards the south, where the people have failed to resist their enemies because they were less intelligent, less active, and of a more mixed race. Thus in China there are still to be found a few vestiges of liberty, a few bold and independent spirits; while in the peninsula we find none but slaves, who are divided into two classes, the government officials, and the lower orders, the latter of whom are ruled by the bastinado. Public opinion in China has lately made great strides towards a wiser and more liberal system. Scholastic studies are almost forsaken for those of a more serious and useful nature, the idols are neglected, and the pale lights of the past are being lost in the brighter rays of European science. People have been very hasty in judging of the Chinese nation from the scum of her great towns, excited against us more than once by the local Government. Three millions of opium smokers have not been able to make the Chinese a degraded people. Their superstitions are like those of the Greeks and Romans, our former masters; no fanaticism opposes them to us— some of them even bow before our altars. They are intelligent and industrious, less so than ourselves, certainly, but more so than the Arabs, the Turks, or the inhabitants of India. They are do- 72 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. cile, and although they have fewer scruples of conscience than we have, as they have also less audacity and forwardness, they perhaps do less harm than we do. It is certain also that they value and seek for instruction—that they are not inimical to us—that they like peace and order, and that, seeing where their masters have led them, they aspire now to lead themselves a little. The first chief desire of the people, and which draws them towards us, even whilst we appear amongst them as invaders, is the protection of their lives and property. We have just seen the impotence of the present means of the Government. They want more power, that is to say, money and an army above all. Let the Government acknowledge and extend commercial institutions, formerly all-powerful, but now only tolerated, although the municipal delegates alone possess the confidence of the people, who choose them freely by acclamation; let it create provincial councils, and collect the taxes more justly, demanding of the nation contributions more in accordance with the fatal increase of expenditure, and I believe it will not be asked in vain. The people appeared to me to be ready to make any sacrifices as soon as they had any hope of their being fruitful. Shanghai, Ningpo, and many other towns, would double their taxes, if we would consent, on these terms, to govern as well as to defend them. The first expenses required by the State for strengthening her police force might be met by the sale of certain privileges, the temporary use of the salt and custom-house duties, and in short, by a loan. If a loan were negotiated between China and the great European firms established there, the custom- house revenues would afford a sufficient security for it. The high rate of interest that would be required is normal in the country, and would create no great embarrassment to the State. A good army is easily trained, and labourers make good infantry. The Chinese were vanquished principally by the superiority of our arms.-They fought bravely, and died at their posts, when they could not keep them. In military affairs China wants—honour paid to the profession of arms, –an established discipline,—a few very simple manoeuvres,-a good light artillery, —a well-trained and numerous militia, always ready to defend their homes against the plunderings of successful rebels. They should also encourage studies more useful than that of the books of Confucius, and change the nature and object of their examinations. The telegraph in India spreads over 15,000 kilometers. It will soon enter China, and will there meet with a language which of all others is the most suitable for its transmissions. The railways in India will soon reach 6,ooo kilometers. Why should not China, which is better cultivated, more populous, and more rich, have hers also : A company is already formed for steam- navigation on her rivers and along her coasts. China understands her need of reform, at least in general and essential matters. The present reign, succeeding two detestable and ruinous ones, begins under the most favourable auspices. We could not expect much from an emperor in his cradle, and a regent so young as Prince Kung; yet this prince, by the skill, his patience, Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 73 and the energy of his awaking, has delivered the State from the men who were ruining and dishonouring it; he has given pledges to Europe, and has shown the wisest views. Such an empire is not transformed in a day; and whilst he is accomplishing the transformation, always slow and difficult, he will be surrounded by many dangers. The greatest of these is the present rebellion. Let us see in what manner it threatens the existence of China, and how it may arrest her progress. In Europe, and in some of the Chinese ports open to Europe, these dis- turbances are merely-looked upon as a political revolution (for a short time), as the rising of a conquered people, as the struggles and triumph of a new dogma. The Chinese nation discusses none but local interests; for centuries they have borne a yoke which is not very heavy; they support the Manchoos as masters who are not oppressive or numerous. Two hundred years have rolled over the memories of the last dynasty, which is no longer represented, even by an impostor. There is no military spirit in China, and their religion produces neither martyrs nor persecutors. China would not have followed Mahomet—his followers are there like foreigners; their fanaticism meets with no response in China. The Chinese do not know, as a nation, of the present movement. They patiently cultivate a very fertile soil, which is much divided. The country- people are happy. Their customs are patriarchal and their manners polite. Their dwellings are clean, containing a few books, vases, and common paint- ings. The rural population of Chi-li, Shan-tung, and Kiang-nan is equal in ease of circumstances, and superior in education, to that of many parts of Italy and Portugal. In some parts of Southern China, however, life is not so easy. On a barren and rocky soil vegetates a dull and rude people, whose misery renders them turbulent and vagabond. The large corrupt towns of the most populous empire upon earth support a multitude of wretched beings, who are vicious, without family connections,—home, almost without a name, beggars or boat- men, thieves or pirates; bound together by community of infamy and crime; collected in secret societies, given to robbery, murder, and false witness. These societies, whatever may be their motto or their banner, do not rise to a political character. The magistrates, who have always some of their re- presentatives in their power, have set them against us several times. Any pretext will serve their purpose, even the name of extinct dynasties, or that of Christianity, which ought to shrink from contact with them. The rebellion first broke out in Kwang-si, where fifteen years ago an intriguer, named Hung Siu-Tsiun, collected together a few half-savage mountaineers, after deluding several credulous missionaries. This band, increased in the pro- vince of Canton by several thousands of pirates and bandits, became almost an army. Its chief transformed himself into the celestial emperor, and a few sub- altern brigands were proclaimed by him kings of the four points of the compass. It was a small thing to be such a king, and so thought Hung Siu-Tsiun; there- fore he made himself almost God, hoping to carry away missionaries, who were - 74 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. as ardent as they were unenlightened, or European agents, unconnected with China officially. He inaugurated a sort of rude and sacrilegious Christianity, which his accomplices, greedy of opium and debauchery, had, at any rate, the wisdom not to take seriously. One of these American missionaries has (with- out church and without mission, not frightened by a dogma more or less) become the pontiff of this fallacious worship, the almoner of a false emperor, who called himself the younger brother of Christ—in short, his minister of foreign affairs; a minister with whom no foreigner would treat, and whom the English found at Nankin, covered with strange garmfents, living in a ruin, humbled, miserable, but still insolent. Since then, this pontiff, beaten and almost killed by one of the four kings, formerly a Canton coolee, has been compelled to fly from his dangerous friends. He arrived at Shanghai breath- less and almost naked, condemning, rather late, those whose accomplice he had so long remained, and was much more severely condemned himself by the just reproaches of the public. This new sect, however, threw down and broke the idols. They were influenced not by Christianity, but by the dicta of Chinese robbers, who say, in their coarse language, that the gods have fat bellies, because they enclose gold, silver, and other valuables; because the bonzes themselves sometimes hide there their little savings. The Christian churches had their turn, and some remarkable specimens of sculpture by Frère Ferrer were destroyed in the convent of Zi-ka-wey; whilst at a short distance a Catholic missionary was massacred, with the children he was teaching, for not having given up treasures which he certainly did not possess. A great many Catholic and Protestant missionaries have since met with the same fate. There was no shadow of any preference. From the very first the Catholic missionaries had rightly judged the rebels. The Protestants, for a while deceived, soon saw their mistake, and roused to a sense of their honour and their duty, drew back from their former rash judgment. What could religion, politics, or commerce, gain by the success of a military sect, even if it had been sincere; and the overturning of a race, hitherto peaceable, tolerant, and easily governed 2 This rebellion is now fully unmasked. Last year the officers who accompanied Admiral Hope to Nankin found nothing but a heap of deserted ruins in the place of that once powerful, rich, and populous city, so long the capital of the empire. Twenty thousand brigands were encamped there, addicted to every vice; attended by women whom they had carried away, stolen children, whom they trained to arms, and a few peasants reduced to slavery. Their chief, enriched by plunder, was enthroned in a dilapidated palace, surrounded by one hundred armed women, his concu- bines and his guard. His ministers could scarcely read. Everything in the town, now become a den, was hideous and repulsive. Many other towns and districts were the same.—Incendiarism and massacre accompany them. At the time of the burning and sacking of Su-cheu, the Chinese Venice, I myself saw arrive at Shanghai more than sixty thousand poor wretches, starving and houseless; many seeking for their children, lost, drowned, or carried off by Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 75 the malefactors. The magistrates drove away the people into the country. Recently again, Shanghai, surrounded by the rebels, has seen encamped in her streets, beneath her walls, and in the surrounding plains, nearly two million men, despoiled of everything. More than a thousand a day died of starvation; the Jesuits had received more than ten thousand, and Chinese charity itself vied with Christian charity in its efforts and sacrifices. The rebellion carries desola- tion from town to town, without increasing in strength. Some of its victims join their oppressors because they are driven away from every other quarter on account of their numbers. How can such a state of things exist or continue 2 It is explained by the weakness of the Government and the military dis- organization in which it leaves the country. The conquerors thought they could the more easily rule a disarmed people. The day of attack came, and there were no defenders. Unruly bands had to be fought by other un- disciplined troops. They maintained themselves with difficulty; they lost rich provinces and recovered deserted districts. They were merely able to avoid perishing;-they could not conquer. Let the Chinese rebels meet with a great defeat, and the people, thirsting for vengeance, will not let a man escape. Whatever may happen, China has not fallen so low as to bear the yoke of such contemptible adventurers. This literary nation will always repel ignorant and coarse rulers. The people of the South have never conquered those of the North. No revolution ever succeeded that was distant from the capital of the empire, and this capital, surrounded by vast plains, which the horsemen of half of Asia will guard if need be, is quite inaccessible to the rebels, who cannot even approach it. Those who, in Europe, took the part of the rebels, represented their triumph as close at hand, and already saw Hung Siu-Tsiun master of all China—pacified. free, and happy. This was an empty dream. Dynasties are not thus founded; the days of their change are days of war. The present dynasty has had to contend for a long time with the bitter resistance of several of its provinces; and at the fall of the Tang, five more ancient dynasties appeared by turns on the scene, for half a century, before the Sung dynasty was firmly estab- lished over a limited portion of the empire. The rebellion must have an end,-the hour is approaching for its excesses to be expiated. At that time we shall also see the end of other risings, whose origin is less vile and of quite a different character; I mean the Musselman insurrections, which are never thoroughly repressed, and are constantly reviving; which have been caused by mal-administration; which were but too well justified in the pro- vince of Yun-man by the criminal conduct of a governor-general, who was contemplating the massacre of the Musselmen, and whom the Musselmen only outwitted by being the first to go to work. Moderation is one of the finest privileges of the strong; violence only accompanies weakness. China still suffers from its excess. Without an army capable of defending her, she fights by means of executioners; her triumphs are tortures, and the cruelty of these torments supplies the place of the vigilance of magistrates. At one time there were more than ten executions daily at Shanghai for several h 76 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. months; it rose to a hundred or more. In one year, at Canton, the governor-general Yeh destroyed seventy thousand guilty or suspected per- sons. The late emperor reproached his magistrates with these precipitate executions, which had often destroyed some of his most faithful subjects. In fleeing from the rebels, these unfortunates had found death in the very quarters where they sought safety. The executioners of the prince carried on the work of his enemies. Such a state of things is as bad as the rebellion itself. Europe should endeavour to put an end to it, at least by its counsels and instructions—a less efficacious aid, but more fruitful than the support of arms. But if the Chinese Government puts down the rebellion, can it at the same time survive the help it expects or has received from Europe? Must she not dread the ambition of England and Russia? The acquisition of more land in China by Russia would be more trouble- some than profitable. The mistress of innumerable Asiatic races, scarcely subdued, and amongst whom the slightest disturbance is to be dreaded, she is in some respects dependent upon China. The peace and prosperity of this empire are necessary to the peace and progress of her oriental possessions. Russia appears to have no wish to disturb this equilibrium. In the last war England, France, and Russia, pursued the same object; the two former, on being insulted, took up arms, the latter wrought by her noble attitude and loyal acts. England understands that her distant colonies must be free. The emancipation of the United States enlightened England. Some time back, in Manchester, the Chancellor of the Exchequer in a speech thanked Heaven for this separation, the source of such prosperity to America and England. England does not retain her colonies by force when once they are rich and populous enough to defend themselves, and they will one day rank amongst the greatest states, the most prosperous republics on the globe. Australia, which is already a republic and even a turbulent democracy, costs England, owing to this system, only two millions and a half a year; she adds four hundred millions to the advancement of her commerce, and there is every reason to believe that her trade will be still greater when Australia, having be- come richer, defrays herself the expenses of her government and refuses the two millions and a half from England. Shanghai, which is not even a colony, and costs England and the other nations of Europe only the support of a consul, sees her commercial relations with Europe, America, and Australia, rise to 750 millions of francs; a figure about three times as great as that of the trade of France with Algeria and all her other colonies. What could England gain by the possession of Shanghai, which refuses her neither her silks nor her tea, and sends back neither her cotton nor the opium ? What would Russia or France gain by the possession of such a country Would they surround it with a million custom-houses, to secure the sale of products, to which those of England are preferred Would they consume more tea 2 Would they use more silk? Would they obtain them at a cheaper rate Certainly not. They would have a few more appointments to give, at the expense of unknown sacrifices, endless embarrassments. However rich England, Russia, and France may Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese de Japanese Repository. 7; be, they cannot carry on a war at 5,ooo leagues from their capitals, and dare not confide the defence of China to Asiatic auxiliaries. It is therefore not likely that Europe will undertake the conquest and the occupation of China. She will only interfere to uphold the rights of nations and to re-establish peace for the maintenance of her trade, of the Chinese government, and the prosperity of the people. If however it should happen that China should escape from the hands which govern her, and should not succeed in giving herself a stronger ruler, her future would be in the hands of those European nations which trade on her coasts. The stroke of a pen would change these towns into so many republics and senates. The people would follow with confidence these new governments. When, in 1846, the English flag first floated at Hong Kong, the island had only 7,ooo inhabitants, now she has 120,000. Everywhere the Chinese congregate around our establishments. The retreat of our troops, the evacuation of Chusan, are for them public mis- fortunes; and when we have placed in Canton a substitute for the bloody governor Yeh, we were able to govern a people who had long been excited against us, without tortures and almost without soldiers, by the simple prestige of good faith, justice, and intelligence. The direct taxation, the revenue of the present custom-houses, for the single port of Shanghai, would enable the republics thus formed to recruit a mercenary force sufficient to protect them. Thus Carthage, Marseilles, Venice, may re-appear at the other ends of the earth. But I do not think our wishes should hasten the time. So long as, under our supervision, and assisted by our counsels, the Asiatics are able to govern themselves, it will be both more just and more useful to remain their hosts rather than to become their masters. [At the moment of going to press, I am able to add that the telegraph from the Russian frontier to Pekin is in progress, that two other telegraph routes are proposed: one by the littoral of Indo-China: the other in connection with tramways from Pegu to the southern and eastern frontier of China. Shanghai, already lighted with gas, is going at length to receive urban and private telegraphs, like those in English towns.] ART. V.-A Memoir of Rémusat [translated from the “Biographie Universelle”]. Jean Pierre Abel Rémusat, one of the most celebrated orientalists of modern times, was principally noted for his knowledge of the Chinese and Tartar Manchoo languages, at a time when they were almost entirely unknown in France. He was born in Paris, on the 5th of September 1788. His mother came from Provence, and his father from Grasse. The latter was a surgeon, and his name is found in the Royal Almanack for 1789 amongst those of the surgeons “attending the court,” and attached to the palace, though he is not mentioned in the Royal Almanacks in the list of Paris surgeons. In his early childhood Abel Rémusat had a fall from the terrace of the Tuileries to the pavement of the quay, which endangered his life. He was saved only by the most perfect rest for several years. He lost, however, the h 2 78 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. use of one eye. Though he led a sedentary life, his mind was active, and study became to him a necessity and a pleasure. At eleven years of age he prepared a small mythological dictionary, and at fourteen he made a chrono- logical, genealogical, and synchronogical table of the kings of Great Britain. At the same time he was studying botany, and making a herbal, by drying the plants and flowers which he brought home from his walks. As the col- leges had been suppressed since the revolution, his only Latin master was his father, whom he lost in 1805, and yet he wrote and spoke this language with the greatest ease. When he became the only support of his mother, he sacri- ficed his own tastes to the necessity of making a position for himself; and as his parents had devoted him from childhood to the practice of medicine, he attended the lectures in Paris. Although this study would seem to require all the time and all the faculties of those who wish to succeed in it, Abel Rémusat, who was active and hardworking, raised, with some of his fellow-students, a philanthropic society for the cultivation of intellectual and moral perfection. This society, whose statutes he had put into Latin, was soon broken up. Rémusat completed his education by attending the lectures on science and literature in the central school at the palace of Quatre Nations. There he became acquainted with Saint-Martin, with whom he formed an intimate friendship. Having seen a beautiful Chinese herbal at the Abbaye-aux-Bois, where the Abbé de Tersan had made a fine collection of antiquities and curio- sities, the young savant was seized with a passion for learning the language which would explain all these things to him. Thus botany was the first cause of his love for oriental languages, even the most difficult, such as Chinese, Tibetan, and Tartar. Encouraged by the Abbé de Tersan, who lent him Chinese books, and helped by those which the benevolent friendship of Silvestre de Sacy obtained for him from Berlin and St. Petersburgh, and also by the grammar of Fourmont, and the works of the missionaries in China—Rémusat was able to copy, by himself, all the alphabets he met with, and for his own use he made both dictionaries and grammars. He had no access to the Chinese dictionaries in the Royal Library, because the Minister, on ordering that of P. Basile de Glémona to be printed, had placed them all at the service of Deguignes jun., who had been commissioned with the task. Abel Rémusat was not repulsed by these difficulties; and, his determined labour making up for deficiency of assistance, at the end of five years he published, in 1811, his Essai sur la langue et la littérature Chinoises. This work, which, in a student of twenty-three, marked him as a first-rate sinologue, fixed upon him from that time the attention of the few who in Europe cultivated Chinese, and they all hastened to enter into communication with him. The academies of Grenoble and Besançon received him as one of their members. The explanation of a Chinese and Manchoo inscription in the cabinet of antiquities at Grenoble obtained for Rémusat in 1812 his admission into the academy of that town. He published also, in his periodical collections, two or three articles on Chinese, one of which was in Latin on the medicine of China. This he did without relaxing his medical studies, for when he was scarcely twenty-five Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 79 he maintained a thesis on Chinese medicine, and was received as doctor of medicine in Paris. Being blind of one eye, and the only son of a widow, he had escaped the conscription; but the invasion of France by the foreign armies having caused the recal of the freed conscripts, Rémusat had very little chance of escape. The active benevolence of Silvestre de Sacy obtained for him the patronage of the Duke de Feltre, Minister of war, by whom he was made Surgeon adjutant-major of the military hospitals of Paris, and then adjutant to the Physician-in-chief of the hospital at Montaigne. He proved himself worthy of these offices by the care he bestowed, in 1814, on the wounded soldiers assembled in the slaughter-houses of Paris, which were then converted into hospitals. These services were honourably mentioned in the Biographie des hommes vivants, and in Contemporains. But it is well known that, fearing above all things to compromise his favour with the government of the Restoration, he did not like to have it mentioned. It was in fact during the first year of the Restoration that Rémusat's literary fortune com- menced. He gave up a profession in which talent required to be accom- panied by courage. The ministry having provided in the Collège de France, the two chairs of Chinese and Sanskrit, Abel Rémusat, on the proposal of Silvestre de Sacy, was appointed to the first, and his friend Chezy to the second, by a decree of Nov. 26th, 1814. Rémusat was also charged with cataloguing all the Chinese books in the Bibliothèque Royale. He delivered his inaugural speech in the following month, and Silvestre de Sacy gave an analysis of it in the Moniteur of the 1st of February 1815 (a separate part, in 8vo.). On the 5th of April 1816, supported by the influence of this protector, Rémusat was elected by the “Académie des Inscriptions” to the first of the three vacant places there, and in March 1818 he succeeded Visconti in the editorship of the Journal des Savants, to which he had already contributed several articles. Although he was one of the principal founders of the Asiatic Society of Paris, in 1822, he seemed for a long time to content himself with being its secretary by means of the triumvirate which he had formed with Klaproth and Saint-Martin; and he committed arbitrary and unjust actions, which are mentioned in the life of Saint-Martin. In 1823 Rémusat was made Chevalier of the Légion d'Honneur, and corresponding member of the Asiatic Societies of London and Calcutta. In 1824 he obtained, through the patronage of the ministers Corbière and Frayssinous, letters of nobility, which he kept secret, and also the post of Curator-general of the oriental manuscripts, which had become vacant in the Bibliothèque du Roi by the death of Langlès, and had been refused by Silvestre de Sacy. After a long contest he defeated his partner and colleague Chezy, whose claims were stronger and more numerous than his own, both as having been longer engaged in the work, and as being a better orientalist—and he was strongly supported by De Sacy. But Rémusat and Saint-Martin, who were strong Molinistes, had ceased to have any grati- tude towards a Jansenist protector, who no longer held a seat in the Royal Council of Public Instruction, and whose influence had declined. They no 80 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. longer paid him honour, but even treated him with great contempt. Rémusat had been made a member of the council of the Institution for the l)eaf and Dumb, and of the commission for superintending the printing of the oriental manuscripts at the Imprimerie Royale, and also of the literary commission esta- blished in 1828, under the minister of the Interior, to examine the works and to relieve the necessities of men of letters. We know that these latter occu- pations were only sinecures, which nevertheless were very productive for Rémusat. But all this did not satisfy him. Tired of playing only the second part in the Société Asiatique, he deprived his protector and friend of the presidency in 1829. His opinions and his position had thrown him and his friend Saint-Martin into the Société des bonnes Lettres; and by the subtlety of his mind and character, he had easily obtained the applause of his auditory. He had read to them episodes from his Chinese novel Yū-kiau-li, or The Two Cousins, published in 1826, 4 vols. in 12mo, and several fragments on the history, legislation, and customs of the East; in which, laying aside the gravity of the learned man, he discussed the most important questions with pleasanteries, which showed rather bad taste. We find in the Asiatic Journal of Jan. 1828 a specimen of his pasquinades, under the title of Fragments of a Work translated from the Danish, and entitled: “Considerations on the Nations and Governments of Asia.” Though he did not give his name, he was easily recognised by his style. Rémusat, from gratitude to the govern- ment which had loaded him with favours, and wishing to spread its principles, joined with Saint-Martin and other friends in bringing out the Journal Uni- versel, which was got up on the plan of absolute devotion to the Polignac ministry. The first number appeared on the 1st of January 1829. When this ministry fell with the monarchy in 1830, the Universel died out. Rémusat felt such consternation at this event that his health was affected by it. How- ever, fearing to lose his sinecures, as Saint-Martin had done, he steered his course with prudence, and in 1831 was even made a member of a commission, which, although it had Cuvier at its head, and many very honourable men for its members, reformed none of the abuses in the public libraries. This was a kind of triumph for Rémusat, who was then at the head of the Biblio- thèque Royale, under the name of the venerable Van-Praet. He lost his mother in the same year, and did not long survive her. As soon as the cholera appeared, at the end of March 1832, he had placed in all the manu- script rooms vases filled with chloride of lime; but not trusting to the effect of this preservative, he would not leave his room, where he died on the 3rd of June 1832, either from a cancer in the stomach or from internal inflammation, and was buried on the same day with General Lamarque. He died very piously, having fulfilled all his religious duties. He was a man of great power of mind and knowledge, somewhat of a charlatan, like some of his colleagues; but he well knew, like them, how to make the most of his position. Although he had been married only about two years and had left no children, his widow obtained a pension of 3,000 francs, which she retained on marrying again, though she enjoyed it only during a few years. Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 81 Rémusat was a correspondent of the Asiatic Societies of Great Britain, Ireland, and Calcutta, of the Institution of the Netherlands, of the Asiatic Society of Batavia; foreign member of the Royal Society of Göttingen, and of the Academies of Berlin, Turin, St. Petersburgh, &c. Silvestre de Sacy pro- nounced two panegyrics on Rémusat, one at the Asiatic Society, of which he had become president, and the other at the Academy of Inscriptions. The moderation of his character and of his principles caused him to spare his ungrateful fellow-member. One of Rémusat's pupils also published his pane- gyric in two numbers of the Asiatic Journal; but this biography gives only the first part of Rémusat's life, because the author was unable to continue in the latter part the praises he had bestowed upon him. We have not thought it necessary to follow the same course towards a learned man whose undeniable erudition we appreciate as well as his useful labours, but whose moral and political conduct is not free from blame. Although he had a certain amount of audacity, Rémusat was weak and devoid of courage: he was cog- misant of the mal-practices of Klaproth, in Russia, Prussia, England, and even in Paris; but as he had need of him, and as he feared a man who was said to be expert with his sword, he humoured him, and contented himself with having him watched in the Bibliothèque Royale, without, however, being able to prevent his abstractions from two Chinese books, in order to complete his private library. Rémusat's enemies and those who were envious of him have said that he did not know much Chinese, and that he did not know all the dialects, but this could not be expected, for it was unreasonable. Abel Rémusat has published the following works: I. Essai sur la Langue et la Littérature Chinoises, Paris, 1811, in 8vo, with five plates. This book, though only a small volume, and notwithstanding the incoherence and pre- cipitation which characterise it, contains more sound notions and really valu- able instruction than the two volumes of Bayer or the two folios of Four- mont; but Rémusat did still better afterwards. II. De l'Etude des Langues 4trangères chez les Chinois, in 8vo, 32 pages, a very curious fragment in the Magasin Encyclopédique, in which we find, that for six centuries there has been a college at Pekin for the study of Western languages. This article is also to be found in the Magasin Encyclopédique for October 1811. III. Explication d'une inscription en Chinois et en Mandchou, engraved on a plate of jade-stone in the cabinet of antiquities at Grenoble, in the Journal of the Department of l'Isère, No. 6 of 1812, and in a separate part in 8vo. IV. Notice d'une version Chinoise de l'Evangile de Saint Marc, publiée par les missionnaires Anglais du Bengale (in the Moniteur of Nov. 9, 1812; and pub- lished separately in 8vo. 12 pp.). It is a severe criticism, but written with so much politeness, and supported by such convincing reasoning, that the Eng- lish missionaries, far from being offended at it, solicited the friendship of their young censor, and afterwards continued to present him with copies of their numerous works. V. Dissertatio de Glosso-semeiotice, sive de signis morborum quae & linguá sumuntur, praesertim apud Sinenses, 1813, in 4to. 2 1 pp. This was the thesis which he prepared for his doctorate. VI. Considérations 82 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. sur la nature monosyllabique attribuée communément à la langue Chinoise, in 8vo. 12 pp. This learned and curious dissertation had been inserted, in Latin, in the Mines de l'Orient, tom. iii. pp. 279-288, with an engraving which has not been given in the French translation by M. Bourgeat. This contains also the Pater-noster in Chinese, which is not in the original Latin, and the speci- mens of Chinese are not the same. VII. Recherches historiques sur la médecine des Chinois, etc. (in the Moniteur of Oct. 21, 1813; and printed separately in 8vo. 12 pp.) This is a critical review of a thesis by M. Lepage. VIII. The Works of Confucius, etc. (in the Moniteur of Feb. 5, 1814; and published in 8vo. 14 pp.) It is an argumentative notice of the first volume of the Chinese and English edition of the works of Confucius, published at Seram- pore, in Bengal, by Dr. Marshman. IX. Plan d'un dictionnaire Chinois, with notices of several Chinese manuscript dictionaries, and reflections on the works hitherto produced by Europeans, to facilitate the study of the Chinese language, 1814, 8vo. 88 pp. X. Rémusat had a share in the publication of vol. xvi. of the Mémoires concernant les Chinois, and in the Traité de Chrono- logie Chinoise, by P. Gaubil, who completed it, and it was published in 1814 by Silvestre de Sacy, in 4to. XI. Programme du cours de langue et de littéra- ture Chinoises et de Tartare-mandehou, preceded by the Speech delivered at his first lecture at the Collège de France, Jan. 16, 1815, in 8vo. 32 pp. XII. Fo-thou-tchhing, in 18mo: 16 pp.; an entirely new article, taken from the Biographie Universelle, to which Abel Rémusat contributed a great many articles, amongst which we will notice Fourmont, Gaubil, Khang-hi, Khien- Loung, Meng-Tseu. XIII. Le livre des récompenses et des peines, translated from the Chinese, with notes and explanations, 1816, in 8vo. 16 pp. XIV. Lithographie, (in the Moniteur of April 7, 1817; and published separately in 8vo.) This work shows how considerably Lithography may facilitate the study of Chinese and of the other languages of Central Asia, by multiplying at a small expense copies of the texts, which are still so scarce. The author had already used it for a Table des cléfs Chinoises, more convenient than the one Fourmont had given in his Méditations Sinicae for a map of the Bonin Isles, taken from the original Japanese, and which Arrowsmith immediately repro- duced in the latest edition of his map of Asia. Abel Rémusat gave a curious notice of these isles (a Japanese colony) in the Journal des Savants de 1817, p. 387. XV. L'invariable milieu, a moral work by Tseu-se, in Chinese and Manchu, with a literal version in Latin, a French translation and notes, pre- ceded by a notice of the Four Books on morals, generally attributed to Con- fucius, 1817, in 4to. 160 pp., inserted in vol. x. of the “Notices et Ertraits,” entitled, Les quatre lirres moraur, etc. Rémusat composed this work from a Latin translation which had been published by missionaries, but which was hardly known. We find, in this work, the Notice sur une traduction inédite de Confucius, by Abel Rémusat, inserted in 1814 in the Mercure étranger (No. 13, tom. iii. p. 31 1), par L. A. M. Bourgeat. XVI. Mémoire sur les livres Chinois de la Bibliothèque du Roi, et sur le plan du nouveau catalogue, the pre- paration of which had been ordered by the minister of the Interior (in the AUG. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 83 Annales Encyclopédiques of 1817, vi. 3o and 193 ; and published separately in 8vo. in 1818, 6o pp.). XVII. Description du royaume de Camboge, par un voyageur Chinois qui a visité cette contrée à la fin du XIIIe siècle, trad. du Chinois, 1819, in 8vo. XVIII. Recherches sur les langues Tartares, ou Mémoires sur les différents points de la grammaire et de la littérature des Mandchous, des Mongols, des Ouigours, et des Tibétains, tome i. Paris, 182o, in 4to. This is one of Rémusat's most important works. The second volume never appeared, though it was announced. It is said to have remained in manuscript, (and was probably incomplete,) amongst others which were found after the author's death. XIX. Histoire de la ville de Kothan, suivie de recherches sur la pierre de Yu et le jaspe des anciens, trad. du Chinois, Paris, 1822, in 8vo. XX. Éléments de la grammaire chinoise, ou principes généraux du Kou-wen, ou style antique, et du Kouan-hoa, c'est-à-dire de la langue commune généralement usitée dans l'Empire chinois, Paris, 1822, in 8vo. The author made good use of the inedited grammar of P. Prémare. XXI. Mémoire sur la vie et les opinions de Lao-Tseu, philosophe chinois du VIe. siècle avant notre ère, qui a professé les opinions communément attribuées à Pythagore, à Platon et à leurs disciples, Paris, 1823, in 4to. XXII. Aperçu d'un mémoire intitulé : Recherches chronologiques sur l'origine de la hiérarchie Lamaique, Paris, 1824, in 4to. This memoir contains the chronological series of the patriarchs of the Buddhist religion. XXIII. Mémoire sur les relations politiques des princes Chrétiens, et particulièrement des rois de France avec les empereurs Mongols, Paris, 1824 ; 2 parts in 8vo. XXIV. Notice sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. Langlès, Paris, 1824, in 8vo. XXV. Mémoire sur plusieurs questions relatives à la géographie de l'Asie Centrale, Paris, 1825, in 4to. XXVI. Mélanges Asiatiques, ou Choix de morceaux critiques et de mémoires relatifs aux religions, aux sciences, aux coutumes, à l'histoire et à la géographie des nations orientales, Paris, 1825, 2 vols. in 8vo. XXVII. Nouveaux mélanges, etc., Paris, 1828, 2 vols. These four volumes of Miscellanies contain most of the articles published by the author in the Journal Asiatique, the Journal des Savans, the Mines de l'Orient, the Biographie Universelle, etc. Besides these works printed separately, and the articles with which he enriched the Journal des Savans, Abel Rémusat contributed to the Mines de l'Orient : 1st, L'Urano- graphia Mungalica (tom. iii. pp. 179-196). This is a table of the 3 19 con- stellations of the Tartar sphere, compared with those of the Chinese and Greek planispheres ; the Mongol names are written in Roman letters and according to the German pronunciation. 2d, Fan, Sifan, Man, Meng, Han-tsi- yau, ou Recueil nécessaire des mots Sanskrits, Tangutains, Mandchous, Mongols et Chinois (vol. iv. pp. 183-2 1o, with a plate). It is an argumentative notice of a curious pentaglott vocabulary, printed in China. The copy in the Bibliothèque Royale was sent there by P. Amiot, and this learned mis- sionary did not attempt to translate it, for he mistook the Sanskrit in it for Tangout or Tibetan, because in fact it is written in Tangutain letters. Amongst the memoirs which Rémusat prepared for the Institut, may be dis- tinguished the one of which he read a part at the public meeting of the 84 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. Académie des Inscriptions, in 1817, on the Relations politiques des rois de France avec les empereurs Mongols. It contains two letters, written in Mongol to Philippe-le-Bel, by the Mongol king of Persia, and which had remained until then unknown to all our historians. We must mention also his Recherches sur la position de la ville de Kara- Koroum, the ancient capital of the Mongol empire; his Notes sur l'étendue des ouvrages religieur de la secte de Bouddha; and his Remarques sur l’ertension de l'Empire chinois, in which it is proved that the boundaries of this empire have several times extended to the Caspian Sea. Rémusat contributed nothing to the Chefs-d'OEuvres des théâtres étrangers, although his name is found on the title of this publication of the bookseller Ladvocat; neither did he contribute anything to the Contes Chinois, published in 1827. ART. WI-Notices of the Political Aspect of Affairs in China and Japan, and a Summary of the Events of the Last Three Months relating thereto. By The Editor. The great event of the past year which has taken place in reference to China is the change of British and French policy with regard to the Tai-ping power in that country, and the consequent permission given to Mr. Horatio Nelson Lay, and his colleague, Captain Sherard Osborn, of Her Majesty's Royal Navy, to form means of offence and defence for the debilitated Ce- lestial Empire. How far this important measure was wise and right, time will show, if our statesmen will wait for such demonstration. It appears to some to be fraught with doubtful issues. It is certainly a new phase in political action, and it is worthy of careful consideration whether in dealing with Orientals the general principles of neutrality may be departed from ? Whether the British government is called upon, after the defence of its established settlements on the shores of the Pacific in China, to undertake the reduction of a rebellion in such a country, which, with all the propping that we can afford to give or countenance, must fall to pieces after all : the power that has now existed within her for twelve years at the least, having proved itself, in spite of the reiteration of Mr. Layard's sentiments on the subject, able to hold its own against all the forces of the Imperialists. Only before the com- bined forces of professed neutrals have the Rebels been obliged to give way, and even then by their experience in strategics they have in some cases circumvented their enemies. But the admirers of the Utilitarian policy have a good deal to say on the benefits which interference with the Tai-pings has produced in the comfort of the settlements around which they presented themselves. By the mail of Feb. 8 we heard that the country within the thirty-mile radius was show- ing signs of prosperity. Our troops had been busy with a survey of the whole district round about Shanghai; and this was completed so efficiently that our future movements (should any require to be made) over the country Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 85 surveyed, will be easy and rapid compared with what they were while we remained at the mercy of native guides, often ignorant, and possibly trea- cherous. It was added, that the residents in Shanghai were in a very different state of mind to that of last year, when smoking villages and frightened refu- gees told plainly that the immediate neighbourhood was occupied by the Tai-pings. “Whatever,” says the China Mail, “may be the opinion as to the neutrality, so-called, in distant quarters, only one opinion prevails at this moment in Shanghai, and that is, that British interference, so far as it went, has been of the utmost value to commerce and to humanity. This it is not easy to gainsay.” The issue of the Lay-Osborn expedition must be fruitful in great change in the relations between China and Foreign powers, and is therefore to be watched closely and narrowly. On Feb. 15th of the present year the Tai-pings obtained a victory at Tai- tsan, which was succeeded by another at Shau-hing on the 20th of the same month. This latter place is about ninety miles from Ningpo. Tai-tsan is an important walled town beyond the thirty-mile radius around Shanghai. The Imperialists there sustained a serious reverse. The following is the account given in the newspapers at the time, with a summary of other news:– “A force of 2,500 men of Ward's corps, with 22 guns, under the command of General Holland and his Chinese Adlatus, left Soongkeang to attack the place, and were joined by 5,ooo Imperial troops. After breaching the walls a wide ditch stopped the assaulting party, which appears to have been without adequate means of crossing it, it was driven back by the galling fire of the rebels, who, attacking in turn, completely routed their assailants with great slaughter, taking the heavy guns. In this unhappy affair four Europeans were killed and 16 wounded out of 40 present, and some of the wounded are dangerously so. The moral effect of this defeat will be very bad. On hearing of the affair, General Staveley moved out of Shanghai to protect Kahding from attack, but saw no rebels, and has since arrived in this colony. At Ningpo preparations for a renewed attack on Shau-hing are said to be in progress; and from Tien-tsin it is announced that two walled cities within 1oo miles of that place have fallen into the hands of rebels, and that a force of trained Tartars from Taku has been sent against them. The ex-Taoutae of Shanghai and General Burgevine's adversary, Ta-ku, have both been degraded from their official rank for not having carried out the projected expedition to Nankin.” A longer and more circumstantial account was given in the North China Herald:— “A good road runs from Wy-con-sin along the bank of the creek towards Tai-tsan. Soon after the troops got clear of the Imperialist stockades, they formed up beside the road and waited till the boats came up, and the whole force then moved on together towards Tai-tsan, for about three miles and a half. After that the creek diverges to the right and winds a good deal, so that the boats were some distance behind when the troops halted, about a mile from Tai-tsan, to enable them to come up. In the meantime, the Imperialists also began to arrive with a grand blowing of trumpets, and display of flags. Some of these were sent into a neighbouring village to get doors, windows, tables, &c., to form a bridge . over the creek, which here intercepted further advance. At a little distance on the other side of this creek, the rebels had constructed a stockade, and as we could not yet get at it, General Holland brought up the guns and opened fire. This was continued for nearly two hours, without the rebels showing the slightest inclination to leave. At the end of that time 86 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. General Holland returned to the boats and embarked a couple of hundred men, intending to storm it; but, as it afterwards turned out, the distance by the creek was nearly four miles : though, from the spot where the artillery was placed, it was only about half a mile. In the meantime seven Europeans crossed the creek in a small dingy, and the moment they appeared the rebels left—apparently not a hundred strong. Directly the rebels began to run a tremendous cheer burst from the Imperalists, who had pushed on some men armed with muskets towards a little cover, whence they fired across the creek at their adversaries. Rows of stakes had been here driven into the creek by the rebels, and the boats had to be delayed some time till these could be pulled up. By the time all had passed it was more than five o'clock, so the force was halted for the night, and the rations served out. The guns were landed and got into position during the night, and the rebels made a sortie against them, but were driven back after some sharp firing, principally by the rifles, who were turned out to oppose them. After their repulse a few shells were fired at intervals to show we were on the alert, and they did not again disturb us. About daybreak on the following morning the rebels received large reinforcements from Soochow, who were greeted with immense cheering. Shortly afterwards fire was opened from two 32-pounders, eight 12-pound howitzers, and four mortars. This continued for between four and five hours, after which time general Holland ordered the assault, and then our disasters began. The mandarins had assured him that there was no creek running round the walls, but only a dry ditch. He did not think it necessary to assure himself of the truth of this by personal observation, but took their word for gospel. Captain Graham, with twenty of the body- guard, volunteered to plant the ladders against the breach ; the gallant fellows picked up the ladders with a cheer which, as it turned out, caused one half of the confusion that ensued, as it was taken up by the rifles who were in the front, and then by the 1st batallion who, being behind, did not know what was going on, but seeing the party with ladders run forward, and hearing the cheers, rushed past their officers to join, as they thought, in the assault. About forty yards from the wall, all arrived together at a deep moat, which the men could not ford. In the absence of bridges, they were all huddled together on the bank—a mark for the fire of the defenders, who now manned the breach in hundreds—and kept up a fire which told fearfully on the masses of the trained troops. A ladder was thrown across the creek, and a few men, with several officers, crossed on it; but it was too weak to bear their weight, and broke; and the Chinamen did not fancy another attempt at such a novel mode of crossing. A sergeant-major of the rifles here performed an act of bravery which no European could have outdone. He rushed to the front with Ward's flag, and stood there alone, a mark for the enemy's bullets, for several minutes, calling on his men to advance. It is extraordinary that though six bullets pierced his clothes, not one struck him. In the meantime the few who had crossed the creek attempted the breach, but most fell in the attempt; poor Maunder fell here, shot through the heart; a few reached the top, but only to be shot or knocked down by bricks which, at such close quarters, the rebels used with deadly effect. Unable to cross the moat, and tired of standing to be shot down like sheep, the men retreated ; seeing which, Colonel Barclay, who, since Colonel Forrester's retirement, is second in command, ran to the guns and fired a few shells at the breach. Finding that the guns were still manned, the men ran behind them and halted under their protection. “General Holland now ordered the guns to the rear, and determined on a retreat. All were safely conveyed there save the two thirty-two pounders, which were so deeply sunk in the soft, swampy ground that they could not be removed. General Holland did not wait to see their fate, but started off in his chop for Wy-con-sin. Every effort was made to save these guns; a ball from a six-pounder which the rebels had on the walls killed two men while they were hauling at the ropes, and still their comrades continued their efforts. But it was useless; the carriages had sunk to their axle-trees and could not be moved. Seeing that the men were falling thickly to no purpose, Colonel Barclay now ordered a retreat. It would have been impossible even to spike the guns save at a terrible loss of life; the rebels seemed to have marked them for their especial prey, and concentrated on them such a hail Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 87 of shot that no one could approach them. They were abandoned, but the retreat was conducted steadily and in good order on Wy-con-sin, the men facing about at intervals and firing at their pursuers to keep them in check. “The rebels fought admirably, and were all well armed with European muskets. The loss of the Sung-kiang force cannot yet be correctly ascertained, as stragglers will probably drop in for some days to come. At the present time it consists of about 500 killed, wounded, and missing. Twenty casualties occurred among the Europeans. Captains Maunder, Macarthy, Macleod, and Bosworth killed, and twelve other officers, besides four marines wounded. Among the former are Captains Graham, Murray, Tapp, Silverton, and Dunn. The latter is shot through the groin, and, it is feared, will not recover.” These victories were over the troops of the Emperor of China, which have the benefit of European direction. The French and English joined largely in the attack upon Shau-hing. General Le Brethon was killed by the bursting of a gun, and this loss disheartened the troops. His successor, General Tardif, was also killed by the fire of his own men, as he was leading them to the assault. And, as at Tai-tsan, the proper means of crossing the moat which surrounds the city was again wanting. Such was the fatality which attended this action,--a circumstance which would be construed by the Tai- pings as a Divine interference in their favour, and would deprive the supersti- tious Imperialists too of their courage to fight. The part which the English took in this affair was surprising; Captain Dew, of H.M.S. Encounter, having taken some of his men and guns beyond the distance of thirty miles from the Port. This participation too was marked by the death of a very promising young officer, Lieutenant Tinling, who might have been living now to serve his country, had Captain Dew shown more prudence than he did when he overstepped the limits which were made to our interference. The following interesting account of the expedition is taken from the North China Herald, which had a special correspondent on the spot:— “The whole country through which we passed between Ningpo and Shau-hing is richly cultivated, and, in many parts, very beautiful. On the 17th February we slept in a large Chang-maou town, near a very celebrated monastery, in which is a large statute of Buddha, some twenty feet high, cut out of solid rock. It was a great mistake on General Tardif's part, and much against Captain Dew's wish, to take the men into this place, as the conse- quence was that they were all dispersed looting on the following day; and it was only after much trouble that they could be got to move forward against Shau-hing. When they did so, at least 5oo boats followed, each soldier having his own private san-pan (lit. three-planks, =“small boat') containing, and ready for more loot. Many of the officers were almost as bad as the men, drinking and smoking, and taking hardly any care to maintain discipline among their men. On the morning of the 18th we arrived before the walls of Shau-hing, and during the night got our 68-pounder in position, without much molestation. On the morning of the 19th fire was opened from it, and also from the French howitzers; but the practice of the latter was bad. That of the mortars was moderate, but the 68th quickly made one of the finest breaches I have seen. So much of the earthwork was knocked down that it could easily be walked up, and the necessity for scaling-ladders was avoided. The fire from the walls during this time was heavy and well-directed; and the wounded were being constantly carried to the rear. A good hospital had, however, been got ready, with beds and plenty of straw, under the superintendence of the Bishop of Ningpo, and they were made tolerably comfortable. At noon the drum from the European company beat the advance, the trumpets took up the order, and all was made ready for the assault. It was 88 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. just at this time that General Tardif was knocked over, he was carried to the hospital and treated with every care by a medical gentleman who accompanied the force, but his case was hopeless. The ball had smashed the back of the head, and the brain was protruding. Paralysis almost immediately supervened, but he survived ten hours, though the greater part of the time he was in a state of delirium. The assault was made almost immediately he was wounded, but it is thought that his loss dispirited the Chinese. There was also some bungling about the boats at the creek, so that only a few got across, and none of the Chinese would follow. Colonel Corpier got about half way up the breach, but was knocked back by a brick. “The Chang-maous (lit. “Long-hairs,” so called because they do not shave their heads) kept up a most infernal fire, and over a hundred men were wounded; more than half of the European company, and half the officers, including two of Ward's; and finally the attempt was obliged to be given up. Notwithstanding the number of wounded, the killed were very few—I think not more than ten, of whom two were Europeans. It is surprising what a number were wounded in the neck; in others the shoulder blade was completely smashed, and some were shot through the lungs. The bullets used by the rebels were principally of the needle pattern. I think the total loss was about 1 lo—viz., ten killed, thirty wounded dangerously, and seventy more or less severely. Among the latter is Mr. Tinling, fourth Lieutenant of the Encounter, who has had a bullet extracted from his head. This is a tolerably full bill for a few hours' work, and shows that rebel fighting is not quite so pleasant and easy an amusement as, in some quarters, it is considered. “At present we are awaiting the arrival of a French officer to succeed Tardif in command of the force; in the meantime we are making a sap and throwing up fortifications under Captain Dew's superintendence. Several 32-pounders are also expected, and on their arrival the city has to fall. Everything is going on well, save that the rebels have got in our rear, where they are burning diligently. The officers are rather troublesome. I cannot call them French, for they consist of almost every nation under the sun–American, English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, Italians, and Negroes. They are given to drinking, and it is difficult to persuade them that work, or even superintendence, is better for their constitu- tions. However, it is only a question of more guns, and Shau-hing must fall. You see I am very confident, notwithstanding that we were beaten in our two first attempts.” With such an account before us it seems a hard and not very fair practice to combine against such brave opponents, and in a cause which is none of ours. The Tai-pings may be bad, but the Imperialists are their equals in this respect, if they be not worse; and it appears to us to be no mercy to China to interfere unless we decide to take the whole management of the war upon ourselves, which surely can only be thought of as a preliminary to a complete conquest of some large portion of China. And while the difficulties in the management of India are staring us in the face, we could hardly take such a step and put affairs in trim for such an issue. The Rebel Tai-pings did eventually evacuate Shau-hing, which was again attacked by the Franco-Chinese force under General D'Argaibelle, as we learnt from correspondents writing on the 26th of March, after a month's resist- ance, and they finally retreated across the bay of Hang-chow. - While this state of disorder, through the presence of the Tai-pings, was ex- isting in the south, in the north of China, even in the province of Chihli and about Tien-tsin, other bands of marauders had presented themselves. The following appeared in the London and China Telegraph of May 16, with dates from Tien-tsin of March 20 : — Aug. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 89 “The Nyen-fei (Banditti) have appeared in the neighbourhood, and an encounter with them has resulted in a serious accident to Acting-Consul Gibson. It appears that, on learning of the approach of these hordes of marauders, Mr. Gibson got the disciplined Chinese up from Taku, where there are about 2,000 under arms. With a detachment of 7oo he proceeded against the Nyen-fei, and was met by a band of these people, whom he ordered his men to charge, he himself leading them on. Only about seventy obeyed, and it was not until he was close upon the foe that Mr. Gibson found out the fact; before he could extri- cate himself he had received one or two spear wounds about the head, and the latest news states that he lies dangerously ill at Tien-tsin. The English troops at Taku had been de- tained by order of Sir F. Bruce.” With all this disturbance in the body-politic of China, the flourishing state of the foreign trade of that empire is worthy of remark. The great inland trade, which has sprung up in consequence of the opening of the Yang-tsz, quite casts into the shade the minor troubles on the sea-board, and as it developes more, greater prosperity to China must arise. Wherever the Rebellion is in a state of activity, a corresponding depression in commercial and missionary operations must be the consequence. The wisdom which marks the conduct of our minister in Pekin has up to the present forestalled many difficulties, which by the action of a less prudent foresight might have occurred. The China Mail well expresses this view of Sir Frederick Bruce's course and policy:- “Sir Frederick Bruce's administration of British affairs continues to be marked by great ability and foresight, and is such as to command the respect of all who have the interests of sound foreign relations at heart. The criticisms on Sir Frederick's policy are certainly to the effect that he gives very great consideration to the interests and claims of the Chinese, and that he turns a comparatively deaf ear to various demands made by his own countrymen; but it is beginning to appear that, with some minor exceptions, the desires of foreigners that have lately been submitted to his consideration are such as it would be unwise to grant, in the prospective interests of foreigners themselves. There was perhaps never a time in the history of our relations with the Chinese Empire so fertile with temptations to the taking of false and dangerous steps in general diplomacy, and the best thinkers in this part of the East are decidedly under the impression that Sir F. Bruce is not only fully alive to this fact, but quite equal to the diplomatic position in which he is placed, and possessing an intelligent appreciation of present difficulties, as well as of those likely to arise from an imperfect understanding of existing relations.” While so striking a condition of affairs exists in China, a no less anxious state finds place in Japan with regard to foreigners. For several months, indeed during the whole of the past year, events likely to affect our relations with that country have been occurring. Several murders and murderous attacks upon Europeans have taken place, but the greatest outrages that have been perpetrated were the murder of poor Richardson by the retainers of the Prince of Satzuma, and the burning down of the British Legation at Yedo, which latter outrage would have formed a casus belli in almost any other country. The following account from the London and China Telegraph, of April 13, describes this latter affair: — “JAPAN.—The telegraphic news that the Legation at Yedo had been blown up by gunpowder, was in one respect alone surprising, viz., that no life was lost by the outrage. The information now received explains the enigma. It appears that the destruction refers 90 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Aug. 3, 1863. to the new Legation building at Yedo, a portion of which was completed. It seems that, of late, the strongest desire has existed among the Japanese authorities at Yedo to have the place demolished. They proposed to give Colonel Neale any other place he might choose from a number at their disposal, and to bear all the expense of removing the building from the Goten-yama (the Hyde-park of Yedo) to the place Colonel Neale should select. The latter did not like to act in the matter after the site had been deliberately conceded to Mr. Alcock and approved by him. In the meantime, those hostile to its remaining on the Goten-yama had the building set fire to and demolished by bags of gunpowder, on the 1st of February. The site of Goten-yama is very extensive, and it being arranged that all the foreign legations should be there, the construction of the British legation appears to have been carried out without loss of time. A fine building was contracted for, and has just been completed. The French legation had also been commenced, but had not been very far proceeded with. A Japanese guard had been placed to protect the site, but it does not appear that any guard was placed over the buildings. Such being the case, about two o'clock on Sunday morning, the 1st inst., the Japanese guard at Goten-yama saw the British legation burst into flames in several places simultaneously, repeated explosions making it evident that gunpowder and combustibles were the means employed, and so fiercely did it burn that it was consumed in a few minutes. When the conflagration was at its height, from ten to twenty guns were fired as a signal, it is said, to give notice that the work was accomplished. In the outhouses a large quantity of gunpowder and matches were discovered as though in reserve. The fence behind the buildings was cut to afford the incendiaries ingress and egress. The buildings of the French legation were not touched. The Dutch and American legations had not been commenced upon. “The hostility of the Japanese is on the increase, and they are gradually preparing for the worst. From the Shanghai Recorder we quote the following ‘Orders of the Mikado to the Tycoon with respect to Foreigners:’— “‘For a long time the plan of expelling the barbarians has been thought upon by us, and although it has been put off up to the present time, the Imperial will cannot change. Whilst in the department of the Tycoon changes have been gradually made in every way in the carrying out of a new system, we have remarked the respect entertained for our will. But if now the sure expulsion of the barbarians does not take place, the hearts of the people will not be united : this causes great sorrow to the Imperial bosom. Let the Tycoon do all in his power to ensure the expulsion of the barbarians, and orders must speedily be given to all the Daimios. Moreover, it is the duty of the Commander-in-Chief of the army (the Tycoon or Shi-yau-goon, commonly spelt Siogun) to carry out the steps of the scheme. Quickly, and with haste, complete the whole resolve, make certain what has been deliberated upon for the state up to the present, and determine on the precise time when communica- tions with the ugly barbarians shall cease. You will present a report to us on this matter.”—(Translation.)—E. M. S. “Admiral Kuper, with all the available naval force in China, was to proceed at once to Japan in obedience to orders received from home. His arrival will be opportune.” (To be continued.) OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. CoMBE, E. PICKARD HALL, AND H. LATHAM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. III. SEPTEMBER 3, 1863. ART. I.-Chinese Romance—The Elfin Fores. By SAMUEL BIRch, Esq., LL.D., &c., Keeper of the Department of Egyptian and Oriental Antiquities, British Museum. Whoever has given his attention to the literature of China, devoured the contents of Chinese novels, or dipped into the various works of Buddhist and Taouist philosophy with which that literature swarms, cannot fail to be struck with the supernatural traditions and tales which he very frequently encounters. They are a golden thread which connects the “Flowery Land,’ as China is called, with Western Europe. With the legends of India they have so much in common that they must be placed in the same family. And even with the nearer East—the Tales of the Thousand and One Nights—they are almost identical in the use of the supernatural machinery of Gnomes— demons—enchanters, and our friends the fairies. The German myths, the Irish legends, the English tales, have all their parallels in the “Traditions of the Western Lakes” and “Old Marvels modernized,” as the two principal sources of this light literature are called. Even history has melted again into mytho- logy when it has passed through the brain of the Romancer, and his magic pen has given to airy nothing a local habitation and a name. “The Revolt of the Tang dynasty”—“The Three Kingdoms”—“The Rivers' Banks” are full of the supernatural, which is more piquant for the young and not too despicable for the old. It would be a tedious task to give the whole system of the supernaturals—the quaint Buddhist conceits of the Union of the Stars and Souls, and the Birth of Stars into the “dusty world;’ or the Taouist sublima- tion of those mortal doctors, who, remote from humanity, employed in alchemy, or plunged in meditation, in their solitary hermitages, at length melt into the purely immaterial, and float away to the blue heaven some fine summer's day, thin as gossamer, and lighter than an abstract principle. It was in " vain that the moralist Emperor, Kang-he, preached and sneered. Mankind i 92 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [SEPT.3, 1863. generally,–and Chinese humanity always the same, clings to its lurking faith. The Chinaman still believes in the magic wheel of the metempsychosis—the Isles of Bliss, and the Drink of Immortality. Of course the Confucianists (Too-kiaou)—the Chinese Sadducees—treat such legends with contempt; but the Reading Public receive with favour, and peruse with delight, the fairy le- gends of the past, the wreck of an earlier faith. So with us, the old Anglo- Saxon legend of Tor, the Thunderer, still lingers in the nursery-tale of Jack the Giant Killer, and Brownies and Elves are supposed to represent the pri- mitive Finnish population, swept away or merged by the huge wave of Celtic migration, which happened some incalculable ages ago. One of the most remarkable legends of China is that of the Elfin Foxes. In China, as elsewhere, Reynard has a bad character: in Japan he is the arch- fiend himself. He is too clever by half The true old humpbacked AEsop, who merely narrated second-hand what he heard from those dusky mummies who once walked and stalked, “three thousand years ago,” introduced him to the Greek world as the sly counseller of the King of Beasts. This Ulysses of the Shaggy Agamemnon is a crafty vindictive character, yet full of cynical reflections on men and things—he even tries conclusions with the Ibis or Stork—the Pure Reason or Egyptian Mercury—but is beaten by his long- billed antagonist. He probably also figured in the Milesian fables, and he appears in the pages of obscurer fabulists. That old German poem of the thirteenth century, the Reineke Fuchs, the Epos of Heinrich Von Alkmar, brings him on the scene, in this allegorical poem or satire on the House of Lorraine. In all mythologies, and in all practices of the magic art, the great object is transmutation. Medea boils, with Colchian art and Hyperborean herbs, the transformed Jason, till he resumes his pristine youth. In Lucian or Apuleius, the hero of the tale intends to make himself an owl, but converts himself into an ass. And Faust's first request to Mephistopheles is to jump out of his skin and become a handsomer, if not a better, man. In China, according to the Taouist, the converse is the rule. There it is supernatural beings, either of light or darkness, that change from beasts to men, and disturb families or convulse empires with their innate power of good or evil. Not only indeed amongst the Chinese have these singular ideas of animated nature prevailed, but even among the Northern races of Europe similar notions were rife in olden time. Thus it was deemed a crime to attack the wolf or grisly bear without first challenging him, as if he were a human or a supernatural foe, to mortal combat. Even our old familiar porker, when he committed crimes, was treated as a rational being; and three hogs, accord- ing to the Burgundian chronicle, were solemnly tried and duly executed on the gallows, for having devoured a child. The lord of Tilchastel prayed to have letters patent from Charles the Bold, to hang a hog detained in judgment five years for some offence. Rats were not excommunicated till counsel had been heard in their behalf; and in 1532, the caterpillars at Grenoble had the benefit of Clergy before they experienced the edge of the law. Even now the Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 93 provident housewife announces to the Queen of the Bees any loss that may have occurred in her family. In the German and Arabian tales it is always some unhappy prince, the victim of magical arts, who is transformed into a fox or bear. Vulgar humanity retains its normal type in every age and nation. Even in the earliest classical stories Alopéx, or the Fox, occurs. He ravages the Theban territory, and like another Sphinx carries off the youth of the locality. As no mortal can kill him, Amphitryon sends in despair for Cephalus and his dog Laelaps, and the hound chases the fatal fox till both are turned into stone. This story in fact is only another version of the Sphinx, and on a vase, in which is a scene from the Parodied Low Comedy, Amphi- tryon or CEdipus is represented solving the enigma of the Fox. Analagous to this is the ancient disease of Lycanthropy, so gravely treated of by Marcellus Sidetes, Galen, and the Greek and Roman Sangrados, who bled the were-wolf to death or nearly so. In the German mythology foxes play an important part, and the popular child's tale of the Golden bird of Grimm has an en- chanted prince transformed into a fox. No wonder then that Abyssinian blacksmiths have been seen by their credulous companions to run off into the desert as jackals or hyenas. Our Chinese foxes, which are represented as the frequenters of the ancient sepulchres, turn into the Elves of the Forest, and by moonlight imbibe the ethereal essence of heaven and earth. They dig up the graves of the dead, and place their skulls on their forehead. They then look up to the North Pole and bow to the Starry Host. If the skulls do not fall off while they perform this rite, they change into lovely and fascinating fe- males. Many of these foxes, according to the Taouists, had previously been transformed from the female sex; and, after a hundred years of penance, returned to human shape, and dwelt a millennium amongst mankind. The fox is also gifted with intense powers of divination, and can foretel what will happen during the next thousand years. It does not indeed bear, like the toad, “a jewel in its head,” but it has a ‘precious pearl’ in its mouth, which it can spit out, and the sight of which renders the beholder quite unconscious of what is passing around him. Various proverbs attest its artfulness: “the blandishment of the fox,” it is said, “makes the traveller forget his way;” and as the animal is more abundant in the Steppes and Black Desert, than in Southern China, they say: “the North has many foxes, the South many devils.” All this is a fertile field for Chinese Romance, in which such tales as these abound. A person wandering about among some deserted tombs of the Shin Hills sees a troop of handsome ladies. Being a devout man, and perceiving that they are supernatural, he begins to recite a stanza of the “Diamond Classic,” one of the Buddhist books, and they immediately change into foxes, and run away. Another man, named Kow-chen, hunting in the Shin Hills, came upon an old man keeping account of ladies who were destined to be changed into foxes that year. Among them was the name of his own wife. Indignant, he cheered on his dogs, and gave chase to the venerable accountant, who, being I 2 94 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863 caught and killed, turned out after all to be only an old fox. Another tale of the foxes is that of one Heu-ching, a literary man who flourished in the epoch Yuen-ho (A. D. 806) of the T'ang dynasty. He journeyed to Chang-gan to take a degree, and employed himself in the benevolent task of liberating all the foxes and rabbits he found that had been caught by the hunters, purchasing them of their captors. From thence he went to Shen-se, one of the Western Provinces, where he lost his way on one of the dreary plains. He subsequently proceded to a dwelling, inhabited by a person named Le, who hospitably took him in and entertained him. After he had departed thence to the capital, he was waited upon by one Tuh kwa-chau, a person of rank, and a friend of Le, who came to offer him Le's daughter in marriage. Heu-ching returned to Shen-se and married the lady, who possessed great personal attractions. Subsequently Heu-ching became addicted to the doctrines of the Taou sect, and constantly perused a work entitled : “the Refulgence of the Yellow Pa- vilion.” The lady remonstrated with him on the uselessness of such studies. Subsequently he gained high honours, and obtained a military post at Yen- chow. Time wore on, his wife's beauty did not change, but she fell ill, and confessed upon her deathbed that she had been transformed from a fox into a lady to requite his benevolence to her race. She died, and after death resumed the form of a fox. Some other stories of a similar nature are also given in the fortieth chapter of the “Traditions of the Western Lakes.” In a selection of novels, translated from the Chinese by M. Theodore Pavie, one refers to the Elfin Foxes. A certain Wang-ching, a roving blade of good fortune, in the reign of Heuen-tsung (A. D. 713), retired to Hang-chow on ac- count of the troubles of the period, leaving behind him his wife and mother. The capital having been taken by the rebels he retired to Yang-chow, and subsequently journeyed to Fan-chuen, a place situated at the junction of the Yang-tsze and the Hwang-ho. While travelling along the desolated country he spies two foxes engaged in reading a book. Discharging his cross-bow at them, he knocks out the eye of one and hits the other on the head. He dis- mounts from his horse and seizes the book, which he finds full of unintelligible writing like ‘water beetles,’ and regains the main road. Having arrived at the capital in the night, he is allowed to enter it, thanks to his military appearance, and obtains a lodging at an inn. The host and inmates are dis- turbed late at night by the arrival of a person who calls himself the Governor of Fan-chuen, who has his right eye injured, which he covers with the edge of his robe. The Governor asserts that he has fallen off his horse and injured his eye while in pursuit of two foxes. Wang-ching tells him his adventure with the foxes, and is about to produce the book, when the son of the host rushes in and exclaims that he sees a fox in the pretended Governor. Our hero draws his sword and pursues the animal. The fox however returns, stops at his bed-room door, and asks in a mournful tone for the magical volume, promising a reward for its restoration, and threatening vengeance should it be retained. Wang-ching, who is an obstinate character, refuses to restore it, but from that moment the ruin of himself and his house commences. Arrived at Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 95 the original seat of his family, he finds the place in ruins. He had not been settled more than two months, when an old servant of the family there, named Wang-lién, brings a letter from his mother, saying that she is at the point of death, and entreats him to hasten to Fan-chuen to perform her obsequies. He sells his property at a ruinous loss, buys the necessary objects for the rites, dresses in mourning, and departs. In the meantime another family servant, named Wang-fuh, whom he had taken with him, appears at Fan-chuen, and brings a letter from him to his mother and wife, announcing his promotion to a mandarinship, and ordering them to join him at Chang-gan. They sell their property (also at a loss), and hasten in a boat with all public demonstrations of joy to seek him. The son, mother, and wife meet accidentally; the servants (the real foxes of the plot) had of course never quitted their master's side, but their forms had been assumed by the foxes. All the party return home, buy with their diminished means a small house, and attempt to remain quiet. Wang-ching is joined by his brother Wangtsae, who reasons with him about his cruel and unjust attack on the foxes, and the folly of his retaining their magi- cal book in his hands, as he can never read it. The ladies add their remon- strances, and he places the mysterious volumes in his brother's hands, who then tells him that he is the fox who assumed the part of Wang-lién, and off he flies in his pristine form. Wang-ching pursues, and, seeing an old one-eyed Taouist doctor at his door, he asks him which way the fox had gone. The old Taouist directs him the wrong way, jeeringly saying that he it was who played the part of the one-eyed Governor of Fan-chuen, and this one-eyed Wang-fuh assumes the vulpine shape and disappears. Soon after the real Wangtsae arrives, but he is severally cudgelled by the whole household as a disguised fox. Wang-ching at first loses his reason, and in the end his property:-all through the vengeance of the fox family. There are elsewhere also several tales about foxes; and in the so-called Tsze-puh yu, ‘What Confucius did not say,’ in contradistinction to the Lien-yu, or “Conversations' of that sage, published anonymously, is the tale of a literary fox, advising men to become ‘Elves' or ‘Genii.” These genii of the Taouists are a philosophic race, deeply versed in all the ‘ologies,’ and having necro- mantic power over the elements, dwelling in palaces of gold and pearl, drink- ing ambrosia, and a substance like the Bude light, and flying to the Chinese paradise sustained on a fabulous pillar of 3oo, ooo miles in height. The following translation, taken from the Historical Romance called the Lié-kw8 che, or “History of the Constituted Kingdoms,” will show how curi- ously these legends are interwoven with the Historical and National Tradi- tions of the Chinese:– “Chow wang of the dynasty of Shang, named also Chow sin, was the youngest son of the Emperor Te-yſh and the twenty-eighth descendant of Tang- wang. Chau-ko was the place of the court; the name of the dynasty, Shang. Te-yſh had two children, the eldest named Wei Tsze-ke, the youngest named Wei Chung-yen, both of whom had been born when the monarch was in a private station; but Chow sin was born in the palace. Te-yſh desired to 96 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. appoint Wei Tsze-ke heir-apparent, but the ministers remonstrated, and wished the Empress's son to have the dignity. Chow sin was accordingly made heir-apparent, and on the Emperor's death the nobility elevated Chow sin's grandson to the throne, under the name of Chow wang. When he grew up he showed unusual intelligence, strength, and courage; he transfixed animals in the chase, and rode fine spirited horses. His talent was adequate to ward off reproof, and his eloquence embellished ordinary subjects. In fact he was superior to the rest of the Empire. The small duchies and fiefs at that time amounted to eight hundred. The four districts each appointed a principal noble of the fiefs, sent tribute every year, and once in three years went to court. The principal noble of each division when he had adjusted his small kingdom, entered the court, and they were the military and civil officers. There were princes of blood, Pe-kan, Wei-tsze, Wei-ching, Ke-tsze, Keaou-le Mei-pſh, Pen-hae. Shang gave way to the evil advice of Fei-lien and Fei- chung. On the year of the Cycle, the seventh of his reign, the fiefs went to court. Keang tsoo was principal noble of the Eastern district, Ke-chang of the West, Go Tsung-yu of the South, and Tsung How-hoo of the North. These, having adjusted their own subdivisions, came to court, offering valuable presents. Chow-wang was addicted to music and pleasure, and neglected the affairs of state *; and when the fiefs came to court he commanded each of them to bring fifty women to serve in the palace. Tsung How-hoo, head of the North, stepped out of the ranks and represented to his Majesty; “I hear that Soo-hoo, the noble of the state of Yſh, possesses a daughter whose form and beauty are capable of destroying an age, her loveliness is incomparable, and she would be a great addition to the music and dances at the court.” “Chow was enchanted at the idea, and ordered Soo-hoo to return to E-chow and bring his daughter to court. This noble as he left the palace said to his friends, “My Royal Master has exhausted his prosperity and will assuredly destroy the state; how can my daughter bury herself in the palace º' He returned straight to E-chow, ceased to remit the tribute, while on the occasion of the annual presentation neither he nor his daughter came. Feileen reported that Soo-hoo rebelled against the Imperial edict, and had neglected to bring the tribute, and that if his majesty did not press it, there would be difficulty in managing the other states. His majesty assented, commanded Feileen to * In “The Mirror of Chinese History” it is said that Chow sin (that is Chow wang) lived B.C. 1153. He was a most extravagant and dissolute prince, though he had wise counsel- lors. He married Tan-ki, who became as bad as himself. The Emperor erected an enormous stage or terrace, which he called “the Stag-Gallery,” with chambers in it, and doors of precious stones. It was half a mile in breadth and a thousand cubits high. It took seven years to build. It was stored with wealth and grain, and heavy taxes were levied to supply the king's many wants. He also built other great palaces, and made great banquets, by which the people were impoverished and demoralized. He increased the rigour of the laws, and invented tortures, in which his wicked queen, who was the type of a Jezebel, aided him. The horrible wickedness of this Emperor and his queen rendered them comparable more to wild beasts than to any human beings. See Medhurst's Shoo-king, p. 363-365.-[J. S.] Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 97 prepare a picked body of men, while he himself would set forth in his chariot to set it right. Ke-tsze, the minister on the left, remonstrated, saying, “Soo- hoo has undoubtedly given deep offence and must be brought to reason, it is easy to assemble the nobles of your own division and subdue him ; what ne- cessity is there for your majesty to go? Chow adopted his advice, ordered the Western and Northern principal nobles to unite their forces and subdue Soo- hoo. A messenger reached Ke-chow; and Ke-chang, when he received the mandate, told his officers, “Soo-hoo rebels against the Imperial commands, and ceases to remit the tribute, the Emperor has ordered me to collect a force to subdue him. Soldiers are cruel weapons; I do not like to employ them, but prefer sending him a letter commanding him to offer the tribute and confess his error. Who will go?' San-e-sang, an officer of the first rank, stepped forth and offered to go. Ke-chang despatched him to Yſhchow, and at the same time sent an envoy to stop the troops of Tsung How-loo. San-e-sang came down to Yihchow : Soo-hoo came forth to meet him, made him enter the hall, and treated him as his guest, and said, ‘Have you received an order to deprive me on account of my having neglected the state 2' San-e-sang replied, “You have retained the tribute; the Emperor has ordered the chief of the West to levy troops and fight you, but Ke-chang being of a benevolent disposition, has kept his forces from marching, and sent me first of all to urge you to go to court. Should you adopt this advice, and enter the state of Shang and await your punishment, the people may be protected, and you may save your head. If the district armies unite and come here, your wife and daughter will be ground to powder.” “My supreme lord,” replied Soo-hoo, ‘has lost his reason, for when I went on a former year to court, and he heard of my daughter's beauty, he ordered me to send her for the service of the court. This is why I ceased to remit the tribute. Now he has ordered the Western chief to sub- due me: I would rather die under his terrace than again enter a court desti- tute of reason '' San-e-sang said, “As your supreme master desires it, the part of an enlightened minister is to send her to court. Your daughter will receive great favour, and you will have the honour of an Imperial con- nection. Is it not good why oppose the monarch's orders and experience a deep calamity ?’ ‘Husband and wife,' answered Soo-hoo, ‘are the head of human relations; the monarch of Shang does not select commanding virtue, but oppresses and robs the daughters of peaceable subjects: he neglects the government, and is destitute of reason, and will infallibly destroy his kingdom and receive punishment in his own person. Can I covet honours and sacrifice my daughter?’ ‘Your views,' replied San-e-sang, “are quite wrong. Throughout the Empire all are either princes or ministers; obey quickly the order, present your daughter at court, turn evil into good fortune, do not be obstinate.’ Soo-hoo mused awhile. “Formerly,” he said, “I vowed I would not go to court, but how can I do otherwise than follow your advice I must trouble you to bear back this, that I myself to-morrow will bring the young lady to Shang, and await my punishment.” Much pleased, San-e-sang bid him adieu. On the morrow Soo-hoo collected gold and silk, prepared a document 98 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. to excuse himself, got ready a lady's chariot, and, accompanied by two hundred soldiers, set out to court. The lady's name was Tan-ke, she was about seven- teen years old, and her beauty ‘capped the age.” There was nothing of ornamental work or music she could not execute. On the day of her departure her parents and brothers all burst into tears and could hardly bear to part with her. Soo-hoo marshalled his chariots and horses and left the city. After proceeding a few months, he reached the post Koo-gan-chow, and there halted. The commander of the post represented to him, “This post is very retired and frequented by many loose characters. Several of the officers who come here have been seized by spirits, you ought not to halt here.' Soo-hoo exclaimed, ‘I lead a lady to the court, according to the Emperor's commands, what harm can happen to her here P’ He then ordered Tan-ke to sleep in the hall, and several ladies' maids to be in attendance, each armed with a short sword, and to secretly guard the sides of the couch. He himself watched the door, and posted soldiers to keep a look out, and incessantly to march up and down. About midnight a gust of strong wind blew through a chink in the door, and entered into the hall. The maid in waiting, who was awake, beheld a nine-tailed fox, having golden hair and painted face, steal up to the couch. The woman brandished her sword to cut off its head, when the light of the lamps went out on a sudden, and the woman died under the demo- niacal influence. The fox entirely sucked out Tan-ke's soul from her body, and substituted its own spirit. About dawn Soo-hoo knocked at the door to in- quire how all had passed during the night. The maids told him, “A cold wind extinguished the lights at midnight, and an evil breath stole in, although the door did not move.’ He was much astonished, and bade the soldiers look all about the station. They then found the waiting maid, who had been struck with the demoniacal influence, lying dead on the grass at the edge of the ditch. Soo-hoo became exceedingly alarmed, and urged on without delay his chariots and horses, without knowing that Tan-ke had been demoniacally possessed by the spirit of a ‘Fox.' Arrived at court she married Chow sin, the Chinese Nero, and perpetrated unheard of cruelties. Like a vampire ‘Tan-ke passed the day in feasting and parties of pleasure, but resumed at night her origi- nal form, sucking the blood of the amputated, and mutilated persons to aug- ment her grace and beauty.’ Several of her adventures are recorded in the course of the novel.—At one time, while she is slinking about as a fox, Fei- leen recommends the king to let loose the hawk, and the fox Tan-ke is scratched in the face. One of the ministers who remonstrates with the monarch, has to beg pardon, and is reduced to a private station. At the com- mencement of her career an attempt is made by Yang Chung-tsze, a Taouist, to destroy her. This meteorologian saw an unusual atmospheric disturbance at Yihchow, and calling for his “demon-reflecting mirror,” discovered it was all owing to a thousand years old fox’ in the city. He then ordered a boy to cut down “a thousand years old pine tree' to make a sword—equipped with which ‘sabre de bois' he entered the city and found out that there was “a fox at court.' This fact he communicates to the king in a memorial, who considers Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 99 the learned doctor “rather wild,’ but hangs up the sword in the palace. Here our historical romancer informs us, ‘Tan-ke who was really the old fox of the retired valleys, who had imbibed the ethereal essence of heaven and earth, and swallowed the splendor of the sun and moon, whereby she had the power of changing into innumerable shapes and assuming the human form,” told his majesty that she was so timid that she entreated him to burn the sword; and as to there being any “bad air’ about the court, why she too also was a ‘mete- orological doctor,’ accustomed to gaze at the Polar Star, and would keep a look out if his majesty would only build an observatory for her. At the fall of the dynasty, when the palace is taken and burnt by Tae kung, she flies to this observatory, intending to resume her form of fox and be off. One Yin- headu strikes at her with his battle axe, but a flash of light only breaks forth. The very executioners, fascinated by her beauty, decline the office at the peril of their lives; but she had to deal with one who had provided himself with necromantic means. “I perceive,” said Tae kung, ‘that she is of the race of Yaou (fascinating demons); first I must discover her type, I shall after that destroy her.’. He ordered his attendants to hang up the valuable “demon-reflecting mirror.’ Her original type was then revealed. She appeared a nine-tailed golded-haired fox, yelping about the place of execution. ‘Let some one get rid of her for me,’ said Tae kung. Yin headu came forth, gave a shout, his hand rose, his hatchet fell and severed the fox into three pieces.” The above extracts will give some idea of the style of the historical novels of the Chinese and of their popular superstitions. The notion of a fox with nine tales is not entirely new to the author of this work, for it is found in the Shan hae king, or “Book of Hills and Streams,” which states, that in the kingdom and hills of Tsing-kew are foxes of this type. Nor is it a little remarkable that in the quaint legend of Mrs. Fox, translated from the German of Grimm, foxes of the same kind are mentioned. By importation some of the Chinese tales have gradually become introduced into European literature. The age of ro- mance being however on the wane, the last of the wicked sprites has left the nursery hearth, and given way to juvenile heroines, and admirable little Crichtons. Amr II.-The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. By the Rev. THEODoRE HAMBERG, Missionary of the Basle Evangelical Society to China. (Continued from page 63.) In the fifth month they arrived at the house of Wang. Here they met with two relatives of the Hung clan, who the year before had visited Hwa-hien, and had been baptized by Siu-tshuen. Wang informed Siu-tshuen that his son Wang-ngi had been put in prison, upon a false accusation by a third party, and asked his advice and assistance in the matter. But Siu-tshuen and Yun- san in the first place taught them to worship God and believe in Jesus, and 100 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. spoke with such force of persuasion and eloquence, that the hearers not only accepted the truth, but were inclined to believe that Siu-tshuen and Yun-san had come down from heaven to preach the true doctrine to them. Above one hundred individuals received baptism. Siu-tshuen now also tried his influence on behalf of the son of his cousin, and wrote a petition to the officials. In less than a fortnight the young man was released from prison and restored to his family. The consequence of this was, that many more believed in the truth of the doctrine taught by Siu-tshuen, and the young Wang-ngi became a zealous follower. Having remained in the house of Wang until the tenth month, Siu-tshuen at last thought of the difficulty for his cousin to support so many guests. He therefore ordered Yun-san and two others of the Hung family to return to Kwang-tung, while he himself purposed to remain for some time longer. The two relatives accordingly returned to Hwa-hien, but Fung Yun-san, whose mind was wholly bent upon preaching on the way, resolved not to return, but to remain in Kwang-si. In the neighbourhood of Tsin-chau he met with some workmen whom he knew, and accompanied them to “Thistle-mount,” where he assisted them in their work of carrying earth. At the same time he preached to them the truth, and exhorted them to abstain from idolatry, to worship the only true God, and be- lieve in Jesus, whereby they would gain the everlasting happiness of heaven. About ten of the workmen took his words to heart, and informed their employer Tsen about the arrival of Yun-san, stating that he was an honest man, of extraordinary talents. Tsen, after speaking with Yun-san, and asking some questions relative to his former life and occupation, engaged him as teacher in his school, and was soon after himself baptized by him. Yun- san remained in the neighbourhood of Thistle-mount several years, and preached with great zeal and success, so that a large number of persons, whole families of various surnames and clans, were baptized. They formed congregations among themselves, gathering together for religious worship, and became soon extensively known under the name of “the congregation of the worshippers of God.” 7. SIU-Tsh UEN's RETURN Home — HE AND HUNG-JIN Visit CANTon — Second Tour to KwaNg-si-INCREASE of the CoNGREGAtion—Form of WoRship,-Baptism, &c., DESTRUCTION of Idols—YUN-san's IMPRison- MENT—RETURN to KwaNg-si.-Siu-tshuen in the meantime supposed that Yun-san, together with the two friends of the Hung family, had returned to Kwang-tung, and, after having remained another month with his cousin Wang, he also returned to Hwa-hien, where he hoped to find Yun-san. His dis- appointment was very great when he learned that he had not returned; and he had great difficulty in appeasing the minds of his friend's mother and wife, who expected surely to hear from Siu-tshuen some certain news about him, and were highly displeased that he, who had taken Yun-san as a companion upon so perilous a journey, had returned without him, and even without any knowledge of his present circumstances. The two following years, 1845 and 1846, Siu-tshuen remained at home, SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 101 and was teacher of a school as formerly. During this time he wrote several essays, discourses, and odes upon religious subjects, viz. “An Ode of the Hundred Correct Things,” “An Essay on the Origin of Virtue for the Awakening of the Age,” “Further Exhortations for Awakening the Age,” “Alter the Corrupt and Turn to the Correct;” to all of which he, however, afterwards made considerable additions, and most of which are contained in the “Imperial Declaration of Thai-p'hing,” afterwards printed at Nanking. Siu-tshuen continued to preach in his native village and its neighbourhood, and to baptize those who professed to believe in the doctrine of God and of Jesus. He often met with Hung-jin, who was still a teacher in “Clear-far,” and who out of weakness had been induced to follow the advice of some friends and permit the schoolboys to venerate Confucius, though he did not do it himself. Siu-tshuen disclosed to him the secret thoughts of his heart, and his hatred against the Manchoo people; saying,<- “God has divided the kingdoms of the world, and made the ocean to be a boundary for them, just as a father divides his states among his sons; every one of whom ought to rever. ence the will of his father, and quietly manage his own property. Why should now these Manchoos forcibly enter China, and rob their brothers of their estate * At a later period he said, “If God will help me to recover our estate, I ought to teach all nations to hold every one its own possessions, without injuring or robbing one another; we will have intercourse in communicating true principles and wisdom to each other, and receive each other with pro- priety and politeness; we will serve together one common heavenly Father, and honour together the doctrines of one common heavenly Brother, the Saviour of the world; this has been the wish of my heart since the time when my soul was taken up to heaven.” About this time he had a dream that a red sun was put into his hand; and when he awoke, he made the following verses”:— Now that five hundred years have passed t The true sun moves in sight; And how should these poor glowworms dare To rival it in light? On its suspense in heaven's arch, All vapours disappear, And as it shines, demons and imps Are hidden out of fear. * The idea that a “red sun” was a sign from heaven is not unknown in Chinese story. In the most popular romance of the Chinese, founded on the history of the wars of the middle ages, when the empire was split up into small kingdoms, the Sán-kw8-chi, a certain statesman, who had rusticated and turned farmer during the troubles, dreams of a red light at the back of his farm, and this indicates two young princes, lying upon a heap of grass, who had lost their way in making their escape. One of them is the heir-apparent, and becomes emperor.—[J. S.] + Mencius, who flourished about three hundred years before the Christian era, says, “In the course of five hundred years a King will arise, a man of universal fame.” From Choo-hung-woo, the founder of the Ming dynasty, until now, it is just about five hundred years. 102 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. The North and South, the East and West, To it their homage pay, And hosts of the barbarian tribes Are yielding to its sway. The stars by its great splendour in Obscurity are hurled ; And solely its pure brilliant rays Illuminate the world. In the latter part of the year 1846, a person of the name Moo, upon his return from Canton, informed the Hungs in Hwa-hien, that a foreign missionary Lo- hau (Roberts) was preaching the true doctrine in that city. As however both Siu-tshuen and Hung-jin were engaged with teaching in their schools, they could not at that time visit Canton; but in the year following they made up their minds to go there. In the meantime Choo-thau-hing, the first assistant of the Rev. I. J. Roberts, had been informed by the above-named Moo about Siu-tshuen's former experiences, and wrote a letter to the latter somewhat as follows:— - tº Having heard from Moo-li-pau that you, honoured brother, about ten years ago, received a book, the contents of which agree with the doctrine preached in our chapel here, we the missionary and the brethren will rejoice if you will come hither and assist us by preaching in the chapel”. This is our sincere wish.” Upon receipt of the above letter, Siu-tshuen and Hung-jin went to Canton, to study the doctrine with Mr. Roberts. They were received in a friendly manner, and soon after met with other missionaries, who also were glad to see them. Having continued their studies about a month, Mr. Roberts sent two of his assistants, Choo and Tsen, with the Hungs to their native place. Here they preached a few days and then returned to Canton, but Hung-jin, who was well aware that two other assistants of the name Wang, also engaged by Mr. Roberts, were making intrigues to prevent new brethren from being employed, for fear of losing their own situations, did not again go to Canton, but remained at home and studied medicine. Siu-tshuen again went to Canton in the company of the two assistants of the foreign missionary, and continued his studies for some time. The two assistants, Wang-ai and Wang-khien, probably fearing that Siu-tshuen, with his superior talent, would also after his baptism be employed by Mr. Roberts, and they themselves lose their position, now planned an intrigue to get rid of him, and prevent his being baptized; in which they succeeded. Pretending to be interested in his welfare, they advised him to speak to Mr. Roberts before his baptism, and get the promise from him of a certain sum of money per month for his support, whereby he would be enabled to continue his studies and remain in Canton after he had received baptism. Siu-tshuen being very poor, considered their advice reasonable, and acted thereupon. Upon his arrival at Canton, he had frankly and openly presented to Mr. Roberts an account of his former life, his * The invitations to preach must be considered as a mere Chinese expression of politeness. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 103 visions, his sickness, his preaching, and religious compositions. He now in the same open manner asked Mr. Roberts to support him after his baptism, in order to enable him to continue his studies with the other assistants. We are not aware that Mr. Roberts at that time paid much attention to the written account or papers presented to him by Hung; nor does it seem that he placed any confidence in his statements, or understood his real character; but hearing him, like so many other Chinese candidates for baptism, enter upon the subject of future support, Mr. Roberts was displeased, and postponed his baptism until some future uncertain period *. Siu-tshuen felt rather disappointed at this result of his request, and dis- covered, too late, that he had fallen into the snare laid for him by the two Wang. Being unable to support himself in Canton, and not knowing when he might be admitted to baptism, he resolved to leave, and go to Kwang-si, without waiting for baptism from the hands of the foreign mission- ary. Choo-thau-hing advised him to return home if he would not remain in Canton; but finding him decided in his mind, he gave him a hundred cash, and sent a letter to Hung-jin in Hwa-hien, informing him and other relatives of Hung-Siu-tshuen, that the latter had left Canton, and was gone to Kwang-si, in search of his friend Fung Yun-san. In the sixth month of 1847, Siu-tshuen started upon his second tour to Kwang-si. As he had only one hundred cash in his pocket, he could not go by the passage-boat, but went on foot and carried his own baggage. When * Some may be of opinion that the above statement respecting the native assistants of another missionary, could well have been omitted. But far from throwing any blame upon Mr. Roberts, it seems to me that common justice to him, as well as to Hung-Siu-tshuen, requires me to state the probable cause why the latter, after so long a preparation, was refused Christian baptism. Mr. Roberts, in his report printed in The Chinese and General Missionary Gleaner in October 1852, says, “Some time in 1846, or the year following, two Chinese gentlemen came to my house in Canton, professing a desire to be taught the Christian religion. One of them soon returned home, but the other continued with us two months or more, during which time he studied the Scriptures and received instruction, whilst he maintained a blameless deportment. This one seems to have been Hung-Sew-tsuen, the chief of the insurrection; and the person whose narrative is above given, was perhaps the gentleman who accompanied him, but who subse- quently returned home. When the chief (as we suppose him to have been) first came to us, he presented a paper written by himself, giving a minute account of having received the book “Good Words exhorting the Age,’ of which his friend speaks in his narrative, of his having been taken sick, during which he imagined that he saw a vision, the details of which he gave, and which he said confirmed him in the belief of what he read in the book. In giving the account of his vision, he related some things which I confess I was at a loss, and still am, to know where he got them, without a more extensive knowledge of the Scriptures. He requested to be baptized, but he left for Kwang-si, before we were fully satisfied of his fitness; but what had become of him I knew net until now.” In full agreement with these words of Mr. Roberts, the informant, who visited Canton with Hung-Siu-tshuen, explains the cause why Mr. Roberts, after giving such a good testi- monial respecting Siu-tshuen's deportment and knowledge of the Scriptures, still was not fully satisfied of his fitness for baptism. 104 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. he came to Moi-tszu-sin he unfortunately fell into the hands of robbers, who deprived him of his bundle of clothes, and thereby also of the last means to continue his journey. As long as he had a few articles of wearing apparel left, he could, after the Chinese manner, pawn or sell them, and thus be enabled to proceed; but without money and without clothes he was reduced to extreme distress. He wrote a petition to the Prefect of Shau-king. This official replied, that Moi-tszu-sin did not belong to his jurisdiction, but to that of Teh-king; he however gave Siu-tshuen a small sum of 400 cash, pitying his misfortune. Siu-tshuen was now placed in a very difficult position; he was without friends, and without means either to advance or to return. He had nothing left but his past experience and his future prospects, which how- ever under present circumstances appeared very much darkened and impossible to realize. - As he was thus standing on the way, pondering upon his own sad condition, he was observed by a man, who cheered him up with the words, “A broken cord of course is mended with a line, and when the boat comes to the bank the way opens again.” Siu-tshuen thought in himself, “These words are correct, and correspond with the true doctrine;’ and leaving further difficulties to the care of the future, he took his place in a passage-boat and continued his journey to Kwang-si. The Chinese generally take three meals a day, but Siu-tshuen, afraid to incur a heavy debt to the Captain, allowed himself only one meal every day, which cost him about twopence. Among his fellow pas- sengers, he remarked three men of literary attainments, who soon opened a conversation with him, saying, — “Sir, by your noble countenance it is easy to perceive that you are a man of talent; but as you, without being sick, still abstain from eating, we must conclude that you are in distress.” Siu-tshuen then told them how he had been robbed on his way, and had almost no money to continue his journey. They asked him what was the object of his going to Kwang-si. He told them, that he went there in order to preach the doctrine of the true God. They also inquired into his circum- stances, and the nature of the doctrine he was teaching; and Siu-tshuen, during the seven days which they spent together in the boat, made known to them, as he found opportunity, the truths of Christianity. When they arrived at Kwang-si, these men said to him, “You ought not to be discouraged; in travelling you must be prepared for everything, even to be robbed. We have told the Captain not to demand any passage-money from you, and here, (presenting him a string with six hundred cash,_about two shillings,) we have col- lected a small sum for you, to enable you to proceed on your journey.” In this manner Siu-tshuen finally reached the Kwei district and Valley-home, where his cousin Wang lived. Among his first questions was, if they had any news about Fung Yun-san; and he was now informed that Yun-san had for the past two years been engaged in teaching at Thistle-mount, and that a great number of people had been converted to God by his instrumentality. Siu- tshuen lost no time in visiting the new congregation at that place, and rejoiced Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 105 upon his arrival not only to see Yun-san again, but to meet with many new believers, and to preach the truth of God in the midst of them. The worshippers of God at Thistle-mount in Kwang-si soon counted above two thousand adherents, and their number daily increased. Among them we find the names Loo-Shing-sze, Loo-Liuh, Tsen-A-sun, Shih Tah-khai, Yang Siu-tshin, Siau Chau-kwui, and others. The wife of this Siau, named Yang Yun-kiau, stated that in the year “Ting-yew,” 1837, during a very severe sickness, when she lay as dead upon her bed, her soul ascended to heaven, and she heard an old man say to her, “After ten years a man will come from the east and teach thee to worship God; obey him willingly.” She was eminent among the female God-worshippers, who used to say as a proverb, “Men ought to study Fung Yun-san, and women the conduct of Yang Yun-kiau.” From Thistle-mount the new doctrine spread rapidly, and was promulgated widely in several departments and districts in the province of Kwang-si; as for instance the departments of Siang-chau, Tsin-chau, and Yuh-chau, with many of their districts, as Phing-nan, Woo-siuen, Kwei, Poh- peh, &c. Men of great influence, and graduates of the first and second degrees, with great numbers of their clans, joined the congregation. Among the former may be mentioned Wui-Ching with a large number of his clan, and Hoo, a keu-jin (a “recommended man”=M.A.), with many of his adherents." All who joined the congregation threw away their idols and worshipped the true God. It is difficult to give a faithful account of their form of worship, when they met together for devotion; for several alterations were introduced from time to time in consequence of growing knowledge and experience. Accommodations to existing Chinese customs may have been introduced in the beginning, which were afterwards corrected; and it is very probable that the present form of worship at Nanking is not altogether like that which was first established among the worshippers of God at Thistle-mount in Kwang-si. At the commencement, Siu-tshuen had only vague notions concerning the true manner of religious service. When he had taken away his own idols, he placed the written name of God in their stead, and even used incense-sticks and gold paper as a part of the service. But in a few months he found that this was wrong, and abolished it. His stepmother declared, however, that it was a great pity that he had taken away the name of God from the wall, for during that time they had been able to add a few fields to their estate, which she considered as a special blessing and sign of divine favour. When the congregation in Kwang-si assembled together for religious worship, males and females had their seats separated from each other. It was customary to praise God by the singing of a hymn. An address was delivered either upon the mercy of God, or the merits of Christ, and the people were exhorted to repent of their sins, to abstain from idolatry, and to serve God with sincerity of heart. When any professed to believe in the doctrine, and expressed their desire to be admitted members of the congregation, the rite of baptism was performed in the following manner, without reference to any longer or shorter term of preparation or previous instruction. Two burning lamps and three cups of 106 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [SEPT. 3, 1863. tea were placed upon a table, probably to suit the sensual apprehension of the Chinese. A written confession of sins, containing the names of the different candidates for baptism, was repeated by them, and afterwards burned, whereby the presenting of the same to God was to be expressed. The question was then asked, if they promised “not to worship evil spirits, not to practise evil things, but to keep the heavenly commandments.” After this confession, they knelt down, and from a large basin of clear water, a cupfull was poured over the head of each one, with the words, “Purification from all former sins, putting off the old, and regeneration.” Upon rising again, they used to drink of the tea, and generally each one washed his chest and region of the heart with water, to signify the inner cleansing of their hearts. It was also custom- ary to perform private ablutions in the rivers, accompanied by confession of sins and prayer for forgiveness. Those who had been baptized now received the different forms of prayer to be used morning and evening, or before their meals. Most of these forms of prayer are now printed at Nanking in the Book of Religious Precepts, with some alterations or additions. Upon cele- brations of festivals, as for instance at a marriage, a burial, or at the New Year, animals were offered in sacrifice, and afterwards consumed by those present”. When they engaged in prayer, they used to kneel down all in one direction towards the open side of the house, from which the light entered, and closing their eyes, one spoke the prayer in the name of the whole assembly. At that time there was in Kwang-si province, in the department Siang, an idol of great renown named Kan-wang-ye, “the King-kan;” whose power was universally acknowledged. The God-worshippers inquired into the history of this famous idol, and received the following information from the people :- “Kan was formerly an inhabitant of the department of Siang. He had during his life the greatest reliance in ‘the wind and water art, or geomancy. A geomancer once selected for him a very auspicious place of interment, but at the same time declared, that by a bloody burial great prosperity would result to his family. Hereupon he went home, killed his own mother, and buried her as the first person upon the indicated spot; thus to ensure a permanent felicity to himself and to his descendants. He also forced his eldest sister to have intercourse with a profligate wretch ; he was particularly fond of listening to obscene songs, which are very prevalent in Kwang-si, and consist in couplets sung alternately by males and females, whereby even among wholly unacquainted persons an illicit familiarity is fre- quently introduced. The demon of the idol Kan-wang once possessed a young lad, and made him run up to the sedan-chair of the district magistrate, stop its bearers, and in the name of the idol demand a Dragon robe from the Mandarin, which the latter dared not to refuse. The temple wardens were afraid to sleep in the temple; and morning and evening, when they entered to light the lamps and burn incense, they beat the gong or large copper plate, to prevent Kan-wang's appearing to them. If any one dared to speak against the idol, he was sure to be seized with bowel complaint, and thus forced to acknowledge the univer- sally admitted power of Kan-wang.” * It is to be hoped, that these and others rites inconsistent with the pure Christian wor- ship of God, and which Hung-Siu-tshuen introduced or connived at, either from misunder- standing the truth, or to comply with long established customs of the Chinese, which he found it difficult at once to abolish, may gradually be corrected. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 107 When Siu-tshuen heard this report, his anger was aroused; and he said, “This kind of demons I used to exterminate, when my soul was wandering in heaven.” He then took Fung Yun-san, Wang-Ngi, and Hang-E with him, and they started together to visit the temple of Kan-wang-ye. In two days they came to the place, and really found the aspect of the idol dreadful and imposing. Siu-tshuen however took a stick, and struck the wooden image of the idol whilst enumerating the tenfold transgressions and sins of Kan,— “First sin, to kill his mother; second sin, contempt of God; third sin, to frighten the hearts of the sons and daughters of God; fourth sin, to covet the food of the children of God; fifth sin, to force his sister to have intercourse with a profligate wretch ; sixth sin, to like obscene songs between males and females; seventh sin, arrogantly to exalt himself; eighth sin, to extort money from the people ; ninth sin, to demand a Dragon robe from the Mandarin; tenth sin, to continue his mischief as a demon. Because of these tenfold sins he deserves to be destroyed.” Thereupon he dashed the image to pieces, tore its beautiful garments, and broke the censers and sacrificial vessels. He also wrote an Imperial declara- tion in verse :- I rebuke the demon Kan-wang by my pencil's quick decree, He deserves annihilation, and must not spared be. Mother-slayer, law-transgressor, wilt thou also God deceive 2 As thou didst with many people, make them in thy power believe, Cursed to hell and struck by lightning, burn and vanish into smoke. With thy horrid stinking body, dost thou want a Dragon cloak 2 As soon as this deed was known in the neighbourhood, the people of the district offered a reward of one hundred dollars for the apprehension of the perpetrators. The demon however again possessed a young boy, and said, “These men are sincere; you are not able to hurt them : you must only repair my image again, and then it will be all right.” After this the people withdrew their proclamation. This event served to advance the reputation of Siu-tshuen, and the number of his followers rapidly increased. Soon after he was informed about another temple of great celebrity, called “The temple of six caverns.” This temple derived its origin from a male and a female, who had met together, and by the one commencing to sing a licentious couplet, to which the other responded, had indulged in illicit intercourse for several days, after which they were found dead. The people said that these two had found the true principles; and erected a temple in their memory, where divine honours were paid to their images. Siu-tshuen, finding that the moral feeling of the Kwang-si population was far below that of the brutes, wrote a verse, reproving their utter contempt of all morality; saying that these two demons ought to be exterminated; that the whole population had turned brutes; and upon all mountains were heard profligate songs, responded to by males and females; that they professed to have found the true principles, when in fact they had destroyed them. Licentious females were called mistresses of the house. God would not suffer such conduct, but bring upon them sudden judgment from on high. Because of these verses the people were irritated against Siu- tshuen, and wished that the idols might display their power in killing him : K 108 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [SEPT. 3, 1863. - but after some time the white ants came into the temple of six caverns, and de- stroyed the building as well as the wooden images. The brethren of the new congregation in Kwang-si afterwards demolished a great number of images, whereby the population was incensed against them. A very rich graduate Wang, lodged an accusation at the office of the magistrate of the Ping-nan-hien against them, to the effect, that they, under the pretext of worshipping God, destroyed the temples and altars, but in fact they were rebels. The district magistrate then seized Fung Yun-san and Lu-liuh, to be examined in the presence of Wang ; and because the latter had offered bribes to the mandarin, the two former were committed to jail. Hung- Siu-tshuen now thought with himself, “If we, because of the true doctrine, suffer such persecution, what may be the design of God in this?" At that time he expressed his feelings in the following ode upon Hope — When shall I meet again with faithful brethren, And preach the word along the ocean's strand? When find again true sympathy and virtue, And joyful tones mingle without restraint? Alas! for noble courage and for honest hearts, With whom I would restore to peace the universe ! TAlas! from all the quarters of the earth What men shall stand by me? The dragon clouds and tiger winds assemble; When shall the hour of congregation come 2 The heavenly law is not to blame. Has God no more compassion ? Oh for a mind from first to last ! What day shall we triumphantly ascend ? Upon consideration of the present difficulties, Siu-tshuen remembered that Kiying, the governor of the Two Kwang Provinces, had gained permission from the Emperor for Chinese as well as foreigners to profess Christianity; and after further consultation with the brethren at Thistle-mount, he took his departure to Kwang-tung, with the intention to present a petition to the governor on behalf of his friends, who suffered imprisonment because of their religious persuasion. Upon his arrival at Canton, he learned from Choo-thau- hing, that the governor Kiying, only ten days before, had left for the capital, Peking. In the meantime, the brethren in Kwang-si willingly collected some hundred strings of cash for the liberation of their friends; and delivered a written apo- logy for their doctrine, together with the Ten Commandments, for the inspec- tion of the mandarin. This official was now persuaded that the worshippers of God were no criminals, and wished to release the prisoners; but the gradu- ate Wang made a new accusation before the Prefect of the department. The Prefect however refused to take up the matter, and referred the cause to the district magistrate again. The latter had during the interval received three petitions in poetry from Fung Yun-san; the first stating the malignancy of his accuser Wang, the second explaining his own innocence, and the third proving the duty of all to worship God. Loo-liuh had already died from the effects of the SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 109 confinement in jail; and the magistrate now sent two policemen to convey Fung Yun-san to his native place in Kwang-tung, there to be placed at liberty upon proper security. During the way, Fung Yun-san in his usual manner spoke with great eloquence and in persuasive language about the true doctrine : they had not walked many miles before the two policemen were won as con- verts. They not only agreed instantly to set him at liberty, but declared themselves willing to abandon their own station, and follow Fung to the con- gregation at Thistle-mount, where he soon after introduced them as candidates for baptism. The brethren rejoiced to see him again; sacrificed horses and oxen, and gave thanks to God for his liberation. When Yun-san heard that Siu-tshuen had gone to Kwang-tung on his behalf, he also repaired thither; but on his arrival he found that Siu-tshuen had already left on his return to Kwang-si. When Siu-tshuen came to Thistle- mount, he was informed that Yun-san had been released from prison and had gone to Kwang-tung, wherefore he again went back to Hwa-hien. Here in the tenth month of the year 1848, Siu-tshuen and Yun-san met with each other. Previous to the arrival of Siu-tshuen, his old father Hung-Yang had departed this life, aged seventy-three. He had for a long time abstained from idolatry, and received baptism. Upon his deathbed he admonished his children, saying, “I am now ascending to heaven: after my decease you must not call any Buddhist priests, or perform any heathen ceremonies, but merely worship God, and pray to him.” Siu-tshuen was now thirty-five years of age. He had for some time let his hair and beard grow long. When people asked him the reason why he had done so, he replied, that he knew before- hand the death of his father. It is a Chinese custom not to shave during the period of mourning for one's parents and nearer relatives. 8. HUNG's CHARACTER, CoNversation, AND Discourses.—From his youth Hung-Siu-tshuen was generally liked by all, because of his open and straightforward character. He was gay and friendly, but not dissolute. Being superior in talent to most of his fellow students, he often used to make sport of them, and caused them to feel his sharp wit; but still his friends were fond of listening to his remarks, as they generally contained true and noble ideas, and acknowledged his superior intellect. After his sickness in the year 1837, his whole person became changed, his manners noble and dignified. He sat erect upon the chair, his hands placed upon his knees, and both his feet resting a little apart, but never crossed upon the ground, without leaning backwards or to either side; and though sitting for hours, he never appeared fatigued. He did not look aslant or backwards; his pace in walking was dignified, neither quick nor slow : he now spoke less and laughed seldom. Many who observed him ridiculed his manners, finding his deportment strange and curious. After he had begun to worship God, he was very strict in regard to his own conduct. In his words he was often severe, and easily offended others. He liked to sit down and talk with honest and sincere men, though they were ever so poor and of low estate; but he could not bear with the pro- fligate, even if they were ever so rich and high in station. In his native r 2 110 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. village, two men who were discovered to have committed adultery, so much dreaded the severe censure of Siu-tshuen that they absented themselves for several years. A man of bad character, named Moo, had been appointed inspec- tor of the ground by ten different villages. This man gradually commenced to flatter the rich, oppress the poor, and beat the villagers. Upon Siu-tshuen's return from Kwang-si, several accusations were made against this man, to which all gave unanimous evidence, desiring to have him punished for his misconduct. The next day Siu-tshuen ordered the gong to be struck, and assembled from eighty to ninety families. Moo also appeared, ſhade a humble confession of his guilt, and asked forgiveness, which the assembled villagers were willing to grant, believing his repentance to be sincere. But Siu-tshuen said, “Yesterday I yielded to the wishes of men, but to-day I follow the rule of heaven.” Hereupon he deposed Moo from his office, and appointed Kiang- a-si to be inspector of the ground. Moo dared not to oppose this decision, or think of revenging himself, but he even sent the usual presents of honour and respect to Hung. Among his own clansmen, Siu-tshuen introduced the use of nine wooden rods for chastising evil doers, and upon each rod the five punishable offences were written,- 1. Beat the adulterers. 2. Beat the female seducers. 3. Beat the disobedient to parents. 4. Beat thieves, robbers, and gamblers. 5. Beat all vagabonds plotting evil. These rods were given to the head men of the families; but afterwards, when Siu-tshuen had left for Kwang-si, an uncle of his collected the rods and threw them into the river; saying, “Why should we be subject to his rule 2" During his stay at Hwa-hien, he was generally respected and feared by all males as well as females, who however felt often rather uneasy at his severe admoni- tions. When he met with relatives or neighbours, he often exposed and blamed their sinful conduct, and exhorted them to believe in the true doctrine. Though he did not separate himself from his former friends and relatives, yet they could not feel so intimate with him as before. Often when he came home from a visit to such friends, who would not yield to his exhortations and believe in his doctrines, he used to say,+ “Those who believe not in the true doctrine of God and Jesus, though they be old acquaintances, are still no friends of mine, but they are demons. On the other hand, all who believe in the doctrine of God and Jesus, are true brethren of Heaven and true friends. If they do not believe my words, every one must go his own way: I cannot bring them into heaven, and they shall not draw me to hell. If my own parents, my wife and children, do not believe, I cannot feel united with them, how much less with other friends ! Only the heavenly friendship is true, all other is false. A short happiness is not a real one: only eternal happiness can be called real. What others gain, they cannot impart to me; and what I gain, I cannot share with them. I only desire that very many may enter into heaven, and grieve that they should go to hell. Therefore I cannot withhold preaching to them the true doctrine.” In his discourses Siu-tshuen showed, from the classical books, what was SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 111 true and wrong in the Chinese philosophy, and exhorted every one to receive the true. He endeavoured to rouse people from their lethargy and religious indifference, by holding forth to them the sure hope of everlasting happiness. He had favourite stanzas or expressions, which he often repeated, in order to impress them upon the memory of the hearers: for instance,— “Believe in God, and in the end be blessed. Trust not in God, and be at last distressed.” “Brethren, be of good cheer, God has the rule of all; With faithful hearts and deeds in proof you rise to heaven's hall.” “Keep the holy commandments, worship the true God, and then at the hour of departing, heaven will be easily ascended.” “Cleave to worldly customs, believe in devils, And ultimately hell cannot be avoided.” “Those who believe in God, are the sons and daughters of God; wheresoever they come, they come from heaven; wheresoever they go, they go to heaven.” “Those who worship demons, are the slaves of the demons; at the time of their birth by the devil led astray, at the time of their death by him carried away.” Siu-tshuen often used to praise the doctrines of Christianity; but, added he, “Too much patience and humility do not suit our present times, for therewith it would be impossible to manage this perverted generation.” If any one disputed with him, he often became excited ; and said, “This man has lost his conscience : he forgets the great mercies of God, transgresses the holy commandments, and despises the merits of Christ. I really exert myself to teach and instruct you carefully, and you treat the matter frivolously. You are indeed of mean de- scent; you are really seduced by the devil ; this is in fact to have happiness, but not be willing to enjoy the same.” He also said, “The scholars of these days do not distinguish between the true and the false, between the correct and the corrupt. Fortune-telling, physiognomy, geomancy, and other secret arts, are considered as true, though they are indeed only so many different means of support to those who practise them. The more intelligent scholars dare not confess the truth, although they know it; the less informed are unable to discern the same. Themselves blind and per- verted, they teach a corrupt doctrine; the whole world lies entangled in the net of the devil. They cannot rid themselves from vain desire after riches and honours. They seek a short happiness, as if it were everlasting. They strive for the things of the world, and forget the heavenly objects. But in seeking after happiness, they take the devil into their house. They think of heaven, and go down to hell. They wish for peace, but they get no peace. They desire bliss, but attain no bliss. Such is this self-sufficient, self-conceited, and haughty generation, which only covets riches and honours. They think that the idols assist them in attaining such happiness, or that heaven is favouring them ; and they do not know that heaven often bestows riches and prosperity even upon the wicked, but that the holy ones are perfected by much sorrow and tribulation.” “Heavenly Father, high and supreme, the God of all nations, Who sustains the whole human race with infinite bounty: In six days thou createdst the world with mountains and waters. Spendest thy gifts upon men to enjoy in brotherly union. Father, thou art near related to us; thou expellest the demons, Gavest thy holy commands to instruct an ignorant people. After thou Jesus hadst sent to give his life as a ransom, Thou didst command Siu-tshuen to proclaim the truth of this doctrine.” (To be continued.) 112 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. ART. III.-On the Application of the Roman Alphabet to the Lan- guages and Various Spoken Dialects of China and Japan. By THE Editor. THE value of an alphabet, as a means of expressing upon paper the various sounds of any particular language, needs not to be insisted on. Every one who knows how to write can understand the advantage which he possesses, though few perhaps have ever reflected on the simple method with which they are supplied for this end by an alphabet. We have only to imagine for one moment a man of letters in Europe, or even a merchant of the West, being reduced to the painful extremity of depicting his thoughts or his specu- lations by means of hieroglyphics, or even by merely arbitrary signs. We can easily conceive how slow and how tedious his operations would become, and how these roundabout expedients would tend to cramp his mental energies, and produce a lethargic condition of intellect. The rapid processes of the brain would evaporate while their expression was dragging its slow length along in hieroglyphics, or something quite as bad. The product of all this fettering of the mental action would be either apathy and unconcern for pro- gress, or every effort of the mind would be exerted to burst the chains, and to start afresh on a new career. After this picture of the imagination, we may turn our thoughts to a reality. The language of China presents us with a case of this kind, and the proof also of this process and its consequences. To say that the Chinese characters are a most interesting relic of the inven- tive powers of man three thousand (and more) years ago, to say that they exhibit a most ingenious combination of simple elements and the power of expressing by the compounded symbols the most delicate shades of meaning and the subtleist distinctions of human thought, is to give high praise, and an incentive to the curious antiquarian and philologist. But while the relics of the past in their deadness often interest the speculative minds of philosophers, they are nevertheless dead, and are often for practical purposes utterly useless. This however cannot be said of the Chinese written characters. They are the vehicle of a vast literature, and the symbols of ancient lore. They con- tain, many of them, a portion of the history of the past; and some of them mark the changes in manners, the spirit of social and religious life, and, like fossils, point backwards to a period either of rude barbarism or of ancient civilization. These are objects for the historian and the archaeologist, but the philan- thropist has another point of view. He sees this world and its developments, or stagnations, as desirable only in proportion to the practical and good effects which arise from them. Error may arise from an over-rapid and incautious development, or from a too close reliance upon old rules, and a preservation of antiquity, though a mere sham, with a dread of innovation, though the natural world, both intellectual and material, and the intellectual world, both Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 113 mental and moral, indicate a constant change, and a striving after a higher and more advanced state. Why then should man, in whose power so much of his own weal or woe is placed, refuse to follow these teachings? and allow his understanding to be fettered by an adherence to maxims which were well enough for rude and inactive times, but which fail to convey truths to our generation with its many arts of progress. Truth itself is ever the same; but the inventions of man by which to convey it are ever capable of improvement. This holds in the moral as well as in the intellectual world, much more so in the mechanical appliances of daily life. The truths and facts of everyday experience are to be communicated by man as a being endowed with reason and with speech. With a mind capable of abstraction and thought, man rises above all created things, and seeks to generalize, not only within him- self, but by giving his own generalizations to the world, and receiving others in return; so that at last he arrives at fixed laws and clear convictions. And the means he employs in this giving and taking is language, which is a divine gift to man. How to stereotype language, and to continue it to future generations, “to speak at a distance,” as Jeremy Taylor has said, was for some ages a problem. The wants of very early times did not demand the use of such means, and therefore the way was not thought of. But as soon as settled government was established, and men began to live in large socie- ties, records became necessary, and letters were required. In the misty mythic times of the early world, probably before Noah's Flood, and the migration of the families of man to different quarters of the world, rude symbols came into use. It is certain that the Chinese characters, the simplest of which are mere hieroglyphics, were invented two or three thousand years before our era: and with these and others much more com- plex, built up from those simpler elements, the Chinese have gone on ever since. There is a strange beauty and interest attaching to these ancient symbols, on account of the elegance of their forms and the antiquity which they betoken. But they do not express the alphabetic system of writing sounds. They are mutilated pictures of ideas or of real objects. They form the very rudest possible method of communicating ideas. We may conceive that animals of a lower order than man could recognise the picture of a man, or of a house; but man is capable of higher things, he can recognise very slight distinctions in sound, and, by his gift of speech and a hearing ear to understand speech, he can analyse sounds into their elements and articulations. The Chinese have done this but slightly, and the only system of spelling in use with them was introduced from India by the Buddhists. It consists in divid- ing the syllable into two parts, and designating the former by the first sound of another different syllable, and the latter by the concluding sound of another different syllable. Thus # might be spelt by ‘E} mu and -k- ta, the m of mu and the a of ta would be taken and these would produce ma, the pro- nunciation for the character # ma, “a horse.’ This clumsy way of expressing an unknown syllable was invented in the 114 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. absence of an alphabet. And the difficulty of applying the Sanskrit alphabet with its exact powers to the varying and uncertain sounds of Chinese, with its numerous dialects, was probably felt by the early Buddhists, who hit upon this expedient. But we in Europe understand the more excellent way. Our alpha- bets are capable of expressing every purely articulate sound of the human voice, and we need not be afraid of their proving inadequate for the language of the Chinese, who though they have been dubbed “Celestials,” are still very terrestrial likewise. Those who know anything of the rude and unwritten languages of the other parts of the world will have no difficulty in imagining the state of the spoken dialects of China. The most various shades of pronunciation are com- mon, arising from the want of the analytic process of writing by means of an alphabet. A Chinaman has no conception of the number or character of the sounds which he utters when he says inau-ping; indeed one man will call it main (mor)-bing, and another mà-piang, without the first man perceiving the difference. By the people themselves these changes are considered to be simple variations, which are of no consequence. And if we look into the English of Chaucer's or of Wickliffe's time, or the French of Marco Polo's age, we shall find a similar looseness and inattention to correct spelling, because these languages were written by few, and when the orthography was unsettled. Times are changed. Every poor man may now learn to read and write his own language in less than a month, and with a little pains he may do it correctly with practice. The consequence is that a higher degree of comfort and happiness is reached by many who could never have risen above the level of the serf and the slave without this intellectual lever. The poor may read the gospel as well as hear it preached, and the cottage library becomes a never-failing treasury of profit to the labouring classes. The Chinese poor are in a different condition. Their written language is only for the rich and learned. The poor speak, but they cannot in general write, and many who can write, are unable to read what they have written. That is, many who can draw the figures necessary for writing, cannot write down sentences. The language of China has various forms. There is a learned language, and an official language. These are only used in books. The learned speak a general language called Mandarin, because the Manda- rins are the body from which the learned and the nobility and gentry of China proceed. The learned, or book style, is very terse; and in it the native characters must always be used,—they cannot be dispensed with, on account of the very exact signification which each one of them bears, and which the uttered monosyllable (or name of each character) could not by any possible contrivance convey to the hearer. The use of the Roman alphabet therefore for the Chinese classics, and for works written in the same sublime style, is out of the question. But the Mandarin spoken language has a more flowing style, diffuse sometimes, and almost always made up of words of two syllables, one limiting and defining the other, so that the exact meaning is thereby fixed. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 115 And when we descend to consider the dialects of China, which are legion, we find a still more diffuse style and a polysyllabic formation prevailing in them. The characters in the dialects seem to have been lost sight of in many instances, and the sounds only seem to be regarded. And here, we think, is the legitimate sphere for the operation of the Roman alphabet. Indeed it has been employed, and very successfully, in various parts of China. In Amoy first,-then in Ningpo, later in Canton, and subsequently to a great extent in Shanghai. But the representation of the dialect of Ningpo by Roman letters has proceeded so far that the British and Foreign Bible Society have deemed it prudent to issue the New Testament in that form, and this is at the present time being printed in the city of London, under the superintendence of the Rev. F. F. Gough and the Rev. James Taylor, who were lately missionaries in Ningpo. Hymn-books, Catechisms, and portions of Holy Scripture have been printed in Roman letters at Amoy, Ningpo, and Shanghai, under disad- vantages: but much more might be done. There is indeed no reason why the whole Bible and Prayer Book, and many religious and scientific publica- tions, should not be prepared and printed for the natives of such districts as the circles with thirty-miles radii, of which Ningpo and Shanghai are the centres. Within these circles are several millions of human beings, speaking, with slight variations, the Ningpo or the Shanghai dialect respectively; and among them are some of the most learned and important persons in China, driven as they were by the Tai-ping rebellion into these cities for refuge. The benefit of using one universal system of spelling Chinese would tend in a great degree to the amalgamation of dialects; and, by printing works of interest in the various dialects under one system, the different dialects would be rendered easy of acquirement both for natives and for foreigners. The Chinese themselves too would be able to acquire with facility the powers of writing their own languages and of reading them too. The following specimens will show what has been done in this way:— 1. The Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed in the dialect of Canton, pre- pared by Professor Summers in 1862 for the use of the Coolies in British Guiana, and printed at the expense of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge:— Ngà-tº-kā Fú tsoſ tin, pán-móng ni-kä ming shing-shing. T'in-kwók lot ti. Ni-kā chi-4 tak-shing tsoº-tí ú-t'ang tsot-t'in yat-yeting. Ngô muſ- yāt yūng-kā leang k'at ni kām-ydt pi ngā. K'ad ni sã ngã tsui, kºm-yeting ngà yik-fan sq talk-tsui ngā-kā yán. K'ai ni m'-iti tsān ngã ham tso; yaw. £3m tan, K'ad ni kam ngā-ti chilt hing-ºk. Yān-wei kwäk-tū, kūn-ping, kwāng-wing, tº-kwei tsot Tin-fú, chi-tó wing-yin. Shāt-tsoſ haſ ngā-sām syūn-kä lö. Ngô sin yat-kó Shering-tai, Shing-fi hai chân-nóng-kā, tsā-haü t’īn-tí. 116 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. Ngô sén kii-kā tīk-ts?, Yé-sii Ki-tiik, haſ ngã-ti-kā chii. Ngô sán kit ying Shing-shān ká náng-lik kóng y(ºn shing tsoſ Ma-li-á kā t'ang-shān. Ngö sán ki saiſ-nón tsoſ Pūn-tai Pi-lä-tº tsā kün-kā sht-heti, pi ting tsot ship- ts?-ká, s?, yin-hati met-tsång. Ngô sºn ki lºk ti-yūk, tai-sām-yāt s?-che chūng fān-shāng. Ngô sin kil shing-t'in, tsā tso; Shering-tai, chin-nóng Shing-fú, kū yaw-pin. Ngô sin kii vät haſ ts'ang-t'in kóng-lot sqm-p'ºn shāng-yôn s?-yán. Ngô stin Shíng-shgn. Ngô sén Shing-kiing-wi, t'ºng chil Shing seting- t’ting. Ngô sqn talk-tsui sã. Ngô sqn yük-shān kä fük-lit. Yetí ngā sºn sheáng-shāng. Hai kºm waſ là. 2. The first fourteen verses of the 1st chapter of the Gospel of St. John are thus represented in the dialect of Amoy :— 1. Khá-thdu ü Tö; Tô kap Siông-te san kap ti-teh; Tô chià-si Siông-te. 2. Chit-6 Tö, khí-thdu kap Siông-te san kap ti-teh. 3. Bān häng mih tui Tô chhöng-chö: hoàn sili chhöng-chó 6, b0 chât häng -m si tiki i chhöng-chö. Sin ti Tô tiong-ng: chit 6 sin chili-si láng 8 kng. . Kng chió hit am-nih: ām-nih 8 láng -m bat i. . U Siông-te sá' chhe é, mid Iok-hân. . I kåw in-lii kng chèe kan-chèng, hó chèng láng in-ui i sin. Iok-hân -m si hit-8 kng ; tāk-tók chöe hit-8 kng 8 kan-chèng nä-tiân. 9. Chin kng kāw sè-kan chió bān-láng. Io. I to se-kan; se-kan tai i chhöng-chö; se-kan id -m bat i. II. I käu ka-ki & só' chái, láng iſ -m séng-siii. 12. Séng-sili, chill-si sin i mià é làng, hô i ü koãn-lèng chián chde Siông- tê 6 kićn. 13. An-ni-m si tili hiat-khi, -m si tili chèng-iók, -m si twi làng i-six sin, si tili Siông-te sin. 14. Tà chián làng sin, tiam ti lán tiong-ng : lán chiah 6 ling khôan-kinn i é éng-kng, chiu-chión si Thin-pá têk-sin & kićn 8 &ng-kng, un-tián chin-li chhiong-mâan. i 3. A specimen of the dialect of Ningpo in Roman letter, now being printed by the Bible Society, under the revision of the Rev. F. F. Gough and the Rev. James Taylor, in London:— 36 Daen-z keh-go nyih-ts, keh-go z-zing, m-nying hyiao-teh, tin-zóng-got'in- s yia feh hyiao-teh, tsih-yiu Ngô Ah-tia Zi hyiao-teh-go. 37 Wa-yiu, Nying- go Mg-ts tsa-la-nyih-ts tsing-hao ziang Nó-i6 z-'eo ka-go. 38 Ing-we ziang ‘ong-shii zin-deo, ih-dzih tao Nó-ü6 tseo-tsing keh-tsah dziang-fông-jin keh- nyih, gyi-lah tu lar-tih ky'iloh lar-tih hah, c’i-tsing kó-c'ih, 39 deih-teng-tao ‘ong-shū las, long-tsong t'eng-kyi, dzae-fông teh-cii-de;—Mying-go Mg-ts lae 2- ‘eo yia we z-ka-go. 40 Keh-go z-'eo yiu liang-go nying laº din-deo lat-kan; ih- go we siu-leh-ky'i, ih-go we dzing-lóh-tong. 4. Yiu liang-go nyii-nying loc mo-fông-li loº-kaen mo feng; ih-go we siu-leh-ky'i, ih-go we dºing-lóh-tong. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 117 ** S6-yi ng-lah yilong kying-sing : ing-we feh hyiao-teh ng-lah-go Cii- nying-kó soh-go z-'eo lac-gyi. 43 Ziah-z kö-cü hyiao-teh zeh ‘ah-li ih-kang laº- gyi, pih-ding kying-sing, tsar-ve 'eo gyi oh-ló tsah dong, keh 2 ng-lah hyiao- teh-go. 44 Keh-lah ng-lah yia têng-kae bóng-be-hao ; ing-we ng-lah ts'eng-feh- tao-go z-'eo, Nying-go Ng-ts lae-gyi. 45 Keh-meh jii z cong-sing ts'ong-ming-go nu-boh, gyi-go cii-nying-kó t'6h gyi kwun kö li-hyiang-go yilong-nying, ze 2-'eo feng k'eo-liang peh gyi-lah 2 46 Cii-nying-kó tseo-lae, k'en-kyin gyi 2-ka tso-fah, keh-go nu-boh yiw foh-ky'i. 47 Ngô tsing w8 hyiang ng-lah dao, Cii-nying-kó we peh gyi kwun long-tsong kö-kyi. 48 Dan-z keh 6h-go nu-boh, ziah-z sing-li w8, “Ngô cii-nying-kó iao taen-koh-kyi lae-de, 49 ziw kyi tang gyi-go dong–de nu-boh, teng tse-hen dö-kó kyūoh d0-kó hah : 50 keh-go nu-boh siang-feh-tao-go nyih-ts, feh teh-cii-go z- ‘eo gyi cii-nying-kó lab-de; 5 ziu iao tsaengyi nyioh-tsiang, peh gyi teng keh- sing kó-hao-nying dø-kó yiu veng: keh-deo yiu ngao-leh ngó-ts' di-k'oh-go sing-hyiang.—Matt. xxiv. 36—end. 4. The following are the first fourteen verses of the 1st chapter of St. John's Gospel, which was prepared by Professor Summers and printed in London in 1853:— K'in-chi-s: yò-la ká w8-dq, tº-kq w8-dq t'i Záng liang-kg yi-dó k{-ló, wä- dq mé, s: Zúng tsé-na. 2 Ti-kg w8-dg lù-la kān-chi-s? tº Zóng yi-dó kg. 3 Yáng-yông mê-4 zén kó-t') ts: wě-dq lº, tú-dzásá-zéng-king kq, 'm mé w8-dq mě, yì yding mé-3 fe yū-kg tse. 4 Lê-la kg w8-dq mé, s: wě-míng-kg, &rh-ts. t?-kg we-míng kg mé, s: 83-kā-lông nyáng ka liang-kwong ya. 5 Ti-kg liãng-kwāng sá tsā-kq &n-dàng li-hiang kq, tit-4 en-dàng li-hiang ka mé fě h'yū to kg ya. 6 Yi} yi-kg nyáng Záng tång-fi i lé-kó, míng-dq kyº, Yd-hôn. 7 Kö-kg nyáng lé, tsſ tº-kg liang-kwāng kq kön-tséng. Kyô tsiing nyáng siding-sing kó liang-kwäng. 8 Yá-hăn mé fě-3 ti-kg liang-kwäng, s: liang-kwong kq kön- tséng tse-na. 9 Tseng-kg liang-kwāng mé, tsā-liang sá-kā-lºng fè-chi-sà chº- s: kó nyáng ya. Io Ii mě sá-zéng-kiing sá-kā-lông kg lă, yā tī-kū s?-kā- lóng lé-kó, tú-4 sé-kā-lông kº nyáng fè-nying tá i ló ya. i Ii tā s?-kā kg nyáng hòn-dó lì, 83-kā kq nyáng méfè nying-tsi i. i* Nyíng-tsi i ka nyáng mé sió-s: siding-sing 7-ka míng-da ka nyáng, s: 7 pä i-la kg kän-ping lù, tsā Zóng-ká árh-tsz. 13 Ii-la yāng-ch'q lá-kó, f:-3 tang h’i-mă lé-ka, fe-4 tang chº-nyán-dà lá-kó, fº–3 tang sá-kā-lông nyáng ka 1-s3 lé-ka, s: Zéng yang- ch'd lé-ka ya. 14 Ti-ka w8-da mé, tsā-tsz nyù-sån lº, tsāoo lº-langó-ni tāng- tsiing, (s3 ngö-ni i-kyāng kūn-kin i-ka yūng-yô, sió-s: tin-yd tâ-yáng &rh- tsz yū-ka yang-yô) s3 i til-pî li-hiang tsāng-men kq àng-w6 là tsāng-tsang kg tº-li ya. 5. The following is a specimen of the Hak-ka dialect, which is spoken by the settlers in the Southern Provinces, especially in that of Canton. It was printed in Germany from the manuscript of the Rev. Mr. Lechler, a missionary from Basle to China. The passage is Matt. ii. 1-7:- 118 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. Hi lut won kai śi, ya sz kh yen tshut se, tshaft yu thai kok pak li hen yip, yuki tshakyu tshoi len kai nyin tshoi tui phen theu loi tail ya lit sat laii kin san. Kan yon was yu tshak nyin tshut Šē, loi tsā yu thai nyin ka? won ; ki tshoi lai tsak than li f iai tshoi tui pen khon tatt kya sin syuk ; so yi thit s? loi, pay fo ki. Hi lut won than tail tshyi, khon ; ya li sat lan thun sail tu yit yon. Woji tshyū ham tshe tso tsi sz kai, lau să yu laſt thai, yi khip ts? min tsun thuk su nyin, kan yon mun ki : ki tuk ton tshai mak ka? thi.foſi tshut $8 li. Thai tsui wa yu thał pak li hen; tsatſ, si sen ti sz syá kin Św li kan yon wā Yu thał pak li hen tshoi yu thał sen yen tsi tsun, ni m he tsº syati ka?, yin wux tsyon loi yu kyun won tshoi nya than tshut loi, tson sit ria yi set let min. Kan yon than kö, hi lut won tshyi sz sz tº ham tatt ka? ki tsak yu tshoi lem kai nyin loi mun min phak, mak kai si thu ka? tshak nyan tshhut loi. Note.—The tone-marks, consisting of short lines put after the syllables, which are peculiar to this system, could not be put in here. They seem to us to be fanciful. Why should not the usual accents, which were used by the Jesuit missionaries, suffice? They are easily written and printed, and answer the purpose as well as any invention of this sort can. Then the great defect in this form of representing Chinese is the treating it as a monosyllabic language, and putting such words as Herod, Bethlehem, Jerusalem, in the form hi lut, pak li hen, ya ſu sat lan, which appears very absurd. Surely a person who spoke and wrote English thus monosyllabically would be considered in his dotage. The n of this system is meant to represent ng; why not write ng, and say that in the Hak-ka dialect it was a decided nasal, and not clear, as in our English words $, which should have been printed 3, is to represent sh; so a German must write ts for our ch in church. Why not write tsh or tsch or ch at once, and invent something else for the German guttural ch 2 H with an aspirate, thus:—h' or ‘h would do. The use of y in such words as nyin, syuk, &c., is good. Capitals and stops are used sparingly. If we are to use the Roman alphabet, why not avail ourselves of every typographical help ? 6. This is a specimen of the Mandarin dialect, which is understood through all China by the educated classes. The passage is John i. 1–14; and it is here represented in the system of spelling which the Editor of the Repository has adopted :- 1 K'i-t’ed yia Tatí, ché-Tail hô Sháng-tí tºàng-tsai, Tatí tsiiſ-shi Sháng-tí. * Ché-Tail k'i-t’ed hô Sháng-tí tºàng-tsai. 3 Wän-yáng-ti tāng-si, p’i Tait tsail-ching, fan shelf-tsatſ-ti tāng-si, mù-yin yī-kó pit-shi Tati tsatſ-ching- küng-ti. 4 Sāng-ming tsai Tatí h-mién, sing-ming tsiiſ-shi jin-ti kwāng. 5 Chá-kwāng chaiſ-chö he-gān, hē-gān-ti jin kiö-pi-hiaº-tº t'a. 6 Yii, Sháng- ti sã chai-hién-ti jin, ming-kiai, Yū-hán. 7 T'd lai t'i-kwāng tsā kién-ching Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 119 kiai ching-jin sín tº. 8 Yö-hán p'ing-pº-shū chá-kwāng chá-shi tº ché- kwāng tsā kién-ching. 9 Chin-kwāng tsiiſ-shi kiáng-hid shi-kiai chat? wºn- jin-ti yo. to Ché-kwāng tsai shi-kiai, shi-kiai shí tºà-tsaº-ti, shi-kiai-ti jin tail-pii-hiatí-tá tºd. "T"a taú tsā-ki-ti tíºfáng lat, tsā-ki ti jín pii tsi-taº t’ā. ** Fán tsi-tai tā-ti, tsiiſ-shi sin-t'a-tí, kó-à tê-chö kiuén-ping tsā Shāng- ti-tí ór-tsz. 3 Pit-shi ts'êng hiti-k'i sãng-ti, ye-pit-shi tsang s?-yū sing-ti, 3yiſ-pi-shi ts'iing jin-1 sing-ti, shi ts'āng Sháng-ti sãng-ch'il-lat-tî yö. * Ché-Taſ ching-liai, kó jin-shin chii tsai wo-món tang-ching ; w5-mân A dim-kién tºd-ti yüng-yô, kójén shí T'ien-fú tri-sāng-ts?-ti yüng-yô, yúng gān-chiţng, chin-li mán-ti à. These specimens show the feasibility of putting Chinese into a European dress, by using the Roman or Latin Alphabet to express the syllables which are in use in China. Not many months ago doing a similar thing, for the vernacular dialects of India, was deemed worthy of a leading article in the Times, and the remarks there made apply with equal force to China and to India. It was said truly that if what was proposed “can be accomplished, the result will be scarcely less important than the discovery of printing itself.” The greater part of this article is so applicable to the case of China, that we venture to print it at large. If the word China be substituted for that of India, the whole may be asserted of Chinese, the only differences being, 1st, that in China there is a language common to the educated classes, and almost uniform through the Empire for official persons; and, 2ndly, that the needs of China are stronger than those of India, for the Chinese do not possess an alphabet of any kind. “The language of India is not uniform. Its varieties are numerous, and extend to the original dialects of the natives as well as those introduced by foreign conquest. Even in different provinces of the same Presidency there is a difference of speech, so that the mere transfer of an officer from one station to another may suddenly deprive him of all power of communicating with the people under his charge. He may have mastered one dialect suc- cessfully, but he finds that the knowledge which answered every purpose in a particular locality is utterly useless a couple of hundred miles off, and his only chance lies in his beginning his studies anew. The impediments thus thrown in the way of administration and instruction may be readily conceived. It is not only the civil or military officer who feels this drag upon his exer- tions, but the schoolmaster, the missionary, the preacher, and, in fact, all who proceed to India upon any work of usefulness. It is hard enough, except in the case of special aptitudes, to acquire fluency in any foreign tongue, but the difficulty is enormously increased when the country is a Babel of dialects, and where not one new language only, but ten or twenty, may be demanded from the student. This, however, is a difficulty which we must cheerfully accept. We cannot diminish the number of languages in use in India, or abolish these natural distinctions between one tribe and another. It can hardly be supposed, except at a period too remote to be contemplated, that 120 The Chinese déJapanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. we can surmount these varieties of speech by the introduction of any gene- rally recognised form. These are objects beyond our reach, but it does happen that we can materially reduce the difficulty of the work before us, and by an expedient which is certainly simple, and, as we should trust, practicable too. “The languages of India are troublesome, not only by their variety, but by the characters in which they are expressed. This kind of obstacle is seldom experienced, and therefore seldom appreciated, by ordinary English students. English, French, Spanish, and Italian are all written in the same characters, and, with very slight modifications, from the same alphabet. Even German, though a little outlandish at first sight, represents only the same letters in a more antiquated shape, so that a man may acquire the knowledge of three or four foreign languages without having to master any alphabet beyond that which he learnt in his infancy. The only common exception is Greek, and that is hardly felt under the circumstances attending it. When, however, the language to be acquired is new and strange, not only in its words, but its very alphabet, when the letters themselves are shaped in such forms that it is a work of labour even to identify them and throw them into syllables, the difficulty of the undertaking is immensely in- creased,—and this is what takes place in the case of the languages of India. There, indeed, the impediment is more serious than ever, and for two reasons. Like most Oriental languages, the dialects of which we are speaking com- prise, when written, consonants only; the vowels necessary to full articulation being supplied by inference or from memory. As a popular illustration of this practice we may refer the reader to a volume very accessible, though not always found very intelligible—Bradshaw's Railway Guide—in which com- pendium of stations, prices, and mileages, want of space has compelled the editors to apply an Asiatic method of expression to certain familiar words. Manchester, for instance, and Birmingham will be found printed as ‘Mnchstr' and “Brmnghm,” the presumption being that every reader will recognise the names from their leading features. In such instances the presumption is safe enough, but what would be the case if every word in the book—adver- tisements and all—were printed in the same fashion ? Yet this is what occurs in the languages of India; and, to make the matter still worse, there are neither stops nor capitals, while the shape given to the letters themselves is unnaturally and unnecessarily complicated. It is obvious that in such a case the difficulties lie as much in the characters as the language, and these are the impediments which it is now proposed to remove. “The project consists in the introduction, not of a new language, but of a new alphabet, by the adoption of Roman characters for Indian words. The dialects of India will remain just what they are, but it is proposed in writing or printing them to employ the same letters which we use in Europe. The advantages of such a system would be both important and immediate. All the difficulties incurred in mastering the Asiatic symbols would be at once removed, and a student of the Hindoo dialects would commence at once with SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 121 the ability to read the language before him, and would require only to under- stand it. The dialect itself in its syntax or construction might still be difficult, but it would at any rate appear in familiar characters, and with the appliances of capital letters and stops—no bad guides to the comprehension of a sentence. One great obstacle would be thus immediately surmounted; but this is not all. At present, the employment, not only of the Oriental alpha- bet, but of certain abstruse fashions in writing it, virtually confines the knowledge of letters to a single narrow class. To read or write anything it is necessary even for a native to repair to a “Moonshee,' the characters used being as complicated as those of English or Latin manuscripts compiled four hundred years ago. There is no place where this difficulty is more severely felt than in courts of justice, the magistrate himself being often in the hands, and at the mercy of a professional interpreter. “It is not to be supposed that a project like this would escape opposition, but there is only one objection to which we can attach much weight. It has been found that the letters of the Roman alphabet are sufficient, with the addition of certain points or accents, for the expression of the languages of India, so that on this head there is no uncertainty. It is also found that the experiment is promising, for the scheme has made some progress in the Madras Presidency, and it is discussed in the Indian papers with great animation. The only difficulty which we can imagine is that which may be created by the interested opposition of certain classes, and by the popular agitation which such opposition may produce. We have already seen but too plainly what delusion can effect in India; and, though the project before us does not really involve any interference with the Hindoo languages, it may perhaps be represented as doing so. In reality, as few natives can now read or write at all, the change would be imperceptible to the masses, and its only effect would be to open new facilities of instruction. The scheme has already found some favour among natives of education, and we can only trust that, if its advantages continue obvious, such views may be generally extended. If the success of the project be what its authors anticipate, we shall have discovered in our generation one of the most powerful agencies yet known for the improvement of India.” But this project, which is now beginning to make itself felt in India, was being discussed for a quarter of a century. The asperity and prejudice which marked the discussions on the subject in its commencement have gradually given way before better judgment and a conciliatory spirit; and, with more disciplined taste and power, greater calmness in argument, has succeeded in producing something like agreement. May this be the ultimate issue in the case of Romanizing Chinese. There ought to be sufficient accuracy of in- formation to enable us to arrive at a sound judgment and a fixed basis in this matter. And though a few missionaries, meeting in Shanghai, may be unable to agree about establishing such a system of spelling as will comprehend all the dialects and be applicable to each, it cannot be wondered at. But “ in the multitude of councillors there is wisdom,” and if the subject is well 122 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. ventilated among those who are really able to give an opinion, there must arise as perfect a system as the necessities of the case require. In the first place, it should be remembered that any system which aims at binding down the Chinese to reading and writing by the power of our English letters must be wrong. To quote Professor Monier Williams on this point, “Our English alphabet,” he says, “ is an entire perversion of the proper powers of the Latin letters, and especially of the vowels, to the con- fusion of all sounds. Nothing can possibly be imagined more irregular and systemless, than our use, or rather abuse, of the vowel symbols. We take the symbols a, i, u, e, o, and instead of making each the fixed representation of an invaluable sound, we allow each to stand for almost any sound. Thus a represents five different sounds in the words tape, tap, tall, tar, mortar; and each of the five vowels may stand for the sound of u in gun, as in the words organ, sir, gun, her, son; and the sound of a in tall may be equally re- presented by 0, au, oa, ou, eo, in the words nor, taught, groat, thought, George. Any attempt, therefore, to bring the Oriental vowel system into conformity with the English must fail, for the plain reason that in English we have no system. But why is our contempt of all method to be laid at the door of an alphabet which is capable of the most regular and methodical adjustment If we have perverted that alphabet to the submission of all order, and made a Balaklava out of what might have been systematized, that is merely the result of our usual careless habit of letting matters take their course. Let us not confound two things which are as distinct as light from darkness, the simple, flexible, symmetrical Roman alphabet,_and the pseudographical perversion of it, called by a delicate euphemism—English orthography.” In the next place we may remark that too great nicety must not be expected to be represented by any alphabet per se; the delicate tones of pronunciation must be learnt among the people from the living voice. How many are the varieties of the a, even in the same word, in European languages! A stranger with an over-fine ear might be considerably puzzled to hear these diversities, but the same symbol suits the purpose nevertheless. We must not, however, confound these varieties with the absolute differences of pronunciation. The system which we have adopted to express the Chinese language and dialects, and which will be found sufficiently comprehensive to include any of these, we will now present to our readers. A few additional diacritical marks would perhaps be needed for some of the unformed patois of China and Japan. In Japan little difficulty would be experienced, for that language is as smooth as Italian, and though there are some sounds of consonants, as in the syllables beginning with h or f. that are peculiar to it, the absence of the exact sound of f leaves that letter at liberty to be used with an explanation for the special Japanese sound which approaches it so nearly. As for the vowel-sounds, they are very simple, and will be readily expressed by those in the following list. In Japanese the vowel-changes which take place are readily seen, and the causes of them too, when their altered and unaltered states are represented in Roman letters : — Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 123 I. The vowels, simple and combined. Fo rm The value of each illustrated by examples. : i in police; i in wir (Germ.); i in aussi (Fr.); (bit.) a in lame; & in fåhig (Germ.); 6 in même (Fr.); (bět.) a in father; a in darf (Germ.); a in pas (Fr.); (båt.) a in organ; e in haben (Germ.); ue in que (Fr.); (büt.) o in no; o in oder (Germ.); 6 in cóté (Fr.); (nét.) (Canton D. and Shanghai D.) o in order; aw in law. (Shanghai D.) 5 in Löwe (Germ.); nearly aeu in sour (Fr.) w in rule; w in du (Germ.); ou in vous (Fr.); (bill.) w in lune (Fr.); ii in Mühe (Germ.); (ew in peut-être.) ie is lie in pied (Fr.); yea (Eng.); (yā in yesterday.) ia id ia in lia, plia (Fr.); ja (Germ.); (yd in yankee.) io ió |io in million (Fr.); (Shanghai D.); (yd in yacht.) iw it: |ew in hew, yew; (jū injuchhe 1 (Germ.) |ei ei in sein (Germ.); ie in pie (Eng.) eu e--w, peculiar. French MSS. would have £ou. ai ai in aisle; so idi–eae in Morr. aw ow in cow; aw in Fraw (Germ.); so idw-eaou in Morr. oi (Canton D.) oi in voice. wi (Canton D.) u--i; ui in ruin. iii eui in feuille (Fr.); eu in Beute (Germ.) II. The consonants, single and combined. Form The value of each illustrated by examples. ſ as in English, not in Mand. D. (in Shang. D. and Hok. D.) ch in hatch; chw in hatchway; chh in catch him. (Shang. D. Ningpo D. &c.) as in English; dj= Eng. j. fin fit. The tone in some dialects changes it to v. g in good always, never g in gin. h in heart; before i and ü it is a strong aspiration, nearly sh. j in jeune (Fr.); 2 in azure (Eng.); ju or ju. k in king; kw as qu in queen. l in line; lu, as in bulwark. m in mine; mu, as in howevard. n in nine; nw as in inward; ng in anger. p in pine. r in run; rather more rolling than the English r. 8 lin 866, 8v as In 8.20awn. sh in shine; shu, as in a rash wish. t in tiny; twas in twist; ts as in wits; tsw as in Cotswold. v in vine (Shang, and Ning. D.) w in way, or v in vune. y in you. z in squeeze, sz=s+2, i. e. the hissing sound of s, then the buzzing sound of 2, and in tsz=ts + 2. L 124 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. In a future article we shall show how this system can be applied to every dialect of the Chinese that we know, and offer a few suggestions on our im- proved style of printing the dialects. That the scientific world is alive to the importance of simplifying and abridging the process of writing we may see by the following extract from the address of Sir William Armstrong, the President of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, de- livered at their meeting now being held at Newcastle-upon-Tyne:— “While so much facility is given to mental communication by new measures and new inventions, the fundamental art of expressing thought by written symbols remains as im- perfect now as it has been for centuries past. It seems strange that while we actually possess a system of shorthand by which words can be recorded as rapidly as they can be spoken, we should persist in writing a slow and laborious longhand. It is intelligible that grown-up persons who have acquired the present conventional art of writing should be reluctant to incur the labour of mastering a better system ; but there can be no reason why the rising generation should not be instructed in a method of writing more in accordance with the activity of mind which now prevails. Even without going so far as to adopt for ordinary use a complete system of stenography, which it is not easy to acquire, we might greatly abridge the time and labour of writing by the recognition of a few simple signs to express the syllables which are of most frequent occurrence in our language. Our words are in a great measure made up of such syllables as com, con, tion, ing, able, ain, ent, est, ance, &c. These we are now obliged to write out over and over again, as if time and labour expended in what may be termed visual speech were of no importance. Neither has our written character the advantage of distinctness to recommend it: it is only necessary to write such a word as ‘minimum’ or ‘ammunition’ to become aware of the want of sufficient difference between the letters we employ.” ART, IV.—A Memoir of Marco Polo, the Venetian Traveller to Tartary and China, [translated from the French of M. G. PAUTHIER.] [Note.—M. Pauthier, after many years of devotion to the languages and history of the East, is eminently fitted for producing a new edition of Marco Polo’s Travels, and on this he is at present engaged.] MARco Polo, who is generally called Marc Pol in France, and is also thus named in the manuscripts of the original French edition of his Book of the Wonders of the World, was born at Venice, about the year 1256*, and died in 1323 in the same city. His father, Nicolo Polo, and his uncle, Matteo Polo (which has been written Maffeo, in consequence of the tt in the manuscripts having been taken for f), were sons of Andrea Polo, a patrician of Venice, of Dalmatian origin. They had become merchants, according to the custom of those times in the noble republic, and their eldest brother, Marco Polo, called “The elder,” to distinguish him from his nephew, the traveller, had settled at Constantinople, and had a house of business at Soldaya, or Sudak, on the Black Sea. He possessed also a share in the firm at Venice. These circum- stances, and the memorable events which were then transpiring in the East— * So it is supposed, from several circumstances in his journey. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 125 namely, the crumbling away of the empire of Constantinople in the feeble grasp of Baldwin II, Count of Flanders; the defeat of the Crusaders at the battle of Mansurah, on the 5th of April 125o ; and the Mongol invasions in the east of Asia—no doubt induced the brothers, Nicolo and Matteo Polo, to try their fortunes amongst those conquerors who had built their warehouses on the shores of the Volga. The FIRst Journey of MARco Polo's FATHER AND UNCLE INTo TARTARY, AND THEIR RETURN to Europe. As ENvoys of THE GRAND KHAN.—They left Venice for Constantinople in 1255*. After a short stay in that city, to dispose of their merchandise, they agreed, after a mutual consultation, to proceed to the ports on the Black Sea, in order to trade there with the new comers. They accordingly purchased a great many jewels at Constantinople, and set out by sea for Sudak. Upon arriving at this place, where their eldest brother Marco had a mercantile establishment, they determined to pay a visit to Barkai-Khan, the brother of Batu-Khan, who reigned over Kiptchak from 1256 to 1266, and who resided alternately at Sarai and at Bolghara, on the Volga. The two brothers were received with honour by the Mongolian Prince, to whom, says Marco Polo, “they gave all the jewels they had brought with them,” and re- ceived for them twice as much as they were worth. - After they had remained here one year, a war broke out (in 1262) between Barkai, the Khan of Kiptchak, and Hulagu, who had made Persia submit to the Mongol arms. The brothers, not venturing to travel back to Sudak, went to Bokhara, which was then governed by Borak-Khān, grandson of Djagatai, where they were obliged to remain three years. Some envoys of Hulagu to the Grand Khan of Tartary, having met with them in Bokhara, took them away with them as Latins, that is, in the character of Europeans. It took them a year to travel from Bokhara to the summer residence of Kublai- Khan, in Mongolia, on the frontiers of China, where they were very well received. When they stood in the presence of the sovereign conqueror of China, the Grand Khan questioned them about “many things: first about the emperors, and how they maintained justice in their empire and their lands, and how they conducted their wars, and about all their affairs. They then enquired about the kings, the princes, and the other nobles—and next, about the Pope and the church—everything about Rome and the different costumes of the Latins. The two brothers told him the truth about each thing separately, with great wisdom, like wise men as they were, for they knew the Tartart language very well.” The account which the Polos gave to the Grand Khan inspired him with the idea of sending them on a mission, with one of his nobles, to the Pope. “He sent for one of his barons, named Cogatal, and told him to prepare for his journey, for that he wished him to accompany the two brothers in their mis- * In Marco Polo's book (ch. i) we have the date 1250, which is a mistake. + Ch. v. vi. of Marco Polo's book, according to the collated manuscripts of the Imperial Library of Paris, A. B. C. sides of the French edition. L 2. 126 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [SEPT. 3, 1863. sion to the Pope.” (Ch. vii.) Probably the letters which Kublai-Khan confided to their care are preserved amongst the archives in the Vatican, as France preserved in her archives those of Argun and of CEldjaïtu-Khan to Philip le Bel, king of France, and which were published by M. Abel Rémusat”. “He wrote,” says Marco Polo (ch. vii), “and told the Apostle that, if he would send a hundred wise men of our Christian religion, acquainted with the seven arts, and well able to carry on discussions, and to teach the idolaters, and to convince them by sound argument, how much better the law of Christ is; and that all others are bad and false:—if they could do this—that he and all his nobles would become Christians and churchmen. In 1266 the two brothers, with the Mongolian officer, Cogatal, set out on their mission as ambassadors to the head of the Christian faith. Cogatal was taken ill on the way, and was unable to proceed on his journey. The Polos were more fortunate. After having travelled for three years, they came to Laiassus, in Armenia; from thence they went to Acre, arriving there in 1269. They sought out the Pope's legate, Tebaldo de Vesconti di Piacenza, who, two years afterwards, was elected Pope, and reigned under the title of Gregory X. When they had informed him of their mission from Kublai-Khan, the legate advised them to wait for the election of a new Pope, before delivering their missives. The two brothers accordingly returned home. “When they arrived at Venice, Nicolas found his wife dead. She had left him a son, who was now fifteen years old, named Mark, of whom this book speaks.” It is of him that we also shall speak in future. Second Journey of The Polos, AND THE DEPARture of MARco Polo For ChiNA AND Mongolia.—The brothers remained two years at Venice, as envoys of the Grand Khan of Tartary, waiting for the election of a new Pope, and then becoming impatient at the unusual delay in this election, (the sacred college, assembled at Viterbo, being unable to agree upon their choice,) the ambassadors determined to return to Kublai-Khan, and to tell him of the impossibility of fulfilling their mission. Accordingly, they left Venice, taking young Marco with them. They passed through Acre, where they took leave of the legate, and went to Jerusalem to fetch some oil from the lamp of the Holy Sepulchre, which the Grand Khan had charged them to bring back with them. They again went through Acre, in order to see the legate once more, and to ask him for his letters to the Grand Khan, so that they might have the means of justifying themselves with him for their long absence and the failure of their mission. The legate having delivered his letters to them, they went to Laiassus, in Lesser Armenia, where they heard that the legate had been elected Pope on the 1st of September 1271, which intelligence rejoiced them exceedingly. Whilst they were here, they received a message from the new Pope (Gregory X), requesting them to return to Acre, that they might confer with him on the subject of their mission. The king of * Mémoires sur les relations politiques des princes chrétiens et particulièrement des rois de France avec les empereurs Mongols; Paris, 1822–1824. Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 127 Armenia placed at their disposal one of his galleys to take them back to Acre, where the Pope, having given them his blessing, sent with them two of the cleverest preachers he could find, that they might accompany them to the Grand Khan. One of these was Nicolo da Vicenza, and the other, Guielmo da Tripoli, of the monastery of Acre, who has left a manuscript account, entitled, De l'estat des Sarrazens et de Mahommel. Pope Gregory X. having confided to our travellers his missives to the Grand Khan of Tartary, they all took leave of him, and set out for their destination. Scarcely had they returned to Laiassus when the mameluke Bibars invaded Armenia with an army of Saracens. The Pope's envoys and the three Venetians narrowly escaped being taken prisoners. The two friars were afraid to continue their journey, “il orent moult grant paour d'aler auant,” as Marco Polo says (ch. xii). They therefore entrusted the Polos with the Pope's letters to the Grand Khan, and placed themselves under the protection of the master of the Knights Templars. Thus “the hundred Doctors of Theology,” whom Kublai-Khan had asked for from the Pope, “to discuss before him the doctrines of Christianity, and to prove the truth of this religion, and the falseness of all others,” lost the opportunity of converting the most powerful sovereign of the world, and the innumerable people who were subject to him. Thus deprived of their fellow-travellers, the Venetians still proceeded. They met with so many hindrances on their journey, that they were three years and a half on the road (ch. xiii). The Grand Khan having heard that they were on their way to him, sent an escort forty days' march to meet them and to convey them to his presence. THE ARRIVAL of THE Two Polos AND YouNg MARco Polo IN Mongoli A BEFoRE KUBLAi-KhAN.—When they had arrived there (in 1275), “il les regut moult honnourablement,” says Marco Polo (ch. xiv), “et leur fist moult grant joie et grant feste, et leur demanda moult de leur estre, et com- ment il auoient puis fait Cil respondirent que il ont moult bien fait, puis que il l'ont trouné sain et haittié (in good health). Adonc lui presenterent les privileges et les chartes que il auoient de par l'Apostolle, dequelles il ot grant liesce; puis li donnerent le sainte huille du Sepulcre; et fu moult alegre, et l'ot moult chier. Et quantil uit Marc, qui estoit ioenes bacheler, si demanda qui il estoit 2–' Sire,' dist son pere, “il est mon filz et uostre homme.’ ‘Bien soit-il uenu, dit le seigneur.—Et pourquoy uous en feroie ie lonc compte 2 Sachiez que il ot a la cour du seigneur moult grant feste de leur uenue, et moult estoient serui et honnoure de touz. Et demourerent a la cour auec les autres barons.” Such was their reception, of which we give the translation: “He received them with much honour, and made a very great rejoicing and banquet for them, and asked them much about their condition, and how they had been able to act? They replied that they had done very well, since they had found him in good health. They then presented him with the grants and charters which they had brought to him from the Apostle, at which he was 128 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. very much rejoiced; then they gave him the holy oil from the sepulchre; and he was much pleased, and there was great rejoicing. And when he saw Marco, who was a young man, he asked who he was.- Sire,' replied his father, “he is my son, and has joined us on our return here.’ ‘He is welcome,' replied the Grand Khan.—But why should I give you a long account * Know that there was at the court of the Grand Khan much festivity on their arrival, and much were they served and honoured by all. And they remained at the court with the other officers”.” Young Marco Polo soon became familiar with the manners and customs of the Mongolian court, into the midst of which he was now introduced. “Il apprist si bien la coustume des Tartars et leur languages, et leur lettres et leur archerie, que ce fu merueilles (ch. xv). Car sachiez, uraiement, il sot de quatre lettres de leur escriptures. Il estoit sages et pourueans en toutes choses; si que, pour ce, le seigneur lui uouloit moult grant bien. Si que, quant le seigneur uit que il estoit si sages, et de si beau et bon portement, il l'enuoia en vn message en vne terre oil bien auoit six mois de chemin. Le ioene bacheler fist sa messagerie bien et sagement. Et pour ce que il auoit ueu et seu pluseurs foiz que le seigneur enuoioit ses messages par diuerses parties du monde, et quantil retornoient il ne li sauoient autre chose dire que ce pourquoy il estoient alé: siles tenoit touz à folz et à nices. Et leur disoit: “Je ameroie miex ouïr les nouvelles choses et les manieres des diuerses contrees que ce pourquoi tu es alez:’ car moult se déleitoit a entendre estranges choses. Si que, pour ce, en alant et retornant, il (Marc Pol) mist moult s'entente de sauoir de toutes diuerses choses, selonc les contrees, a ce que, a son retour, le peust dire au Grant Khan.” “He acquired so thoroughly the customs and the languages of the Tartars, and their literature and archery, that it was quite marvellous (ch. xv). For really, only imagine ! he knew in a short time several languages, and four different characters of their writing. He was wise and prudent in all things; so that, on this account, the Grand Khan showed him great favour. And when his master saw that he was so wise and so well conducted, he sent him on an embassy to a land of six months' journey. The young Marco executed his commission well and wisely. And as he had seen and known several times that his master had sent his despatches into several different parts of the world, and that when the messengers came back they could tell him nothing more than the reason why they had gone, he considered them all as fools and simpletons. And he said to them, ‘I would rather hear about the new things and the different countries than why thou wentest to them; for much was he delighted in listening to foreign accounts. So that, for this reason, he (Marco Polo) took great pains to learn about different things, according to the different countries, in order that, on his return, he might relate them to the Grand Khan.” * Much of this passage bears the mark of having been translated from the Chinese and Tartar, in which languages the Polos would certainly address Kublai and receive his replies.—[J. S.] Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. T29 This short account, which is full of charming simplicity, gives us the secret of Marco Polo's book. It was in order to satisfy the curiosity of the Grand Khan that, in the distant missions with which he was entrusted, he devoted himself to the observation of the manners and customs of foreign countries, that he might give a detailed account of them to his master on his return. It was this very natural wish to please him (and the desire of Kublai-Khan was a very commendable one) that produced for us that same book, which has proved so useful in making us acquainted with Asia as it was in the middle ages. (To be continued.) ART. W.-A Chinese Ballad, freely done into English Verse. By THE EDITOR. THE winter's cold had come, The snow-flakes fell around, Like clippings from the wings Of storks, and flying things, Like moths, bestrewed the ground. Deep silence kept the woods, Saving the wind that drove The snowy sleet around, Uniting sky and ground, With fog and mist above. That aged fisherman, Who lately toiled there, Has left the river's side, Where the slow task he plied, And watched with anxious care. No bird now quits his nest, All shelter from the storm, Or in the mountain's breast, Or trees with foliage drest, They shield themselves from harm. Yon homes are warm and gay, We see them from afar, But chilling ice is here, The hills and streams are drear, All waters frozen are. Distressed Sanyang draws near, Her naked feet are chill, She seeks without a smile, The village well the while, For waters springing still. A broken pitcher there, She carries, shoulder-high, Type of a broken heart, That now would grieve apart, And heave the mournful sigh. “To-day my life is drear, "Tis burdensome to bear, Because of grief I sink In snow, e'en to death's brink, O heaven! remove my care! “My husband far is gone, War's honours are his aim, Soon to return, he said, But now, I fear, he's dead, So long I've watched the same. “My child too he is gone, For whom those pangs I bore, Nor sound nor sign is come, That they are looking home, To glad my heart once more. 130 [SEPT. 3, 1863. The Chinese & Japanese Repository. “My hopes are all dashed down, O painful destiny, May heaven reveal the way ! How at no distant day, I Lord and life may see '" The livelong way she wept, Anon she reached the well, Ready the crystal spring To take, and from it bring Some soothing for her wail. As by the well she stayed, And sighed in dol'rous mood, A youth in warrior dress, With suite together press, Onward by where she stood. Onward they urge the chase, Through wooded hills pursue, Nor even cast a glance At her, who stood in trance, But follow the white tu (the hare). But heaven had more decreed; An arrow lighted near The railing by the well, And hard by where it fell, The woman stood in fear. The youth advanced to seek His arrow, that had strayed, But as he gazed around, And ere the arrow found, He spied the weeping maid. She, standing by the well In grief,-her hair all wild, Her naked feet so chilled, - And pitcher yet unfilled, Seemed sorrow's weeping child. To her he straight addressed, In sympathetic tone : “Why stand you here and weep, And still in silence keep, Unheard, 'mid cold, you moan. “Perchance thou art some slave, Made an unwilling bride; Or is thy marriage day Set ever far away 7 This can no good betide 1" She heard and stayed her tears, And with soft voice replies: “Your slave's surname is Lee, My life is woe to me, But none do hear my cries.” In Shatan dwelt my sire, Whose care had, while alive, Me given joy unmixed, My lot and troth he fixed, With Lew my spouse to thrive. Our happy home at length, Once “Melongarden” hight, No more could hold us twain, My husband sought to gain Honours in war and fight. His fame to me 's unknown, Whether a dukedom crowns His labours, or some power Envies his prosperous hour, And wounds him with its frowns 3 But wearied here I wait, And those at home have might; My brother's wife gives pain, To make me wed again, And break my former plight. She bids me hither come, And barefoot here I grieve, With coarsest garments clad Water I draw, though sad, From morning until eve. When night comes round I toil, And grind the evening meal, Sleep cannot come to me, From toil and care ne'er free, Then what must nature feel : SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 131 My sister's heart is steel, Ofttimes she scolds and beats, She thinks my heart is stone, She will not hear my groan, But with her curse me greets. My firstborn, three days old, Was torn from me away, Tow took him to Fanchow To find his father now, And speed th’ returning day. But sixteen years are passed, And no report is come, Nor child, nor spouse appear, The son will now, I fear, Not reach his mother's home. Hundreds of hills and wilds, Of clouds and mists divide Him from his mother's heart, And though she do her part, Yet none come near her side. The youthful hero heard, And said in quick reply: “Your brother's wife is stern,- But let her anger burn, For help is surely nigh! “And as to write you know, Forthwith indite some lines, To Fanchow I will go, And to your husband show How your affection shines. “In thrice ten days or less, Perchance in half a moon, The news you wish to hear, Of those you hold most dear, Will then be coming soon. “Nor will you then bow down Your head in sorrow there, While at the mill you grind, And pain in all things find, Or cold this water bear.” With this his suite he called To fetch “the precious four”,” That now to write she may, And to her husband say, All of her grief so sore. Lowly her head she bowed, A moment ceased to weep; But when the pen she took, Her frame with grief was shook, Her tears fell all too deep. With love her pencil flowed; “Once easily we part, Again how hard to meet, With joy each other greet, Yet joined we are in heart. “Since at the “Melon grove’ We gave our last adieu, Thousands of clouds and hills, And mists from myriad rills, Have hid thee from my view. “While you in Fanchow stayed, And this world's honours sought, Oft by this well I’ve stood, Of tears have shed a flood, Let them not flow for nought ! “But if you still delay, Nor listen to my cry, I shall have passed the gate, Where shades in Hades wait, Barring out every sigh.” | She closed with careful hand | The letter moist with tears, Nor did the soldier wait, | Unmoved with this her state, But bade her cease her fears. “Draw, and go home,” he said: “I pity you thus clad, And stay not in the cold, But let your heart grow bold, You will ere long be glad. * “The precious four” (sz'-paſ) is a term in Chinese for the instruments employed in - writing, viz. pencil, paper, ink, and inkstone. 132 The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. “Trust me, and cease to mourn.” Then forward urged his steed, But ere he left her sight, He turned with looks so bright As reached her heart's deep need. She bowed, and quickly drew The water from the well. Then homeward tripped with joy, Her life had no alloy Into the azure sky, Where nothing I descry, But the sun's glorious blaze : “My husband and my child, For you alone I sigh When shall I rescued be And from my cares all free, Behold you both me night “When son and lord I see From all that had befell. My countenance will be “May those I seek be here, Expanded like the sea.” And end my anxious gaze, Note.—The young officer was the woman's son. Her husband was Lew Che-yuen, who became king of Tsin (hence China) and raised the afflicted snow-smitten water-bearer Sanyang to be the partner of his throne. He was the Chi Hwang-ti who made the petty kingdoms of China into an Empire, A. D. 22 1. ART. VI.-Notices of the Political Aspect of Affairs in China and Japan. —The Impending War in Japan.—Earthquake in Manila. EveRY mail from the East brings us some news of the threatened rupture between Great Britain and Japan, and every mail leaves us uncertain as to the final issue. The vacillating policy of our agents in that country is not calculated to impress the Japanese with our earnestness and decision, and must entail much more suffering eventually upon the natives than a vigorous effort on our part would have produced at the commencement of the difficul- ties. The course which the Japanese will always follow with Europeans, unless they learn a lesson from their experience with the British, is to weary us out by delays and by the equivocations and subterfuges of diplomacy, until at last they drive us either entirely out of the country, or pen us up within very narrow and degrading limits, as they did the Dutch in Desima. Neither of these plans should be allowed to gain head, because they are both founded upon base, unfriendly, and barbarous feelings. And the only way to crop them in the bud is to be always ready to second our just demands by immediate action. If the Japanese had had the opportunity of seeing us take means to avenge our broken treaty and our outraged subjects directly after the events had occurred, there would have been no necessity, in our opinion, for all the subsequent threats, each of which failed until the last moment when they perceived that the attack upon them was imminent. Then the dollars, indemnity for the murder of Richardson, were poured forth. This they were loath to give: 440,000 Mexican dollars was a large sum to pay for the murder of one man; but they would rather pay than bring on Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 133 themselves the unpleasant consequences of war, for they have sense enough to see that our ships and guns are superior to theirs. But it is a mistaken notion to suppose that payment of large sums of money will cure the Japanese or the Chinese of that innate conceit, which is wont to exhibit itself in acts of arrogance and presumption, with a carelessness about keeping to their promises and treaties. They must be made to feel our power sooner or later. And surely after this murder of Richardson, their offences have reached their height, for several other outrages have previously been committed among the foreign communities residing in Japan. The government which employs the assassin to get rid of the obnoxious foreigner, deserves but short respite. As for civil war in case of our taking action, we cannot believe in it. The Japanese are too shrewd to overlook the probability of the foreigner coming in and seizing them as a prey, if they contend together. As to an insurrec- tion of the people, no such thing could take place in a country like Japan, where the people obey their leaders like sheep. The retainers of the nobles are the fighting men of Japan, and they are ready at their master's call. There would doubtless be, and indeed there is already, division of opinion among the nobles about this great foreign question. There are a few with enlightened views, and a good many who are anti-foreign in their opinions. But there would be a rapid conversion to one opinion as soon as the result of a partial or temporary occupation of territory was made. The logic of an Armstrong battery would tell more than all the diplomacy we can bring to bear on a nation of most expert diplomatists. In this art they excel, in that, we are their superiors. In the matter of steam-ships they are well aware of our superiority, for they have been buying up vessels of the first class from our merchants, for example, the Lyee-moon and others. After these remarks our readers may be made acquainted with the special case, which is the occasion of all these preparations and this threatened war- fare. The simple story is short and sad. Three gentlemen and a lady– Messrs. Richardson, Marshall, and Clark, with Mrs. Borradaile—were riding out in the neighbourhood of Yokuhama (which is the port and European settlement in the bay of Yedo) on the 14th of September last year. When about seven miles away, they were met by a body of the Prince of Satsuma's retainers, who beckoned them to return. Instead of doing so, they halted and stood aside to see the procession pass. Renewed signals were made by the Japanese, but before the party had time to obey, they were assaulted with swords. Mrs. Borradaile escaped without personal injury, but her hat was cut by a stroke of a sword. She rode in all haste back to Yokuhama in the greatest alarm. The Consul—Captain Howard Vyse—promptly set out with Lieutenant Applin and the Legation Guard for the spot where the assault had been made. On their arival Mr. Richardson was found dead, and the other gentlemen were severely wounded. They have since recovered. Mr. Richardson's head was severed from his body. Such was the outrage which has brought about the present state of confusion in our relations with Japan. The Japan Herald thus writes on the subject and the victim of this outrage :- 134 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. “Poor Richardson was a fine and manly specimen of a young Englishman. He had just left Shanghai, where he had been resident for several years, and was in Japan on a visit. His excellent qualities both of head and of heart, with his gentle manner and chivalrous disposition, were concealed under a quiet exterior; but we know that in many cases where many would have thought it manly to resent, he preferred the more god-like temper of for- giving and forgetting; and only a few weeks before his death he told a friend, that it was a great gratification to him to think that he had left Shanghai without leaving a single dis- agreeable reminiscence with any member of the community. . . . . - - - - - - - - - - - Who is to be made responsible? In any other country we should answer at once, the governing power. But we know that the governing power is not really so strong as it ought to be, and as it is for the interest of other countries it should be. Shall we go to Miako, to which ministers have the right to go, and insist on an audience with the Emperor to come to a more clear and perfect understanding; or shall we hold Satsuma responsible, exact from him the public punishment and execution of the ten or twelve murderers, and so en- gage in a war with him This would be most to the advantage of foreigners, for in such a case the advantages do come into consideration. The power of Satsuma will be broken, the authority and power of the Government would be strengthened. Satsuma is in a most vulnerable situation. The Loochoo Islands are his property, and all the islands to the south of Kiusiu belong to him—Kagosima, where his castle and town are, is in the bay between Horner's Peak and Cape Chichakoff. Or without proceeding to war, it has been proposed to put a force on the Tokaido to prevent any Daimios in future taking that road for travelling. The fort at the opposite side of the bay might be occupied, and so the road commanded. The state of things at which we have arrived, and of which the late savagery may be called the culminating point for the present, is one, it appears to us, which calls loudly for some determined steady line of action on the part of foreign Governments, and more especially of Great Britain.” This was but one of a series of insults and murders which the Japanese had committed upon foreigners. Mr. Heusken was murdered in the street as he returned from dinner, and Io,0oo dollars were accepted as a compensation. The British embassy at Yedo was forcibly entered by a party of political ruffians, and Messrs. Oliphant and Morrison were well-nigh killed; both were wounded. For this, payment of damages was proposed and accepted. On another occasion the embassy was attacked, and two British marines were killed. And now this recent murder of Mr. Richardson crowns all for an act of wanton cowardice and barbarity. The opening up of Japan to the commerce of Europe has undoubtedly tried the temper of the State. It was a very hard point to turn, and so deep was the prejudice against foreigners, that it was prudent to go warily about the development of our trade. It was right that stringent regulations should be made;—that all the laws and customs of the Japanese should be respected by merchants and their em- ployés who resorted thither. But when this was done,—protection of life and property should he secured to us by the Japanese; and if they neglected to give us this, or contemptuously treated us, while we were peaceably pursuing our avocations and recreations,—the offence was worthy of prompt ven- geance, both on the score of justice and on the account of mercy. For we shall never be safe in Japan until, like China, she has felt at head quarters the bitter consequences of disbelieving our good feelings and good intentions. The mistakes which we make, in spite of our experiences with the Chinese, are the cause of these troubles. The Japanese ambassadors begged success- fully for a postponement of the opening of the ports, and the relinquishment Sept. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 135 of some of them. Here was our fault. Having once gained a point, we ought never to have receded. We cannot now be treated as the Dutch were, and be shut up in some enclosure at Kanagawa, or Nagasaki, or as we once suffered ourselves to be circumscribed at Canton. The following extracts and copies of official documents will place our readers in possession of further particulars. The London and China Telegraph of June 12, says:—“Colonel Neale (H. B. M. Chargé d'Affaires at Yedo) was instructed by Earl Russell to demand the trial and capital execution of the murderers of Mr. Richardson ; a heavy pecuniary penalty on Japan for that offence ; and a considerable compensation for the sufferers or their surviving relatives. Should Colonel Neale's demands not be complied with in the precise terms laid down in this ultimatum, he was to reserve to himself the right of adopting coercive measures of a nature and duration ‘proportioned to the degree of ill-advised obstinacy or resistance which the Japanese Government may assume.” Before making these demands, it was necessary to have a fleet ready at hand to show that we were capable of enforcing them. Accordingly a fleet was stationed in the harbour of Yokuhama, under the command of Admiral Kuper, consisting of the Euryalus, Pearl, Argus, Centaur, Ratler, and Racehorse, with the gunboats Havoc and Kestrel; these were shortly to be joined by H.M.S. Ringdove, Encounter, Scout, and Coromandel, along with the gun- boat Hesper with coals and stores. Two Dutch and two French vessels-of-war were also present with the English fleet. The ultimatum was sent in on the 6th April, and twenty days allowed for its being satisfactorily replied to. On the 15th April no reply had been received. The Tycoon, however, had pre- viously left for Miako (March 23rd), and the ultimatum had been sent after him to the capital. The Mayor of Kanagawa is said to have expressed him- self, in a communication to the Admiral, to the effect that the Tycoon's Government was not strong enough to arrest and punish Shimadzoo Sabaro, father of Prince Satsuma. This man was one of the murderers of Richardson, and it will be recollected that the Tycoon then expressed his comparative helplessness in the case. In the present emergency it is alleged that the Mayor of Kanagawa has suggested that satisfaction should be taken from the Prince of Satsuma himself, by the seizure of the Loo Choo Islands, which are his property, and yield a revenue of half a million sterling per annum.” Colonel E. St. John Neale (H. B. M. Chargé d'Affaires) to Dr. C. A. Winchester (H. B. M. Consul at Yokuhama). “Yokuhama, April 6th, 1863. “Sir, I have already made known to you the purport of a note I have this day presented to the Japanese Government, containing a declaration of grievances and unrequited outrages of which British subjects have been the victims and sufferers, and for which, under instruc- tions from Her Majesty's Government, I have demanded a specific reparation within a noted period of time. “The attack upon Her Majesty's Legation at Yedo on the 28th of June last, when two of the guard of H.M.S. Renard were treacherously murdered, and the subsequent barbarous murder of Mr. Richardson on the 14th of September, and murderous assaults committed on the same occasion upon a lady and two other gentlemen, British subjects, are special outrages for which reparation is demanded. 136 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. “That reparation comprises the trial and capital execution of the murderers of Mr. Richardson, a heavy pecuniary penalty on Japan for that offence, and a considerable com- pensation for the sufferers, or their surviving relatives. “It is sincerely to be hoped that the Government of the Tycoon, influenced by wise and just reflection, will yield a ready compliance to the demands thus rendered necessary by these unprovoked and outrageous acts. “On the other hand, in the possible contingency which exists of the Japanese Government refusing to accede to those demands, or hoping to evade them by futile arguments or pro- crastination, it becomes my duty to apprise you of the inevitable adoption in such an event of coercive measures by the Rear-Admiral Commanding-in-Chief Her Majesty's Naval Forces in these seas, now arrived here with a considerable force, and furnished with instructions to the above effect analogous to my own. “Twenty days, dating from the 6th instant, is the period allotted as the term which I will await the definite and categorical reply of the Japanese Government, and the nature of which, when received, will decide the adoption or otherwise of coercive measures, the duration and severity of which will be proportioned to the degree of ill-advised obstinacy or resistance which the Japanese Government may assume. “Under such circumstances, I have to instruct you to call a meeting of the British residents within your consular jurisdiction, or of a committee appointed by them, and make known to them the purport of this despatch, with a view that Her Majesty's subjects may individually adopt such precautionary measures for the safeguard of their commercial interests as they may deem expedient; while in regard to general measures of defence against the con- tingency of aggression or attack upon the several settlements during the continuance of coercive operations, the Rear-Admiral Commanding-in-Chief H. M. Naval Forces will very shortly propose to concert with the diplomatic agents and naval commanders of foreign States on the spot respecting the adoption of such combined arrangements as may be practicable and expedient. “I have to request you to communicate the purport of this despatch to your colleagues, the consuls of friendly nations residing in Kanagawa and Yokuhama, with the least possible delay. “E. St. John NEALE.” With regard to this notification the China Mail writes:— “The inference to be drawn from this notification and Colonel Neale's letter is that, in case of satisfaction not being otherwise obtained, the Admiral will proceed to lay Yokuhama in ashes, as well as other places, in the event of the Japanese proving obstinate. The present display of force in Japan is what is called in diplomatic language, “a strong demon- stration,’ and it is to be hoped that the Admiral will see his way clearly before laying any of the towns in ashes. Previous experience in China has amply proved to us that a visit to the capital is more effectual in furthering negotiations than are hostile operations at places of less importance; and, although it is quite befitting that our demands should be made on the spot where the latest outrage was committed, it ought not to follow that the peaceful in- habitants of an unoffending place should be made to atone for the crime of one of the native nobility. To destroy Yokuhama would be neither humane nor politic, and we are convinced that the Admiral and Colonel Neale will afterwards make a move in a different direction. The bombardment of the nobles' quarters in Yedo might have brought the Gorogio to a unanimous and friendly view of the foreign question, but the nobles anticipated that move, and cleared out of Yedo altogether. They should be followed to Miako, if war is to be the mode of dealing with the Japanese ; for the nobility are the rulers, and have nearly all the influence. Meantime, while the Tycoon, who has undoubtedly given the foreign question much attention, is absent on a visit to the Mikado, it would be ill-advised to proceed to extremities; while nothing could be objected to any steps having for their object the capture of Prince Satsuma or the seizure of his property.” (To be continued.) SEPT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 137 The Earthquake in Manila. THE telegram which announced the destruction of Manila by earthquake, with Io, ooo native inhabitants, turns out to have been an exaggeration of the facts. The following is an account of this disastrous affair from Captain Winchester, of the Caribbean, lying in the harbour at the time:— “At half-past seven in the evening, I was on deck, and observed a white sheet of foam, or something like it, flying towards the ship, travelling about S. E. to N.W., it struck the ship with such violence that she made a plunge and bounded over it, causing her to shake and vibrate as though striking on a hard bottom, the sea boiling up on both sides with great commotion, and appearing white, as though we were in a field of snow; on shore, I saw flashes of fire travelling in the same direction, and upwards, having the appearance of a bullet skipping over the water, and throwing its sprays as it went. The whole appearance was grand and terrible, lasting to our view about one minute :-there were two other slight shocks, at half-past eleven and three in the morning. Daylight showed us the fine cathedral, churches, and public buildings on which the sun had set in splendour the night before, lying in ruins. I went on shore, and looked with amazement at the devastation of one minute; the foundations of the har- bour, and quays about the harbour-master's office, had sunk about four feet, the sea flowing through the streets: in the city, nothing could be seen but ruins, from the Governor's palace to the peasant’s hut; the streets all strewed with furniture crushed and broken, from a costly piano to a Chinaman's stool, soldiers and others busy digging out and carrying away the dead and dying from the ruins. I asked an officer of the carbines, a Spanish regiment stationed here, how many were killed; he said it was not yet known, already 576 had been buried, but the barracks, hospitals, gaols, market-place, and tobacco factories had yet to be cleared away, and he believed the mortality could be nothing less than 2,000. Several priests, and a number of other persons were killed in the cathedral, while celebrating the eve of Corpus Christi, the following being a great day of festival. I found the British Con- sulate,' like other parts of the city, completely in ruins, burying our ship's papers; but, strange to say, opposite the Consul's seat hung the portrait of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, that portion of the wall standing like a pinnacle, with the picture suspended on it uninjured, as if looking down on the devastation, and under it was the iron safe belonging to the Consul, supported in its place by the ends of some planks, and almost giving one the idea of a special protection over British property. Many of the Europeans were injured by jumping from their windows and balconies into the streets, but I understand that only one English- man has lost his life. The inhabitants are mostly lying under tents in the fields, expecting a repetition of the shock in a few days. The city is a heap of ruins, burying under the wreck all its wealth and its merchandise; fortunately the weather has been dry ever since; had it been otherwise, much if not all this property must have been injured and destroyed before it could have been rescued and brought under cover. Vessels of a light draught are much wanted here as store-ships.” Notice of the Death of the Rev. W. O. Milne at Peking. The last mail from Peking brought the melancholy intelligence of the sudden death of the Rev. W. C. Milne, who was the son of Dr. Milne, the late eminent associate and colleague of Dr. Robert Morrison. Mr. Milne had been for upwards of fifteen years engaged in the missionary work in China, under the London Missionary Society, and stood so high with regard 138 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Sept. 3, 1863. to his attainments in Chinese that he became a fellow-worker with Dr. Med- hurst, Bishop Boone, Mr. Stronach, and others, as a Delegate of the Bible Society for the Revision of the Chinese Version of the Holy Scriptures. Owing to a constitutional malady he was compelled to relinquish the mis- sionary work for a time, but he returned to China in 1858 or 1859 as Super- intendent and Tutor of the Student-Interpreters under H. M. Government. While discharging the duties of this office at Peking, he died,—on the 15th of May,+while sitting at dinner in his own room, no one being present but his Chinese attendant. Dr. Lockhart, his friend and medical attendant, was speedily called in, but before he could render any succour, life was extinct. His loss will be greatly felt, both by the Government and more especially by his bereaved widow and orphaned children. In his personal character, Mr. Milne was highly esteemed as a kind friend and a sincere Christian. His work on China (published by Routledge) con- tains many original facts connected with that country, and his numerous Chinese labours deserve the greatest praise. The respect in which he was held in Peking is shown in the following extract from the Diary of Dr. W. Lockhart, with whom Mr. Milne had been long associated. “May 16th. Mr. Wade had been to the Archimandrate of the Russian Mission, to ask permission to open a grave in their cemetery, which was at once granted, and the grave was ordered to be dug. Mr. Beatty, one of the students, attended to this, and saw the work finished. “ 17th, Sunday. We met at the British Legation at half-past five this morning. The coffin was placed on a large bier, such as is commonly used here, and twenty-four men carried it. The English flag was used as a pall. . . . . . . . We rode on horse- back, as the distance is four miles, followed the coffin at a slow walk, and reached the cemetery at half-past seven, when we dismounted, and the Rev. J. Burdon, of the Church Missionary Society, met the coffin at the door of the cemetery. The coffin was quietly lowered into the grave by the Chinese, and Mr. Burdon read the service, Mr. Wade, Mr. Edkins, and myself, acting as chief mourners. Thus we committed to the grave the body of our dear friend; and while we on this Sabbath morning were burying our dead out of our sight, our friend himself was holding the first Sabbath in heaven, having joined those whose memory he loved so well. I tell you all this that you may see that everything was done carefully and respectfully to the memory of our dear Brother. “The grave in the Russian cemetery is in a line with those of our countrymen who died by the hands of the Chinese in 1860. Over each is a mound which is plastered, as that of Mr. Milne will also be. It is the intention, as soon as there is an English cemetery, to move the whole to it.” OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. Com BE, E. pickARD HALL, AND H. LATHAM, Printers to the university. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. IV. OCTOBER 3, 1863. ART. I.-The Miſiu-tsz, or Aboriginal Tribes, inhabiting various High- lands in the Southern and Western Provinces of China Proper. [Reprinted, with alterations, from the “Chinese Repository.”] The Chinese authorities of Canton were engaged, during the year 1832, in wars against some tribes of the Miáu-tsz. Lien-cheu on the frontiers of the province, and adjacent districts on the borders of Hú-wáng, were the principal scenes of those wars. After their subjugation parties of them came down to the provincial city, and some visited the foreign factories. They were rude and uncultured, somewhat resembling the American aborigines, but in their persons less stout and athletic. They could speak Chinese, but had a language of their own, differing not a little from that of the Chinese. They came to Canton in small rude boats, and brought with them only a few of their own native products, mats, baskets, &c. Buddhism and the other religions of China seem not to have obtained a footing among them; but what their religion is we know not. Probably they are without any very well de- fined religious system, and on that account, perhaps, would be more ready to receive the plain and simple precepts of Christianity than their more polished neighbours, the sons of Hán. Du Halde alludes to this fact; but whether the Roman Catholic missionaries have found these “children of nature” more teachable than the Chinese we are not informed. We do not remember ever to have seen notices of any efforts made to propagate Christianity among them. In the late war with Great Britain, the Chinese had among their troops some of these people, but in no case, that has come to our knowledge, did they distinguish themselves by valorous deeds. The word Midſu # is a compound term, formed by the two words tsſfu ++ plants' and tien H ‘fields;' and Morrison in his Dictionary defines it thus, “grain growing in a field; the first budding forth of any plants; numerous descendants,” &c. M 140 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. One of Du Halde's editors complains of him because he did not give the names of the many tribes of Miáu-tsz, whose manners, habits, &c., he described. We will here introduce the names of some of the tribes found in the province of Kwei-cháu, and then subjoin brief descriptions of the sanne. I. £S | Kuh-lun, 22. F. {{ Yá-fáh, 2, ##|### Yangtung chan, as #44; 3: Ting-chungki. 3. 55 # # # Kih-mang kū-yáng, 24. H. P. ºf limints. 4. j H Tung, 25. Él 5d. +. Peh-artsz, s. 2K #: Shwui-kiá, 26. H # * Pellung kis. 6. §§ #: King-kiá, 27. Él 3H % Peh-chung kiá, # Tsing, 28. H.4% #Takih lºw, 8, 25 §§ +. Luh-ngeh tsz, 29. #i * Ché-chái, 9. H% ºf Peningh tº so. Wiś silk, to Hºkiči Yeniki, nin, 3 I. º # Halº, II. ji #: Tung-kiá, 32. } # }}| Hung-chau, 1, 7L £1.7Lºf Kičming ki.jpg|3s. 4, # Hellº, I3. ji # Mau-t'eu, 34. £ ||}| Henkich. 14 iſſ # Tung-tsäi, ss. Æ Sang, is. {{# I # Ting-king hel, |36. # # Twin-kwan, 16. # F# # Lā-kā heh, 37. 3& Hä Tiena. 7. /\ # # Pāh-end hel, 38. § Ä Láng-tsz, 18. H II Heh-shān, 39. # # L6-hán, 19. H. H. Heh-sang, 40. º jij}: Luh-tung , so. £4; 3: Heh hungki, ... }} {# Yá-tsioh. 2 I. i 3% Káu-pó, Many of the foregoing names are significant, and some of them will be translated in the following notices, written by a native traveller, who thus prefaces his sketches:— - “Whenever I have extended my rambles to other provinces, and noticed Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 141 remarkable views or objects, I have always taken notes and sketches of them, not that I supposed these could be called fine or beautiful, but because they gratified my own feelings. Still, I think that among all these views and natural objects, –the flowers, birds, animals, &c., there were some singular and rare forms, which may be called curious. Moreover, having seen the people in Kwei-chau province, scattered in various districts and places, both those whose customs are unlike, and also the different customs in the same tribes,—having utensils of strange shapes and uses, not discriminating in their food between that which was ripe and the raw, having dispositions sometimes gentle and at other times violent, having seen their agriculture and manu- factures,-having noticed that the men played and the women sang, or the men sang and the women danced. And, having viewed their hunting deer and trapping rabbits, which are the products of the hills, and their spearing fish and netting crabs, the treasures of the waters, their manner of cutting out caves in the hills for residences, and of framing lofts from bamboos in trees for lodgments, all of which usages were unique and diverse:–these I thought were still more remarkable. Then I perceived that there are both common and rare things in the world, and races unlike common people; I therefore sketched their forms on one page, and gave the description on the opposite, in order to gratify my own feelings and those of others who wished to see these things. The following are some of these descriptions:— “1. The Kuh-lun. Many of these live in Ting-fan. Their disposition is rude and overbearing, and they are skilful in throwing javelins; they constantly carry spears, and bows and arrows, so that all the other Miáu fear them. The men follow agriculture, and the cloth they weave is in great request for shirts and trowsers. “2. The Yang-tung lo-han. These are found in Li-ping fü. The men are farmers and traders; the women rear silk-worms and weave flowered-silk. They tie their hair in a slovenly manner, wearing a wooden comb on their foreheads. The rich females suspend silver rings in their ears; their garments are short, and bound with a double girdle; an embroidered square is placed on the breast, and is trimmed with silver or copper. Sometimes they wear long trowsers and short petticoats, and sometimes no trowsers; every few days they wash their hair with scented water to keep it clean. Among all the tribes, few are comparable to these for goodness. “3. The Kih-mang kū-yāng. These live in a town, belonging to Kwáng-shun chau. They select overhanging cliffs, where they dig out holes for habita- tions; the higher ones are more than a hundred feet high, and are reached by bamboo ladders. Instead of the plough they employ iron hoes. The sexes marry without midsmen. After the birth of a child the mother goes home to her husband. When their parents die, they do not weep for, but eulogize the dead in songs and smiles. They put away the corpse, and when the goatchaffer's cry next year is heard, the whole family raise a lamentation : “The birds come back with the year, but our parents will never return.' “4. The Tung Midſu reside in Tien-chi, near Kin-ping. They select level M 2 142 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. lands near the water-courses for residences, and are occupied in the cultiva- tion of cotton. Many of the men hire themselves out as labourers to the Chinese; the women wear blue cloths round their heads, and dress in flower-edged petticoats. The figured silk they weave is called ‘Tung silk.’ Many of this tribe understand Chinese, and submit to be bound to service. Some of them reside in the capital of the province. “5. The Shwui-kid Midſu, i.e. ‘the Water Family Miáu,’ are also found in Lí-po district in Tú-yun få; they all moved hither from Kwáng-sí in the tenth year of Yung-ching. The men take pleasure in fishing and hunting, and the women are skilful in spinning and weaving. “6. The King-kić reside in Li-pó hien. On the last day of the tenth month they have a great festival, and sacrifice to demons. Both men and women bind blue flowered handkerchiefs on their heads. Before marriage, they wear this kerchief rather long. In the eleventh month, the unmarried youth dance and sing in the fields, when the girls choose whom they please and wed them; after a child is born, they return to see their parents. This custom is called “Marrying at sight.' ' If no child is born, they do not return home at all. “7. The Tsing Miſu. These live in Ping-yuen cheu. They do not excel in agriculture; and both sexes dress in cloth of their own weaving. “8. The Luh-ngeh tsz. These live in Wei-ning district in Tá-ting fā; there are black and white. The men have a slender head-dress; the women wear long petticoats and no trowsers. They bury the dead in coffins, and after a year's interval, they choose a lucky day, and invite their relatives and friends to come to the grave, where they make a sacrifice of spirits and flesh; they then open the grave, and taking out the bones, brush and wash them clean; and then wrap them in cloth and re-inter them. They do this once every one or two years, taking them out and cleaning them, for seven times, when they cease. Whenever any one in the house is sick, they say “The bones of your ancestors are not clean,’ and they therefore take them out and wash them. Wherefore they are sometimes called ‘The Washbone Miáu. Owing to the strict prohibition of the authorities, this bad custom is gradually growing obsolete. “9. The Peh-ngeh tsz, or ‘the White Foreheads, are situated between Yung- fung and L6-kuh. They wear their head-dress done up spirally, like a lymnea shell; they dress in white, the men in short and the women in long petticoats. Their customs resemble those of the preceding tribe, but when sick they invoke demons, and do not wash the bones of the dead. “10. The Yen-kid main live in Sz-nán få, and take great delight in taking fish and crabs. Their customs and manners are similar to those of the other tribes. “I 1. The Tung-kid Miću also inhabit Li-pó hien. Their dress is usually blue, and only reaches down to the knees. On new year's day they put fish, flesh, spirits, and rice in wooden trenches and gourds,-and worship. They dwell near the water, and are skilful in cultivating cotton; and the women are Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 143 industrious weavers. Both sexes understandº Chinese, but cannot read it: they use notched sticks as letters when they have any business to transact. “12. The Kivi-ming kit-sing, or ‘the Nine named and nine surnamed 'Miáu, live in Tuh-shān chéu. Their disposition is treacherous and violent; many falsely assume other people's names and surnames. At weddings and funerals they kill oxen, and come together to drink; when drunk they get to fighting, and resort to spears: those who are wounded settle their disputes by giving or receiving so many oxen. Men and women get their living by cultivating the hills. Their customs resemble those of the Tsz-kiáng Miáu. “13. The Mau-t'eu Midiu live in the region of Hiá-yu and Kū-chau, and are of the same sort as the Tung-chái Miáu. They employ human labour instead of oxen in agriculture. The first day of the eleventh month is a great festival. The women braid their hair into a head-dress, and put on garlands made of silver thread in the shape of a fan, fastening it with a long skewer. They wear two ear-rings from each ear, and a necklace on the neck. Their clothes are short, and the cuffs and selvages are worked with figured silk. In mar- riages, paternal aunts' daughters must marry their cousins; but if they have no marriageable child, or no child at all, they must give the bridegroom's father a sum of money, which is called the niece's dowry; after which they can marry her to any body. If they give no money, the uncle will not permit her ever to marry. “14. The Tung-tsai live in Ká-chéu, and are divided into two tribes. Those who live in large cantonments exercise authority over those who live in small ones, the latter not venturing to have intercourse with the former. If they are guilty, their property is all taken away, or their lives destroyed. Of all Miáu tribes, these are the most skilful in boating and sailing. “15. The Tsing-kiding heh, or ‘the Black tribe of Tsing-kiáng.” The men bind their hair with red cloth, put silver chains round their necks, and hang large rings from their ears. Their trowsers are large, and they go barefooted. They have dealings with the Chinese, and the two salute each other thus, ‘Same age brethren.’ Unmarried boys are called “Budhas;’ girls are called “Old sorts.” On pleasant days in spring they carry wine to the hills, where men and women sing in harmony: those who are mutually pleased drink with each other out of a horn, and at even the woman follows her lover and is married. After the birthday of a child, they learn agriculture. “16. The Lit-kil heh, or ‘Black Miáu, who live in houses.’ These live in Páh-chái and Tsing-kiáng. The men are diligent in agriculture, but are violent in disposition. The women dress their hair like rams' horns in shape: they like to dwell in high lofts. When any one dies, the corpse is coffined and kept ; after a lapse of twenty years, the cantonment select a fortunate day, and at once bury from ten to a hundred coffins. An ancestral shrine is erected by the public, called “Demons' Hall.’ This tribe delight in rearing cattle. The men live in the loft above, the cattle are stabled below. “ 17. The Páh-chái hel, or ‘the Black tribes of the eight cantonments,' re- side in Tá-yun fit. Their disposition is violent. The men fringe their sleeves 144 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. with flowered cloth, and put a piece of embroidered silk on their bosom, called a stomacher. Every cantonment erects a bamboo house in the fields, called a md-láng, in which at evening unmarried men and women assemble: those who mutually please each other present a wedding gift of a horn of wine; on the third day the bride returns home, when the bride's parents demand ‘head money' of the son-in-law; if he have none, they wed their daughter to some one else: if the son-in-law and the daughter die, they demand the money of their son. This money is called “Demon-head money *.’ “ 18. The Heh-shdin, or “Tribes of the Black hills, live in Tái-kung, in the department of Tsing-kiáng. They bind their hair with blue cloth, and live in the recesses of the mountains. They despise agriculture, and get their liveli- hood by plundering. They are expert in divining by reeds, and in ascertaining lucky and unlucky times. Latterly they have been more peaceable than they were formerly. “19. The Heh-sang Miću, or ‘the Black Subdued tribes, live within the borders of Tsing-kiáng. Their disposition is fierce and murderous. Having ascertained where the rich live, they collect in bands, and come by night with torches, long spears, and sharp knives, to rob them. They were subdued in the thirteenth year of Yung-ching (A. D. 1723), and are now subject to Chinese rule. “20. The Heh-chung kić, or ‘the Black Reptile Families,’ appertain to the Tsing-kiáng clan. They sell wood for a living. These families are rich. The Chinese have much intercourse with them. They know them all, call them companions, and even borrow money of them. If, at the proper time, the borrower cannot repay, he does not fear to state the reasons therefore truly; and if he has been unsuccessful, he can even borrow again. If persons have been swindled, they do not pursue their debtors to recover the debts, but after their death they find out their graves, which they open, and take out the skull and bones. This is called seizing the white (the innocent) and letting go the black (the guilty). This causes people to seek the swindler, and compel him to refund the borrowed money, in order to ransom the bones. The contiguous graves always receive injuries, so that now it is customary for the people to become surety for each other. “21. The Káu-pô Miću, also called ‘Crown-board tribes, live in Ping-yuen. They are usually black, and prefer to cultivate high plateaux. The women tie up their hair a foot or more in length, and with it wed their husbands. “22. The Yá-fah Miću live in the Sien-tien garrison in the district of Kwei-ting. The men cover themselves with grass clothes, wearing short petticoats; the women have short garments, with long-bodied petticoats, and tie their hair to a long bodkin. At marriages and at religious rites they sacrifice dogs. “23. The Tsing-chung Miću live in Tái-kung ting. The women diligently plough and weave; the men wind red cloth round their heads, and suspend * A somewhat similar usage prevails among the people of Sumatra. See Marsden's History of Sumatra, pp. 269, 271 – J. S.] Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 145 bow-knives from their girdles, and go out in bands to rob lonely travellers. They make cangues of wood, and bring their victims bound into the lodge, where they extort money, called “Ransom body.' If the prisoner has no money, he is never set free. Since they have been punished and soothed, their dispositions have become more mild. “24. The Lé-min tsz, i.e. ‘ the Lí people,' live in Tá-ting fā, Kien-si cheu, Kwei-yáng fé, Ngān-shun fü, &c. The men trade for a living, many rearing cattle and sheep. They wear finely woven sandals. After the labours in the field are over, they spin and weave cloth out of wool. These are among the best of the Miáu tribes. “25. The Peh-artsz, or ‘the Whites,’ live in Wei-ning cheu ; they drive cattle and horses to market for sale. Their customs resemble those of the Chinese, and many of them intermarry with the Chinese. “26. The Peh-lung kić, or ‘White Dragon families,’ live in the district of Ping-yuen in Tá-ting fā. Their dress is white: many of them collect lacker among the hills for a livelihood. They retail their articles, carrying them on their backs. They understand the rules of propriety. “27. The Peh-chung kić live in Li-póting. The men wear a foxtail on their heads, and get their living by agriculture. The women are small, but clever; they have a white complexion, and many of them are handsome. Their dress is blue. They wear petticoats of watered silk, with small folds; red embroi- dered shoes; trowsers of various colours bound on the calf. In the first month of every year, selecting a level spot, and taking a hollow stick (called pá-tsau), they erect it in the midst, and men and women, each having a bamboo slat, strike it: the sound is like that of the drum, and the exercise is called “United play.' The Chinese, who understand their language, also play with them. “28. The Tá-kih láu live in Kán-ning cheu. The men weave grass into garments. They hire themselves out to the Kó-ló people as labourers. The children sear their feet with hot oil, and run among the hills like monkeys. “29. The Ché-chái Miću live in Kū-cheu ting. The men have many occupa- tions; the women embroider. The unmarried collect in the fields, which they call the “Moon arena,” where the men play and the girls dance. Their music is clear and sweet. They mutually choose and marry. This is called “Dancing to the moon.’ Their parents stand by, and do not forbid it. This tribe formed part of Má Sán-páu's army (in the time of Tái-tsung of the Táng dynasty); and six hundred of the men fled to this place, where they settled with Miáu wives and dwelt there: they are therefore sometimes called “The six hundred wild Miáu families.” “30. The Si-ki Miću live in Tien-chū district. The petticoats of the women do not reach below the knees. They have green cloth bound round their thighs. Unmarried boys carrying reed organs, and the girls taking some provisions, they go into the fields, where they give pledges to each other, and are betrothed, and the girls are taken home to their husbands' houses. After the birth of a child, a marriage present of a cow is given. 146 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. “3 1. The Hui-lit live in Ló-kuk in Ting-pwān cheu district. Their disposi- tion is fierce and violent. They assemble in bands to plunder and kill, caring nothing for agricultural pursuits. Lately many of them have submitted to lawful rule. “32. The Hung-chau Midiu live in Li-ping fā. The men are like Chinese, and follow farming for a living : the women are skilled in spinning and weaving cotton garments and grasscloth. The latter is pretty fine, whence it is called “Hung-chau grasscloth.’ “33. The Heh-lii Mióu live in the eight encampments of Tsing-kiáng ting; they are neighbours to all the encampments on the elevated plateau. They unitedly build a house, and call it ‘the Assembly Hall,' which is several stories high. A long hollow stick, called “Long drum,' is suspended in the topmost story. When persons have any altercation or strife, they go up and strike it, and the men of every cantonment, seizing their spears and sharp kreeses, assemble below in the hall, and wait for them to come down and prepare an ox and wine; then the elders of the cantonment decide the business. Those who have, without good reason, assembled the people, are mulcted an ox, which is appropriated to public use. “34. The Heh-kiöh, or ‘Black leg” Miáu, live in Tsing-kiáng ting and Tai- hung. The men have short garments and wide trowsers; they put a white plume on their heads, and ever carry long spears in their hands, with sharp knives in their girdles. They go in bands of three or five to rob and plunder. When they have any altercation, they put two crabs (volutes) into a bowl, and look at their fighting, from which they divine good or bad luck. They are very skilful in doing this. The crab is from this called ‘the general.’ Widows cannot marry. If a man declines being a robber and a marauder, no one will give his daughters to him to wife *. Latterly they have become somewhat tractable and subject to rule. “35. The ‘Wild” Miću live in Tái-hung, Kâi-li, Hwang-niā, Shi-ping, &c. Their habits are wild, and they eat all manner of raw things. “36. The Twón-kwan Miſiu dwell in the eight cantonments in Tá-yūn fü. The men have short dresses and wide trowsers: the women have no sleeves nor lappets to their dress, so that their bosoms and their waists are not covered; they wear no trowsers, and their petticoats have many folds. They collect a sort of red grass which they sell for a living. They love to drink immoderately, and when drunk go to sleep in the caves of the mountains; when very cold they wash themselves in the rivulets, to get warm. “37. The ‘Narrow-headed” Miću live in Kwei-yáng. Men and women dress their hair in a peak; they observe the first day of the eleventh month as a great festival. Husband and wife plough together in the fields. “38. The Láng-tsz Miću live in Wei-ning. The customs of this tribe are very singular. After the birth of a child, the wife herself goes abroad and works, preparing rice, which she offers to her husband, and then gives suck * Cf. Customs of the Dyaks in Borneo. 148 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. the common Chinese, except that they are of a perverse disposition, and much addicted to revenge. And perhaps it was on account of their sinister feel- ings towards them, that they collected a large force of men and chariots, and taking advantage of the darkness of the night surrounded their abodes, burned the houses, and slaughtered the inmates. The unsubdued Miáu, taking advantage of a favourable opportunity, when- ever the Chinese left their villages, descended from their retreats and went four or five miles into the villages, when, trembling and apprehensive, they were set upon with spears and not allowed to return; which is the reason why they dread the Chinese, and respect the magistrates. Now if these men had been instructed, treated with kindness, and properly ruled, they would have become docile and obedient. But instead, the folly of the Miáu increased by seeing the example of the gentry, their superiors; for the majority of the latter were doltish, not exercising a proper supervision over them, but driving them to plunder. These malpractices after a while became known abroad, and high officers were sent to examine the delinquents, but they did not molest them, or deprive them of their dignities. The gentry, therefore, did not fear the officers, but ventured to continue their bad practices. The multiplied and bitter grievances which the Miáu-tsz have received from the gentry excite my utmost commiseration. They have no regular govern- ment over them; they have for many generations been used as slaves and menials; and not even their wives, their children, or their property could they call their own. I have heard that the gentry of Kwei-chau province made every year three exactions, when they took cash; and once in three years, a grand exaction, when they levied taels; and the annual tribute of the Yáu tribe was ten times as much as that of the Chinese. Whenever one of the gentry wished his son to take a wife of the Miáu, he did so; but for the space of three years none of the people durst bring home a bride. If one of them broke the laws, the gentry would seize and execute the criminal; and in a case of murder, it was customary for each one of the relations to contribute a sum of money to be presented to the gentry, sometimes amounting to sixty taels or to forty, but never less than twenty-four ; this sum was called “the money to scrape the knife.” Thus were these poor people peeled and fleeced in many ways, without having any means of redress or complaint. I have heard that, in a former year, the inhabitants of a whole village left their dwellings and petitioned the higher officers of the department to reform their modes of paying taxes, and to send regular magistrates to rule over them. But, although there was a temporary congratulation among these people, yet only a short time elapsed before the gentry were again bribing the officers to keep silence, and returning to their oppressions; and if the wretched Miáu- tsz resisted, they would destroy their houses, kill the inmates, and seize their wives and children for slaves. How could they refrain from swallowing their complaints, and drinking their tears? While with fortitude they bore their multiplied grievances, they almost forgot to behold the light of day! The thousands of people living in the four or five provinces were like other loyal subjects, unanimous in their desire to implore the mercy of the emperor. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 149 I would recommend that the various tribes of the Miáu-tsz be incorporated with the other subjects of his majesty, having with them the same rule; and then, if the various officers over them cherish and instruct them kindly, I think they will become peaceable and tranquil. They can be taught the filial and fraternal duties; the requirements of propriety and urbanity; how to re- spect their superiors, and to obey the laws; and then of themselves they will not venture to act perversely, killing and plundering. But if the gentry are exceedingly tyrannical, and their people are permitted to harass and plunder the Miáu-tsz, then the gentry must be dealt with as other delinquent officers are. Their dignities must be taken away, themselves be mulcted in fines, and their cases be reported to the emperor. Chinese officers, when they do wrong, can be thus punished; but how shall the gentry be chastised, who have no salaries to be deprived of, no button to take away, or perquisites to be mo- lested 2 For if they be degraded, and their children or relations put in their place, then the old ones will become greater personages, and still more oppress the poor Miáu. I would propose a new law to be made for reducing the possessions of the gentry, and they will then, in knowledge of it, become careful and cautious. Just look at it, and see if it would not be efficacious to punish them in propor- tion as their crimes were light or grievous. If several miles were cut off and taken away from their villages, it would be equivalent to fining and degradation together; let those who were great offenders, be deprived of everything. If the lands thus confiscated are near, the chief officer can govern them himself; but if distant, and the people obstinate and vicious, let a proper magistrate be sent to rule them, and the people will return to their homes, and there will be no changing of governors. If those who were so disgusted with the oppres- sions of the gentry had united to petition the magistrates to reform the mode of paying taxes, and make it like the Chinese, and rulers, who understood their dispositions, had made the reformation,-then they would have returned to their several districts. Those secluded retreats in the mountains, where the influ- ence of the laws, or the presence of the officers did not reach, and which have been confiscated, could be put under the supervision of a native of wealth and respectability, and he be appointed the headman. These districts would be small in extent and resources, and the power of the new gentry unequal, and they could not oppress; and in course of time they would all be reformed, and at no distant day become like other Chinese. Even the predatory aboriginal Miáu-tsz, who live in the fastnesses of the mountains, being acquainted with the gentry, would gradually be induced to leave their lawless habits, and unite under one kind soothing sway. In this way, in a few years, the aboriginal Miáu-tsz would become subdued Miáu, and the subdued would be improved into quiet and good people. 150 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. ART. II.—The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen, and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection. By the Rev. Theodore HAMBERG, Missionary of the Basle Evangelical Society to China. (Continued from page I 11.) 9. Last Tour to KwaNg-si-STATE of the CoNGREGAtion—YANG-Siu- TsiiiN.—AND SIAu-chau-kwui.-The native village of Fung Yung-san is only a mile and a half northward from that of Hung-Siu-tshuen. As the country there is hilly, and affords pasture to the cattle, the villagers of many surrounding hamlets used to lead their cattle thither. Siu-tshuen, while at home, often assisted his elder brothers by leading their buffaloes to the mountains. Here he met with Fung Yun-san and others of his intimate friends, when they made an appointment upon what hill they would assemble the following day. Siu-tshuen here used to converse with his followers and friends about the congregation at Kwang-si. He also occasionally read some portion of the Old or New Testament, which he had received during his stay at Canton. He exhorted to faith in the true religion; and many of the young boys, who led their oxen to the common pasture, gathered around him and Yun-san, and listened with interest to their instruction. Siu-tshuen and Yun-san remained at home until the fifth month of the year 1849, when their friends at Clear-far made a collection of money, to en- able them to make another tour to Kwang-si. They then started on their last tour to Kwang-si, and left their native district, little thinking that they were going to leave it for several years, yea perhaps for ever. In the tenth month of the same year, on the ninth day, at the rising of the sun, the first son of Hung-Siu-tshuen was born. Just at the same time, thousands of birds, as large as ravens and as small as magpies, made their appearance. They continued long hovering about in the air, and finally settled in the trees behind the dwelling of Siu-tshuen. These birds remained in the neighbour- hood of the village about one month, to the astonishment of the people, who said that the crowd of birds came to do homage to the new-born King. When Hung-jin knew that the wife of Siu-tshuen had been delivered of a male child, he despatched a messenger with a letter to Kwang-si, informing Siu-tshuen of this happy event. Siu-tshuen and Yun-san upon their arrival at Thistle-mount were received with exultation by the brethren. They now learned that, during their absence in Kwang-tung, some very remarkable occurrences had taken place in the congregation of the God-worshippers, which had brought disorder and dissension among the brethren. It sometimes happened that while they were kneeling down engaged in prayer, the one or the other of those present was seized by a sudden fit, so that he fell down to the ground, and his whole body was covered with perspiration. In such a state of ecstacy, moved by the spirit, Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 151 he uttered words of exhortation, reproof, prophecy, &c. Often the words were unintelligible, and generally delivered in rhythm. The brethren had noted down in a book the more remarkable of these sayings, and delivered them for the inspection of Hung-Siu-tshuen. The latter now judged the spirits according to the truth of the doctrine, and declared that the words of those moved were partly true and partly false. Thus confirming the already expressed opinion of Yang-Siu-tshin, that they were “partly from God and partly from the devil.” The most remarkable of those which Hung-Siu-tshuen acknowledged as true, were the words of Yang-Siu-tshin and Siau-Chau-kwui. Yang was originally a very poor man, but he joined the congregation with much earnestness and sincerity. Whilst there, he suddenly for a period of two months lost his power of speech to the astonishment of the brethren, who con- sidered this to be an evil omen; but afterwards he again recovered the use of his tongue, and more frequently than any other was subject to fits of ecstasy, when he spoke in the name of God the Father, and in a solemn and awe-inspiring manner reproved the sins of the others, often pointing out individuals, and ex- posing their evil actions. He also exhorted to virtue, and foretold future events, or commanded what they ought to do. His words generally made a deep impression upon the assembly. Siau-chau-kwei spoke in the name of Jesus, and his words were milder than those of Yang. One of the Wang clan had spoken against the doctrine of Jesus, and led many astray; but he was excluded from the congregation, and his words declared false, having been spoken under the influence of a corrupt spirit. It appears also that many sick persons have been cured in a wonderful manner by prayer to God; and Yang was said to possess the gift to cure sicknesses by intercession for the sick. From the description it would almost seem as if Yang had willingly submitted and prayed to have the sick- ness of the other conferred upon himself, and that he for a short while had borne his sufferings, whereby he redeemed the disease of the other, and was afterwards himself released from the consequences of his own intercession*. Upon the decease of Yang-kin-siu, it is reported that they heard heavenly music from above, and that the curtains of his bed kept moving for two hours after his spirit had departed, though there was no current of air entering the room. Siu-tshuen introduced strict order among his followers; and though Fung Yun-san was originally the founder of the congregation, yet every one acknowledged the superiority of Hung, and no one was so able as he to ex- ercise authority, and carry into effect a rigid discipline among so many differ- ent sorts of people. He interdicted the use of opium, and also it is said of common tobacco and ardent spirits. Respecting the opium, he made a stanza, saying, L The opium-pipe is like a gun, wherewith you wound yourself. How many heroes are stretched dying upon their pillows 7 * Yang-Siu-tshin is also known under the name of Ho-nae teacher, which is derived from dividing the character of his name Siu into two Ho-nae, and does not seem to have any par- ticular meaning. 152 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. As to wine prepared from rice, he said, that converting rice into intoxi- cating drink, was to rob the people of their wholesome and necessary food, and afterwards give it to them in a form not only useless but injurious. Siu- tshuen, who formerly was able to stand a good quantity of rice wine, afterwards for a long time limited his own use to three small cups, out of consideration for the company. He still used this restriction while at home; but it is pro- bable that he wholly desisted from its use, when he afterwards came to Kwang-si, if the report be true, that he demanded total abstinence from his followers. It does not appear that Siu-tshuen knew the full import of the Sabbath, though he considered it as a day of special devotion and thanksgiving to God, who in six days had created the world, and upon that day rested from his work. There is no mention made of the Lord's Supper having been cele- brated in the congregation of God-worshippers in Kwang-si. In the fifth month of the following year (1850), Siu-tshuen sent Kiang- Liung-chong, with two other brethren, one of the Wang and one of the Heu clan, with letters to Hwa-hien, and called his whole family to join him in Kwang-si. The reason for this was, as he stated, that God had given him the following revelation:— “In the 30th year of Tau-kwang (1850) will I send down calamities: those of you who remain steadfast in faith shall be saved, but the unbelievers shall be visited by pestilence. After the eighth month, fields will be left uncultivated, and houses without inhabitants; therefore call thou thy own family and relatives hither.” At this time Siu-tshuen's mother, wife, children, and brothers, with their families, all his nearest relations with their children, went to Kwang-si and joined him there. After the death of the Emperor Tau-kwang in 1850, several districts in Kwang-si were really visited by a pestilential disease, whereby Siu-tshuen's adherents greatly increased in number, as many thought they evaded contagion merely by joining the congregation of the God-wor- shippers. 10. DisturbaNces IN KwaNG-si–WAR BETween the PUNtís AND HAK- KAs—THE God-worshippers 1Nvolved IN THE PoliticAL TRoubles— CAUSE, CoMMENCEMENT, AND Succkss of THE INsu RRection—SIU-Tsh UEN AND THE TRIAD Society.—The inaccessible mountains of the Kwang-si province have long served as a place of resort for outlaws and banditti, who from these hiding-places went forth to plunder the unsuspecting traveller, and commit depredations on the neighbouring villages. The number of these outlaws has during the course of the last few years been increasing. They formed regular bands of robbers; and their boldness went so far, that they commenced openly to attack hamlets, larger villages, and market towns. The soldiers sent by the government officials to seize and disperse the banditti, had often hard work to perform. Yet in most instances they were successful, though the bands of robbers dispersed in one place gathered again in another. Most of these robbers were men from Kwang-tung and the bordering pro- vinces, who are by the aborigines of Kwang-si called Khih-kias, (strangers or Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 153 settlers,) because they had immigrated and settled in Kwang-si, among the Punti or original inhabitants. The Khih-kia or Hakka villages are very numerous in Kwang-si, though in general not so large and opulent as those of the Punti. A feeling of enmity had long existed between the two classes, and every new incident only served to augment the hatred. At that time a very rich Hakka of the surname Wun had taken a girl as his concubine, who had been promised in marriage to a Puntí man, and having agreed to settle the matter with her parents by paying a large sum of money, he peremptorily refused to give her up to the Punti claimant. At the office of the district magistrate numerous petitions and accusations were daily lodged against the Hakka population, so that the mandarins were unable to settle all their dis- putes. It seems even probable that the mandarins would evade the trouble, and if the report be true, they gave the advice to the Puntí population to . enforce their own right against the Hakkas. However this be, the result was, that soon after, a civil war commenced between the Puntís and Hakkas of the Kwei district, in which gradually a number of villages were involved. The fighting began on the 28th of the eighth month, (September 1850,) and during the first days the Hakkas had the advantage, no doubt because they were more accustomed to such a manner of life, and probably counted robbers by profession among their number. Gradually however the Puntís grew bolder and more experienced; and as their number was considerably larger, they defeated the Hakkas, and burned their houses, so that these had no rest- ing-place to which they could resort. In this distress they sought refuge among the worshippers of God, who at that time lived dispersed in several districts, in congregations counting from one to three hundred individuals. They willingly submitted to any form of worship in order to escape from their enemies, and received the necessary supplies of which they were now destitute. Up to this period the worshippers of God had not stood in any connection whatever with the robbers or outlaws of the province. The mandarin sol- diers, upon their excursions in search of the robbers, never interfered with the members of the congregations, or suspected the brethren to have any other than religious motives for their assembling together. But now, when not only from the distressed villages, but also from the bands of robbers dispersed by the mandarin soldiers, large flocks of people, old and young, men and women, with their children and their property, joined the congregations, matters could no longer go on as before. A rupture and collision with the mandarins became inevitable. Siu-tshuen's discerning eye had foreseen all this : his prediction had now been fulfilled: he had formed his plans, he was prepared to take the consequences, and only awaited the proper moment to take a decided step. About this time he composed an Ode alluding to the state of the country, wherein his own intentions are clearly expressed:— “When in the present time disturbances abound, And bands of robbers are like gathering vapours found, We know that heaven means to raise a valiant hand To rescue the oppressed and save our native land. 154 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. China was once subdued, but it shall no more fall. God ought to be adored, and ultimately shall The founder of the Ming in song disclose his mind. The Emperor of Han drank to the furious wind, From olden times all deeds by energy were done, Dark vapours disappear on rising of the sun.” In this Ode, Siu-tshuen alludes to the frequent bands of robbers rising sud- denly and gathering like vapours round the mountains in the different districts. He expresses his intention to permit them to fight and tear up each other, until finally when they were fatigued and weakened, he would rise in the field and easily become the sole master. Such was the plan expressed by the founder of the Ming dynasty, Choo-hung-woo, in his song about the aster to which he compared himself. The aster begins to blossom in the ninth month, , when the season of most other flowers has passed away; thus, as it were, waiting quietly until all other flowers had exhausted their strength, contending to excel each other; then the aster unfolds its beauty, and displaying its ar- mour of golden yellow, remains alone master of the field. The first Emperor of the Han dynasty, Lew-pang, compared the furious wind and flying clouds to valiant warriors, rushing on in victorious progress, carrying all before them; and displaying a table with wine, he saluted them as they passed quickly over his head. The Siu-tshai (graduate) Wang, who has been mentioned already in these pages as an enemy of the new doctrine, and as the accuser of its adherents, again used his influence and money to injure one of the brethren. Wang-ngi had by his rash and imprudent conduct in destroying the idols belonging to other people, brought down upon himself the resentment of the populace, and was again accused before the magistrate. This official however refused to take up the matter, and dismissed the parties. When the young Wang-ngi came out to the street, he commenced a quarrel with the two plaintiffs, and in an insolent manner demanded a large sum of money from them, without which the matter would not be settled. Just at this moment the graduate Wang happened to pass, and enquired what was the matter. The two plaintiffs ex- plained to him that the magistrate would not take up their cause, and commit Wang-ngi. Then the graduate Wang replied, “I will take care that this fellow is put in prison,” and ordered Wang-ngi again to be brought to the office of the magistrate. He then wrote an accusation accompanied with considerable bribes, which had the effect that Wang-ngi was put into prison, and gradually killed by want and ill treatment. The first instance when members belonging to the congregation of God- worshippers were involved in conflict with the populace, seems to have occur- red at a place called Goldfield. Some persons belonging to a large Puntí village had seized and led away a buffalo, being the property of a God-wor- shipper. The brethren were highly incensed at such an outrage, and demanded back the buffalo. As this was not instantly complied with, they also seized one or more cows belonging to the other and stronger party. At last an exchange of the animals was agreed to, and the emissaries met and Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 155 arranged the affairs; but just as they were returning, some of the Puntís, relying on their larger number, fired upon the Hakkas. These, in their turn, attacked the Puntís, and chased them back to their own village. The Puntí people considered this unexpected defeat as an expression of the displeasure of their gods, and therefore arranged a feast with theatrical performances in honour of their idols, who occupied the first seat among the spectators. But even during the very performance a sudden dread of the God-worshippers came upon the whole assembly; and frightened by a false alarm, they several times rushed out of the place as if their enemies had been advancing. The God-worshippers, the most of whom were Hakkas, were bold and brave, used to labour and fatigue; wherefore with a small number they dared to attack the much larger Puntí force, and were often victorious, though their opponents had the assistance of the soldiers. It appears that because of the many Hak- kas joining the congregations these were gradually involved in the disturb- ances; and they were not only accused of interfering with the religious wor- ship of others, and destroying the idols, but also of favouring the outlaws, and secretly fostering rebellious intentions against the government. Siu- tshuen and Yun-san at this period had left Thistle-mount, and lived concealed at a place called “Vast-change-hills,” in the house of a friend. This place was surrounded by high mountains, leaving only a narrow passage to the country outside. The mandarins, whose suspicions were aroused, got notice of the residence of Hung and Fung, and sent a body of soldiers to watch the entrance to the bills. Though Siu-tshuen and Yun-san had only a small number of adherents at that place, the soldiers were afraid to enter; but to prevent those inside from sallying out and escaping, they, according to Chinese custom, covered the pass with short sharp wooden stakes stuck into the ground. Siu-tshuen and Yun-san were thus shut up among the moun- tains, and unable to escape from the soldiers, who watched the entrance of the pass. Their great enterprise, to liberate China from the yoke of a foreign power and convert it to the worship of the true God, was nearly going to be stifled in the very beginning. At this critical moment, it is reported that Yang-Siu-tshin, in a state of ecstasy, revealed to the brethren of Thistle- mount the impending danger of their beloved chiefs, and exhorted them to hasten to their rescue. A considerable body of men belonging to the congre- gations now drew together, and marched against the soldiers, who watched the pass of the Vast-change-hills. The soldiers were easily beaten, the en- trance cleared from the wooden stakes, and Siu-tshuen and Yun-san carried in triumph from their place of seclusion. Siu-tshuen now sent messages to all the congregations in the different districts to assemble in one place. Already for some time previous to this, the worshippers of God had felt the necessity of uniting together for common defence against their enemies: they had commenced to convert their property of fields and houses into money, and to deliver the proceeds thereof into the general treasury, from which all shared alike, every one receiving his food and clothing from this fund. The circumstance that they shared all in common N 156 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. greatly added to their numbers, and thus they were prepared to abandon their homes at a moment's warning. That moment had now arrived. Anxious about their own safety and that of their families, they flocked to the banner of Hung-Siu-tshuen, whom they believed appointed by heaven to be their chief. Old and young, rich and poor, men of influence and education, graduates of the first and second degrees, with their families and adherents, all gathered round the chiefs. Wei-ching alone brought with him about one thousand in- dividuals of his clan. Siu-tshuen took possession of the opulent market town, where the above-mentioned Wang resided, whose rich stores of provisions and pawnshops filled with clothes quite suited the wants of the distressed Hakkas. This town was surrounded by a broad river, protecting them from sudden attacks. Here Siu-tshuen encamped and fortified the place; and before the mandarin soldiers had arrived, his position was already too strong for them. The Imperial soldiers pitched their camp at a respectable distance from the market town, and both parties carried on hostilities by firing at each other over the river, which however no one ventured to cross. From this place Siu-tshuen again sent Kiang-Liang-chong, who used to travel as a physician carrying his box of medicines with him, and called the remaining relatives of the two clans, Hung and Fung, to join him in Kwang-si; but before they could reach the spot, Siu-tshuen found it necessary from want of provisions to remove his camp to another place. This he did secretly, crossed the river, and marched away in good order without the knowledge of the Imperialists, who still supposed him to be in the town. He had taken some women be- longing to the town, and upon leaving he shut them up in a house near the river side, and ordered them to beat the drums the whole day long, thus to make the enemy believe that he was still keeping the place. The Imperialists, as soon as they discovered his movements, sent light troops in pursuit, but they, venturing too near the rear of Siu-tshuen's army, were in their turn pursued by his men, and a great number of them slaughtered. The Imperi- alists now commenced to vent their rage on the deserted market town, took possession of it by storm, burned between one and two thousand shops, and plundered what they could get at. They also seized and killed numbers of the inhabitants, on the slightest supposition that they were God-worshippers, or friendly disposed towards that body. Many of these unhappy victims evinced great self-possession, and resignation to their fate. One named Tsen said to the soldiers, “Why do you delay If you are to kill me, then do so, —I fear not to die.” He with many others refused to kneel down, and received the death-blow in an upright posture. These cruelties greatly in- censed the populace; and many, who otherwise would have remained quietly at home, desirous to worship God without taking part in the insurrection, were thus forced to leave their homes, and join the army of Hung-Siu-tshuen. The latter had now taken possession of and pitched his camp at a large village called Thai-tsun, where he found abundant provisions for his numerous follow- ers. The reason why Siu-tshuen took this large village was as follows: A rebel chief named Chin-a-kwei, who for a long time previous had disturbed the Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 157 country, finally expressed himself willing to unite his forces with those of Hung-Siu-tshuen. However, before this was effected, during the time that the latter had possession of the large market town mentioned above, the former made an excursion to the west, when he was taken captive by the people of Thai-tsun and delivered to the mandarins, who rewarded the deed with a golden button. Siu-tshuen took the village to revenge the death of Chin-a-kwei. During the time that Siu-tshuen was encamped at the above village, two female rebel chiefs of great valour, named Kew-urh and Szu-san, each one bringing about two thousand followers, joined the army of the God-worship- pers, and were received upon submitting to the authority of Hung and to the rules of the congregation. Siu-tshuen passed these two female chiefs with their followers at a distance from the main body of his army, serving as out- posts one on each side. About the same period eight different rebel chiefs, belonging to the San:hoh-hwui or Triad Society, intimated to Siu-tshuen their wish to join his army with their respective bands. Siu-tshuen granted their request, but under condition that they would conform to the worship of the true God. The eight chiefs declared themselves willing to do so, and sent their tribute of oxen, pigs, and rice, &c. Siu-tshuen now despatched sixteen of the brethren belonging to the congregation, two to each chief, in order to impart to them and their followers some knowledge of the true reli- gion, before they had taken the definite step of joining him. When this pre- paratory instruction had been received, the chiefs dismissed their tutors with a liberal sum of money as a reward for their trouble, and soon after they with all their followers joined the army of Hung-Siu-tshuen. It now occurred that fifteen of the teachers who had been sent out to the chiefs, in accordance with the laws of the congregation, gave their money which they had received, into the common treasury, but one of them kept the money for himself, with- out saying a word. This same individual had several times before by his misconduct made himself amenable to punishment, and had only been spared in consideration of his eloquence and talent for preaching. He had in the first instance not fully abstained from the use of opium; but to procure the drug, he had sold some rattan bucklers belonging to the army; another time he got excited with wine, and had injured some of the brethren. As soon as his concealment of the money was proved, Siu-tshuen and the man's own relatives who were present decided to have him punished according to the full rigour of the law, and ordered him to be decapitated as a warning to all. When the chiefs of the Triad Society saw that one of those who had just before been despatched as a teacher to them was now killed for a comparatively small offence, they felt very uncomfortable, and said, “Your laws seem to be rather too strict: we shall perhaps find it difficult to keep them ; and upon any small transgession you would perhaps kill us also.” Thereupon “Fall Large Head,” “Great Carp Fish,” and five other chiefs, with their men, departed, and afterwards surrendered to the Imperialists, turning their arms against the insurgents. Lo-thai-kang alone remained with N 2 158 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. Siu-tshuen, because he liked the discipline of his army, and the doctrine which they had adopted as a rule of their conduct. It is said that six of the above chiefs of the Triad Society ultimately fell into the hands of the insurgents while fighting against them, and were killed. Siu-tshuen had formerly expressed his opinion of the Triad Society in about the following language:– “Though I never entered the Triad Society, I have often heard it said that their object is to subvert the Tsing and restore the Ming dynasty. Such an expression was very proper in the time of Khang-hi, when this society was at first formed; but now, after the lapse of two hundred years, we may still speak of subverting the Tsing, but we cannot properly speak of restoring the Ming. At all events, when our native mountains and rivers are recovered, a new dynasty must be established. How could we at present arouse the energies of men, by speaking of restoring the Ming dynasty 2 There are several evil practices connected with the Triad Society, which I detest; if any new member enter the society, he must worship the devil, and utter thirty-six oaths; a sword is placed upon his neck, and he is forced to contribute money for the use of the society. Their real object has now turned very mean and unworthy. If we preach the true doctrine, and rely upon the powerful help of God, a few of us will equal a multitude of others. I do not even think that Sun-pin, Woo-khi, Hung-ming, and others famous in history for their military skill and tactics, are deserving of much estimation, how much less these bands of the Triad Society.” Siu-tshuen afterwards ordered his followers not to receive any Triad men among their number, but such as were willing to abandon their former prac- tices, and to receive instruction in the true doctrine. In the autumn of the same year (1851) he again raised his camp, and marched upon the city of Yung-ngan in the eastern part of Kwang-si, which he entered, taking possession of the treasury and public granaries. It is reported that this city was taken in the following manner: The insurgents advanced quickly to the walls, which are not very high, and by throwing an immense quantity of lighted fire-crackers into the town, the continued explo- sion of which brought confusion among the soldiers within and caused them to retreat, they easily succeeded in scaling the walls and entering the city. Hung-Siu-tshuen was here unanimously declared Emperor of the new dy- nasty called Thae-ping Theen-kwoh, “Great tranquillity, Heaven's Kingdom.” The latter two characters, “Kingdom of Heaven,” seem according to their meaning to refer to China; but judging from their position they may also be the designation of the new Emperor, who selected this term from the holy Scriptures. Siu-tshuen is said to have offered the highest dignity to each one of the four chiefs, Fung Yun-san, Yang-Siu-tshin, Siau-Chau-kwui, and Wai- ching; and only after they had declined the acceptance, and declared their full submission to his authority, he accepted the reign, and appointed them Kings of the four Quarters”. From this place he sent Ling-Shih-pah with a force * It may be proper here to state the opinion of the informant and his friends regarding T“heen-teh, the supposed chief of the Chinese insurrection. They fully believe that Theen- teh is no other person than Hung-Siu-tshuen, and explain the origin of this term in the fol- lowing way : Hung-Siu-tshuen was either called Thai-ping-wang from the new dynasty commencing with him, or Theen-khoh-wang from his other designation. Most of the Hak- kas pronounce the word Kwoh as Kweh or Kwet, and consequently Hung-Siu-tshuen was among them called Theen-kweh-wang. People at some distance on hearing the name Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 159 into Kwang-tung, who however was soon after defeated by the mandarin troops at Lo-king, and his forces dispersed, most of them returning to Yung- ngan. We have now followed Hung-Siu-tshuen in his remarkable career from the time that he, desponding and sick, was carried home from the examination at Canton, until the period when, at the head of a numerous army of faithful and enthusiastic adherents, he had possessed himself of the city of Yung-ngan, and was by his followers declared Emperor of China. The further course of the insurgent army through the different provinces of Kwang-si, Hu-nan, Hu- peh, Kiang-si, Ngan-hwui, and Kiang-su, where the old capital of the Empire, Nanking, was taken by them on the 19th of March, 1853, is already known to the public. From the books published at Nanking by the insurgents, we find that Hung-Siu-tshuen is now called Thai-ping-wang, or King of Great Peace; Fung-Yun-san is called Southern King ; Yang-Siu-tshin the Eastern King ; Siau-Chau-kwui the Western King ; Wai-ching the Northern King ; and Shih-ta-khai the Assistant King : we also find Lo-thai-kang to be Com- mander of the Forces at Chin-kiang. A strong division of the insurgent army during the same year made further progress through the provinces of Ho-nan, Shan-si, and Chih-li, where they encamped and took winter quarters at Tuh-liu, only seventy English miles from Peking, the capital of the Empire. That they have been able to hold this their position for so long a time, proves the great weakness of the Imperial Government. In the opening of the spring the fate of Peking will probably be decided. The insurgents seem to have two principal objects in view ; namely, to subvert the Tsing dynasty, to abolish idolatry, and to establish the Thai-ping dynasty with the worship of the true God. But taking Nanking and fortifying their position there, they have commenced the foundation of a new dynasty, but the existence of the Thai-ping can only be acknowledged upon the ceasing of the Tsing dynasty. This will in a great measure be effected by the fall of the Manchoo capital, by which the power of the Imperial Government will be crushed, and the last feeble tie between this government and the Chinese people severed. ll. PERskcution 1N KwaNG-TUNG—IMPR1son MENT or FUNG-Yun-san's FAMILY—DEFEAT AT PADDY-HILL–Hung-JIN's Escape.—It has been stated above, that Hung-Siu-tshuen, while he was encamped at the market town in Kwang-si in 1851, sent messages to the relatives and adherents of himself and Fung-Yun-san to join his army in Kwang-si. The year before, when Siu- tshuen had called his own nearer relatives, Hung-jin had been detained from going with them by his friends at Clear-far; he was still engaged as a teacher. Theen-kwet, being unacquainted with the dialect and the proper characters, changed the sound Theen-kweh into T'heen-teh, “Heavenly virtue,” a term more fluent and familiar to them. In this manner T"heen-kweh-wang became extensively known in China and abroad under the name of T'heen-teh-wang, and many were led to suppose that he was a person different from Thai-ping-wang or Hung-Siu-tshuen. This would agree with the statement made by some of the insurgents in Nanking in April last year, that Theen-teh was a name applied to their chief only by “outside people.” 160 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. This time, 1851, he started on the journey with about fifty friends and rela- tives of the two chiefs. Upon their arrival at Tsin-chau, they heard that the worshippers of God had raised their camp and marched away, and that the Mandarins were seizing and cruelly murdering all connected with the God- worshippers. Hung-jin now ordered forty and odd of his friends to return to Kwang-tung, while he with three of the party endeavoured to penetrate deeper into the country, and, if possible, reach the army of the God-worshippers. Fearing to fall into the hands of the Mandarins, who had ordered a strict seizure of all vagrants and suspected persons, Hung-jin changed his family name to that of Heu, and found himself under the necessity of desisting from the attempt to reach his friends in Kwang-si. Upon his journey home, he met with several persons, who were really of the Heu clan. One rich man of this name entertained him for a whole month at his house, and when Hung left, gave him eight strings of cash, forty pounds of rice, and five pounds of pork, under the impression that he was assisting a poor distressed scholar of his own clan. When Hung reached Hwa-hien, the fact of Siu-tshuen and Yun- san having raised an insurrection in Kwang-si was already known to the Man- darins of this province. A police force had arrived at the place, seized people, demolished the ancestral tombs, and were extorting money from the inhabit- ants. Hung-jin not being safe at home, went to live with his friends at Clear-far. Fung-Yun-san's uncle, mother, younger brother, and youngest son, were taken and put in prison. His wife and two other sons succeeded in escaping, and found refuge with their friends in other districts. Thus they also came to Clear-far, and after consulting their friends, who willingly made a collection for their travelling expenses, the eldest son with the nephew of Yun-san, again in company with Hung-jin, set out for Kwang-si. Here they found the vigilance and rigid inquiries of the Mandarins still more severe than the time before, and once more they were obliged to return to Kwang-tung. In the meantime Yun-san's wife lived concealed at Paddy-hill until her hiding- place was made known to the policeman by a man of the name of Wang, who told them where he had seen her. She tried again to flee, but the Mandarin servants being close upon her, she was obliged to hide herself in a small house on the wayside, entreating the inmates not to reveal her presence to her pur- suers. This they promised, and she had nearly escaped from the hands of the Mandarins, but unfortunately a beggar woman had seen her enter the house, and upon receiving a few dollars from the policemen, she pointed it out to them. The fugitive was then taken and brought to Canton, where she with other members of Yun-san's family still remain in prison. The uncle is however reported to have died there. The eldest son, with his cousin and Hung-jin, again attempted to enter Kwang-si, but could not succeed. Many of their friends in Kwang-tung, incensed at the extortion and severe oppression of the Mandarins, were ready to oppose the policemen, and liberate Fung-Yun-san's family; but some of the principal leaders being of a different opinion, the matter was dropped for that time. In the beginning of 1852, Kiang-Liung-chong, the usual messenger of Hung-Siu-tshuen to his relatives Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 161 in Kwang-tung, again arrived with letters calling all the faithful adherents of the several clans to join his army in Kwang-si at the city of Yung-ngan. The Mandarins seemed to be aware of and to dread the growing power of the in- surgents. They in a great measure relaxed their severity in persecuting the kindred of the two chiefs, and they even released from prison an old uncle of Siu-tshuen, about seventy-two years of age. The adherents of Siu-tshuen well knew that they had no mercy to expect on the part of the Government, and thinking the present moment favourable for acting on the advice of Kiang in accordance with the letter received from Hung-Siu-tshuen, they resolved to gather all their friends together, and fixed upon Paddy-hill as the place of assemblage. It appears that Kiang-Liung-chong, who had been witness to the continued success of the insurgents in Kwang-si, had grown too bold and careless. He expected the same result here in Kwang-tung, without similar means and resources, and acted without precaution, thus involving himself and friends in grievous disasters. Before the day appointed for general meeting had arrived, along with “Heaven Cock,” “Cap Right High,” and others of their kindred clans, in all about two hundred men, wholly unaccustomed to fighting, he raised the standard of insurrection, with the motto, “In obedience to Heaven.” As soon as this was done, their act was reported to the district magistrate by people on the spot, and a considerable force of soldiers was sent against them. The insurgents went boldly to the fight, but being few and inexperienced, they were soon thrown into disorder. Kiang-Liung-chong, with about six others, fell during the action, a considerable number were taken captive by the troops, and the rest dispersed. “All is lost 1” cried Cap, who still fought bravely at the side of Heaven Cock, and taking advantage of a thick fog descending from the mountains, they made their escape into the woods. Here they met with Fung-A-shu, the nephew of Yun-san, and a few others of their friends. They were now obliged to leave their native district, and to seek refuge among their friends, or try to get their support in some manner far away from the place of their nativity. The village of Paddy-hill was burnt to the ground, and the fields were confiscated, and made the pro- perty of the Mandarins. Hung-jin with about a dozen men arrived at Paddy-hill just after the de- feat, without knowing anything about this accident. He and all his compa- nions were taken by the people of the neighbourhood, and with their arms tied behind, they were shut up in a house to be afterwards delivered over to the Mandarins and beheaded. The prisoners murmured against Hung-jin, who had brought upon them this calamity by exhorting them to join him in an undertaking, the result of which was quite the contrary to their expectations. Hung-jin, lively and enthusiastic, desirous to lead his friends to honour and to glory, now sat down in the midst of them in deep sorrow and despair, and would gladly have given his own life to save those whom he had brought with him into distress. Feeling the cord wherewith his hands were tied together give way a little, after some effort he got them free, and proceeded to unloose those of his friends who were accessible, and succeeded in liberating six of his 162 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. companions from their bonds. After it had become dark, they opened the door, and in the rainy night hastened away to the mountains. Hung-jin, whose liveliest hopes had been so suddenly frustrated, who had drawn upon himself the hatred and revenge of the relatives of so many involved in the pre- sent disaster, and who had no place of refuge left to himself, now felt his own guilt and despair too hard to bear. He therefore unloosed his girdle and was going to strangle himself, when one of the fugitives came up to him. Hung said, “Try to escape and save your life, I will put an end to my existence in this place.” The other then seized his hand, and drew him forward, exhorting him to continue his flight in company with him, which he did. The next day, when Hung awoke from a short rest in the bush, he missed his companion. He now prayed to God, the heavenly Father, to spare his life and protect him amidst so many dangers. During the day-time he lay concealed in the bush, and during the night he went on. Once the people in search of fugitives passed very close by him, without observing him. Finally, after having passed four days and four nights without any food in the mountains, he arrived at the house of some near relatives in a very exhausted state. Here he was con- cealed six days in a mountain cavern, and afterwards his relatives gave him some money, with which he went on board a passage-boat to go to another district, and seek refuge with more distant relatives of the Hung clan. But even among these, new trials awaited him; for also from their place a few of the Hung clan had gone to Paddy-hill, whose further fate was unknown. Some of the relatives of those missing were now inclined to revenge the supposed death of their brethren, and deliver Hung-jin to the Mandarins, but an old venerable headman took him under his protection, saying that it would be very wrong to injure Hung, when they knew nothing certain about their relatives, who, even if they had met with misfortune, had gone willingly of their own accord, without being deceived or enticed by any one. Hereupon he gave one of his grandsons to Hung-jin as a guide, and this young man, being a Chris- tian convert, conducted him to Hongkong in the end of April, 1852, and intro- duced him to me. I was astonished to hear a person from the interior of China speak with such interest of, and display so much acquaintance with, the Christian religion. I liked to listen to his animated narratives, about Hung- Siu-tshuen, Fung-Yun-san, and their followers, though at the time I could form no clear conception of the whole matter, which then was little known and still less believed. He wrote a few sheets of paper, containing a short account of Hung-Siu-tshuen and himself, which I put into my desk, until I should have further evidence as to their contents. I expected that Hung-jin, who wished to study the Christian doctrine and to be baptized, would remain for some time at Hongkong; but upon my return from a tour of a few weeks to the mainland, he had departed, as he had no means of support in this place. After the defeat at Paddy-hill, A-fong, the eldest son of Fung-Yun-san, went to Canton and took service with a blacksmith. The latter was, however, a very bad character, and having had a share in a robbery and an open assault, Oct. 3, 1863.]." The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 163 he was seized by the Mandarins, with several other miscreants. Here he en- deavoured to effect his own release by promising to deliver into the hands of the Mandarins the eldest son of Fung-Yun-san. A-fong was thus discovered, and brought before the officials, where he however denied being the son of the rebel chief. The Mandarin then ordered him to be brought into the presence of his mother, when the tears of both sufficiently proved the truth of their near relationship. A-fong still shares the captivity of his mother and other relatives at Canton. The blacksmith was beheaded with the other cri- minals. The second son of Fung-Yun-san followed his cousin Fung-A-shu. They had to go through many difficulties, until finally they both found an opportunity to embark with the Rev. I. J. Roberts for Shanghae in the month of July, 1853. It is supposed that about forty of Hung's clan were put to death on or after the above occurrence; and that about seventy others have been transported to distant provinces. It is, however, difficult to know the exact number, and still more so to know the exact fate of each one separately. In November 1853, Hung-jin, who up to that time had been engaged as schoolmaster at some place in the interior, again visited me. He was still very desirous to be baptized, and seemed to be sincere in his wish to serve God. He declared himself willing to leave all matters in the hands of Him, who worketh all things after the counsel of His own will, and to seek above all the kingdom of God and His righteousness. Hung-jin, with three of his friends from Clear-far, have since been baptized, and are still studying the holy Scriptures, with the hope, in the Providence of God, hereafter to be en- abled to instruct their countrymen in the way of salvation. The utter distress of the informant, his friends and their families, decided me for the publication of this little volume. [Note.—The sequel to this history is very long and very interesting. The Tai-ping power has now been about ten years settled in Nanking, the ancient southern capital, and many fair provinces of Central China have been ravaged by the excesses of the Tai-ping and Imperialist soldiery. The contest is still going on, and with somewhat doubtful result.—J. S.] ART. III.-On the Religious Practices and Superstitions of the Annamites. By REINHold Rost, Esq., Ph.D., &c., Professor of Oriental Languages at St. Augustine's College, Canterbury. IN the excellent “Details respecting Cochin China,” which were written for The Journal of the Indian Archipelago (vol. i. pp. 49–65 and Io9–1 18), by Dr. Le Fevre, Vicar-Apostolic of Lower Cochin China, and subsequently re- printed in The Chinese Repository (vol. xvi. p. 584 f.), the question about the religion of the Cochin Chinese is briefly dismissed with these sentences:– “The Cochin Chinese generally are much addicted to religious practices. The Pagans have absolutely the same religion as the Chinese. The learned 164 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. men honour Confucius, and have a sort of natural religion which they do not observe. The religion of Fo, which they call Phát, is that most generally followed by the people.” To these meagre notes we add in the following pages a few more par- ticulars, extracted from a work entitled “ Idea del Imperio de Annam, 6 de los reinos unidos de Tunquin y Cochin China,” by Fr. Manuel de Rivas, a Spanish missionary, who lived for seven years in Annam, and published at Manilla, in 1859, the result of his experiences. We translate from the second edition, which appeared at Madrid in the same year. The worship of idols, to which many temples are dedicated in Tongking and Cochin China, must at an early period have been general among the people; and it appears that the kings took great pains to promote the national worship. This is evident from the size and multitude of the edifices dedi- cated to idol-worship, from the richness with which their interiors are decorated, and from the vast lands with which they are endowed for the decent maintenance of their priests, who are called Thay-But * by the natives, and Bonzes by Europeans. “It seems, indeed, that in former times, when Tongking was under Chinese rule, one of the emperors, Minh-De [i. e. Ming- Ti, A. D. 65], received the statue of a certain famous Indian, called Pho or Phat ; and believing that his subjects would be benefited by worshipping that (in his opinion) sainted person, who was said to have wrought great miracles, he ordered temples or pagodas to be erected throughout his dominions, and these he endowed sufficiently for the comfortable maintenance of those who should wish to devote themselves to the service of the idol, in which the emperor had placed his whole confidence. Very few, however, came forward to lead a solitary life, to pledge themselves to perpetual chastity, and to much prayer and total abstinence from meat and fish; for the Indian saint belonged to a philosophical sect, whose principal dogma was the metempsychosis or transmigration of souls. When the autocrat of the Celestial Empire saw that his subjects were little attached to the new religion, he gave up to it all the culprits in his dominions, remitting them their punishments on condition that they should be employed in the service of the pagodas. All the malefactors (with whom the prisons were replete), gladly embracing the comparatively easy life held out to them, formed communities of monks, who were at first very zealous and observant of the rules imposed on them by the emperor. For, indeed, those monastic practices were less irksome to them than the many sufferings and privations to which they had been subjected in the provincial prisons. Nevertheless, desirous of enjoying their liberty without any restraint, they soon absconded from the pagodas and abandoned monastic life and attendance upon the idol. The emperor, on hearing of this, became * This word is not, as Professor Schott suggests (Zur beurteilung der Annamitischen Schrift und Sprache, pp. 117 and 130), derived from Buddha, but, like its counterpart, the Persian but, from the Sanskrit and Pali bhāta, as is proved by the Siamese spelling of the word. It is therefore in derivation, as well as in meaning, quite distinct from Phat, which is the same as the Chinese Fuh, Canton Phat, Siamese Phút, i. e. Buddha. Oct. 3, 1863.] . The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. 165 furious with rage, and ordering search to be made for the apostates through- out his dominions, he had some punished and others brought back to their monastic duties; but the latter he obliged to have the crown of their heads shaved, and to assemble every two hours at the call of the bell, in order that they might find it hard to escape again, or, if they did, that they might speedily be recognised and taken.” This is, according to the Chinese historians, the origin of the idolatry in Tongking and Cochin China, and this the honourable beginning of the Bonzes. - - Besides the pagodas (called Chita in the language of the country) there are other religious edifices dedicated to the tutelary spirit of every township: these edifices, built after the manner of oratorios or hermitages, are named Nha-Nghe, and the tutelary spirits are designated by the name of Chua (“master') and Than (‘spirit"), because it is supposed that they are the lords, patrons, and protectors of the townships. To them, and not to the idols of the pagodas, do the people resort in times of public distress, such as dearth, inundations, pestilence, famine, war, etc. These pretended spirits were once men celebrated for their virtues or vices, who resided in the town or its vicinity. For this reason many Nha-Nghe are dedicated to famous highway robbers, cruel assassins, and other malefactors who had been quartered for their revolting crimes *. The house or little temple dedicated to the tutelary spirit generally holds one single image, and sometimes none. If the temple is dedicated to a man, he is represented by his statue; if to a beast, the little altar is occupied by its figure rudely carved in stone or wood. At the festivities celebrated in honour of those spirits, the people place as offerings before the statue those things which the heroes of their worship used to relish, when living. In a certain town in which a tiger is worshipped as the tutelary deity, they sacrifice every year a human victim, which they procure by snatching up a heedless traveller; and this unfortunate person they pamper with all sorts of dainties, in order to fatten him up as a worthy offering for their ferocious patron. In another locality of the southern province the tutelary deity is a dog, to whom, on his anniversary, they present an offering of some disgusting matter which I forbear to name. Filling with it a precious China cup, covered with gilded paper and placed on a rich tray, the people carry it in procession to the shrine of their patron saint. Thus thousands of rational beings proceed gravely through the streets amid music and fireworks, and offer devoutly, while bestrewing the ground with perfumes (which there is certainly much need of), the offensive stuff on the altar of their canine custodian, humbly entreating their vigilant patron to be benign to the people dedicated to his service. The third object of the worship of the Annamites are their ancestors, and * Compare the story of the Kan-wang temple given in The Chinese and Japanese Re- pository, p. 106. 166 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. to them certain shrines, Mieu", are dedicated. These are of two kinds. Some were founded in honour of kings or princes of royal blood, or learned mandarins, great generals, ministers, and favourites. These Mieu are public, and not a few of them are built of costly materials and are richly ornamented. Of some of them the monarch himself has the care, and annually offers his sacrifices in person, and at his own expense, employing the higher mandarins as officiating priests. In distant provinces where there is one of those Mieu, the sovereign commissions some great court personage to represent him on festive occasions, when the magnates, the army, and magistrates are obliged to attend. The second class of Mieu is appropriated by noble families, or such as pretend to high rank, for their private worship; there, on certain days, all the descendants of the ancestor assemble, making offerings on a small tablet or board placed on the corresponding altar, which is decked with incense and surrounded with dishes of meat and sweetmeats, just as for a repast. As all believe that in the characters inscribed on the tablet the spirit or spirits of their ancestors reside, the place consecrated to such oblations is honoured by the name Nhà-Té-Tut or Nhà-Tu-Dáng;, i.e. house of prayer. This house does not serve as an ordinary habitation, but only for the family rites and offerings that are made in it once or twice a year before the ancestral shrine. The tablet is called Than-Viš, which signifies ‘throne or seat of the spirit.” On the day of sacrifice those dainties are placed before it, and it is said that the spirit imbibes their most delicate fumes and regales itself with them. Thus people, looking upon the ancestor as the patron of the house, avail themselves of the opportunity to ask him to protect and defend his decendants, and to grant them all sorts of good things, long life, many sons, and those various virtues by which he had been conspicuous during his life-time. In many instances the sacrificing priest and his associates know quite well that their ancestor had been a great scoundrel, and an extremely vicious person, and that the fortunes he bequeathed to them had only been the fruits of his extortions and rapacity. However, such is their ignorance and credulity that they nevertheless pay homage to his spirit, trusting that it may have the power of making them as rich as he had been, and of placing them in as good a social position. A short time before I came to Tongking, the sea threw on shore a dead whale, already in a state of decomposition. The mandarins, seeing that monstrous animal, which was unknown in the country, reported the case to the emperor and solicited an answer. Thereupon they and the other state - . x Jij Mandarin miau, Canton mià. + + 4/K ºr + *II § it! Mandarin jutsi sz, Canton u tsai tsz. ++ r., Z$ I. t #II iii. 9. | Mandarin jusz tang, Canton ii tsz tang. - 1. § ift ſ Al Mandarin shin-wei, Canton shan-wai. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 167 officers of the neighbouring provinces were ordered to repair to the spot where the animal was lying, to make presents worthy of the great spirit as must be that of such a huge creature, and to bury it with just the same solemnity as was the rule with a royal funeral. Not one of the mandarins, all of whom are bachelors and doctors, refused to reverence the carcase, and to offer up to it dainties, incense, and prayers. In these countries magicians, sorcerers, sorceresses, soothsayers, astro- logers, and many other kinds of impostors are in vogue, who prevail by a variety of tricks, juggleries, and deceits on the multitude to part with their money as it were in broad daylight. The natural desire of curing speedily the complaints and infirmities they suffer, the passion for wealth and rank, to which they cannot attain by natural means and their own industry, and the craving for some other casual gain to be obtained through the intercession of the magician or soothsayer, all this taken together with the enthusiastic love of everything marvellous which characterizes semi-barbarous nations, prompts the Annamites to consult day by day those imposters: and though they may see themselves a thousand times cheated and impoverished by the expenses they have been obliged to go to in splendidly entertaining the false prophet, in supplying him with the costly articles he demanded, and paying him for his trouble, which had no effect, nothing will deter them from consulting him again a thousand times, and firmly believing in whatever he says, though it were the very climax of absurdity. Those oracles are always held infallible in their assertions, and if they fail to fulfil their promises, not the science of the magician is at fault, but the star he consulted, which has shifted its course; or the dragon who, stretching himself in his subterranean cave, changed his position; or the nourishment the sick person took, which was of a kind to destroy the “influence of the conjurer's charm; or some similar cause easily invented by those impostors (called Thay Phu Thuy). Magicians and sorcerers are, indeed, prohibited by the laws of the empire; but, as in the case of many other prohibited things, they are all the more appreciated by the people. These cunning deceivers invent a thousand stories and fables, which they tell the people to bewilder their imagination and make themselves feared. So they pretend to form little men of straw which, animated by a diabolical breath, receive life and the power of locomotion, and obedient to the voice of the sorcerer, enter the houses and set fire to them, hug the children to death, take away hidden treasures, and cause much mischief of every other kind. All these formidable operations of the Thay Phu Thuy's power are neutralized by himself by means of certain charms he pronounces, certain oblations he makes to other benevolent spirits likewise subject to him, or certain medicines or beverages he administers to the infirm. While the sorcerers in Tongking are more dreaded, the astrologers are more esteemed, because from their science great riches are expected, which are, as they say, guarded by a dragon dwelling in the bowels of the earth. If he who consults them, when burying his father or some other member of 168 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. his family, so places the head of the deceased person that it looks straight towards the gate of the dragon's cavern, he will be sure to be enriched with gold and silver, and lay the foundation to his fortune, which was before, perhaps, adverse to him. The Tongkingese astrologer pretends to know, by the hour in which the person consulting him was born, the star that rules his destinies on earth : and by certain manoeuvres which he makes in his favour, he displaces that malevolent star and gives him in its stead a better one which will make him exceedingly fortunate. To find the entrance to the palace of the enchanted dragon, the astrologer uses an instrument like a compass, which is furnished with a magnet needle surrounded with many mysterious signs and characters, symbols or emblems of the stars, planets, and constellations, and all that the earth contains in its bosom. Armed with the compass and his stu- pendous science, he signalises to those who wish to escape adversity the spot of the grave, calculating with the most anxious care the site where the defunct person is to be buried or whither he is to be transferred, that is a fixed point at equal distance from the four cardinal points, turning the end of the needle towards the star N. declared hostile, and the point towards the star P. which is considered friendly. If the field which has been fixed upon for the site of the grave does not belong to the family, they have to purchase it at whatever cost, and if they find the owner disinclined to part with it, they take advantage of a dark night, repair secretly to the spot assigned to the defunct person, and erect quickly over the ground a brick tomb, much to the discomfiture of the owner of the soil, who does not perceive it till the following morning, but, though at first annoyed, after a while quietly submits, since the law does not condemn such usurpations of another's property, that spot being, according to the astrologer, indispensably necessary for the repose of the departed person. The soothsayers are equally appreciated and held as prophets. People in their infirmities and difficulties resort to them in order to learn the causes of their sorrows and the means to escape from them. The soothsayers are generally outwardly blind, but possess, as they say, such a penetrating mental vision that they perceive with it all occult causes of infirmities and troubles, distinctly fathoming the mysteries of the soul, scrutinizing the depths of the heart, prying into the most secret parts of the body, and endowed with the infallible knowledge of the properties of all medicinal plants, of the site of treasures, and an infinite variety of other things. The sorceresses claim the same knowledge and power over the spirits as does the male portion of the craft. Both worship the devil with incense, prostrations, and prayers before a small altar which they have in their houses, dedicated to the infernal spirit whom they invoke by the name of Chita, “lord.' The days on which they perform their impious ceremonies are the 1st and 14th of each month. When called in to a sick person, their mode of curing him consists in eating, drinking, singing, and dancing before him, and making a thousand grimaces and contortions to the sound of some small drums which they beat beween their hands, and a tambourin beaten by a boy. This noisy music, which lasts day and night, not only bewilders and stupifies the Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 169 patient beyond measure, but rouses also the whole neighbourhood, and many come to witness the spectacle, remaining for hours to hear and see with open mouths. At times she becomes violently agitated, flourishing about her arms, foaming from her mouth and chanting with a hoarse and sepulchral voice, and turning up her eyes she fancies she sees some supernatural apparition, which unnerves her and causes her to fall to the ground, with horrible convulsions, like one really possessed. When recovered from her natural or affected paroxysm, she says that such and such a deceased person has appeared to her and commanded her to prepare for the patient a certain medicine by which he will be cured. When this supernatural beverage is brewed, the sick person swallows it in good faith : and it is by no means strange that some one or other should be cured by the force of his imagination or the efficacy of the drug which was known to the sorceress beforehand. ART. IV.-A Memoir of Marco Polo, the Venetian Traveller to Tartary and China, [translated from the French of M. G. PAUTHIER.] (Continued from page 129.) The Missiox's on which MARco Polo was EMployed by the GRAND KhAN.—The first mission with which Marco Polo was entrusted by Kublai- Khan was, as he has told us in his book (ch. xv), to a country at a distance of six months' journey. He has not told us where this was ; but from the history of the Mongol dynasty, and from the description which our Venetian traveller has left us of the countries he visited, we may suppose, with a certain degree of assurance, that this first diplomatic mission of young Marco was to the kingdom of Annam or Tonquin. The king of this country, Chin Kwang-ping, having died in 1277, his son and heir, Yit-hwan, succeeded him; and he sent an ambassador immediately to the court of Kublai-Khan to announce his accession*. Of course the Mongol emperor must in his turn have sent an ambassador to congratulate him; and no doubt it was to this embassy that Marco Polo was attached as envoy or second commissioner (fit-s?); for we read in the Chinese annals of the Mongol dynasty't that in this same year a Polo was made commissary or second envoy of the Privy Council (Chû-mi-fu-s2). The embassy to the new king of Annam, although not mentioned in Chinese history, is the more probable, because it was greatly to the interest of Kublai-Khan to main- tain friendly relations with this prince (with whose father he had made war and taken his capital), for in that same year the king of Mien (the present Bir- man empire) on being called upon by him to pay tribute, had refused to do so, and had invaded the province of Yunnan, and had taken the important town, and territory of Yung-chang. The viceroy of this province had to send an army to repel that of the Mien, which retired after having destroyed more * Li-tai-ki-sz, K. 97, fo. 52. vo. + Yuen-sz, K. 9, fo. 17. 170 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. than three hundred small forts erected on the heights and in the defiles of their frontiers”. The description given by Marco Polo of the kingdom of Mien or Ava and of the neighbouring countries, in the cxxth and following chapters of his book, could only have been written by an eye-witness. We are the more constrained to believe that Marco Polo's first mission (after his arrival with his father and his uncle at the court of Kublai-Khan, about the middle of the sum- mer of 1275) was to foreign countries to the south of the Chinese empire, because what is called his “Second Book,” begins with an account of the route they took on this same journey, both going and returning. This account describes first of all the northern provinces of China, starting from Pekin, then Thibet, Yunnan, the kingdom of Mien, Bengal, and the southern and eastern provinces of China, through which he travelled on his return. After this first mission, Marco Polo appears to have been employed with other men of trust, chosen, no doubt, from amongst those at the court of the Khan, to catalogue the archives of the court, during the Sung dynasty. These archives had been sealed, by order of the commander-in-chief, Bāyan, after the occu- pation of Hang-cheu, their capital, which submitted to him without coming to an engagement. Marco Polo, in his description of this city (ch. cli), which he calls Kin-sai (in Chinese King-sz, the capital), tells us that his statistics are taken from a letter of the queen-mother, written to Bāyan, to procure from Kublai-Khan conditions less humiliating than those of surrendering at discretion, and to entreat him to spare the public buildings, the palaces, and other edifices of this wealthy city. The description of Hang-cheu given by Marco Polo from this letter of the Sung empress, which he says he had held in his own hand, was afterwards confirmed by himself, when he visited the same spot. We give a few extracts:— “Tout premièrement estoit contenu oudit escript que ladite cite de Quinsay est si grant qu’elle a bien .c. milles de tour; et si y a xii. mille pons de pierre, si haulx que par dessoubs passeroit bien une grant nauire. Et ne se merueille nulz se il y a tant de pons; car ie vous dis que la cite est tout en yaue, et enuironnee d'yaue: si que pour ce conuient il y ait tant de pons pour aler par la cite. “Encore contenoit ledit escript que en celle cite auoit douze manieres de diuers mestiers; et pour chascun mestier audit .xii. mille maisons on ceulx qui ouvroient demouroient; et en chascune maison auoit dix hommes, du mains (au moins); et en telle y auoit .xx. et en telle y auoit .xxx. et en telle y auoit .xl. Non pas qu'ilz feussent touz maistres, mais ualles menestrauxt qui font ce que le maistre commande. Et tout ce auoit bien mestier (ouvrage) en ladite cite, car d’elle se fournissent citez et uilles de la contrée. “Et si contenoit encore ledit escript que il y auoit tant de marchans, et si riches, qui faisoient tant de marchandises et si grans, qu'il n'est homs qui la * Le-tº-kai-sz, K. 97, fo. 52. vo. + Ouvriers travaillant sous la direction d'un mattre; telle est la signification de valles ménestraur, ce dernier mot 6tant dérivé du Latin ministerialis. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 171 uerite en sceust dire pour la grant quantite qu'il ya. Etsachiez queles mais- tres des mestiers, qui estoient chefs de maison, ne leur femmes, ne touchoient riens de leur mains; mais demouroient si nettement et si richement comme se il feussent roys, Et estoit establi et ordonne de par le roy, que nul ne feist autre mestier que cellui de son père et eust (eut-il) tout l'audir du monde. “Et a, la cite, un grant lac qui a bien .xxx. milles de tour. Et entour ce lac a moult de beaux palais et moult de belles maisons, qui sont de grans, gentilz et riches hommes et puissans, demeurant en la cite. Ety a moult d'abbaies et d'églises de ydolastres. Et ou milieu de cellui lac a deux isles, et sur chascune unbel palais et riche comme palais d'empereur. Et quant aucun de la cite ueut faire aucune notable feste si la fait en aucun d'iceulx palais; car on y treuue tout ce qui a mestier appareillie, comme nuissellemente et autres choses et tout ce qui fait mestier a faire une feste solempnellement. Et tout ce pouruoit le roy, pour honnourer sa gent. Etest ledit palais a chascun commun, qui feste ueut faire. “Aux maisons de ceste cite auoit haultes tours de pierres ou l'en mettoitles chieres choses pour doubte du feu; car les autres habitations sont de bois.” “First of all it was said in the above mentioned letter that the said city is quite a hundred miles in circuit; and that there are twelve thousand stone bridges, so high that a large ship might pass beneath them. And we need not wonder if there are so many bridges; for I assure you that the city is all in water, and surrounded with water: and for this reason it is expedient that there should be so many bridges for going through the city. “Besides this, the said letter informs us that in this city there were twelve different kinds of trades; and that for each trade there were twelve thousand houses in which the workmen dwelt; and that in each house there were at least ten men, and in some there were twenty, in some thirty, and in others forty. Not that they were all masters, but workmen under the direction of a master. And all these had plenty of work in this city, for they provided for the cities and towns in the country. “And the same letter said also that there were so many merchants, and so rich, who carried on such extensive concerns and so great, that there is no man who can tell the truth of it for the great number that there are. And know that the masters of the trades, the heads of establishments, and their wives, did nothing with their own hands, but lived as grandly and as plea- santly as if they had been kings. And it was settled and commanded by the king, that no one should follow any other trade than that of his father, though he possessed the greatest riches in the world. “And the city has a great lake in it, which is thirty miles in circuit. And around this lake there are many beautiful palaces and many fine houses, be- longing to great, noble, rich, and powerful men, who reside in the city. And there are many monasteries, churches, and idolators. And in the middle of this lake there are two islands, and on each of them a beautiful palace, and as splendid as the palace of an emperor. And when any one in the city wishes to make a great banquet, he has it in one of these two palaces; for in them o 172 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. they find everything prepared by the different trades, even the plates and dishes and other things, and all the trades have a sumptuous banquet. And all this the king provides, to do honour to his people. And the said palace is common to all who wish to make a feast. “The houses of this city had high towers of stone, where they kept the valuable goods for fear of fire; for the other habitations are built of wood.” It was in the same province, which was then newly conquered, and, no doubt, about the same period, that Marco Polo was made [as he himself tells us (ch. cxliii)] governor of the town and territory of Yang-cheu, which had twenty-seven other towns under its jurisdiction. “Et ot seigneurie en ceste cite, Marc Pol, trois ans. Et si siet un des douze barons ou Grant Khan.” This town of Yang-cheu, which is now the capital of a department of the province of Kiang-nan, was made in 1276 one of the twelve general capitals of government (Hing-chung-chu-Seng) for the whole of the empire of Kublai-Khan, at the head of which were placed twelve of the greatest men in the empire; but the next year, 1277, the seat of this general government was transferred to another place, and Yang-cheu became a lou, that is, a government a step lower, under the immediate control of the Seng, or general government of Ho-nan (south of the Hwang-ho) and Kiang-pe (north of the Kiang). It was doubtless during the years 1277–1280 that Marco Polo was governor of Yang-cheu and of all the other towns, to the number of twenty- seven, under its jurisdiction. The Italian text of Ramusio says, that “it was by a special commission from the Grand Khan that he had the government for three years”, instead of one of the twelve governors general or viceroyst.” Our French edition, which is more ancient, does not notice this fact (which is historically true, only in this sense)—that the government of Marco Polo over the whole of a large province lasted only one year, and that it afterwards became that of an inferior circuit. It was in this sense that he was made governor, instead of a governor-general of one of the twelve great administra- tive provinces of the empire. This is what none of Marco Polo's commenta- tors has hitherto happened to distinguish. The fact is equally well attested in Chinese history, as are almost all the other accounts. There is, however, one fact recorded by Marco Polo, which does not agree with the accounts of Chinese historians—at least with respect to the date and the names of several persons mentioned. We refer to the celebrated siege of Siang-yang by the Mongol army; a siege which lasted five years;, and at the end of which the Mongol general (Alihaiya, of the Ouigour nation), who conducted the siege, at length succeeded in raising it, by using machines constructed by * The law existed even then in China, and is still in force in the government,"not to allow a man to remain more than three years in any public office in the same place. f “E Marco Polo, di commissione del Gran Can, n' ebbe il governo tre anni continui in luogo d' un de' detti baroni.” # According to Chinese official history, it began by order of Kublai-Khan, in the ninth moon of the year 1268, and ended by the reduction of the town, after the experiment with the new engines of war, in the second moon of 1273. OcT. 3, 1863.] The Chinese d Japanese Repository. 173 foreigners, with which they threw great stones into the place and demolished the houses. Marco Polo says (ch. cxlv), " Et sachiez que cette cite se tint contre le Grant Kaan trois ans, puis (après) que tout le Mangi (la Chine méridionale) fu rendus. Et tousiours il faisoient les gens du Grant Kaan grans assaulx ; mais il ne la pouoient assegier pour les grans eaues parfondes qui sont entour. Et vous di que iamais ne l'eussent prise, se ne fust une chose que ie vous diray. " Sachiez que quant l'ost du Grant Kaan ot este entour ceste cite iij. ans, et il ne la porent prendre, si en furent moult courroucie. Si distrent messire Nicolas Pol et messire Maffe* au Grant Kaan, qu'ils feroient, se il li plaisoit, engins par lesquels ils feroient tant que la cite se rendroit. Quand le Grant Kaan l'oy, si en ot moult grant joye. Adonc firent les deux freres appareillier merrien et firent grans perrières (pierriers) et grans mangoniaus (mangon- neaux) et les firent asseoir en diuers lieux entour la cite. Quand li sires et ses barons virent ces engins dressier et getter les pierres, si en orent moult grant merueille, et moult uoulentiers les regarderent ; car moult leur estoit estrange chose, pource que oncques mais n'auoient ueu ne oy parler de tielx engiens. Si getterent cil engin dedens la cite, et abatoient les maisons a trop grant plante et tuoient gens a merueilles. Et quant les gens de la cite uirent cette male auenture, que oncques mais n'auoient ueue ne oye, si furent moult esbahy et auoient moult grant merueille comment ce pouoit estre. Et cuidoient tuit estre mort par ces pierres. Et tuit uraiement cuidoient que ce fust enchantement. v, " Si pristrent conseil et accorderent qu'il se rendroient, et enuoierent mes- saiges au seigneur de l'ost qu'il se uouloient rendre au Grant Kaan en la maniere que les autres citez de la contree auoient fait. Et ainsi le firent, et furent receu et tenus comme les autres citez. Et ce auint par la grant paour des engins. Et sachiez que ceste cite et sa contree est une des meilleurs citez que le Grant Kaan ait ; car il en a moult grant rente et grant prouffit.'' " And know that this city withstood the Grand Khan three years, after the whole of southern China had submitted. And continually the people of the Grand Khan made great assaults upon it ; but they could not well besiege it on account of the great and deep waters surrounding it. And I tell you they could never have taken it, if it had not been for one thing which I will tell you. " Know that when the host of the Grand Khan had surrounded the city for three years, and could not take it, they were very much exasperated. Then Mr. Nicolas Polo and Mr. Maffeo told the Grand Khan, that if he liked, they would make some engines, by means of which they would work so that the city would surrender. When the Grand Khan heard it, he was very glad. Then the two brothers caused swivel guns and great engines to be pre- pared, and had them placed in various spots around the city. When the " Nous suivons ici les Mss. A. et B., le Ms. C. fait aussi intervenir Marc Pol, comme le texte publié par la Société de Géographie de Paris. C) 2 174 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. general and his officers saw these engines raising and throwing the stones, they were very much astonished, and many liked to look at them; for they were very strange things to them, for none of them had ever seen or heard of such engines. These engines threw stones into the city, and smashed the houses and tallest trees and killed people wonderfully. And when the people in the city saw this misfortune, which none of them had ever seen or heard of before, they were much astounded, and wondered much how it could be. And they thought they should all be killed by these stones. And they all thought that it really was enchantment. “They took council and agreed that they would surrender, and sent mes- sages to the captain of the host that they would surrender to the Grand Khan in the same manner as the other cities of the country had done. And thus they did, and were received and treated like all the other cities. And this happened through their great fear of the engines. And know that this city is one of the best cities that the Grand Khan possesses; for he derives from it much tribute and great profit.” If it were not for the mention of the names of the Polos, we might think that this account was translated from the text of the Chinese historians. These writers say that in 1271 the general Alihaiyu, who had already made war in the west of Asia, proposed to the emperor Kublai-Khan to bring engineers from that country, who knew how to make war-engines with which they could project stones of a hundred and fifty pounds weight, which battered down the thickest walls. The emperor agreed to the proposal, and com- manded that two of these engineers should be sent for. One of them was named Alauting (Ala-eddin), and the other Ysemain *. They built machines which were first used at the siege of Fan-ching, and afterwards at Siang-yang, where they did great damage and caused these two towns to surrender, which were united by a bridge of boats. It would be very natural to suppose that the two engineers or machinists mentioned in Chinese history were the two foreigners who are spoken of in * These details, from the Chinese historians, are given only by Père Gaubil in his Histoire des Mongols, p. 155, and by Visdelou (Suppl. A la Bibliothèque Orientale d'Herbelet, p. 188), without naming their authorities; they are not to be found in the Chinese histories which we possess. The Su-T'ung-kien-kang-mii, which is the general official history, says only that in the year 1273 (K. 21, fo. 44), the general “A-li-hai-ya (who was besieging the town of Fan-ching, opposite Siang-yang) having received from some men of Si-yu (countries to the west of Asia) some new p'ao or engines for throwing stones, upon principles peculiar to themselves, he made use of this new style of engine for the reduction of Fan-ching, which fell in the spring, in the first moon of the year 1273; and Siang-yang capitulated in the second moon of the same year, after having been battered by these same engines.” The Chinese historians tell us “that the interior bore of a p'ao made a noise like thunder (chinlui)a.” It would seem, from this description, that the projectile placed in these new engines of war was thrown out by the combustion of gunpowder, which was already known in China, and not by means of very powerful springs, as in catapults. a Ib. fo. 43 ; and Li-tai-ki-sz, K. 97, fo. 25. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 175 some of the editions and manuscripts of Marco Polo, one of whom was a Nes- torian Christian (the Ouigours were also Nestorians), and the other a German; the name of Yssemain, given by the Chinese historians, may easily be received as an alteration of Alemant. Our difficulty does not lie here, but is found in the date of 1271 being given for that of the proposal made to Kublai-Khan to send for the machinists, and that of 1273 as the year in which the machines were used at the siege of Siang-yang-fu. Every Chinese historian who has written about this siege agrees that this is the date of the taking and surrender of this town to the Mongols”. It cannot be contested as count Baldelli Boni has done, by assigning to it the date 1279 in order to make it agree with the pre- sence of the Polos in China at this latter date. The reasons given by Mars- den are no better. It exhibits great ignorance of the Chinese method of keep- ing the official annals, to suppose that the authors of these annals should have made such a mistake as to date six years back such an event as the reduction of one of the most important towns in the empire. The only thing that can be said to make Marco Polo's account agree with that of the Chinese historians, is to suppose that it was on their first journey to China that the two brothers proposed to the Grand Khan to employ the machinists already mentioned, who were in their service, and whom they would not have taken back with them to Europe, because they themselves had to re- turn to this country to Kublai-Khan, in order to give him an account of their mission. At any rate, those editions of Marco Polo's book, in which he is made to figure at the siege of Siang-yang, are worthy of no credit upon this point. There is no mention of such a thing in our two most ancient manu- scripts. According to one of the chapters in the Italian edition of Ramusio (bk. ii. ch. viii), which is not contained in any of the French editions of Marco Polo's book, the latter was present at Pekint at the time when the conspiracy was formed in 1282 against Ahama or Achmed, who was hated for his crimes and his extortions, and was assassinated in the palace by one of the councillors of Kublai-Khan himself. The details of the conspiracy, of the murder of Achmed by the chief conspirator, the death of the latter, the anger of Kublai-Khan on hearing this news, the disclosures which were made to him relative to the con- duct of his minister, the punishment afterwards inflicted upon his accomplices and upon the members of his family, the confiscation of the great wealth which this dishonest minister, who was a native of Samarcand, had accumu- lated; all these particulars are given in Ramusio with an accuracy of detail such as none but a person who had visited the spot and had held in his hands all the accounts of the trial, such as those of Chinese official historians, could have given. From this fact alone we should admit, without hesitation, that the * This date is the tenth year chi-yuen of the reign of Chi-tsu, and the ninth year hien- chun of Tu-tsung, of the Sung dynasty, corresponding to the year 1273 of our era. + “M. Marco si trovava in quel luogo,” “M. Marco was on the spot." (Ramusio, bk. ii. ch. viii.) 176 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. Polo mentioned by the Chinese * historians, in the matter of Ahama or Achmed, was Marco Polo himself, especially as it is said, in the chapter of Ramusio quoted above, that he was on the spot. Marco and others, they say, were ordered by Kublai-Khan (then at his residence in Mongolia) to set off at once with post-horses to Ta-tou (Pekin) to enquire into this matter and to try the accused. According to the Chinese historians it was Po-lo, who, upon being questioned by Kublai-Khan, after his investigation of the affair and his con- condemnation of the guilty, with respect to Achmed himself, disclosed to the emperor all the crimes and extortions of which his minister had been guilty. This was an act of courage and justice in Marco Polo. It is surprising to find so important a fact omitted in the ancient editions of Marco Polo's book, and to meet with it only in that of Ramusio, which did not appear until 1559, two hundred and thirty-six years after the death of the celebrated traveller. - But it is possible that from motives of delicacy, Marco Polo refrained from giving in his book any account which might militate against the high reputa- tion which he established in Europe of the Mongol emperor, with whom he had remained so long; and the extortions which his minister of finance had practised for nine years, his daily exactions, which had so long remained un- punished, were certainly not to the credit of the sovereign who tolerated them or was ignorant of them. We can thus understand why Marco Polo would not make these facts public. But he had, no doubt, kept an account of them for his own private use, which, after his death, would be found amongst his papers, or, having been related by him personally, they would afterwards have passed, with many other additions, of a less authentic nature, into the Italian edition published by Ramusio. This we believe to be the best explanation that can be given of the fact. After having settled the business of his prime minister Achmed, which brought him a great accession to his finances, Kublai-Khan determined to undertake a new expedition against Japan, and also to conquer the kingdom of Mien. We may assume from Marco Polo's manner of describing the latter expedition (ch. cxx-cxxv) that he himself accompanied it, not as an officer in the army of the expedition, but as a special attaché, with his title of “Second Commissioner of the Privy Council.” We thought, from the first, that we should be able to gather from Marco Polo's book itself, that the first mission on which he was sent by Kublai-Khan, after his arrival in China, was to this same kingdom of Mien, the Birman em- pire of the present day. This second mission of Marco Polo appears to us no less certain. He dates the expedition in the year 1272; but this date is incor- rect, like most of those in his book. This need not shake our confidence in him in the least, for it was very difficult, if not impossible, for him to make the * Yuen-sz, K. 12, fo. 7, and K. 205. Vie d'Ahama:-Su Tung-kien-kang-mou, K. 23, fos. 8–9 –Li-tai-ki-sz, K. 98, fo. 6;-Kang-kien-i-chi, K. 9o, fo. 16;-Fung-cheu-kang- kien-hwai-tswan, K. 15, fo. 9. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 177 Mongol or Chinese calendar correspond with the European. During the whole time of his residence in China, the dates of the years, months, and days must have been written by him, either according to the Chinese or the Mahom- medan calendar; and he must have found it extremely difficult to change these dates into their corresponding European dates, and consequently he must have made many mistakes, without counting those of his numerous copyists, for which he is also made responsible. The heading of the CXXIst chapter of Marco Polo's book runs thus: “Cy nous dist de la bataille qui fu entre l’ost et le mareschal au Grant Kaan, et le roy de Mien.” Chinese historians give the title of King (Wang)* to Siang- taur, who led the Mongol expeditionary army; it was the highest title of the Mongol court, and corresponded exactly with that of marshal. This officer was of Mahominedan origin, as his name implies (Nacir or Naçr-eddin, the re- ligious pilgrim). It was he who, by his skilful management, completely routed the army of the king of Mien, which being mounted on elephants, caused the horses of Siang-taur's cavalry to take fright and run away. He made all his cavalry alight, fasten their horses to the trees of a neighbouring wood, into which the elephants of the enemy were unable to penetrate; and this being accomplished, he commanded them to throw themselves on the army of the king of Mien, which they did, and defeated them. By this means they were enabled after the battle, and simply with the assistance of the prisoners of Mien, to take possession of more than two hundred elephants that had rushed into the forest, and could not get out again. It was after this battle, accord- ing to Marco Polo, that the Grand Khan made use of elephants in his army. None of the Chinese historians enter into the numerous and very interesting particulars given by Marco Polo with respect to this battle and the conquest of the kingdom of Mien, consequent upon it. It is evident that to have written such an account, he must have been an eye-witness of the events he relates. The Birman annals mention this war. They say t. “In the year 1281, dur- ing the reign of Nara-thi-ha-padé, the fifty-second king of Pagan (Pegu), the emperor of China sent a mission to demand gold and silver vases as tribute; but the king, having put to death every member of the mission, a powerful Chinese army invaded the kingdom of Pegu (the Mien of Marco Polo and of Chinese history), took the capital in 1284, and pursued the king, who had taken refuge at Bassein (a town of the kingdom of Ava). The Chinese army was compelled to retire for want of provisions.” This extract from the Birman annals agrees with those of the Chinese, and leaves no doubt about the incorrectness of the date given by Marco Polo for the expedition to the kingdom of Mien. The last mission with which Marco Polo was entrusted by Kublai-Khan before he left China was that to the kingdom of Tsiampa, comprehending * Su Tung-kien-kang-mti, K. 23, fo. 14. vo. + See the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Feb. 1837, p. 1 2 1. 178 The Chinese d Japanese Repository. [OCT. 3, 1863- that part of Cochin China bordering on Cambodia. He travelled by sea on this expedition. His description of this country is particularly interesting. " Sachiez (ch. clxi) que quand on se part du port de Çayton (T'siuan- chéu-fu, dans la province de Fü-kien), et on nage (navigue) en occident uers garbin (sud-ouest).m. v. c. (1 5oo) milles, adonc uient l'en en vne contrée qui a nom Cyamba, qui moult est riche terre et grant ; et ont roy par eulx et langaige aussy. Ilz sont ydolatres, et font treu (payent tribut) au Grant Kaan d'oliphans chascun an. Et autre chose ne lui donnent que oliphans. Et uous diray pourquoi ilz font ce treu. " Il fu uoir que en l'an mil .cc. cens et lxxviii. ans de Crist (1278), le Grant Kaan enuoya vn sien baron, que l'en appeloit Sagatu, atout moult grant gent a cheual et a pié sur ce roy de Cyamba. Et commença, cil baron, a faire moult grant guerre au roy et a sa contree. Le roy estoit de grant aage ; et, d'autre part, il n'auoit mie si grant pouoir de gent comme cil baron. Et quant le roy uit que celluy baron destruisoit son regne, si en ot moult grant douleur. Si fist appareillier ses messaiges et les enuoya au Grant Kaan. Et lui dirent : " " Nostre seigneur li roys de Cyamba uous salue comme son lige seigneur; et uous fait assauoir qu'il est de grant aage, et que loing temps a tenu son regne en paix. Et uous mande par nous quil uuelt estre uostre homs, et uous doura (donnera), chascun an, treu de tant d'oliphans comme il uous plaira. Et uous prie doulcement, et uous crie mercy que uous mandez a uostre baron et a ses gens que ilz ne gastent plus son regne, et qu'il se partent de sa terre, laquelle sera, puis, en uostre commandement comme uostre que il la tendra de uous.' " Et quant le Grant Kaan oy ce que le roy li mandoit, si en ot pitie, et manda a son baron et a son ost qu'ilz se partissent de ce regne, et alaissent en autre pays pour conquerre. Et ceulx, dès maintenant qu'ilz orent le com- mandement du Grant Kaan, si le firent. Si que cilz roys deuint homs du Grant Kaan en ceste manière, et lui fait, chascun an, treu de xx. oliphans les plus beaux et les graigneurs que il puet auoir en son pays. " Or uous lairons a conter de ce, si uous dirons l'affaire du roy Cyamba. " Sachiez que en ce regne nulle femme ne se puet marier si le roys ne l'a ueue deuant; et se elle lui plaist, il la prent a femme ; et se elle ne lui plaist, il lui donne du sien tant que elle se puisse marier. Et sachiez que en l'an mil .ii. c. iiii. xx .xv. (1295) ans de Crist, fu messire Marc Pol en ceste contree; et a celluy temps auoit li roys iii. cens xxvi. (326) enfans, que masles, que femelles ; et en y auoit bien .c. et .l. (15o) qui pouoient porter al'ImGS. " Il y a oliphans assez en ce regne. Et si ont grant bois d'un fust noir que l'en appelle ibenus (ébène), de quoy on fait arches (coffrets)." " You must know (ch. clxi) that on leaving the port of Tsai-tun (Tsiuen- chéu-fu, in the province of Fü-kien), and steering in a westerly course, but inclining to the south for fifteen hundred miles, you come to a country called Tsiamba, which is a very large and rich territory, where the people have a Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 179 king and a language of their own. They worship idols, and pay a tribute of elephants to the Grand Khan every year. And they give him nothing but elephants. And I will tell you why they pay this tribute. “In the year 1278 the Grand Khan sent one of his generals, named Sogatu, with a large force of cavalry and infantry, against this king of Tsiamba. And this general began to make war upon the king and his country. The king was a very old man; and besides, he had not so many forces as the general had. And when the king perceived that the general was ravaging his territory, he was very much grieved at it. He summoned his ambassadors and sent them to the Grand Khan. And they said to him : “‘Our master, the king of Tsiamba, salutes you as his liege lord; and represents to you that he is a very aged man, who for a long time has pre- served his dominions in peace. And he writes to you by us, and offers you his allegiance, and the payment of an annual tribute of as many elephants as you please. And he prays you kindly, and will thank you to write to your general and to his army, that they no longer devastate his land, and that they retire from his country, which they will do on receiving a command from you.’ “And when the Grand Khan had received the king's message, he had compassion on him, and sent orders to Sogatu and his forces to retreat from that land, and to proceed to the conquest of another country. And they, as soon as they received the king's command, obeyed it. Thus it was that this king became subject to the Grand Khan, and he pays him a yearly tribute of twenty of the largest and handsomest elephants to be found in his dominions. “Now having related thus much, we will tell you one thing more about the king of Tsiamba. “You must know that in this country no woman can be married until the king has seen her; and if she pleases him, he takes her to wife; and if she does not please him, he gives her sufficient money to enable her to marry comfortably. And know that in the year 1295, Marco Polo visited this place; and at that time the king had three hundred and twenty-six children, male and female; and at least a hundred and fifty of the former were able to bear arms. “There are plenty of elephants in this land. And there are great forests of black trees, which they call ebony, and of which they make little trunks.” Here again the date is clearly wrong, which is assigned by Marco Polo to his voyage to Tsiamba, now a province of Saigon, which has been recently conquered by France. If we suppose that he touched there on his return to Europe, as he did at Java, at Ceylon, and elsewhere, it could not have been in 1295, the year in which he says he was at Tsiamba. For the naval engagement between the Venetian and Genoese fleets, which was fought near the coast of Armenia, in the Gulf of Lajazzo, or Layas, and in which Marco Polo was made prisoner by the Genoese, on board the galley which he commanded, and which he had equipped at his own expense, is dated 1296 180 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. in the chronicles of Jacopo d'Aqui. From Cochin China, Marco Polo must have accompanied, with his father and uncle, the Mongolian princess, whom they had been entrusted by Kublai-Khan to conduct to the court of Persia. They left the court of the Mongol emperor about the year 1292, since they took two years to travel to Tavris, as we are told in the xviiith chapter, and arrived at Venice A. D. 1295. They were only three months, however, on their voyage from China to Java (ch. xviii). At any rate, we know that Marco Polo, a short time before he left China, had just returned from India by sea, because it was whilst he was relating to the Grand Khan the incidents of this voyage that the envoys of Argun, Khan of Persia, were struck with the idea of returning home by the same way with their embassy. “Et entretant retourna messire Marc, d'Inde, qui estoit alez pour ambassaour (ambassadeur) du seigneur (Khoubilai-Khān); et conta les diuersitez que il auoit ueues en son chemin, et comment il estoit alez moult par diuerses mers” (ch. xvii). The curious description which Marco Polo gives of all the provinces on the coast of India shows that in visiting them he made good use of his powers of observation. DEPARTURE FRoM CHINA.—After having spent seventeen years in the service of the Mongol emperor, and having fulfilled several important missions to various countries of Asia, besides the years spent in travelling backwards and forwards, traversing that extensive part of the world, which was then almost unknown to Europe, Marco Polo returned to his native country, with his father, Niccolo Polo, and his uncle, Matteo Polo, escorting, as we have already said, to the court of Persia, the Mongolian princess, the intended bride of Argun; who died however before their arrival. The princess was therefore given to Kasan, his son, who did not im- mediately succeed to the throne. Kai-Khatu was made king by some of the generals on the 22nd of July, 1291, and was strangled on the 23rd of April, 1295. As this Kai-Khatu, (called Chiato by Marco Polo, ch. xviii,) was reigning when Marco Polo arrived in Persia, his arrival must have been between these two dates; and this agrees with the date of his return to Venice in 1295. Our traveller and the rest of the passengers had a most dangerous voyage from the Chinese seas to the Gulf of Ormus. Kublai-Khan had caused fourteen ships, each having four masts, to be equipped for their use, with provisions on board for a two years' voyage. Some of these ships' crews numbered two hundred and fifty men. “Et sachiez, sans faille, dit Marc Pol (ch. xviii), que quantil entrerent en mer il furent bien .vi. c. (600) personnes, sans les mariniers. Tuit morurent, qu'il n'en eschappa que .xviii. (18). Il trouuerent que la seigneurie tenoit Chiato (Kaikhdtu). Il lui recommanderent la dame, et firent toute leur messagerie. Et quand les deux freres et messire Marco orent fait leur messagerie et tout l'affaire que le Grant Seigneur leur audit commande pour la dame, il pristrent congie, et se partirent et se mistrent a la uoie. Et Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 181 auant qu'il se partissent, Cogatra, la dame (la princesse Mongole qu'ils avoient amenée de Chine) leur donna quatre tables d'or de commandement: les deux de gerfaus et l'une de lyons, et l'autre estoit plaine qui disoit en leur lettre (Persane ou Mongole) que cestrois messages feussent honneure et serui par toute sa terre comme son corps meismes ; et que cheuaulx et toutes des- penses et touz cous (toute escorte) leur fussent donnez. Et certes ainsi leur fu il fait; car il orent par toute sa terre toutes choses besoignables bien et largement. Car ie uous di sans faille que maintes fois leur estoient donne .cc. (200) hommes a cheual, et plus et mains, selonc ce que besoin leur estoit a aler seurement. Et que uous en diroie ie 2 Quant il furent parti, si cheuauchierent tant par leur iournees que il furent uenu a Trapesonde, et puis uindrent a Constantinoble, et de Constantinoble a Negrepont, et de Negrepont a Venisse. Et ce fu a .m. cc. iiii. xx. xv. (1295) ans de l'in- carnation de Crist.” “And believe me, says Marco Polo (ch. xviii), that when they put to sea, they were quite six hundred persons, without counting the sailors. They all died except eighteen. They found that Kai-Khatu had been made king, so they confided the lady to his care, and explained to him the wishes of the Grand Khan. And when the two brothers and young Marco Polo had executed the mission on which Kublai-Khan had sent them with regard to the princess, they took leave, and set out on their journey. And before their departure, Kogatra (the Mongolian princess whom they had brought from China) gave them four golden tablets as passports. Two of them were ornamented with figures of hawks, and one with lions. The other was plain, and bore a Persian or Mongol inscription to the effect that these three ambassadors were to be treated with honour, and conducted through that country with every mark of respect; and that they should be provided with horses and an escort, and that all their expenses should be defrayed. And truly, thus was it done unto them; for during their journey through that land everything they required was abundantly provided for them. For I tell you truly that many a time they had two hundred horsemen, and sometimes more and sometimes less, according to the number required to ensure their safety. And what more shall I tell you? They made a successful journey to Trebizond, from whence they proceeded to Constantinople, thence to Negropont, and finally to Venice, which they reached in the year 1295.” Their RETURN to VENICE.-When our travellers arrived at Venice, after an absence of twenty-six years, which interval they had spent in the midst of Asiatic nations, their friends and relations did not recognise them, and could not believe that they were the Polos. According to Ramusio, who had collected these facts from tradition, the three Venetians were like Tartars, not only in their costume, but even in their countenances and their language, which was scarcely intelligible; for they had almost forgotten their mother- tongue, and could only speak it with a foreign accent, and with a mixture of foreign words, no doubt a medley of Mongol, Ouigour, Persian, and Chinese, which were in use at the court of Kublai-Khan. But they very soon 182 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. resumed European customs, and were sought after by the upper classes of society in Venice. They once more took possession of their palace (which was still standing in the time of Ramusio, two hundred and fifty years after their return from China), where they displayed their riches and the jewels which they had brought back from Asia; which caused their palace to be called “ the mansion of the millionnaires,” carte dei millioni ; and Marco Polo was called “ Messer Marco millione.” He manned a galley at his own expense in 1296, and took the command of it, to assist the Venetian fleet against that of the Genoese, in the Gulf of Layas, where he was taken prisoner, and thence conveyed to one of the prisons in Genoa. He was still there in 1298, as he himself tells us in the opening of his book, an introduc- tion which we shall do well to quote here, because it explains the nature and contents of his book, better than anything we could say: “Pour sauoir la pure uerite de diuerses regions du monde, si prenez ce livre et le faites lire; si y troutierez les grandismes merueilles qui y sont escriptes de la Grant Hermenie et de Perse, et des Tartares et d'Inde; et de maintes autres prouinces, si comme notre liures uous contera tout par ordre apertement; dequoi Messire Marc Pol, sages et nobles citoiens de Venisse, raconte pour ce que ille uit. Mais auques y a de choses que il ne uit pas, mais il l'entendi d'hommes certains par uerite. Et pour ce mettrons nous les choses ueues pour ueues, et les entendues pour entendues, a ce que que nostre liure soit droit et ueritables, sans nul mensonge. Et chascuns qui ce liure orra, ou lira, le doie croire, pour ce que toutes sont choses ueritables. Carie uous fais saudir que, puis que nostre Sires Diex fist Adam, nostre premier pere, ne fu onques homme de nulle generation quitant sceust ne cerchast des diuerses parties du monde et des grans merueilles, comme cestui Marc Pol en sot. Et pour ce, pensa que trop seroit grand maulx se il ne feist mettre en escript ce qu'il auoit ueu et oy, par uerite, a ce que les autres gens, quine l'ont ueu ne oy, le sachent par cest liure. Et si uous di qu'il demoura a ce sauoir, ences diuerses parties, bien .xxvi. ans. Lequel liure puis demorant en la carsere de Jenes (prison de Génes), fist retraire par ordre a Messire Rusta Pisan, qui en celle meisme prison estoit, au temps que il couroit de Crist .m. cc. lxxxxviii. ans de l'Incarnation.” “If you wish to know the simple truth about different parts of the world, take this book and read it; in it you will find the great wonders which are written about Greater Armenia, Persia, Tartary, and India; and about many other provinces, just as our book will relate them to you, all in regular order; for Signor Marco Polo, a wise and noble citizen of Venice, relates what he him- self saw. But there are also some things which he did not see, but he heard them from men of undoubted veracity. Therefore we shall give the things seen, as seen, and those heard as having been heard, so that our book may give a straightforward and true account, without any falsehood. And every one who hears or reads this book ought to believe it, because everything in it is true. For I tell you, that since our Lord God created Adam, our first father, there never was a man, in any generation, who had such opportunities Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 183 for seeing the different parts of the world, and its great wonders, as this Marco Polo had. And for this reason, he thought it would be a great pity not to write down what he had seen and heard, so that other people, who had neither seen nor heard these things, might know them through this book. For he spent twenty-six years in these distant countries, learning all these things. Whilst he was in prison at Genoa he dictated this book to Signor Rusta Pisan, who was in the same prison, in the year 1298.” When Marco Polo left the prison at Genoa and returned to Venice with the French edition of his book, dictated by him to Rusta Pisan, generally called Rusticien de Pisae, he was made member of the Grand Council of Venice. He was, no doubt till his death in 1323, “the best citizen of Venice,” as one of the most ancient records says. From his will (dated Jan. 9th, 1323), which is preserved with those of his uncles', in the Library of St. Mark at Venice, and which M. V. Lazari has published *, we see that he brought home with him from China a Tartar or Mongolian servant, to whom he gave his liberty and a sum of money t. We do not know what became of the letters with which the Grand Khan had entrusted him and his father and uncle, to the Pope, the king of France, the king of England, and the king of Spain, which letters are mentioned in the xviiith chapter of his book. Perhaps the news of the death of Kublai- Khan, which happened in 1294, two years after their departure, and which they learnt in Persia, may have prevented them from fulfilling their mission. We may suppose, however, that they made known to the representatives of these powers, then accredited to the Republic of Venice, their instructions from the Grand Khan, and that the state of Europe at that time, as well as the death of Kublai-Khan, prevented any reply from being sent. The Book which MARco Polo Left; its GREAT INFLUENCE on the GEogFAPHY of The Middle Ages, AND on THE Discovery of the NEw WoRLD BY CHR1stoph E.R. Columbus.-The Introduction to this same book, quoted above, makes known its contents: it is an Historical Description of Asia, nearly complete—of that eastern Asia, whose very existence was un- known before Marco Polo brought out his book. Consequently, when it appeared, it created a very great sensation. It was, in fact, a new world, of marvellous wealth and extent, which was now revealed to an astonished Europe, by Marco Polo. The most convincing proof of the influence of the reading of Marco Polo's book (although it was disseminated only in manu- script copies, more or less altered) is that the discovery of the New World by Christopher Columbus was owing to the reading of the book of the celebrated traveller. “As day by day,” says M. Walkenaër, in his notice of Marco Polo, * I Viaggi di Marco Polo Veneziano, tradotti per la prima volta dall' originale Francese; Venezia, 1847, p. 435. + “Item absolvo Petrum famulum meum, de genere Tartarorum, ab omni vinculo servitutis ut Deus absolvat animam mean ab omni culpa et peccato, etc.” Slavery was still in existence at that time, for the elder Polo, in his will, dated the 5th of August, 1820, also gives liberty to his slaves: “Item omnes servos et ancillas dimito liberos.” 184 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. “people's notions about the countries described by Marco Polo confirmed more and more what he had said, the cleverest cosmographers seized the book; and notwithstanding the brevity and the want of order in his descriptions, they traced on their maps, from these descriptions, as from the only authentic sources, every country of Asia, east of the Persian Gulf, and north of the Cau- casus and the Himalayas, and also the eastern shores of Africa. Thus the mistakes of the ancients about the Indian Ocean were corrected, and names, long forgotten, reappeared. Science was regenerated; and although still rude and imperfect, it was in harmony with the progress of the discoveries and with the languages at that time in use. Then were seen, for the first time, on the map of the world, Tartary, China, Japan, and the isles to the east and south of Africa; and from that time navigators attempted to double the Cape of Good Hope. Cathay, by extending Asia considerably on the east, gave rise to the thought that its shores might be reached and the rich countries of India, by sailing directly westwards. It was thus that Marco Polo and the learned cosmographers, who first gave credit to his accounts, led to the two greatest geographical discoveries of modern times, that of the Cape of Good Hope and that of the New World. The steady increase of light during several centuries has proved the truthfulness of the Venetian traveller's accounts; and even in the middle of the eighteenth century, when geography had reached a high state of perfection, d'Anville followed Marco Polo in tracing some parts of central Asia.” We see from the accounts sent by Christopher Columbus to the king and queen of Spain, and dated from the new continent which he had just discovered. that his imagination was full of Marco Polo's book, and that every discovery he made was in connection with Cathay or China. We quote a few passages: — “This present year, 1492 (January), according to the tenor of what I told your Royal Highnesses about the countries of India, and about a prince called the Grand Khan, which means in our vulgar tongue king of kings; and concerning the fact that he and his predecessors had sent to Rome to ask for teachers of our holy faith, that they might instruct him in it.” (See the passage in Marco Polo already quoted.) In the island of Cuba, one of the first which Columbus discovered, he thinks he sees Zipangu or Japan; he thinks that the king of this isle, like the king of Japan in Marco Polo's time, is at war with the Grand Khan. He says he was doing his utmost to reach the Grand Khan; that he thought he must live in the neighbourhood or in the town of Cathay, which belonged to this prince, a very mighty place; that much cotton might be obtained from Cipango (Cuba), and that they might sell it to great advantage in the large towns of the Grand Khan, which we shall no doubt discover. He says again :-" When I arrived at the isle of Juan, I followed the coast towards the west, and it was so large that I thought it was not an island, but the province of Cathay.” M. de Fréville, in a “Mémoire sur la Cosmographie du moyen àge”,” after * Revue des Sociétés Savantes, année 1860. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 185 having considered the history of the copy of Marco Polo's book given by this great traveller to Thiébault de Cepoy, and the history of those copies which were collected with so much zeal and care by Charles V, great-grandson of Charles de Valois, adds:– “It is evident, from these interesting particulars, that learned Frenchmen (such as Nicolas Oresme) were able, from the begin- ning of the fourteenth century, to study the most authentic ºf all books of travels, and the one best calculated to produce a revolution in geographical science.” THE LANGUAGE IN which MARco Polo's Book was ORIGINALLY WRITTEN. —In what language was Marco Polo's work first written ? Some say, with Ramusio, that it was written in Latin, from Marco Polo's dictation, and that this was afterwards translated into vulgar Italian. Others have believed, like Grynaeus, that the Venetian traveller, in compiling his book, made use of his mother-tongue—Venetian. The latter opinion has prevailed the most. But it is a remarkable fact that Count Baldelli Boni, an Italian, and the editor of two different editions of this work, was the first to show, in 1827, in the preface to his book entitled, “Il Milione di Marco Polo”,” that the Italian manu- script of 1309, the most ancient then known, was a translation of the same book, made from the French copy. This he proved by a comparison of the Italian text with the text in old barbarous French, published in 1824 by the Société de Géographie at Paris. The date of the Italian text was known to go as far back as 1309, because the author of the published manuscript died in that year. He showed that where the French copy says, “Et adonc voz conteron de les (for las, la) très noble cité de Saianfut,” the Italian translator had taken the superlative très for the Latin tres, “three,” and had translated the passage thus: “E conterovvi delle tre nobili città di Sajafu.” In another place he mistakes the word bue, “boue,” for the word baºufs, and writes buoi (“oxen”). Jadis, the adverb, he thinks is a proper noun: “Jadis, uno ref.” Even the text of Ramusio, published two hundred and thirty-five years after the death of Marco Polo, and on which the author endeavoured to impress a thoroughly Italian stamp, presents traces of its French origin, notwith- standing all his care. For in the same sentence in which the Pucciano manu- script takes the word jadis for the name of a king, Ramusio's text takes the word dor (d'or, the name of the Chinese dynasty of Kin, or golden) for a proper noun, and has : un re chiamato Dor (bk. ii. ch. xxxi). MM. Paulin Paris Š, * Florence, 1827, 2 vol. in 4to ; t. i. pp. 12–14. + £dition de la Société de Géographie, ch. cxlv, p. 161. Notre rédaction porte: “Et vous conterons de la tres noble cite de Saianfu.” : “Il codice Pucciano (cartaceo del secolo XIV) dice: “Lo quale (Castello) fe fare Jaddis, uno re.” La voce jadis, che significa: già un tempo, e chee presta Francese, dimostra sempre più che il Milione di Marco Polo, fu dettato in Francese, eche il transcrittore del codice Pucciano ritocco la versione sull' originale Francese.” (Il Milione di Marco Polo, t. i, p. 98.) § Bulletin de la Société de Géographie de Paris, t. xix, année 1833, p. 23 a 31.-Noureau Journal Asiatique, t. xii, année 1833, pp. 244-254. 186 The Chinese di Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. d'Avezacº, Hugh Murrayf, Thomas Wright t, Vincenzo Lazari è have also brought forward proofs in favour of the priority of the French editions to all others. New proofs will be found in the edition of Marco Polo which we are preparing. Ours may be considered as the only authentic text of his work, for it is the one which Marco Polo himself gave to Thiébault de Cepoy, at Venice, in 13o7, as is proved in the preface to one of our three manuscripts, and one copy of which, having belonged to Bongars, is now in the Library of the town of Berne |. We give this preface, which plays an important part in the question : “ Vees cy le liure que monseigneur Thiébault, cheualier, seigneur de Cepoy (que diex abssoille), requist que il en eust la coppie, è sire Marc Pol, bourgeois et habitans en la cité de Venise. Et ledit sire Marc Pol, comme très-honnour- able et très-accoustumé en pluseurs régions, et bien morigéné; et lui, desirans que ce qu'il auoit uéu fust scéu par l'vnieurs monde, et pour l'onneur et reuer- ance de très-excellent et puissant prince monseigneur Charles, filz du roy de France, et conte de Valois, bailla et donna au dessus dit seigneur de Cepoy, la premiere coppie de son dit liure, puis qu'il l'eut fait; et moult lui estoit agreables quant par si preudhomme estoit annunciez et portez ès nobles parties de France. De laquelle coppie, que ledit messire Thiébault sire de Cepoy, cy dessus nommez, apporta en France, messire Jehan, qui fust son ainsnez filz, et qui est sires de Cepoy, après son décès, bailla la premiere coppie de ce livre qui oncques fust faite, puis que il fut apporté ou royaume de France, è son très-chier et très-redoubté seigneur monseigneur de Valois. Et depuis, en a il donné coppie à ses amis, qui l'en ont requis. Et fut celle coppie baillée dudit sire Marc Pol audit seigneur de Cepoy, quant il ala en Venise pour monseigneur de Valois, et pour madame l'empereris sa fame, vicaire général pour eulx deux en toutes les parties de l'empire de Constantinoble. “Ce fut fait l'an de l'incarnation nostre Seigneur Jhesu Crist mil trois cent et sept, ou mois d'aoust.” This passage, which is so important to the history of Marco Polo's book, is not to be found in any edition of his travels hitherto published ; as far as we know, it is to be met with only in two manuscripts: the one belonging to the Bibliothèque Impériale in Paris, and the other (which appears to be a copy of it) in the Library in the town of Berne. The latter belonged to Bongars, the celebrated author of the work entitled : “ Gesta Dei per Francos.” But in the manuscript at Berne, this preface is placed at the end, whilst it is at the beginning of the one in Paris M. When we have extracted our facts from the * Recueil de Voyages et de Mémoires de la Société de Géographie de Paris, t. iv, année 1839, pp. 4o8, 4o9. + Travels of Marco Polo; Edinburgh, 1844, pp. 28, 29. t The Travels of Marco Polo; London, 1854. Introduction, p. 24. S I Viaggi di Marco Polo, descritti da Rusticiano di Pisa, tradotti per la prima volta d'all' originale Francese; Venezia, 1847, pp. 22-28. | See Sinner, Catalogue Codicum MSS. Bibliotheca Bernensis, vol. ii, p. 455. “ “Totum Marci Pauli Itinerarium absolvitur in nostro Codice, capitibus 194, paginis Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 187 somewhat embarrassed style of this preface, which style is a kind of proof of its origin, we find, 1st, that the French edition of Marco Polo's book, accompa- nying this passage, was given by Marco Polo to Thiébault de Cepoy, at Venice itself, in the year 1307;-2nd, that it was not a translation, but a copy, and even the first given away by Marco Polo after he had compiled his book; that it was to be presented in his name to Charles de Valois, son of Philippe le Hardi and brother of Philippe le Bel; and that Thiébault de Cepoy was the representative of Charles de Valois in Venice;—3rd, that this first copy, given by Marco Polo to Thiébault de Cepoy, was taken by him to France, but was not presented by himself to Charles de Valois;–4th, that it was his eldest son Jehan who gave Charles de Valois the first copy made in France of the original copy made at Venice, and given by Marco Polo to Thiébault de Cepoy ;—5th, that from the first original copy from Venice, Jehan de Cepoy, after having given a first copy made in France, to Charles de Valois, afterwards gave other copies to those of his friends who asked for them —6th, that the original copy from Venice, the first of all, given by Marco Polo himself, was retained by Jehan de Cepoy, and was made use of by him in preparing copies for his friends. From this preface we also conclude that the French edition of Marco Polo's book, the origin of which is thus proved, must be allowed to be the only authentic edition known. It is, therefore, a matter of surprise, that this same edition should have met with no editor, for five centuries and a half, in those noble quarters of France, where Marco Polo was so flattered that Thiébault de Ceſby should introduce the first copy of his book, edited in French. The author and editor of this article, anxious to carry out the wish of the celebrated traveller, have undertaken to put an end to this unjust oblivion, by publishing a French edition of Marco Polo's book, from three unpublished manuscripts, two of which belonged to Jehan duc de Berry, who died in 1416, whose signature they bore, and which was still legible, as well as the following sentence: “Ce livre est au duc de Berry (signé) Jehan.” Thus we are supplied with a definite date for them *. This original unpublished text, which may be considered as one of the most curious monuments of our old and naive French language, gives the principal differences in the three unpublished manuscripts, and an extensive geographical and historical Commentary, taken chiefly from Oriental writers, especially from Chinese historians. This first edition of the original French text of Marco Polo's book will be worthy, both of the celebrated Venetian traveller, and of vero 180, seu foliis 90. In fine legitur: Explicitle Roumman du Grant Kaan, de la grant cité de Cambalut.—Postea haec leguntur.—Wees ci le livre, etc.” (Sinner, Catalogus, vol. ii, P. 455.) * L'un deces deux manuscrits, le plus ancien, qui portait sur le dernier feuillet (numéroté 87) lamention ci-dessus, et quiest d’une belle écriture Gothique, survélin, a deux colonnes, porte aussi, au bas du premier feuillet du texte l'écusson de France (trois fleurs de lys d'or sur fond d’azur) peint postérieurement aux enluminures; ce qui indiquerait qu'il aurait ap- partenu ensuite a Charles V et qu'il aurait fait aussi partie des livres de la tour du Louvre. P 188 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. that noble France, as he calls it, whose infant language was even then so beautiful and so general throughout Europe that he preferred it to every other for compiling, by dictating to Rusticien de Pise, that extraordinary book, which was then called : Le Livre des Merveilles du Monde”. Bibliography of MARco Polo.—Although there have been, in all, at least fifty-six editions, in different languages, of Marco Polo's book, all these editions are scarce and even difficult to be met with amongst booksellers. They may be thus classified, according to languages: twenty-three Italian editions; nine English ; eight Latin ; seven German ; four French ; three Spanish; one Portuguese; one Dutch. Total fifty-six. We need not enumerate here each of these editions, which are noticed by Marsden and M. Lazari, in their English (1818) and Italian (1847) editions of Marco Polo. These two editions with that of Baldelli Boni (1827) are the most important we have, on account of the notes they contain; though most of these notes are dissertations on erroneous suppositions. The last abridged French edition, published in a collection of ancient and modern travels, is, with the exception of the prints, utterly unworthy of criticism. We cannot better conclude this article than by quoting the following from Mr. Walkenaër: “It is no marvel that the short account given by Marco Polo should have excited so much interest amongst learned men. When we seek, in the long series of ages, for the names of the three men who, by the vastness and the influence of their discoveries, have most contributed to the progress of geography or the knowledge of the globe, the modest name of the Venetian traveller appears associated with those of Alexander the Great and Christopher Columbus.” * Notre manuscrit coté A porte pour titre : Le Derisement du Monde; celui coté B, qui comprend plusieurs autres ouvrages, porte en tête de la main de Nicolas Flamel, la note sui- wante: “Ce livre est des merveilles du monde: c’est assavoir, de la Terre Saincte, du Grant Kaan, empereur des Tartars, et du pays d'Ynde ; lequel livre Jehan, duc de Bourgoingne, donna a son oncle Jehan, fils du roi de France, duc de Berry et d'Auviergne, conte de Poitou, d'Estampes, de Bouloingne, et d'Auvergne ; et contient le dit Livre, six livres; c'est assa- voir : Marc Pol; Frère Oderic, de l'ordre des frères Meneurs; le livre fait a la requeste du cardinal Taleran de Pierregort: L'Estat du Grant Kaan; le Livre de messire de Mandeville; le Livre de flère Jehan IIayton, de l'ordre de Premontré; le Livre de frère Bieul, de l'ordre des frères Prescheurs. Et sont ence dit Livre deux cent soixante-dix histoires (ou Miniatures).” (Signé) N. Flamel. La plupart des anciennes éditions Italiennes ont pour titre : De le Merareliose Cose del Mundo. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 189 ART. V.--Documents concerning the Present State of Affairs in Japan, in relation to the European Powers, &c. (Continued from page 1 36.) The following is the text of a variety of consular, naval, and civil memoranda and resolutions adopted at Kanagawa between 17th and 25th April last, under which date H. M.'s Consul, Dr. Winchester, is ordered to lay them officially before the British residents in that district:– Memorandum.—A meeting was held at the British Legation, this day, the 16th April, 1863, of the following authorities, videlicet :—Rear-Admiral Kuper, C.B.; Colonel Neale, Her Britannic Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires; Captain Massot, commanding His Imperial Majesty's ship-of-war Dupleic (representing also His Excellency Monsieur Duchesne de Bellecourt, Minister Plenipotentiary of France absent from ill health); Captain de Casembroon, com- manding His Netherland Majesty's forces in Japan; Captain Brine, Royal Engineers. The object of the meeting was stated and understood to be to elicit the opinions of the naval au- thorities respecting the degree of protection which could be afforded by the ships-of-war available to the foreign residents at Yokuhama, in event of the settlement being seriously threatened. After due deliberation and discussion, it was decided that there was not a suffi- cient force at present in Japan to guarantee perfect security to the foreign community in the event of an attack in force by the Japanese. British residents at Yokuhama are therefore individually advised to adopt such measures for their security as may be in their power before the 26th inst., so as to be prepared for the contingency of hostilities being decided on. Arrangements will be made by the officers commanding ships-of-war in the port, in conjunc- tion with the Guards on shore, to render all possible assistance in case of alarm, and the de- tails of which will be communicated in due course. A copy of this memorandum will be transmitted through Her Majesty's Consul to the Consuls of friendly States, for the informa- tion of the subjects of their respective nations, residing within this settlement.—(Signed) Edward St. John NEALE, H.B.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires. Minutes of a meeting of the British residents of Yokuhama held at the residence of Mr. Maine, April 18, 1863, Mr. Hooper in the chair. Proposed by Mr. Rickerby, and seconded by Mr. Fraser, “That this meeting remarks with alarm the discrepancy between the fifth paragraph of H.B.M. Consul’s address to the community on 8th April, 1863, viz.:-‘The Admiral proposes to concert with the chiefs of other foreign nations such arrangements as may best tend to secure the safety of the settlement’—introducing H.B.M. Chargé d'Affaires' despatch of 6th April, together with the seventh paragraph of said despatch, and the third and fourth paragraphs of H.B.M. Chargé d'Affaires' memorandum of 16th April: (v. memoran- dum supra.) Whereas in the former the community were led to expect that their personal security would be a matter of first consideration on the part of their authorities, and in the latter, that this security could not be guaranteed.” Proposed by Mr. Macpherson, and seconded by Mr. Macdonald, “That this meeting therefore respectfully suggests that the first duty of the Executive is to provide for the protection of the British residents in Japan before proceeding to any attack on the Japanese.” Proposed by Mr. Bell, and seconded by Mr. Corns, “That if on further consideration the British authorities still continue in the opinion that, in case of hostilities, perfect security cannot be guaranteed, this meeting desires to know what amount of security they may reasonably expect.” Proposed by Mr. Young, and seconded by Mr. Corns, “That, in the event of the authorities not being able to gua- rantee sufficient security, do they positively recommend the residents to vacate Yokuhama?” Proposed by Mr. Gower, and seconded by Mr. Willgoss, “That, in the event of its being considered necessary to vacate the settlement, this meeting begs to call the attention of the authorities to the absence of a sufficient number of merchant shipping at present in har- p 2 190 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. bour to receive the residents, their families, and foreign servants, and would desire to know what means would be afforded for carrying out that object.” The meeting was then adjourned until 2 P. M. The meeting reassembled at 2 P.M., when the foregoing minutes were read and confirmed (having in the interim been transmitted to the Chargé d'Affaires and Consul), when the fol- lowing resolution was unanimously carried:—“That as the foregoing resolutions embody the feelings of the community, the thanks of this meeting be given to Colonel Neale for the desire he has expressed to consult their interests, and to listen to any propositions emanating from them, and to Mr. Consul Winchester for the kind and cordial manner in which he received the deputation that waited on him with reference to this meeting.” Proposed by Mr. Bell, and seconded by Mr. Hudson, “That there is a strong feeling in this community averse to abandoning the settlement, unless positive instructions are received from the authorities to that effect.” H. J. Hooper, Chairman. BRitish Cossu LATE, KANAGAw A, April 20th, 1863. GENT LEMEN,+I have been requested by Colonel Neale, H. B.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires, to communicate to some of the British residents a copy of a despatch dated yesterday, with refer- ence to the proceedings of the meeting of British residents held at Mr. Maine's on the 18th inst., and beg you will, without delay, make known its contents to the other gentlemen who attended that meeting.—I have the honour, To H. J. Hooper, Esq., and others. C. A. WINchest ER. Yoku HAMA, April 19th, 1863. SIR,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch, No. 11, transmitting to me the minutes of a meeting of the British residents of Yokuhama held yesterday, the 18th instant. I have read with attention the various resolutions held at that meeting. Her Majesty's subjects can hardly expect that I should discuss and deal separately with the several resolu- tions as proposed by individual members and embracing a variety of subjects which might readily be multiplied without limit. A very principal resolution, however, proposed by Mr. Macpherson and seconded by Mr. Macdonald, to the effect that the first duty of the Execu- tive is to provide for the protection of the British residents before proceeding to any attack on the Japanese would appear to require, on my part, some explicit remarks. I have, in the first place, to observe that Her Majesty's Government, after due consideration of the circum- stances attending the disastrous occurrence of the 14th September last, and respecting which such urgent agitation for immediate retribution and reprisal were set on foot by this commu- nity, having deliberately decided upon commanding specific reparations from the Japanese Government, has at the same time furnished me with specific instructions. Those instruc- tions comprise the contingency of coercive operations in the event of the Japanese Government refusing or evading to comply with the demands. On the 6th instant those demands were communicated to the Japanese Ministers; and with due consideration for the embarrassment which the situation of affairs (though long expected and inevitable) might occasion to the Japanese Government on the one hand, and to British residents on the other, twenty days were allotted to the Japanese Ministers for a categorical reply, a period much exceeding that which is usually affixed under similar circumstances. It is, to this date, utterly unknown what may be the reply of the Japanese Government. It is not possible to foresee what amount of force might threaten this settlement; it is therefore equally impossible to declare beforehand what amount of protection may be required, or could be afforded to enable residents to remain in safety in an open settlement surrounded by commanding heights. British subjects were therefore warned of the possible contingency of their residence at Yokuhama becoming untenable ; but though they must have for months looked forward to and expected a demand for reparation on the part of Her Majesty's Government, they could hardly have contemplated the arrival of an army to guarantee their safety without displacement. It may also reasonably be inferred that they took into account all the contingencies, such as stoppage of trade, blockades, and reprisals, which usually attend a non-compliance with just demands preferred Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 191 by Her Majesty's Government. Under all the circumstances, however deplorable it is to contemplate the temporary interruption of commercial affairs accompanied with the personal discomfort to which the community of the open ports of Japan may be exposed, these con- siderations do not constitute sufficient reasons for the abandonment or indefinite postpone- ment of the measures directed to be adopted by Her Majesty's Government to obtain repara- tion for past outrages, and with a view to the attainment of better security of British subjects in future. The instructions of Her Majesty's Government must necessarily be carried out. The protection which Her Majesty's subjects have to expect from the forces now here, or likely to be here, in so open and exposed a situation as Yokuhama, where nationalities are intermingled and possibly entertaining opposite views and opinions, is, in my opinion, such as is calculated to guard them, as far as possible, against sudden attacks by isolated bands or incendiaries, and to protect their embarcation, should the degree of danger which threatened render such embarcation an absolute necessity. I have to request you to communicate a copy of this despatch to some of the principal merchants.-I have, &c., C. A. Winchester, Esq., &c. Edwańd St. Joh N NEA le. Reply of British Residents. Yokuh AMA, 21st April, 1863. SiR,-We have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the noth inst., enclosing copy of despatch of the 19th idem, from H. B.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires to yourself. We observe, with satisfaction, that the protection which our authorities are pro- viding for us is, in the opinion of H.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires, calculated to guard us against any sudden attack, and to protect our embarcation, should the degree of danger render such a step necessary. From their ignorance of the instructions received by H.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires, the community are unable to suggest any practical measures for the safeguard of their persons and property. Yet they are prepared to make the utmost necessary commercial sacrifices, even to the temporary abandonment of the settlement, should their presence be deemed by the authorities as any impediment to the energetic carrying out of the instructions received from H. M.'s Government. The community, however, consider the abandonment of the settlement should be the last resource. Such a step appears to them as likely to encourage the Japanese to future aggression—certain to destroy the prestige which British commerce at present enjoys—and effectually to check the progress it has already made. This community, referring to resolution 5th of their meeting of 18th inst., beg again to call the attention of the authorities to the fact that there is not sufficient shipping in harbour to provide for the safety of themselves and their dependents (the number of whom H. M.'s Chargé d'Affaires has apparently overlooked). Should coercive measures be adopted, this community must necessarily look to their authorities for the means of carrying out the re- commendations made to them. They are impelled to state this from the fact that H M.'s Chargé d'Affaires' first despatch (received on the 8th instant) induced them to suppose that sufficient security would be afforded them by the Executive—and also that they have been prevented from providing such security for themselves (even supposing that all were in a po- sition so to do) by the absence of advice that the place was untenable until two days after the departure of H.M.'s ship Ringdove on the 15th inst.—the last opportunity of communi- cation with Shanghai. In conclusion, therefore, all that this community has to reply to H.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires’ despatch of the 19th inst. is to request that, if, in his opinion, it is absolutely necessary for the residents to vacate this settlement (a course they earnestly deprecate), the Executive should provide the means for carrying out such a step –We have the honour, &c., H. J. Hoop ER and others. Charles A. Winchester, Esq., H. B. M.'s Consul, Kanagawa. For the Information of British Residents generally. - BRitish CoNsulATE, KANAGAwa, April 23rd, 1863. GENTLEMEN,-I am directed by H.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 21st instant, forwarding copy of the minutes of the meeting held at Mr. Maine's on the same date. With reference to the embarcation of H.M.'s subjects, while H.M.'s 192 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. Chargé d'Affaires agrees with the community in considering this event as one of last resort, the possibility of it becoming necessary to do so should be steadily kept in view. In respect to that portion of your letter under acknowledgment which adverts to your ignorance of the instructions which have been received from H. B.M.'s Government, I am to observe that everything contained in them, which could be useful to the community to be made aware of, has already been made public,+viz.: that a demand for specific reparation of past outrages had been made on the Japanese Government, the refusal of which would be followed by coercive measures. The possibility of such measures creating disquietude and rendering the position of the residents at Yokuhama insecure, is the point to which the attention of British subjects is directed. In conclusion, I am directed to state that whenever any reasonable ground shall arise for the belief that the measures above referred to can be avoided, H.M.'s Chargé d'Affaires will take immediate steps for communicating the same to British residents. —I have the honour, &c., CHARLEs A. WiNch EstER. To H. J. Hooper, Esq., and others. For the Information of British Residents. Yokuh AMA, April 25th, 1863. SiR,-Communications have been made to me in urgent terms by the Japanese Govern- ment, which have resulted in the accordance on my part of an additional period for the final and categorical answer to the demands I have made under instructions from H.M.'s Govern- ment. The extended term now allotted will terminate on the 11th May inclusive. At the expiration of that period, if no satisfactory settlement of the demands has been arrived at, the same contingency as to the commencement of coercive measures on the part of the squadron under the command of Rear-Admiral Kuper, and the same risk of danger to the foreign resi- dents at the open ports in Japan will, in all probability, prevail as heretofore to Her Majesty's subjects. I have in the meanwhile informed the Japanese Ministers that should coercive measures be resorted to, it is not the intention of the Admiral to adopt any hostile measures on shore at the open ports, unless the safety of the foreign residents is imperilled by the menaces or acts of the Government or of hostile Daimios. It is, however, impossible to foresee or form an opinion as to the ultimate determination or conduct of the Tycoon's Government. With the extended period before them, in granting which their convenience was a strong element of my decision, Her Majesty's subjects are advised to adopt precaution- ary measures for the security of themselves and property as may now be better within their reach, bearing at the same time in view, that whenever coercive operations on the part of the Admiral may become necessary, the degree of protection which can be afforded to this settle- ment during the absence of the greater portions of the squadron cannot, as far as can at present be reckoned upon, exceed a ship-of war with two gun-boats, exclusive of the guards on shore, and whatever foreign ships-of-war may at the period be present in port. I have to request you to communicate the purport of this despatch to Her Majesty's subjects, as well as to acquaint your colleagues the Consuls of foreign States, that a fresh period has been ac- corded to the Japanese Government, extending to the 11th of May next, for the final answer to the demands for reparation made to it by the British Government.—I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant, (Signed) Edw. St. Joh N NEALE. A. Winchester, Esq., H.M.'s Consul, Kanagawa. The ships of war stationed at Kanagawa on 28th April, were H. M. S. Euryalus (flag), Encounter, Pearl, Rattler, Centaur, Argus, Kestrel, Bouncer, and Havoc; H. I. M.'s ship Semiramis (60), Dupleir, and Dordogne; and H. N. M. (Dutch ship) Medusa. - At Nagasaki, on the 30th of May, the residents held themselves ready to embark for Shanghai, all their books, &c., being already on board ship. H. M. S. Rattler, with Ringdove, were in harbour, but were not allowed to Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese 4 Japanese Repository. 193 land any men for the protection of the foreign settlement. Mr. Morrison, the Consul, retired on board the Rattler every night, but the other residents assembled nightly at the house of Messrs. W. J. Alt and Co. This determi- nation was arrived at at a meeting held specially to consider whether they should abandon the place or remain until some act of the Japanese neces- sitated the step. The following extract from a letter will illustrate how certainly war is anticipated by both Japanese and foreigners at Nagasaki: – “According to the Governor of Nagasaki's notification, as soon as war is declared, all foreigners, of whatever nation, must leave in forty-eight hours; excepting the Russians in port, as they have the war steamer America here repairing, and all the crew and guns are on shore at Inasia Temple. I think the reason why the Japanese allow the Russians to re- main is because they are afraid, as they have a large squadron in these seas. “All the forts and batteries outside at the entrance of the harbour have just received large numbers of guns, and the men in them are reinforced. New batteries are also being commenced on several commanding points on the hills around the bay. At the iron factory, hundreds of men are employed in casting shot. Everywhere preparations are being made for making a desperate resistance in case of attack from the English ; so that I think it was bad policy on the part of Colonel Neale to grant a further extension of time. Daily we observe bands of armed men coming in from every quarter, while the inhabitants of the city and adjacent villages are fast clearing out. The ordinary class of labourers and coolies refuse to work for us; they prefer remaining all day long idling on the Bund, in the chance of plundering the Settlement, to going on board ship to work. We used to pay for coolie hire at the rate of 2+ itziboos for six men, they now ask an itziboo each. Our own servants are all running away into the country, and in a few days we shall have to do all the work we require ourselves. Freights are daily rising; the steamer Hellespont, Captain Mooney, loaded at 1o dollars per ton for your port. Holders of Japan produce are likely to make large profits at Shanghai, and there will be nothing doing for some time but shipping all the export cargo that is ready. Tonnage continues very scarce, and agents of ships are asking extravagantly high rates. “The ships of war in port, after the French steamer Dupleic leaves, will be as follows:– H. M. S. Rattler, Captain Howard ; Ringdove, Captain Brown; H. N. M. S. Vice-Admiral Koopman, Captain Buys; H. I. F. M. S. Dordogne, Lieutenant Vidal; H. I. R. M. S. Ame- rica, Captain Bautlin ; and the Manjoory. Also the Japanese steamers Shantung and Sir Charles Forbes. I hear that the Governor of Nagasaki is anxious to sell the Shantung, as he is afraid that as soon as war is declared the English will seize her. She will, no doubt, be a good prize for the Rattler and Ringdove, as she cost the Japanese Government 135,000 dollars paid in hard cash. She is now in command of a Russian officer; and has made the voyage from Nagasaki to Yedo and back. The Prince of Satsuma bought the steamers Contest and Sir George Grey for 95, ooo dollars each. The steamers Kumsing, Hellespont, and Stork (late H. M. S. Beagle) are here for sale, but owing to the unsettled state of affairs they are not likely to be sold. The City of Nantes arrived this morning; and in the after- noon an accident happened on board. One of the coolies while employed in passing up cargo, fell over the stage into the hold and was killed instantly. It is anticipated that the Japanese authorities will make some fuss about it, or at all events give considerable annoyance to the British Consul, as they say the man was knocked down by a negro in Alt and Co.'s employ. Great credit is due to Mr. Morrison during these “troublous times,’ for all that he has done to protect British interests, and indeed the general welfare of the foreign community, for which he is entitled to their best thanks.” Notificatio N. *- To the British Community at Nagasaki. The undersigned, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul, has received a communication from the Governor of Nagasaki, to the effect that much excitement prevails in the town. in consequence of many rumours regarding an unfavourable progress of negotiations with the British author- 194 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. ities at Yedo, in consequence of which a patrol has been appointed for the protection, night and day, of the foreign quarter. - The community at Oroma has in general better means of information on local topics than Her Majesty's Consul, and has equal means of estimating the various rumours which circulate. As far as the Consul has been able to gather, they indicate a conviction on the part of all Japanese, from the governor downwards to the water-carriers, that the demands made by Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires on the 6th ult, and to which a definite reply was required in twenty days, would be rejected, and that an attempt to enforce them would be resisted. On this subject, however, the Consul is bound to inform the community that he has received no further information or instructions from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires than those which he made known to them on the 14th ult. On that occasion (he may remind them) he was directed to state that the Commander-in-Chief would take such measures for the protection and defence of British subjects in Japan as by him might be considered expedient or prac- ticable. Nevertheless the Consul has not neglected to draw the attention of Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires to the dangerous situation in which this community would be placed by the hostility or fanaticism of the Japanese soldiery being aroused, while for his own part, as the community is aware, he has considered himself justified and necessitated for the public secu- rity in taking the step pertaining to him for the detention of Her Majesty's ships Swallow and Ringdove. He has, further, neglected no means in his power to obtain information affecting the interest of Her Majesty's subjects at the port, and at the proper time to obtain from the Governor such positive intelligence as he was willing to communicate, and such ex- planation as he was able to afford of the public excitement. It was not to be expected that the Governor would afford any very precise information, but the Consul has been able to gather that he shares the public apprehensions as to the issue of negotiations, and the Consul has no confidence in his power to suppress excesses on the part of the soldiery or other disorderly characters, while his voluntary establishment of a guard for the foreign quarter is evidence of his belief in the existence of such danger. The Gover- nor has admitted that he fears the negotiations will not terminate satisfactorily ; that (with all of us) he ardently hopes they may, and he has promised to inform the Consul the moment that positive information of any nature reaches him ; if favourable, for the quieting of appre- hension ; if unfavourable, that British subjects may provide for their personal safety. Her Majesty's Consul is disposed to place the utmost faith in the good disposition of the Gover- nor and officers of the Tycoon's Government towards foreigners, but is bound to confess his doubts as to their power of control over the existing sources of danger. It remains for the community to decide for themselves on the advisability, or otherwise, of preparing themselves for any emergency that may arise, by providing for the safety of their most valuable property, and holding themselves in readiness to embark on board ships at the shortest notice, for it must be apparent to all that, with the small force at his disposal, the senior naval officer cannot undertake the protection of the settlement by land. (Signed) Geo. S. MoRRison, H. B. M. Consul. British Consulate, Nagasaki, May 9th, 1863. - To the British Community at Nagasaki. Her Majesty's Consul has received instructions from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires in Japan, to make known to the British community at this port, that at the urgent solicitations of the authorities at Yedo, he has accorded an additional period of 15 days (to May 11th inst. in- clusive) for the final and categorical answer to the demands made upon the Japanese Govern- ment. At the expiration of that period, if no satisfactory settlement has been arrived at, the same contingency as to the commencement of coercive measures on the part of the squadron under the command of Rear-Admiral Kuper, and the same risk of danger to the foreign resi- dents at the open ports of Japan, will as heretofore prevail. The Consul would again, there- fore, earnestly impress upon British subjects the desirability of their making use of the interval to take all the precautions and make all the arrangements in their power for the safety of their property and persons under any contingency that may arise, and the necessity of Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 195 holding themselves in readiness to embark on board ship at the shortest notice. He would further clearly impress upon them that no more assistance can be expected on an emergency from the naval forces present, than to protect the embarcation of individuals unimpeded by baggage. The Consul has the satisfaction of announcing that the Admiral intends to despatch a ship- of-war to this port as soon as any coercive measures may be undertaken, but the presence of a single vessel is the extent of protection which can be afforded to this port. From the copy of a despatch from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires to H. M. Consul at Kanagawa, the community will gather that the demands of Her Majesty's Government are peremptory, and will not admit of refusal or evasion without entailing a resort to force. In conclusion, the Consul earnestly recommends Her Majesty's subjects to avoid as much as possible exposing themselves to the risk of collision with the strange soldiery in and about this neighbourhood, and with this view, to abstain from unnecessary traversing of the town ; for it is not reasonable to expect that in the present excited state of the time, the Civil Government is as powerful for protection as in ordinary times. It becomes us all to practice the utmost forbearance and discretion pending the crisis anticipated, remembering that not only our individual safety is concerned, but, in a greater or less degree, the conduct of any one person may affect the safety of the whole foreign community. (Signed) Geo. S. MoRRison, H. B. M.'s Consul. Nagasaki, May 11th, 1863. In one letter from Yokuhama it is stated that the American Minister's house has been burned to the ground. The following is from the China Mail:— “The danger which was foreseen is, that the terms of the ultimatum may be so far de- parted from as to cast doubts both upon English promises and threats, and to give the Japanese courage for the perpetration of future acts of patriotism or insolence—according to the view that may be taken of those acts. Prince Satsuma cannot very well be taken into favour without making some very adequate amends for the conduct of his retainers, and the only alternative open to us will be to resume pacific relations with the Tycoon's Government, leaving Satsuma out of the reconciliation, and dealing with him ourselves as we shall consider best. The reports go on to say that a civil war in Japan is deemed inevitable, and this gives strength to our hypothesis. At the same time, even in the cause of humanity, a foreign war would be better than a civil strife that is said to be on the point of breaking out. It is a pity that we cannot trade with a people without also being the direct means of bringing upon the country all the horrors of a civil war. Not that the world would be much the worse if one- half of the Daimios with their retainers were destroyed by the other half. There is no royal road to free institutions and civil liberty, and if these boons are ever to be possessed by the Japanese, the stages necessary for their attainment must all be duly traversed ; and we rather think that years of bloodshed lie between the feudal aristocracy of Japan and the present stage of European advancement. All that we want, however, is access to the country for peaceful purposes of every kind. If we are determined to retain a position in the country it is clear that acts of hostility must be resented, and that without abatement of any portion of the penalty that is demanded. If the Japanese are allowed to ride easily through a crisis like the present, they will be entitled to hope that future difficulties will be as easily overcome.” By the next mail, dating from Kanagawa on the 14th of June, The Overland Trade Report of Hongkong says:— “From Japan the intelligence is most difficult to comprehend. The arrangement referred to in last report has clearly been carried, but all particulars are carefully suppressed. The probability is that wise councils have prevailed, and that war with England has been eschewed. The menacing attitude of affairs drew together about Yedo a vast number of Lonins, that is, the discharged retainers of the Daimios—a most desperate, dangerous class of men. That these men have banded together to kill all the foreigners who might fall in 196 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. their way, the Japanese authorities declare, and make it appear that the difficulty has been to thwart and restrain them. Negotiations have been conducted with the Tycoon, who seems to be associated in Council with the young Prince of Mito, who is known to be adverse to the admittance of foreigners into the country. Whilst these negotiations have been going on, the authorities have managed to frighten every foreigner out of Yedo and Kanagawa too—all are now at Yokuhama. The United States Legation caught fire at Yedo by accident, and this circumstance was availed of to induce the Minister to abandon the capital. The warnings of the intentions of the Lonins succeeded in frightening the foreign dwellers from Yokuhama. “The result of the negotiations, so far, has been a decided retrogade movement of the position of foreigners in the country, for not only are they restricted to Yokuhama, in the Bay of Yedo, but they are actually confined there; for the authorities have given notice that the Lonins swarm to such an extent in the neighbourhood, that they cannot ensure the safety of foreigners beyond the precincts of the limited settlement. Besides all this, the loss of trade to British merchants, pending the negotiations, has been heavy. “The probability is that the British Admiral has been completely ‘choused.’ The Tycoon's Government have doubtless convinced him that they cannot control the country, but that if he will save their faces and keep his demands quiet, they will arrange by degrees. The pecuniary demands will, of course, be satisfied, and as the poor Admiral will doubtless be persuaded that a complete overturn of the Government and consequent anarchy will result by his proceeding to violence, he probably has been induced to temporize and yield. It is the Canton city gate affair over again. The Japanese seem to have had it all their own way, for immediately they had succeeded in driving all foreigners to Yokuhama, matters began to resume their wonted appearance. The servants began to return—artisans could be had as usual—the native shops and houses began to be filled with goods and furniture, and So on. “The closest reticence was observed by the British authorities. It was believed that the indemnity claimed had been paid—that it was entirely out of the power of the Tycoon to surrender the murderer of Mr. Richardson, but that a tradal concession, in the state of an open port, would be given instead.” The following is on the burning of the American Legation :- “On the night of the 23rd May the temple at Yedo, in which the United States Legation resided, was burned down. The fire originated somewhere near the kitchen, and is thought by some to have been purely accidental, while others incline to the opinion that the priest to whom the temple formerly belonged, and who wished very much to get possession of it again, had some cognisance of the matter; and that it was a deliberate act of incendiarism. Be that as it may, we are sorry to hear that it has resulted in a very serious loss to the legation; nothing having been saved except the archives, which General Pruyn, by some extraordinary effort, succeeded in rescuing from the flames. We understand that his Excellency has sustained a loss of personal property to the amount of at least Io,ooo dollars; and that the other members of the legation, in like manner, lost everything except the clothes in which they escaped ; the fire consumed the whole building in an amazingly short time. General Pruyn, notwithstanding this privation, still remains at Yedo with his staff.” No settlement of our demands had been announced by Admiral Kuper, although the last day named, the 21st of May, had passed over. It was rumoured that the prospects of peace were increasing, and that daily negotia- tions were proceeding. Mr. Consul Winchester called a meeting on the evening of the 26th, and informed the residents at Yokuhama that, notwith- standing a prospect of the Japanese yielding peacefully to pur demands, it was necessary for them to maintain the same vigilance against the possibility of an open or secret outbreak. Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 197 The London and China Telegraph of August 28th says: —“Notwithstanding the agreement entered into by Japanese officials to pay the first instalment of the indemnity on June 18th, the day opened and passed without the payment or even so much as any apologetic or other message to Colonel Neale from the Japanese Ministers. Indeed, on the night of June 17th the Governor of Yokuhama stated that he had received a letter from the Tycoon commanding him not to pay the money, because it was impossible for the Gorogio to communicate with officers of inferior rank. The Tycoon had every intention to pay the money, but if he did so he would lose his life. The Tycoon was the friend, and the Mikado the enemy, of the foreigners; the latter had for- bidden the Tycoon to pay, and the former had been compelled to obey, or lose his position. The news, too, he affirmed, had spread among the people, who stoutly opposed the payment. This open and flagrant breach of faith was not to be tolerated, and Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires resolved thence- forth to have no transactions on the subject with the native envoys, and after duly notifying the foreign communities of Yokuhama and Nagasaki of the circumstance, placed the settlement of the business in the hands of Admiral Kuper. The Admiral thereupon notified his intention to commence hostilities in eight days, and advised those among the foreign residents who had wives and families to have them removed if they intended themselves to abide the issue of events. Admiral Jaurez proffered his co-operation, and undertook to defend the foreign settlement. Preparations began in earnest, and continued until the night of June 23rd and June 24th; when about midnight the Japanese officers, not having access to Colonel Neale, went to the French Minister's quarters and sought an interview. The French Minister thought best to accede to the request, and was requested to communicate the fact to Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires, which he did ; but Colonel Neale sent as a reply that, as the Japanese had suffered matters to go so far, the whole sum must now be paid at once, in 440,000 Mexican dollars, to be delivered at seven the next morning. At that period, accordingly, payment began, and was being continued when the mail left. At the same time the Japanese Ministers informed the different representatives of foreign Powers that the Tycoon, then at Miako, had instructed them to obey the Mikado's orders to expel foreigners and close the ports; notwithstanding, the Tycoon's officers expressed themselves willing to enter into negotiations on the subject; but the foreign Ministers, for obvious reasons, declined to discuss the matter, and announced that they would refer it to their separate Governments. The Japanese officials thereupon requested that foreigners would hold their settlements by their own military forces, a proposal evidently intended to shut them up effectually within certain limits, and contract to the narrowest point their intercourse with Japan; the remaining portion of the reparation being left to Admiral Kuper to secure—namely, the trial and capital punish- ment of Mr. Richardson's murderers. Admiral Kuper was accordingly about to proceed to some part of Prince Satsuma's dominions, under the instruc- tions of the British Minister. The Prince's castle at Kagosima, near Cape - 198 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. Chikakoff, was open to attack, or the Loo Choo Islands might be occupied, and their revenues, which belong to Prince Satsuma, might be attached. The Tycoon had been informed of the intention of the British Minister to undertake the task himself of bringing the Prince of Satsuma to terms, and the Tycoon had sent a letter of warning to the Prince, which is reported to have advised compliance. On June 2 oth a meeting of British residents was convened at the Consulate by Dr. Winchester, H. B. M. Consul, who desired to communicate to them the course of events; he stated that as far as the most solemn written obligations could afford any indication, the peaceful settlement of affairs might have been reasonably anticipated, but that it was then useless either to excite or depress their hopes of a peaceful issue. On that day the following despatch had been received by him from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires:— ‘Yoku HAMA, June 20th. ‘Sin —I have to instruct you to adopt as early as possible such measures as may be most effectual to make known to the British community and to your colleagues the Consuls of foreign States the present situation of affairs in regard to the subject of the British demands upon the Japanese Government. The patience and moderation which I have exercised in my communication with the Tycoon's Government, in the earnest desire of bringing about a peaceful settlement of the avowedly just demands for reparation preferred by Her Majesty's Government, are well known and sufficiently manifest. At the most recent date (the 18th inst.) those objects which I had in view were on the very eve of being happily accomplished. The Japanese Government, through its envoys, had, after innumerable difficulties, solemnly and unreservedly entered into a written engagement with me to pay the pecuniary demands at short specified intervals, the payment to have been made on the date above referred to. That day has been reached and is passed, and the Japanese Ministers have flagrantly, un- equivocally, and designedly broken their faith. In the most unjustifiable and audacious manner the Tycoon's Government now seeks to re-open negotiations previous to accom- plishing their solemn assent to the settlement of the pecuniary portion of the demands, and openly declare their intention to withhold all payments, thus most effectually extinguishing all remaining faith in even their most solemn engagements. As Her Majesty's repre- sentative, I have now, therefore, to declare that the utmost limits of my patience (consist- ently exerted and directed to exact the reparation sought by peaceful means, and which I had good reason to hope had been successfully exercised) is now exhausted. Her Majesty's subjects and your colleagues the Consuls of foreign States have, during a period of ten weeks, been at intervals informed that the adoption of coercive measures was an impending contingency, though the probability or otherwise of their occurrence was alternately stronger or feebler as matters progressed. On my part, I have not failed urgently to advise, through yourself, British subjects and the foreign community generally to be prepared for the worst and most regretable emergency which could arise—namely, the necessity which might pre- sent itself (with a view to the security of their persons and property) of abandoning the open ports, while the Vice-Admiral Commanding-in-Chief has as often and as consistently declared his inability to hold militarily the settlement, if coercive measures were actually resorted to, effectually to enforce compliance with the demands. So long as a chance of honest though tardy action could be anticipated on the part of the Japanese Government, I have scrupulously deferred initiating hostilities by an appeal to force. But I now feel myself urgently called upon to leave the adoption of the only measures which the rulers of this country would appear to understand or appreciate—namely, those of coercion—to the Admiral into whose hands I will this day consign the solution of affairs. Thus, within a very short period the policy of expediency, invariably adopted by the Japanese Government, may possibly iead them to repair their broken faith by the actual payment of the in- Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 199 demnities, and a more peaceful aspect of affairs may again present itself, or, on the other hand, the Admiral may have deemed it advisable to profit by the circumstances to carry out some of the operations he may decide upon. Thus, also, Her Majesty's subjects and your colleagues will judge of the measures they may individually deem it practicable and ex- pedient to adopt under all the circumstances here most unreservedly and explicitly set forth. I need hardly add that I shall not fail immediately to concert with Admiral Kuper and Admiral Jaurez (whose frank and cordially proffered co-operation I am assured of) respecting such temporary measures for the safeguard of the community in this emergency as may be practicable.—I have, &c., • Edwand St. John NEALE. ‘To Charles A. Winchester, Esq.” “Another meeting of the British residents was held at the residence of the British Consul on June 21st, when the following despatch from Admiral Kuper was read:— ‘Euryalus at Yokuhama, June 21st, 1863. ‘SIR,-Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires has placed in my hands the solution of the questions at issue between the Japanese Government and that of Her Majesty, in con- sequence of all peaceful and diplomatic negotiations having failed to bring the Government of the Tycoon to a due sense of its obligations. The instructions under which in this contingency it will now be my duty to act will necessarily involve coercive measures to be undertaken by the naval force under my command; and, as such measures will probably lead to action on the part of the Japanese, which would endanger the safety not only of Bri- tish subjects, but also of all foreign residents in Japan, I have to request you will forthwith communicate this circumstance to all British subjects and to the Consuls of foreign Powers, with a view to their immediately adopting such steps as they may think desirable for the security of their persons and property, the force at my disposal being inadequate for the efficient protection of Yokuhama, while carrying out the instructions of Her Majesty's Government in other parts of Japan. In order that the community may have sufficient time to make arrangements for their personal security, I desire that you will inform them that unless called upon by any initiative act of hostility on the part of the Japanese to main- tain the dignity of the British flag, I shall not take any hostile step until the expiration of eight days from this date, inclusive. I have also to acquaint you that all the precautionary measures adopted some weeks since for the speedy relief of the foreign community, in the event of any sudden attack or disturbance, will be continued during the interval mentioned, and subsequently, if possible, with the same vigilance as hitherto, and such additional assistance rendered as will be consistent with the duty of preserving the efficiency of Her Majesty's ships. Under the existing state of affairs, and the great probability of approaching strife and turmoil, I think it necessary to recommend most strongly, that all those of the community who have wives and families at Yokuhama should take the earliest opportunity of removing them, at any rate from the scene of danger, should they themselves determine upon awaiting the issue of events.-I have, &c., ‘Augustus L. Kupen, Vice-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief. ‘To Charles A. Winchester, Esq., &c.’ “At Nagasaki the Japanese had thrown up batteries which command the port and the shipping, whether by the Tycoon's orders or those of Satsuma is not exactly known. An act of hostility had been perpetrated on the American steamer Pembroke, while she was lying at anchor in the inland seas. Some Japanese Government vessels fired upon her, and struck her in several places. The Pembroke escaped by getting up steam and moving off; her guns were lashed, and she made no attempt to use them, all hands being busy getting the steamer under weigh. 200 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Oct. 3, 1863. “The traders were returning with their wives and families to Nagasaki; the soldiers of the Daimios and Government were leaving the place, and several of the foreign residents were living in their bungalows on the hills out of the settlement. The report. that the steamer Shantung was totally wrecked about forty miles from Nagasaki proves to be correct. In addition to that disaster we learn that the small steamer Nankin, recently purchased by one of the native princes, has blown up, with fifty Japanese. The American steamer Kumsing has been sold to the Prince of Itco-chu-zen for 135,000 dollars.” Japanese Hostilities. The Japanese artillery practice in the Simo-no-saki Straits, whilst serving as a striking illustration of the presumptuous folly of a Japanese Daimio, and of the blindness, no less than the weakness, of isolation, assumes a yet higher significance as indicating the importance in a naval, military, and political view of a position commanding these inland waters, which form a convenient route for vessels sailing between Shanghae and Yokuhama. Although the Japanese yet keep to copper cannon and Dutch guns of small calibre, and follow old European designs in the construction of their batteries, the advan- tage of position told on the attack made both on the Kienchang, the Medusa, and the Wyoming. Should France deem the destruction of a hostile fort insufficient atonement, it is in her power to erect a strong fortification on the western entrance, where the strait is but three-quarters of a mile wide. For this purpose she need take but a piece of land from Nagato on the north and a portion of the island of Tsu-sima on the south. The series of forts erected by the Japanese, who estimate power by number, show a keen perception of the importance of the passage, and the ease with which it might be disputed. The new passage by which the Medusa made her escape, on the opposite side of the island, is commanded by the Japanese forts of Kokura, Diiri, and Noja. The long neck of land stretching out at the entrance of the Bungo Channel, temptingly invites occupation. No false conscientious qualms should prevent the British government from taking measures to occupy these positions, which would give to the foreign power possessing them a controlling influence over Japanese policy. The island of Awauji, at the opposite extremity of these straits, offers similar advantages. To justify such an occupation we have but to take the Tycoon at his word. If powerless to control his princes, they must be put permanently in check, and we know no means so effective as our obtaining the command of these straits. The money spent by the Japanese in getting up a navy, five of which were war vessels, was intended mainly to secure the command of this inland sea. These straits are the great artery even of Japanese trade, which is carried on as much by water as land. Under the peculiar political organisation of Japan, with its two hundred principalities, Oct. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 201 each ruler being an absolute potentate in all affairs that concern its internal administration, the Tycoon, whatever the extent to which he may have encouraged the demonstrations – and it would appear that he was lately visiting these very straits—will not be held a party to the outrages committed without proofs of complicity, which, if existing, he will do his best to conceal, and which no party will probably be disposed to look up. We have had enough of Japanese diplomacy; other nations have taken warning from those long and tedious efforts to obtain satisfaction to which the British envoy allowed himself to be committed, and the natural results of which we only ourselves escape by the most summary action, including an undertaking to settle matters directly with the Prince of Satsuma. It is to be hoped that nothing less will be demanded by England and other powers than the throw- ing open the entire country to foreign trade. Submission to restrictions such as the Japanese imposed on the Loo-Choo islanders when these were first brought into contact with commercial nations will never do. Experience has shown that the people are in favour of an extension of foreign connection, and that a great gulf, bridged over by polite and servile forms, lies between them and those Japanese princes and officials, whose rapacity has made them both hated and feared.—London and China Telegraph. Summary of News from China and Japan. The position of affairs in Japan is in statu quo. No apology has been given for the outrage on Mr. Richardson and his party, though the indemnity has been paid. The Japanese are purchasing steamers at fabulous prices, and such as are next to useless—as vessels of war. These, which they consider as prizes, they enjoy by steaming up and down the inland sea. The principal entrance to this sea, the Straits of Simo-no-saki, they have strongly fortified, and they have had the temerity to fire upon American, Dutch, and French vessels passing through it. The Mikado still sits in state as the Spiritual Emperor in Miako, while the nobles or Daimios are showing their enmity to foreigners by a determined opposition,-their desertion of Yedo, and their purchase of steamers and matériel of war. The whole plot would speedily be explored if a British and French force landed at Ossaka, the great commercial emporium, and port of Miako, and showed themselves in force in the neighbourhood of that capital. The Tycoon is the tool of the aristocratic party, and will do what- ever he is commanded to do. He is, as his name implies, simply Commander- in-Chief—a sort of Premier, who may be thrown out of office and power by the more powerful nobles and the puissant barons. Yedo is placarded with inflammatory addresses. The government guards are trebled. The Lonins—(Anglice rowdies, or Braves—) are very strong in that city. Mr. Morrison, H. B. M.'s Consul at Nagasaki, discovered a plot for 202 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. oct. 3, 1863. his assassination, and therefore applied to Yokuhama for a body-guard. The Netherland's war vessel, Medusa, has been fired on by the Japanese, while passing through the Straits of Simo-no-saki. This vessel, with Dutch despatches, had a narrow escape, and was rather mutilated by the Japanese artillery practice. The incident ought to teach a lesson to our Home Govern- ment. There is no time for delay in bringing the Japanese to their senses;— this madness of theirs will entail very heavy losses both upon them and upon us, if they are allowed to go on in their infatuation. The taking possession of these Straits, which has been recommended by the London and China Tele- graph, should be one of the first steps to this end. - The French despatch vessel Kienchang, which was also fired upon, only escaped being sunk by being taken through an untried passage. For these daring attacks the French took summary measures. Admiral Jaurez, Com- mander-in-Chief of the French forces in China and Japan, proceeded to the scene, having landed a body of marines, and having destroyed one or more of the batteries, spiked the guns, and threw the powder into the sea. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. AMong the literary works relating to China and Japan are announced,— to be published shortly :— A French Translation, with Text and numerous Notes, of the Tsien-ts:-wón + #: 3. and of the Săn-ts? king E. ºf: §§ by Professor STANis- LAs JULIEN. And by the same author, A New Translation of the Yū-kiaii-li (a Romance once translated by Abel REMusAT). A Translation of Story from the Collection called Lung-tu-kung-ngan, by M. Leon de Rosny. As well as a Pocabulaire Sinico-Japonais by the same eminent Orientalist. A Treatise on Japanese Botany is announced by M. DE LABARTHE. Professor SUMMERs' smaller work on the Rudiments of the Chinese Language, with Dialogues, Exercises, and Vocabularies, is being prepared for early publication. O X FORD : PRINTED BY T. COMBE, E. PICKARD HALL, AND H. LATH AM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. V. NOVEMBER 3, 1863. ART. I.-Opening Lecture on the Japanese Language, delivered May 5th, 1863, by Professor M. LÉoN DE Rosny, at the Ecole Impériale et Spéciale des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris. I. GENTLEMEN,+Before entering upon the subject of the written and spoken language of the Japanese people, to the study of which this course is to be entirely devoted, I think you will allow me, briefly, to advert to the circum- stances which have led to the establishment of this new course of instruction, and to point out the influence it may have upon our science, literature, and industry, and to show how it may assist in developing our political and commercial interests. The Japanese language, which I am called upon to teach from this chair, owing to the encouragement given to me by his Excellency the Minister of Public Instruction and Public Worship, is at the same time one of the most interesting and most difficult in the Asiatic world. It is also the only one which has produced a literature of any real value, and has remained even to these latter days almost a terra incognita in the vast region of modern philology. The writing used by the Japanese has been one of the greatest obstacles presented to orientalists, and this and other causes have retarded the progress of Japanese studies in Europe for more than a century. This writing, badly divided, and so cursive that it is almost impossible to decipher it, composed of several systems of signs which are continually confounded with each other,- infinitely more complicated and more indistinct than any other language known, seemed to baffle the efforts of the most ardent workers, and all—even the apostles of the Christian faith—complained of it bitterly. Every missionary who has written on the Japanese language has avoided the subject of its alphabets; and in order to account for this silence, one of them, Father Oyanguren de Santa-Inés, has declared that he beheld in these signs “a work Q 204 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. of Satan, conceived with the intention of increasing the trials of the ministers of the holy Gospel.” The use of such a style of writing was not calculated to encourage people in the study of an idiom which another missionary (in the sixteenth century), Father Maffei, had represented as unusually complicated; a language which differed in daily use from its literature, which was different in the epistolary style from that of the books; different according to the rank of the speaker and of the person addressed; differing when spoken by the noble, the citizen, or the labourer; different between the priest and the layman; between men and women ; in short, an infernal language, the like of which is only to be con- ceived of by going back to the time of the tower of Babel ! Then there were none of the ordinary aids to study. True, the successors of Saint Francis Xavier had compiled a few grammars and vocabularies; but these works, which may have been sufficient for the missionaries, were of no use to European orientalists; some of them being prepared solely for the use of the natives, and others having been printed without the original characters, and generally arranged according to a defective plan. The Latin-Japanese Dictionary, in particular, which was published at Amakusa, instead of giving a clear and exact translation of the words sought for, offers instead definitions or locutions which are equally vague and perplexing to the student. With regard to the use of the Roman alphabet for representing the native words, we may easily imagine how unsuitable it is, when we remember that the Japanese make use of signs which recal to their minds certain objects or ideas, but not sounds. When we meet with homophonous syllables—and they are numerous—if we represent these by the Roman letters, they are quite unintelligible. We will give but one example of this. The words I-wo- mirou, thus written, may mean either “I see a physician,” or “I see a pig,” or “I see a wild man,” or “I see a well,” etc. In the native character, on the contrary, we perceive instantly whether we have seen a physician, a pig, a wild man, a well, or anything else. And in the vocabularies above mentioned, we object to the prolixity of the explanations, which instead of enlightening the reader, only serve to confuse his ideas”. This we can easily understand. The works of these zealous missionaries, being of this nature, were of little assistance in the reading of Japanese books, and no orientalist in the beginning of the present century could have recourse to them when seeking to translate even a scrap of Japanese text. Besides * We cannot but object to this view of M. de Rosny. We contend that every human language may be represented by alphabetic letters, the simple expressions of sound. The Japanese do not speak characters, they utter sounds ; and when they say I-wo-mirou or anything else, they must have some method of making themselves understood without the native characters. M. de Rosny's objection to I-wo-mirou would hold good with respect to such phrases in English as “I want a box,” “I posted it.” The drift of a conversation almost always explains the meaning of ambiguous words. Let the Chinese and Japanese retain their crooked characters as a literary curiosity, but for practical purposes and popular use the Roman alphabet surpasses both.-[J. S.] Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 205 this, the events which had closed Japan against the entrance of Europeans, had made these works of the Spanish and Portuguese jesuits so scarce, that very few copies of them found their way into Europe, and when they did come, instead of falling into the hands of those who could have made use of them, they were sold, at extraordinary prices, to rich amateurs, who placed them with great parade on the uppermost shelves of their bookcases. Under the hammer of an auctioneer, a vocabulary, with a Portuguese translation, was sold for 639 francs, at the sale of Langlès”; and the grammar edited in Spanish by Father Rodriguez for 1,050 francs, in addition to the expenses, at a recent sale in Belgium. Setting aside these few books prepared by the jesuits—which are now mere literary curiosities—there were no extensive native lexicons, when Klaproth and Abel Rémusat endeavoured in their turn to introduce into Europe the study of the Japanese tongue. Their first scheme, to bring about the desired end, was to attempt to publish an abridgment of Rodriguez's grammar, which is preserved in manuscript in the Bibliothèque Impériale at Paris. This manuscript, translated from the Portuguese, appeared in 1825 under the aus- pices of the Asiatic Society, and at their expense. In a preface the editor announced that he was placing in the hands of orientalists a work of great sim- plicity, and “upon the correctness of which students might rely.” We have been enabled from experience to form a more just opinion of it, and to see how far this work, patronised by Abel Rémusat, has assisted the linguist. One year after its appearance, Wilhelm von Humboldt, in his review of it, pointed out various eccentricities, which shocked his ideas of philology. He was astonished—and very justly so—to meet with a language whose pro- nouns of the first person exactly resembled those of the second, while those of the third were like the second, without being the first; a genitive particle which was used also for the nominative; radicals which had no signification; conjuga- tions of formidable length; an infinite variety of forms; and “a great array of moods, gerunds, suffixes, and particles, which we meet with in the grammars of Rodriguez and Oyanguren, but which are made to disappear before a system which is adapted to the true genius of the language,” &c. Thus, notwith- standing the most praiseworthy efforts, the attempts of Klaproth and Abel Rémusat very nearly fell to the ground, and this study was well-nigh forsaken, which, for want of sufficient help, was still in its infancy. The Dutch were the only people who were able, by their intercourse with the natives, to remove the obstacles in the way of European orientalists— for they had been permitted to trade at Fira-to and at Dé-sima. Engelbert Kämpfer and Thunberg collected a few interesting specimens of the language on their journey from Nagasaki to Yedo, but these were mostly imperfect and always insufficient to assist in the translation of text. Isaac Titsingh, who was less learned than these two celebrated travellers, conceived the happy idea of taking advantage of his residence in Japan for obtaining, through native * This was bought by the Curators of the Bodleian Library, Oxford, where it is still preserved.—[J. S.] Q 2 206 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. interpreters, a translation of several original works, especially of the Annals of the Emperors, and of the Description of the Three Kingdoms. These translations came into the possession of Klaproth, who presented them to the public, as specimens of Japanese literature. Both these works were unfortunately got up in a very stiff style; and the French version, loaded with long foreign words, was seldom either easy or pleasant to read. They were, however, well received by the learned; and even now, notwithstanding the many contradic- tions they contain, we cannot fail to admire, in perusing them, the talent of the editor, who so frequently and successfully shot beyond the sometimes slow, but always useful and progressive march of Asiatic studies. Still the genius of the Japanese language was unfathomed, and its literature appeared to orientalists like a sphinx with its numerous and puzzling enigmas. A new era dawned upon it with the memorable journey of M. de Siebold, in 1830. Not only did this illustrious traveller make a condensed collection of facts respecting the country he had undertaken to explore, but he also brought home a valuable collection of books which gave, at length, an opportunity of studying in earnest a language which had remained a dead letter, in spite of much talent and many efforts. This collection of documents, entitled Nippon, which is unfortunately in- complete, and formed the Japanese library of Siebold, has enabled M. Hoffmann, the present Professor at Leyden, to remove the obstacles which had stood in the way of Klaproth, Abel Rémusat, and several other eminent orientalists. About the same time a learned Austrian, M. Auguste Pfizmaier, undertook to translate, with the aid of some of the above-mentioned resources, several native works in the Imperial and Royal Library at Vienna, and presented to agreeably surprised amateurs the native characters printed in moveable type, and the first translation of a novel written at Yedo, by Rioutei-Tanéhiko, the cele- brated novelist of that capital. This first success gave encouragement for the future. Still it was necessary, if Japanese philology was to make its way, that the number of labourers should be increased, that the resources which hitherto had been confined to the few who had gained them by hard work, should be placed at the service of all—it was necessary, in short, to publish a Japanese grammar and dictionary. When Siebold brought home to Europe his valuable collection of books, he expressed a wish that they might be useful as a basis for fresh investigations, and he wisely advised that they should be specially undertaken under the auspices of the most experienced sinologues. France, which has done so much to increase our knowledge of Chinese civilization, and which boasts of an eminent sinologue, the envy of Europe, was not likely to remain deaf to the call of the Dutch traveller. With the aid . thefresh resources opened up, and under the everwise and enlightened direction of M. Stanislas Julien, one of the pupils of this learned professor devoted himself to collecting the elements of a Japanese dictionary, from the native works generously placed at his disposal, and whilst analysing the native texts with Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 207 the assistance above mentioned, he endeavoured to compose an “Introduction to the study of the Japanese language” founded entirely on the study of the native writings of Japan. The favourable reception which this essay met with on its publication in 1856, encouraged the author to proceed further in the course he had just entered upon. He began with energy to amplify his Dictionary, and as he was unexpectedly favoured with opportunities of pro- secuting his researches in several large foreign libraries, he was enabled to make a collection of nearly forty-five thousand words, all of them marked with the signs which belong to the ideographic writing, and most of them illustrated by useful examples. The correctness of his conclusions was soon after proved by the appearance of the Japanese Grammar by M. Donker-Curtius, the Dutch Commissioner at Dé-sima, and of the Japanese-Russian Dictionary of M. Goshkiévitch. Japanese studies received a new impetus on the arrival of the embassy of the Tai-coon in Europe. It afforded an opportunity of adding the practice of the vulgar tongue to the knowledge of the book language. The pronuncia- tion and the accentuation of the words, the use of popular locutions and idioms, and the changes in the dialects, were so many new acquisitions. As I was invited, by the kindness of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, to accompany, at the public expense, the Japanese embassy into Holland, Prussia, and Russia, I was enabled to derive great benefit from the instructions of these gentlemen. I shall find it both a duty and a pleasure to make you acquainted, gentlemen, by degrees, with the numerous philological facts which I have collected during the day and night watches which I thus passed in the midst of a small population of forty Japanese, whom I found as amiable as they were enlightened. - Henceforward the many difficulties in our way in studying in earnest th Japanese language will gradually disappear; and if only a few intelligent workers will zealously labour and open out this new and rich mine which is before them, we can foresee the time when the monuments of the Japanese mind will find authorised interpreters who understand the principal European languages. I do not mean to conceal the uncommon difficulties which we shall meet with in our course; but I confidently hope that with your earnest and sympathising presence we shall generally be able to overcome them. But what, gentlemen, will be the benefit of your meeting together here 2 and what will be the use of your acquiring a knowledge of the Japanese language 2 I think the best answer to these questions will be found in a brief account of the progress of civilization in Japan, and of the literature which that progress has called forth. II. The origin of the Japanese people is a question about which there has been much discussion. Some learned men have supposed that they were the aborigines of the archipelago they inhabit; others have thought they could trace in them marks of their having proceeded from the continent. Those who held the latter opinion were influenced by a Chinese legend, 208 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. according to which the celebrated emperor Tsin-chi Hwang-ti—(who perse- cuted the literati, burnt the books, and built the Great Wall—) was said to have sent to the isles in the Far East a company of young people of both sexes, to search for the nectar of immortality; these settled there, and formed the first population of Japan. If we allow any historical weight to this singular legend, we must, however, deny the ethnographical conclusion deduced from it, for the above-mentioned emigration from China is said to have taken place about the year 209 A.C., whilst the authentic annals of Japan go back at least four centuries earlier *. Besides this, the popular traditions of the Japanese, which, when relating to their own country, are at least as reliable as those of the Chinese, all agree in stating that the Japanese are of a separate and distinct origin from other Asiatic nations. They maintain also, that the Japanese are the aborigines of the Eastern Archipelago of Asia, and probably of the whole human race. “Japan,” says a native writer, “is the highest country in the world, consequently it has never been entirely inundated by the sea. It alone has had the means of sending emigrants to the continent, for China and all the rest of the world has been completely depopulated by a great deluge.” It is true that the literati of Japan only smile at the mention of these legends, which are believed by some classes of their fellow-countrymen; and they believe that the primitive inhabitants of their islands were of Mongolian descent. They affirm, however, that they were a self-governed people previous to the times of the first historical records of the Tartars, and maintain that the first efforts of civilization were made by themselves at a time when their nationality was firmly settled, and that too in the absence of all communica- tion with other nations. This opinion, which I have had opportunities of studying and discussing with several learned men of great mental superiority, appears also to agree with the most recent linguistic discoveries on the migrations of the ethnogra- phical tribes, who are classed rather vaguely under the title of the Tartar Family; and I believe that a useful comparison of the idioms of this family with idioms of the Japanese will clearly resolve the problem, at least in its fundamental characteristics, and will throw light on the early history and the filiation of these numerous and evidently related tribes which exist in close proximity to each other from the shores of the Bosphorus to the confines of the extreme East. Modern philology has lighted up successfully the dark labyrinth of the origin of the Semitic and Indo-European tribes: and we are warranted in believing that it will soon be equally successful in tracing the origin of the Tartars. In northern Asia, history is a thing of comparatively modern date: monu- ments are wanting; we are left in complete uncertainty with regard to the part formerly taken in the work of progress by that wandering and warlike * Siebold goes farther: he thinks the Japanese had chronological records before the reign of their emperor Zin-mu, that is to say, before the year 660 B.C. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 209 race, which, led successively by Attila, Gengiskhan, and Tamerlane, seems to have had no other mission than to mark through the heart of the ancient world a pathway for itself, continually stained with blood, and lightened up by repeated conflagrations. A knowledge of the Japanese language will be of immense use in the enquiry. This language presents us with remarkable affi- nities between the idioms in use on the Byzantine shore and those of the isles of eastern Asia; in all the countries which lie between these extreme limits, we find grammatical analogies and similarities in their vocabularies, which, if not very numerous, are nevertheless very full of meaning in their nature, and very evident to the most fastidious critic. The case is exactly similar in the philological consideration of Chinese anti- quity. Japanese literature has preserved for us many vestiges of the language generally spread over China at the time when these two nations first entered into communication with each other. The archaic pronunciation of the figurative signs in Chinese has been strictly adhered to, at least with respect to its fundamental characters; and this is done by means of a phonetic writing, which is consequently capable of ex- pressing in a defined manner the various intonations of the voice. Old and obsolete locutions amongst the Chinese in the present day are met with once more with their original form, and even the grammatical changes which time has brought about can be traced in Japanese, so that we can dis- cover what was the mode of speaking on the Asiatic continent in the far distant period of the Han dynasty”. These linguistic witnesses of former ages are of the greatest importance, when we remember that they open up a safe path by which the learned may travel back to what we are accustomed to call the primitive state of language. They provide us with a guide, and a scientific one, in our search into the state of man when emerging from barbarism—they cast on our path a ray of light, which, penetrating here and there into the depths of the past, recovers from the darkness of more than thirty centuries' growth most reliable landmarks to lead us into the track of our primaeval ancestors. But it is not only in ethnography and language that we derive unlooked- for assistance through a knowledge of Japanese ; but also in the history and the explanation of one of the most extraordinary forms of religion which the human mind ever invented; namely, Buddhism. The doctrine of Sakya-Muni was introduced into China during the first cen- tury, and it reached the peninsula of Corea in A.D.372, from whence it entered the Japanese archipelago about two centuries later. Notwithstanding the strictly peaceable nature of its precepts and the superhuman enthusiasm of its propagators, it met with the greatest opposition on its introduction into Japan. The kings of this country, who in the character of direct descendants from Ama-terazu-oho-kami, “the great genius shining in the sky,” (that is, “the sun,”) united in their persons the civil and religious power, were by no means * This dynasty commenced in the year 202 B.C. 210 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. pleased to see the promulgation of a foreign religion supplanting that of the nation. However, they could not long resist the influence of the missionaries of the new faith, and they soon decided to embrace it themselves, intending afterwards, from political motives, to endeavour to reconcile its doctrines with the precepts of the ancient worship followed by their forefathers. Almost as soon as Buddhism entered Japan many Indian and Chinese bonzes came and settled there, and brought with them the sacred books of Sakya and the works required for their exposition and development. Monasteries were built at all points of the archipelago, and they strictly conformed to the law that each one should possess a library. They invented a style of writing somewhat resem- bling the landza of Thibet, in order to represent the Indian words in the translations, which they lost no time in publishing to assist the people in com- prehending the ecclesiastical canons. Buddhism spread very rapidly, and soon produced skilful expounders who made clear to the people both its principles and its aim. Then followed discussions amongst them, from which arose various sects which counted many followers, who generally gave a written account of their reasons for dissenting from their brethren. Some of them attained a high state of philosophy; while amongst the masses they taught only the letter of a religion which was daily losing more and more of its spirit, yet in a few retired monasteries, they based this same religion upon a superior system of metaphysics, which, if it was ever equalled, was certainly never sur- passed in the East +. Thus we see that a knowledge of Japanese will help us very considerably in the study of the Buddhist religion; and besides the interest we feel in knowing the writings of these different sects, there are, no doubt, in the libraries of the Japanese monasteries, original copies of Buddhist works, which are no longer to be met with either in India or China, and which will explain to us several doctrines of Sakya-Muni which have never yet been understood. I cannot now dwell upon those literary works of China which the Japanese have translated and commentated, nor upon the great philological and critical labours they have undertaken on the works of Confucius and of the other moralists and philosophers of the Celestial Empire. To give you a bare sum- mary of this branch of Japanese literature, would carry me beyond the bounds I have assigned to myself, and would delay the explanation of the text which I am impatient to enter upon with you. In carrying out my plan, I have only now to add a few words on the progress of national literature in Japan in the past and upon the present state of civilization in this remarkable empire of the Far East. Very few nations of Asia possess such a rich and varied native literature as Japan; not one exhibits such activity in carrying on printing and book- making. Every year, Miako, Yedo, Osaka, Nagasaki, and many other towns of less note issue from the press new editions of ancient works which are valued in the country, or bring out new works to be criticized by the various classes of * See Siebold, Archiv zur Beschreibung von Japan. Nippon, V. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 211 the community. The Japanese islanders are passionately fond of reading, and the ladies especially devote most of their spare time to it. This taste is so thoroughly worked into all classes of the people, that, as the Russian captain, Golovnin, remarks, even the common soldier reads from morning to night as he keeps guard in his sentry-box' The first period of Japanese literature is remarkable for collections of poems and popular songs, written in the ancient language of Yamato. This expressive and sonorous idiom of the ancient inhabitants of Japan has survived the succes- sion of centuries without being changed by contact with foreign idioms. Pure in its charming simplicity, it gives no access to the redundant monosyllables of the Chinese language, and thus preserves to us the unaltered verb of the first ages, in all its freshness. The next compositions were historical and religious plays, in the dialect of Yamato; and in the present day, it is in this curious dialect that the poets write who are assembled at Miako, the capital of the empire, to enliven with their songs the palace of the sovereign pontiff. Soon after the plays, many historical works made their appearance in Japan. We know only the titles of the best of these. Some, however, have reached Europe, of decided literary merit. We must not form our opinion of Japanese historians from the work of the monk Ryun-sai Rin-ziu, the only thing of the kind that has yet been translated; for being nothing more than a chronological table of the succession of the Mikados, it can give us no idea of the real style of the historians, such as Nippon-ki and Dai-hei-ki, which I purpose studying with you at the end of this half-year. For the lovers of light literature, there is a host of novels, of every kind, appearing annually in Japan, to beguile the leisure hours of ladies and young people. Some of these novels would meet with a certain degree of success, no doubt, in Europe; others, on the contrary, would only interest a few readers, who might be curious to know the singular social customs of one of the most strangely-organized nations in the world. I will not notice that endless stream of novels pouring forth from age to age, and which would probably not meet with the same favourable reception in Paris as they do regularly in the chief cities of Japan, on their periodical publication*. Their numerous geographical treatises would have only a secondary claim on our notice. We must except, however, the ancient accounts of the Buddhist pilgrims, which are very scarce in China, and which, according to my learned friend Sai-to Dai-no Zin, are easily found in the libraries in Miako, Yedo, Osaka, and other large towns. Those who are interested in the geography of Japan in particular, will easily meet with manuals of topography, of remark- able exactness, and road-maps in which nothing is omitted which is likely to interest tourists travelling through the country by short stages. * It would be curious to bring from Japan the imaginary history of the Isle of Si-kok, said to be one of the most remarkable productions of this kind, and which was published at Yedo by the noted novelist Riutei Tanehiko, under the title of Pude-no ournt Si-kok-no kiki-gaki. 212 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. It is probable that the richest branches of Japanese literature are those of medicine and natural history. The literati of the country have produced an incredible number of works on everything that in the least concerns these two great sciences. Amongst a people so remarkable for close observation, such writings will necessarily contain many facts entirely unknown to us. The greatest discoveries have often been made by chance; researches conducted according to the most learned systems often, on the contrary, produce but meagre results. Uncivilized nations know nothing of pathology; but, on the other hand, they know by tradition or by experience the qualities of many vegetables, and by this means cure as many patients as do those nations which have their physicians and schools of medicine. Much more may we expect to meet with useful inventions in an enlightened nation such as this, which has often shown itself remarkable for having received great natural gifts. In Japan the natural and medical sciences are developed under two aspects, which are equally interesting. On the one hand, there is the old school, which studies only the healing properties of herbs; on the other, the new school, which, studying the principles of human physiology, and following the progress of our healing art, endeavours to apply to European modes of curing, the facts which their native surgeons have dis- covered by observation. Every year numerous publications make us ac- quainted with the labours of the partisans of each school. The Japanese have given much attention to the positive sciences. The scholars in the embassy of the Tai-coon frequently told me that their fellow- countrymen were quite equal to us in mathematics; and they even affirmed that in algebra they had not only simplified several problems, but had also resolved some which were still a puzzle to us. I do not mean to support these assertions, but I think they deserve attention; first because they agree with the accounts brought us by travellers *, and also because they seem to be confirmed by the curious memoir of M. Biernatzkit, and by the opinion of the illustrious Biot. This much lamented scholar once told me, that many facts concurred to prevent him from entirely disbelieving the assertions of the Japanese on the subject of mathematics, and that he would endeavour, some day, to publish his reasons for thus thinking. However this may be, we cannot but attribute great scientific knowledge to a nation which has trans- lated into its own language the works of Laplace t, the Astronomy of Lalandeś, &c. &c. The style of Japanese scientific works, of their treatises on botany, and especially of those on medicine, is generally very simple: they will present no great difficulties to those who devote themselves to this study in particular, * See especially Bernhardi Wareni, Descriptio regni Japoniae, p. 77. + In the Journal für die reine und angewandte Mathematik, von A. L. Crelle. Berlin, 1856, in 4to. # According to Jomard, of the Institut. § On the testimony of Captain Golovnin, of the Russian navy, who was in captivity in Japan from the year 1811 to 1813. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 213 and there is every reason to believe that they will soon be rewarded for their expenditure of time in this study. The same may be said of their works on the industrial arts. We all know that they have attained great superiority in certain branches of the arts, amongst others, in their tempering of metals, the manufacture of sharp weapons, of china and laquer work, in making silk fabrics, &c. Several of their processes in paper-making, ink-manufacture, printing in colours, and dyeing, are equally worthy of engaging your attention. But I must draw this lecture to a close. I could say to you, as Francis Xavier said to Ignatius Loyala, “I do not know where to stop when I am speaking of the Japanese; they are truly the delight of my heart.” Those of you who persevere in the study of their language, and who may come into friendly contact with them, will refute the unjust opinions pronounced upon them by persons who have visited them without being able to communicate with them. You will certainly say, with Father Froës, “that the Japanese excel many European nations in the kindliness and honesty of their nature, and the superiority of their minds.” You will also add that these islanders possess intellectual qualities which for a long time past seem to have slumbered in other Asiatic nations. “Two centuries of peace,” says Siebold, the celebrated Dutch traveller, “have raised Japanese civilization above that of all other countries of the world outside of Europe. Japan alone, of all the nations of the East, full of energy and vitality, strides along independently with rapid step towards the future; she alone, without the least pressure from without, seeks to enter into the great schemes of progress realized by us, and labours cheerfully and unremittingly to resemble Europe. The superabundance of her population; the exigencies of a political form of government so long isolated from the rest of the world; the difficulty of reconciling the ancient interests of a powerful feudal aristocracy with those new interests created in the heart of the country by the opening of commercial relations with the West; the religious prejudices of the people fostered by the aristocracy and placed in opposition to the liberal movement which is already making itself felt amongst the learned classes;—all these various elements of social activity tend to keep the Japanese nation in a heaving and volcanic state, and there is no doubt that they are now passing through a phase of their history which will bring about great things for them.” The embassy of the Tai-coon, which has studied the present state of European nations with the greatest keenness and clearness of perception, will no doubt play an important part in the approach- ing reformation in Japan. One of the members of this embassy said to me shortly before quitting France for the second time, “I cannot sleep now for thinking how much my country is in need of liberty!” He had reached that intellectual point which continues developing itself, in revolutionary times, in men called to influence the destinies of their country. He had not only a firm faith in better times, but the fruitful germs of a noble passion had taken root in his heart, which transforms men into great citizens at Yedo as well as in Paris. 214 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. This, gentlemen, is the present state of Japan. The political and com- mercial relations of Europe with a nation of this stamp cannot but grow rapidly from day to day. Thus the study of the Japanese language becomes, on many and various accounts, exceedingly important, both now and for the future. You may depend upon my doing my utmost to make it as simple and as pleasant to you as possible. ART. II.—Fables of Beasts and Birds in Chinese, with a Notice of Professor Julien’s “Les Avadānas. Contes et Apologues Indiens.” By REINHoLD Rost, Esq., Ph. D., &c., Professor of Oriental Languages at St. Augustine's College, Canterbury. H. T. ColebrookE, in the introductory remarks prefixed to Carey's edition of the Hitopadeſa (Serampore, 1804), was the first to pronounce the ancient collection of Sanskrit fables, known as the Panchatantra, to be the original text of the Arabic Kalilah wa Damnah, or “Fables of Pilpay,” by which name they are known in almost every language of Europe into which they have passed. The subject of the original sources from which these fables were drawn, and the literary history of the various versions of them that were current in Mohammedan and Christian Asia and Europe throughout the middle ages, was more fully treated by Sylvestre de Sacy in the Mémoire Historique, with which he accompanied his edition of the Arabic text of the Kalilah wa Damnah (Paris, 1816). But it was reserved for Professor H. H. Wilson to trace back to their original eastern sources many well-known stories and fables which for many centuries have been told over and over again in the different countries of western Europe. In his analysis of the Panchatantra, published in the Transactions of the R. Asiatic Society in 1825, he brought to bear upon his intimate knowledge of the Sanskrit text and its more immediate offshoots a most extensive acquaintance with similar works of fiction in the mediaeval literature of the west. He was followed in the same field of research by A. Loiseleur Deslongchamps (Essai sur les Fables Indiennes et sur leur Introduction en Europe, Paris, 1838) and E. Lancereau, who appended to his excellent French translation of the Hitopadega (Paris, 1855) many literary notes and references. Lastly, Professor Th. Benfey, of Göttingen, brought out in the year 1859 a German translation of the Panchatantra from the Sanskrit text edited by Kosegarten in 1848; and in the introductory essay, which fills the whole of the first volume, he exhaus- tively treats of the various migrations, through countries and ages, of the fables and stories belonging to the cycle of the Panchatantra. Not the least of his merits consists in the incontrovertible proofs which he adduces to show that it was during the sway, and under the influence, of Buddhism in India, that almost the whole of this class of literature originated. He is inclined to assign to the so-called beast-fables a foreign origin, believing that most of Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 215 them were borrowed or adapted from the Greeks as peculiarly calculated to propound the ethical doctrines of Buddhism, whereas the other stories grew independently in the luxurious soil of Indian fancy, and thence found their way to almost all parts of the old world. In the Pali Játakós and other classical works of the Buddhists of Ceylon and Transgangetic India, which are probably more ancient than the Panchatantra, many such fables and stories are found ; and the literature of Tibet and of eastern and western Mongolia has long been known to possess various works of the kind which had, avowedly or not, their first origin in India. It was but reasonable to expect that among the many Sanskrit books which the Chinese pilgrims who visited India in the third and following centuries of our era brought back to their own country and there translated into Chinese, this branch of literature should not have remained unrepresented. If such a collection of fables had been generally known to exist in the literature of the country when R. Thom composed a Chinese version of “AEsop's Fables,” the Mandarins to whom the latter work was communicated would not have taken so much offence at it as to have ordered it to be suppressed. The honour of having discovered in the vast literature of the Celestial Empire the works eagerly sought for, is due to the eminent French sinologue Stan. Julien. They are contained in two encyclopedias, the elder of which, in twenty volumes, was finished in the year 668, and is entitled “ The Forest of Pearls from the Garden of the Law.” The second is called “ Yū-lin, or the Forest of Similitudes,” and comprises, in twenty-four volumes, extracts from 4oo purely Chinese works, and from 200 others that had been translated into Chinese from the Sanskrit. Out of the latter he has selected gleanings from eleven works, which he has pre- sented to us in an elegant translation, bearing the title “Les Avadānas. Contes et Apologues Indiens, inconnus jusqu'à ce jour, suivis de Fables, de Poésies, et de Nouvelles Chinoises” (Paris, 1859), three volumes. We trust he may find time to make good his promise of publishing also, ere long, a selection of fables from the older encyclopedia, or “The Forest of Pearls.” In the following pages we proceed to give a few specimens of Professor Julien's transla- tions which, by the way, he wrote as a relief from more arduous literary occupations. The Two Geese and the Tortoise (i, p. 71).-On the border of a pond there lived two geese, who had contracted friendship with a tortoise. After a while, when the pond was beginning to dry up, the two geese consulting together said: “Now that this pond is getting dry, our friend must have to suffer a great deal in consequence.” Thereupon they spoke to the tortoise: “The water of this pond being dried up, you have no other source of subsistence. Seize then with your mouth this stick in the middle, and while we hold it by both ends we will carry you to a spot where water shall be plentiful. But as long as you have hold of this stick, be careful not to speak.” After these words they bore along the tortoise through the air over towns and villages. On seeing this, the little boys began to exclaim: “Geese are carrying a tortoise! geese are carrying a tortoise!” The tortoise, flying into 216 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. a passion, called down to them: “What is that to you?” No sooner had he lost hold of the stick than he fell to the earth and expired. This is obviously an amplification of the AEsopian fable of the eagle and the tortoise, and it closely resembles its Indian original, the Sanskrit as well as the Pali version*. In this form it has also passed, through the Hebrew translation of the “Fables of Pilpay,” into most European languages, and forms the subject of La Fontaine's “La Tortue et les Deua Canards.” The Old Tiger and the Monkey (ii, p. 146).-There was once an old tiger who longed to eat a monkey. This one, wishing to elude him, said: “My body is very small and would not even suffice you for a single meal; but on yonder hill there is a great beast which is capable to satisfy your noble appetite. I will walk before you and conduct you thither.” When they had arrived on the hill, a stag, armed with a formidable pair of antlers, perceiving the tiger, and supposing that he had come to devour him, went straight up to the monkey and said: “My young friend, you have promised me ten tiger- skins; to-day you are bringing me only one; so you still owe me nine.” At these words the tiger was frightened, and exclaimed: “I should never have thought that this little monkey could be so wicked. It appears that he wishes to victimise me in order to pay off his old debts.” The Cat and the Mice (ii, p. 152).-A man had for fun put a rosary round the neck of a cat. The mice, on seeing this, congratulated each other, saying: “This respectable cat is fasting and praying to Buddha; surely he will not eat us.” Thereupon they began to dance and make merry in the passage. As soon as the cat had seen them, he lost no time in catching several of them. The others fled, whispering to each other: “We thought he prayed to Buddha and possessed an affectionate heart; but his piety was nothing but a mere comedy.” “Do you not know, then,” said another mouse, “that in this world those who make a show of their devotion and assume the air of praying to Buddha are ten times more cruel in their hearts than wolves?” We could quote many more of these “apologues” which have their coun- terparts, more or less modified, in the fable literature of other countries both in the east and the west. But, referring the curious student for these to the book itself, we translate in conclusion a parable, the substance of which has become familiar to the English reader by Dean Trench's poem,- The Man exposed to all sorts of Dangers (i, p. 190; another version occurs at p. 131).-There was once a man who had had the misfortune to be con- demned to death. They had loaded him with chains and put him in prison. Urged on by the fear of losing his head he broke his chains and fled. According to the laws of the kingdom, when a man condemned to death escaped from prison, a furious elephant was despatched after him to trample * Panchatantra i. 13. “Five Jātakās,” in the original Pali text, by V. Fausbøll (Copenhagen, 1861), p. 16 ft. 41 ff. Compare also “Asop's Fables,” by Sloth (Canton, 1840), No. 15. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. 217 him under his feet. Also in this case such an elephant was sent in pursuit of the culprit. He, seeing the elephant approach, ran towards a dry well; but on the bottom of it there was a venomous dragon whose open jaws were turned towards the mouth of the well; moreover, four poisonous serpents were hovering in the four corners of the well. By the side of it there was the root of a shrub. The culprit, whose heart was troubled with fear, laid speedily hold of this root, but two white rats were engaged in gnawing it. At this critical moment he saw over the well a great tree, in the midst of which there was a honey-comb. In the course of the day, a drop of honey fell from it into the mouth of the hapless man who, having tasted this delicious drop, thought of nothing more but the honey; he forgot the awful dangers with which he was beset on all sides, and no longer desired to leave his well. The sainted personage (Buddha) drew from this event sundry comparisons. The prison represents the three worlds; the prisoner, mankind; the furious elephant, death; the well, the dwelling-place of mortals; the venomous dragon at the bottom of the well, hell; the four poisonous serpents, the four great elements; the root of the shrub, the root of human life; the white rats, sun and moon, which gradually consume the life of man, which threaten and diminish it every day, without ceasing one single moment. The generality of men greedily attach themselves to secular enjoyments without thinking of the great misfortunes that result from them. The pious, therefore, ought incessantly to have death before their eyes, in order to escape from a multitude of evils. Though the Sanskrit original of this allegory has not yet been discovered, we are acquainted with the passage in the old Indian epic, the Mahá- bhārata (i, v. IoI9 f.), by which it was most probably first suggested. It is found, however, in the History of Barlaam and Josaphat (ch. xii), generally ascribed to John of Damascus (about 740); and in the Fables of Pilpay, whence it passed through various intermediate stages into the Gesta Romanorum (Swan's translation, Vol. II, No. 88). Both the poem of Dean Trench and the German allegory of F. Rückert were founded on the form in which it occurs in the Divan of the Persian poet Jeláleddin Rūmī”. ART. III.—Memoir of Klaproth, [translated from the “Biographie Universelle.”] Jules HENRI KLAPRoth was born at Berlin on the 11th of October, 1783. His father was an eminent chemist, who was anxious to cultivate his son's natural talents. As a child he made great progress in chemistry, mineralogy, and botany; but when he grew up he felt an irrepressible impulse towards the study of oriental languages. There was a good col- * See also F. Liebrecht in Ebert's Jahrbuch für Roman. und Engl. Literatur, ii. 127, 331. 218 The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. lection of Chinese books in the Royal Library at Berlin, which as soon as Klaproth saw, he was seized with the desire to know this language. His first aids were two dictionaries, one, an incomplete work by Mentzel, under the direction of P. Couplet; and the other, a Chinese-Spanish dictionary, by P. Diaz, which was also an imperfect copy. These he found in the same library at Berlin. He studied also the Museum Sinicum of Bayer. A note of his on his own copy of this work, dated June 21st, 1835, runs thus: “This copy was the first help I had in 1797, when I began my Chinese studies.” From this we find that, at the age of fourteen, he undertook, entirely alone, a task which, according to the then generally received opinion, absorbed the whole lifetime of a student, even in China. His ardour in- creased with his success; the novel and curious results which he obtained, stimulated his zeal, and very soon he became so fascinated with his self-im- posed studies, that he neglected everything else for them. Consequently, when the day of the College examination arrived, he was unable to answer the simplest questions. “How is this?” said the examiner, “you know nothing at all!” “Yes sir, I know Chinese.” “What! Chinese ? Who taught you?” “No one, I taught myself.” Thereupon, the examiner being incredulous, Klaproth ran for his exercise books, in which he showed the astonished examiner copies of Chinese text, specimens of translation, and extracts from native works. He answered all the questions put to him, cleared up every difficulty, explained in a few words the simple mystery of the Chinese language, made it clearly understood, and commented upon it with the greatest precision. His masters were now convinced that he had not wasted his time, and though his father was grieved at the failure of his plans for him, he had the consolation of thinking that this son would probably open for himself an honourable career. He required, however, that Jules Henri should learn certain things which he ought to know, and made him study philology, properly so called, which was appreciated at that time in Germany almost exclusively. In order the better to carry out this plan, he removed him from Berlin, where he might have been carried away by the temptation to study Chinese. He sent him, in 1801, to the University of Halle. Here in a few months he learnt so much that his masters were astounded at his progress; and as in this town he found neither manuscripts nor professors to help him in Chinese, he went to Dresden in 1802, to con- tinue the studies which he had been compelled to break off at Berlin. At the end of this same year he published in German, at Weimar, the first sheets of his Magasin Asiatique. This periodical attracted the attention of the literati of Germany; and from this time Klaproth's fame arose. They were surprised that a young man of nineteen should exhibit such profound knowledge of subjects which were then little known, even by the most learned men. Then his father perceived how wrong he had been in his prejudice against his oriental studies, and at the same time Count John Potoski, who had conversed with young Klaproth at Berlin, and had been struck with his intelligence on the subject of China, recommended him to the Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 219 Russian Foreign Minister, on his return to St. Petersburg. Russia had in 1689 formed a treaty with China, which has been faithfully adhered to. Klaproth was called to St. Petersburg in 1804, and was made a member of the Academy of Sciences, and Professor of the Asiatic Languages and Literature. His wish to prove himself worthy of this distinction, added to . the duties thus imposed upon him, caused him to expatriate himself, and to give up the labours he had commenced in Prussia. The next year he had an opportunity of extending his researches, for an embassy was appointed to Pekin, and Klaproth was chosen to accompany it, as interpreter, before an ambassador was fixed upon. Count Potoski was to be at the head of the learned part of the embassy, and Golovkin took charge of the political por- tion. Klaproth did not wait for the latter to complete his preparations; he set out in the spring of 1805, visited Kasan and Perm, crossed the Ural mountains, reached Ekaterinburg in Asia, coasted along the Irtish from Tobolsk to Omsk, from whence he travelled to Taruck and Krasnoyarsk, and at last reached Irkutsk, which had been fixed upon as the place where the embassy were to reassemble. Though this was not the shortest route, Klaproth took it in preference to the other, in order to avoid several awkward passages amongst the mountains, and also because he would thus pass through more interesting parts of the country. He came first amongst the Samoides and several of those Finnish and Tartar tribes dwelling on the banks of the Ob, the Yenesei, and the Baikal Lake. In southern Siberia he met with tribes of Turkish and Mongolian origin, besides several others. He spent some time amongst the Bachkirs, the Dzungars, and the Teleutes, as well as amongst the Tangus of Tobolsk and Irkutsk; he studied their manners, made vocabularies of all their dialects, and studied with great attention their national physiognomy, in order that he might be able to distinguish the characteristic features of those families which had mixed with other tribes. Towards the end of the summer of 1805 the whole embassy met at Irkutsk; and on the 17th of October they came to the Fort of Kiakta, on the frontiers of the empire, where they were detained till the end of the year, through difficulties raised by the Chinese authorities. Klaproth made good use of this forced detention, by learning Mongol, perfecting himself in Manchu, collecting materials, and making a large collection of Chinese, Tibetan, Manchu, and Mongol books. At length, on the 1st of January, 1806, they were allowed to cross the frontier and to enter Mongolia. The cold was now intense; several times the mercury in the barometers was frozen; and our travellers suffered severely, especially as it took them a fortnight to traverse the seventy-four leagues from Kiakta to Urga or Kuren, the town, or rather the camp, in which the Governor-general resides, and they had no better shelter during this journey than tents of felt. Here they were again detained by fresh discussions on the subject of Chinese ceremonials; the Russian ambassador would not conform to them, and instanced the example of Lord Macartney, who made no other salutation to the emperor Kien-Lung than that which is customary in Europe on similar R 220 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. occasions. (See Macartney, “Biographie Universelle,” xxvi. 23.) Couriers were sent on to Pekin, and they hoped to receive a favourable reply from the Tribunal of Rites or from the emperor himself, when a dispute arose about some trifling question of etiquette. Whereupon the negotiations took an unfavourable turn,-a spirit of bitterness manifested itself; and on the oth of February the embassy was dismissed by means of a disdainful letter from Pekin. They came to Kiakta again at the beginning of March; and the Academy of St. Petersburg immediately sent them fresh instructions. Klaproth, who during the conferences between Golovkin and the Mandarins, had shown unusual aptitude, and displayed a deep knowledge of the Chinese language, was ordered to proceed on a journey for the purpose of visiting the frontiers of the two empires on the west of Kiakta, as far as Ustkameno- gorsk, on the Irtish, near the steppes of Kirghis. In this journey he crossed the Altai mountains and went to the ancient Buddhist monasteries of Semipalatnaya and Ablaikit, in order to collect any fragments of Tibetan manuscripts which he might find there. He afterwards visited the Kursugal Lake in the country of the Khalkhas, returned to Irkutsk and explored that neighbourhood, as well as the shores of Lake Baikal, skirted the Sayanien mountains, recrossed the Altai chain; and after having travelled from the banks of the Irtish to Lake Dzaisang, in the country of the Eleuths or Kalmucs, near the southern frontier of Siberia, he set out for Omsk, on his return to St. Petersburg, where he arrived in the beginning of 1807, after an absence of twenty months, during which time he had traversed about 18oo leagues of foreign soil. While he was at Irkutsk he met with a Japanese naval officer, who had been shipwrecked on the eastern coast of Siberia, and had been brought to that place; the intercourse of Klaproth with this very learned officer was of great assistance to him in composing a Japanese vocabulary. The Academy, to which he sent a full account of his labours during his long and painful journey, recognised his zeal by making him Academician-Extraordinary, an honour which is generally granted only after being for six years an acade- mician. The emperor Alexander granted him a pension of 3oo roubles, and gave him several tokens of personal regard. They offered him a more flattering reward by giving him an opportunity of distinguishing himself on a new mission. (To be continued.) ART. IV.- The Religious Sects and the Principal Events of the Modern History of Japan. [Reprinted from the “Chinese Re- pository."] THE history of Japan is, in its commencement at least, so connected with the religion of the country, that, in the little here intended to be said of either, the latter seems naturally to take precedence of the former. - Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 221 The original national religion of Japan is denominated Sinsyu, from the words sin (‘the gods') and syu (“faith'); and its votaries are called Sintoo. Such, at least, is the general interpretation; but Dr. Von Siebold asserts the proper indigenous name of this religion to be Kami-no-michi, meaning, ‘the way of the kami,” or gods, which the Chinese having translated into Shin- taou, the Japanese subsequently adopted that appellation, merely modifying it into Sintoo. The Sintoo mythology and cosmogony, being as extravagantly absurd as those of most oriental nations, possess little claim to notice, except in such points as are essential to the history of Japan, and the supremacy of the mikado. From * primeval chaos, according to the Japanese, arose a self-created supreme god, throned in the highest heaven—as implied by his somewhat long-winded name of Ame-no-mi-naka musimo-kami—and far too great to have his tranquillity disturbed by any cares whatever. Next arose two creator gods, who fashioned the universe out of chaos, but seem to have stopped short of this planet of ours, leaving it still in a chaotic state. The universe was then governed for some myriads of years by seven successive gods, with equally long names, but collectively called the celestial gods. To the last of these, Iza-na-gi-mikoto, the only one who married, the earth owes its existence. He once upon a time thus addressed his consort, Iza-na-mi- mikoto: “There should be somewhere a habitable earth; let us seek it under the waters that are boiling beneath us.” He dipped his jewelled spear into the water, and the turbid drops, trickling from the weapon as he withdrew it, congealed, and formed an island. This island, it should seem, was Kiusiu, the largest of the eight that constituted the world, alias Japan. Iza-na-gi- mikoto next called eight millions of gods into existence, created ‘the ten thousand things' (yorodzu ne mono), and then committed the government of the whole to his favourite and best child, his daughter, the sun-goddess, known by the three different names of Ame-terasu-oho-kami, Ho-hiru-meno- mikoto, and Ten-sio-dai-zin, which last is chiefly given her in her connection with Japan. With the sovereignty of Ten-sio-dai-zin began a new epoch. She reigned, instead of myriads, only about 250,000 years, and was followed by four more gods or demi-gods, who, in succession, governed the world 2,091,042 years. These are terrestrial gods; and the last of them, having married a mortal wife, left a mortal son upon earth, named Zin-mu-ten-wo, the immediate ancestor of the mikado. But of all these high and puissant gods, although so essentially belonging to Sintoo mythology, none seem to be objects of worship except Ten-sio-dai- zin, and she, though the especial patron deity of Japan, is too great to be addressed in prayer, save through the mediation of the kami, or of her descendant, the mikado. The kami, again, are divided into superior and * Siebold; the authority for nearly the whole of this chapter. R 2 222 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. inferior, 492 being born gods, or perhaps spirits, and 2,640 being deified on canonized men. They are all mediatory spirits. But with divinities thus numerous, the Sintoo are no idolaters. Their temples are unpolluted by idols, and the only incentives to devotion they contain are a mirror, the emblem of the soul's perfect purity, and what is called a gohei, consisting of many strips of white paper, which, according to some writers, are blank, and merely another emblem of purity; according to others, are inscribed with moral and religious sentences. The temples pos- sess, indeed, images of the kami to whom they are especially dedicated, but those images are not set up to be worshipped; they are kept, with their tem- ple treasures, in some secret receptacle, and only exhibited upon particular festivals. Private families are said to have images of their patron kami in shrines and chapels adjoining the verandah of the temple; but Meylan con- fidently avers that every yasiro is dedicated solely to the one Supreme God, and Siebold considers every image as a corrupt innovation. He seems to think that in genuine Sinsyu, Ten-sio-dai-zin alone is or was worshipped, the kami being analogous to Catholic saints, and that of these no images existed prior to the introduction of Buddhistic idolatry. There is, as there was likely to be, some confusion in the statements of different writers upon the whole of this topic; amongst others, respecting the Sintoo views of a future state, of which Dr. Siebold, upon whom the most reliance must ever be placed, gives the following account: “The Sintooist has a vague notion of the soul's immortality; of an eternal future state of happiness or misery, as the reward respectively of virtue or vice; of separate places whither souls go after death. Heavenly judges call them to account. To the good is allotted Paradise, and they enter the realm of the kami. The wicked are condemned, and thrust into hell.” The duties enjoined by Sinsyu", the practice of which is to insure hap- piness here and hereafter, are five (happiness here, meaning a happy frame of mind): 1st, Preservation of pure fire, as the emblem of purity, and instru- ment of purification. 2nd, Purity of soul, heart, and body to be preserved; in the former, by obedience to the dictates of reason and the law; in the latter, by abstinence from whatever defiles. 3rd, Observance of festival days. 4th, Pilgrimages. 5th, The worship of the kami, both in the temples and at home. The impurity to be so sedulously avoided is contracted in various ways; by associating with the impure; by hearing obscene, wicked, or brutal language; by eating of certain meats; and also by contact with blood and with death. Hence, if a workman wound himself in building a temple, he is dismissed as impure, and in some instances the sacred edifice has been pulled down and begun anew. The impurity is greater or less—that is to say, of longer or shorter duration—according to its source; and the longest of all is occasioned by the death of a near relation. During impurity, access to a temple and * Siebold. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 223 most acts of religion are forbidden, and the head must be covered, that the sun's beams may not be defiled by falling upon it. But purity is not recovered by the mere lapse of the specified time. A course of purification must be gone through, consisting chiefly in fasting, prayer, and the study of edifying books in solitude. Thus is the period of mourning for the dead to be passed. Dwellings are purified by fire. The purified person throws aside the white mourning dress, worn during impurity, and returns to society in a festal garb. The numerous Sintoo festivals have been already alluded to ; and it may suffice to add, that all begin with a visit to a temple, sometimes to one especially appointed for the day. Upon approaching, the worshipper, in his dress of ceremony, performs his ablutions at a reservoir provided for the pur- pose; he then kneels in the verandah, opposite a grated window, through which he gazes at the mirror; then offers up his prayers, together with a sacrifice of rice, fruit, tea, wine, or the like; and when he has concluded his orisons, depositing money in a box, he withdraws. The remainder of the day he spends as he pleases, except when appropriate sports belong to it. This is the common form of kami-worship at the temples, which are not to be ap- proached with a sorrowful spirit, lest sympathy should disturb the happiness of the gods. At home, prayer is similarly offered before the domestic house, oratory, and garden miya ; and prayer precedes every meal. The money contributions, deposited by the worshippers, are destined for the support of the priests belonging to the temple. The Sintoo priests are called kami nusi, or the landlords of the gods; and in conformity with their name, they reside in houses built within the grounds of their respective tem- ples, where they receive strangers very hospitably. The kami nusi marry, and their wives are the priestesses, to whom specific religious rites and duties are allotted; as, for instance, the ceremony of naming children, already described. But pilgrimage is the grand act of Sintoo devotion, and there are in the empire two-and-twenty shrines commanding such homage; one of these is, however, so much more sacred than the rest, that of it alone is there any occasion to speak. This shrine is the temple of Ten-sio-dai-zin, at Isye, con- ceived by the great body of ignorant and bigoted devotees to be the original temple, if not the birth-place, of the sun-goddess. To perform this pilgrimage to Isye, at least once, is imperatively incumbent upon man, woman, and child, of every rank, and, it might almost be said, of every religion, since even of professed Buddhists, only the bonzes ever exempt themselves from this duty. The pious repeat it annually. The siogoun, who has upon economical grounds been permitted, as have some of the greater princes, to discharge this duty vicariously, sends a yearly embassy of pilgrims to Isye. Of course, the majority of the pilgrims journey thither as conveniently as their circumstances admit; but the most correct mode is to make the pilgrimage on foot, and as a mendicant, carrying a mat on which to sleep, and a wooden ladle with which to drink. The greater the hardships endured, the greater the merit of the voluntary mendicant. 224 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. It need hardly be said that no person in a state of impurity may undertake this pilgrimage; and that all risk of impurity must be studiously avoided during its continuance; and this is thought to be the main reason why the Buddhist priests are exempt from a duty of compliance with Sinsyu, enjoined to their flocks. The bonzes, from their attendance upon the dying and the dead, are, in Sintoo estimation, in an almost uninterrupted state of impurity. But for the Isye pilgrimage, even the pure prepare by a course of purification. Nay, the contamination of the dwelling of the absent pilgrim would, it is con- ceived, be attended with disastrous consequences, which are guarded against by affixing a piece of white paper over the door, as a warning to the impure to avoid defiling the house. When the prescribed rites and prayers at the Isye temple and its subsidiary miya are completed, the pilgrim receives from the priest who has acted as his director a written absolution of all his past sins, and makes the priest a present proportioned to his station. This absolution, called the oho-haraki, is ceremoniously carried home, and displayed in the absolved pilgrim's house. And from the importance of holding a recent absolution at the close of life, arises the necessity of frequently repeating the pilgrimage. Among the Isye priestesses, there is almost always one of the daughters of a mikado. The Isye temple is a peculiarly plain, humble, and unpretending structure, and really of great antiquity, though not quite so great as is ascribed to it, and is surrounded by a vast number of inferior miya. The whole too is occupied by priests and persons connected with the temple, and depending upon the concourse of pilgrims for their support. Every pilgrim, upon reaching the sacred spot, applies to a priest to guide him through the course of devotional exercises incumbent upon him. In addition to the kami nusi, who constitute the regular clergy of Japan, there are two institutions of the blind, which are called religious orders, although the members of one of them are said to support themselves chiefly by music—even constituting the usual orchestra at the theatres. The inci- dents to which the foundation of these two blind fraternities is severally referred, are too romantic, and one is too thoroughly Japanese, to be omitted. The origin of the first, the Bussats sato, is, indeed, purely sentimental. This fraternity was instituted, we are told, very many centuries ago, by Senmimar, the younger son of a mikado, and the handsomest of living men, in commemoration of his having wept himself blind for the loss of a princess, whose beauty equalled his own. These Bussats sato had existed for ages, when, in the course of civil war, the celebrated Yoritomo (of whom more will be spoken) defeated his antagonist, the rebel prince Feki (who fell in the battle), and took his general, Kakekigo, prisoner. This general's renown was great throughout Japan, and earnestly did the conqueror strive to gain his captive's friendship; he loaded him with kindness, and finally offered him his liberty. Kakekigo replied, “I can love none but my slain master. I owe you gratitude; but you caused prince Feki's death, and never can I look upon Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 225 you without wishing to kill you. My best way to avoid such ingratitude, to reconcile my conflicting duties, is never to see you more; and thus do I in- sure it.” As he spoke, he tore out his eyes and presented them to Yoritomo on a salver. The prince, struck with admiration, released him; and Kakekigo withdrew into retirement, where he founded the second order of the blind, the Feki sado. The superiors of these orders reside at Miyako, and appear to be subject alike to the mikado, and to the temple lords at Yedo. Sinsyu is now divided into two principal sects: the Yuitz, who profess themselves strictly orthodox, admitting of no innovation; they are said to be few in number, and consist almost exclusively of the kami nusi; and Siebold doubts whether even their Sinsyu is quite pure: the other, the Riobu Sintoo, meaning “two-sided kami-worship,” but which might perhaps be Englished by ‘Eclectic Sinsyu,’ and is much modified, comprises the great body of Sintoo. Any explanation of this modification will be more intelligible after one of the co-existent religions—namely, Buddhism—shall have been spoken of. It might have been anticipated that a religion, upon which is thus essen- tially founded the sovereignty of the country, must for ever remain the intolerant, exclusive faith of Japan, unless superseded for the express purpose of openly and avowedly deposing the son of heaven. But two other religions co-exist, and have long co-existed, there with Sinsyu. The first and chief of these is Buddhism, the most widely diffused of all false creeds, as appears by an authentic estimate of their respective followers, in which we find 252,000,ooo Mohammedans, 1 1 1,000,ooo believers in Brahma, and 315,000,ooo Buddhists. A very few words concerning this creed may help to explain its co-existence and actual blending with Sinsyu. Buddhism does not claim the antiquity, the cosmogonic dignity, or the self- creative origin of Sinsyu. Its founder, Sakya Sinha—called Syaka in Japan— was not a god, but a man, who, by his virtues and austerities, attaining to divine honours, was then named Buddha, or the Sage, and founded a religion. His birth is placed at the earliest 2420, and at the latest 543 years before the Christian era. Since his death and deification, Buddha is supposed to have been incarnate in some of his principal disciples, who are, like himself, deified and worshipped, in subordination, however, to the Supreme God, Buddha Amida. Buddhism is essentially idolatrous; and in other respects, its tenets and precepts differ from those of Sinsyu, chiefly by the doctrine of metempsy- chosis, whence the prohibition to take animal life, the theory of a future state, placing happiness in absorption into the divine essence, and punishment in the prolongation of individuality by revivification in man or the inferior animals; and by making the priesthood a distinct order in the state, bound to celibacy. The Buddhist somewhat hyper-philosophic theory of heaven does not appear to have been taught in Japan; and in the rest, there is evidently nothing very incompatible with Sinsyu. The Buddhist bonze, who, after it had for five hundred years failed to gain a footing, established his faith in Japan, A. D. 552, skilfully obviated objections, and enlisted national prejudices on his side. He 226 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. represented either Ten-sio-dai-zin as having been an avatar or incarnation of Amida, or Buddha of Ten-sio-dai-zin, –which of the two does not seem cer- tain,_and a young boy, the eldest son of the reigning mikado's eldest son, as an avatar of some patron god. This flattering announcement obtained him the training of the boy, who, as a man, refused to accept the dignity of mikado", although he took an active part in the government of his aunt, raised subsequently to that dignity. He founded several Buddhist temples, and died a bonze in the principal of these temples. Buddhism was now fully established, and soon became blended with, thereby modifying, Sinsyu, thus forming the second sect, called Riobi Sinsyu. There are many other sects in which, on the other hand, Buddhism is modified by Sinsyu ; and these varieties have probably given rise to the inconsistencies and contradictions that frequently occur in the different accounts of Sinsyu. Further, Buddhism itself is, in Japan, said to be divided into a high and pure mystic creed for the learned, and a gross idolatry for the vulgar. The Yama- busi hermits are Buddhist monks, although, like the priests of the Ikko-syu, they are allowed to marry and to eat animal food. The third Japanese religion is called Sintoo, meaning ‘the way of philo- sophers;’ and, although by all writers designated as a religion, far more resembles a philosophic creed, compatible with almost any faith, true or false. It consists merely of the moral doctrines taught by the Chinese Kung foo-tsze (Confucius), and of some mystic notions touching the human soul—not very different from those of high Buddhism—totally unconnected with any mytho- logy or any religious rites. - Sintoo is said to have been not only adopted, immediately upon its intro- duction into Japan, by the wise and learned, but openly professed, accom- panied by the rejection of Sinsyu mythology and worship, and by utter scorn for Buddhist idolatry. But when the detestation of Christianity arose, some suspicions appear to have been conceived of Sintoo, as tending that way. Buddhism was, on the contrary, especially favoured, as a sort of bulwark against Christianity; and thenceforward every Japanese was required to have an idol in his house—some say a Buddhist idol; others, the image of his patron kami. The last is the more probable view, as Dr. Von Siebold distinctly states that, at the present day, the lower orders are Buddhists; the higher orders, especially the wisest amongst them, secretly Sintooists, professing and re- specting Sinsyu, avowedly despising Buddhism; and all, Sintooists and Buddhists alike, professed Sintoo. Such is said to be the present state of religion in Japan. But the subject must not be closed without mentioning a story told by president Meylan, of a fourth religion, co-existing with these three, prior to the arrival of the first Christian missionaries. He says that, about A.D. 50, a Brahminical sect was introduced into Japan, the doctrines of which were, the redemption of the world by the Son of a Virgin, who died to expiate the sins of men, thus * Klaproth. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 227 insuring to them a joyful resurrection; and a trinity of immaterial persons, constituting one eternal, omnipotent God, the Creator of all, to be adored as the source of all good and goodness. The name of a Brahminical sect given to this faith cannot exclude the idea, as we read its tenets, that Christianity had even thus early reached Japan; and this is certainly possible through India. But it is to be observed, that neither Dr. Von Siebold, nor any other writer, names this religion; that Fischer, in his account of Japanese Buddhism, states that the qualities of a beneficent Creator are ascribed to Amida, and relates much as recorded of the life of Syaka, strangely resembling the Gospel history of our Saviour, whilst the date assigned to the introduction of this supposed Brahminical sect pretty accurately coincides with that of the first unsuccessful attempt to introduce Buddhism. Further, and lastly, whoever has read anything of Hindoo mythology must be well aware that the legends of the Brahmins afford much which may easily be turned into seemingly Christian doctrine. But whatever it were, this faith was too like Christianity to survive its fall, and has long since completely vanished”. * [For a few additional particulars concerning the religious sects and creeds found among the Japanese, the reader is referred to an article in the second volume of the Repository, p. 318. The statements there made correspond very well to those in this abstract of Siebold's notice. We add a few explanations of some of the terms used in both that article and this. Sinsyu is, according to Siebold's explanation, # { , meaning ‘the faith in gods or spirits; sintoo ił ăși (shin taou in China) or kami no michi as it is when translated into Japanese, and a mere synonym with it, strictly means not ‘the way of the gods,” but ‘the doctrine of the gods.” Ame-terasu-oho-kami are the native words for the four characters R # % # Ten-sio-dai-zin, (as they are written for us,) which mean ‘the great god of the pure heavens.’ The gohei are long strips of white paper, standing, we are told, instead of the spirit worshipped, just as the ancestral tablet stands for the ancestor whose name it bears. The Buddhistic sects appear to be much more numerous than the Sintoo, and the priests are employed by all classes on occasions of burial and mourning, from which no doubt their influence is also great. Buddoo or Budtoo is ſ # ăși the doctrine of Buddha or Amida. The yama-busi ||| ſ R are a class or sect, who, as their name is explained in a Japanese work, and as the Chinese characters also signify, hide themselves in the mountains. They - Zx R-Tº: - are also called, (or perhaps more properly their tenets,) {} # ää syu-gen-doil, “practising and investigating doctrine.” The account goes on to state, regarding the yama- busi, that “they keep their bodies in subjection and practice austerities, ascending high and dangerous mountains. They study heavenly principles, the doctrine of the eight diagrams (hakke), chiromancy, the determination of good and bad luck, the mode of finding stolen things, and other such-like sciences.” The yama-busi wear a sword, and have a peculiar cap and neck strap to distinguish them. The explanation of the name yama-busi, given by Dr. Burger (vol. ii, p. 324), may also be correct; as iß. which means ‘a soldier, is also called busi.] 228 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. History of JAPAN. Of the history of Japan, it is needless to trouble the reader with more than the few and far distant events out of which has grown, and upon which is based, the present condition of that empire of 3,850 islands, including un- inhabitable rocks. This may, however, be not inappositely introduced by a few words touching the name, which in Japanese is Dai Nippon, or “Great Nippon'—a name of great dignity, and referring probably to the patronage, if not the birth, of the sun-goddess; the word nitsu signifying ‘the sun', and pon, or fon, “origin;’ and these, when compounded according to the Japanese rule, become Nippon, or Nifon. The largest island, upon which stands the Isye temple, be it re- membered, bears the simple name of Nippon, without the dai, or “great;’ and hence it might be inferred that Nippon was the island originally fished up by Iza-na-gi-mikoto, rather than the smaller and less holy Kiusiu. The name Japan” is derived from the Chinese Jih-pun, origin of the sun.’ Marco Polo calls the country Zipangu (not Zipangri, as most editions of his work have it), which is the Chinese Jih-pun kwó, or ‘kingdom of the origin of the sun." The mythological or legendary portion of Japanese history has been suf- ficiently explained in the preceding portion of this paper—though it may be added, that the whole nation claims a descent from the kami—and what is deemed authentic history need only be adverted to here. The authentic history of Japan began with the first mortal ruler, Zin-mu- ten-wo, whose name imports the ‘Divine Conqueror.’ Accordingly, Zin- mu-ten-wo did, it is said, conquer Nippon; and having done so, he there built him a dairi, or “temple-palace,” dedicated to the sun-goddess, and founded the sovereignty of the mikado. Whatever were his new origin—whether he was a son of the last terrestrial god, or, as Klaproth thinks, a Chinese warrior and invader—from him the mikado, even to this day, descends. His establishment in the absolute sovereignty of Dai Nippon is generally placed in the year 660 B.C. - For some centuries, the mikado, claiming to rule by divine right and in- heritance, were indeed despotic sovereigns; and even after they had ceased to head their own armies, and intrusted the dangerous military command to sons and kinsmen, their power long remained undisputed and uncontrolled. It was, perhaps, first and gradually weakened by a habit into which the mikado fell, of abdicating at so early an age, that they transferred the sovereignty to their sons while yet children; an evil the retired sovereign frequently strove to remedy, by governing for his young successor. At length, a mikado, who had married the daughter of a powerful prince, ab- dicated in favour of his three-year old son; and the ambitious grand-father of the infant mikado assumed the regency, placing the abdicated sovereign in confinement. A civil war ensued; during which, Yoritomo, one of the most * Klaproth. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 229 celebrated and most important persons in Japanese history—who has been already incidentally mentioned, and was, seemingly, a distant scion of the mikado stock—first appeared upon the stage. He came forward as the champion of the imprisoned ex-mikado against his usurping father-in-law “. The war lasted for several years, and in the course of those years occurred the incident in which originated one of the institutions of the blind. At length, Yoritomo triumphed, released the imprisoned father of the young mikado, and placed the regency in his hands; but the fowo, as he was called, held it only nominally, leaving the real power in the hands of Yoritomo, whom he created sio i dai siogoun, “generalissimo fighting against the bar- barians.' The ex-mikado died, and, as lieutenant or deputy of the sovereign, Yoritomo virtually governed for twenty years. His power gradually acquired solidity and stability, and when he died he was succeeded in his title, dignity, and authority, by his son. After this, a succession of infant mikado strengthened the power of the sio- goun, and their office soon became so decidedly hereditary, that the Annals begin to tell of abdicating siogoun, of infant siogoun, of rival heirs contending for the siogounship. Even during the life of Yoritomo's widow, this had advanced so far, that she, who had become a Buddhist nun upon his decease, returned from her convent to govern for an infant siogoun. She retained the authority till her own death, and is called in the Annals of the Dairi, ama siogoun, or ‘the nun siogoun.” She seems to be the only instance of a female siogoun. But still, if the actual authority were wielded by these general- issimos, all the apparent and much real power—amongst the rest, that of appointing or confirming his nominal vicegerent, the siogoun—remained with the mikado. In this state, administered by an autocrat emperor and a sovereign deputy, the government of Japan continued until the latter half of the sixteenth century, the siogoun being then efficient and active rulers, not the secluded and magnificent puppets of a council of state that we have seen them at the present day. It was during this phasis of the Japanese empire that the Portuguese first appeared there; one of their vessels being driven by contrary winds from her intended course, and upon the then unknown coast of Japan. The occurrence is thus recorded by a national annalist, as translated by Siebold: “Under the mikado Konaru and the siogoun. Yosi-haru, in the twelfth year of the era Tenbun, on the twenty-second day of the eighth month (October, 1543), a strange ship made the island Tanega simat, near Koura, in the remote * Klaproth; and Titsingh's Japanese Annals of the Dairi. + It has been said that sima means ‘island; whence it follows that Siebold's expression, “the island, Tanega sima,” is tautological; but, in translating a language and speaking of a country so little known, such tautology could hardly be avoided at a less sacrifice than that of perspicuity. This remark is also applicable to many other terms used when speaking or writing of Japan, by which the native word that classifies, or explains the proper name, has become incorporated with it. For instance, to say the bridge Nippon-bas, where bas (or hasi) means ‘bridge,” is, like Tanega sima I., tautological. 230 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. province Nisimura. The crew, about two hundred in number, had a singular appearance; their language was unintelligible, their native land unknown. On board was a Chinese, named Gohou, who understood writing; from him it was gathered that this was a nan-ban ship (‘southern barbarian,’ in the Japanese form of the Chinese words man-man). On the 26th, this vessel was taken to Aku-oki harbour, on the north-west of the island; and Toki-taka, governor of Tanega sima, instituted a strict investigation concerning it, the Japanese bonze, Tsyu-syu-zu, acting as interpreter, by means of Chinese characters. On board the nan-ban ship were two commanders, Mura-syukya and Krista-muta; they brought fire-arms, and first made the Japanese ac- quainted with shooting-arms, and the preparation of shooting-powder.” The Japanese have preserved portraits (and curious specimens of the graphic art they are) of Mura-syukya and Krista-muta, who are supposed to be Antonio Mota and Francesco Zeimoto, the first Portuguese known to have landed in Japan. The Japanese were at this time a mercantile people, carrying on an active and lucrative commerce with, it is said, sixteen different countries. They gladly welcomed the strangers, who brought them new manufactures and new wares; they trafficked freely with them, and ere long even gave their daughters in marriage to such as settled amongst them. The Jesuit mission- aries, who soon followed, were equally well received, and permitted to preach to the people without interruption. The extraordinary and rapid success of the Fathers is sufficiently well known. Even at Miyako, in the vicinity of the Dairi, if not in it, they boasted neophytes. These bright prospects, which had seemed for a moment to promise the complete establishment of Chris- tianity in Japan, were blighted by the civil war. About the middle of the sixteenth century two brothers of the race of Yoritomo contended for the siogounship; the princes of the empire took part on either side, or against both, striving to make themselves independent; and civil war raged throughout Japan. In the course of it, both the rival brothers perished, and the vassal princes now contended for the vacant dignity. The ablest and mightiest amongst them was Nobunaga, prince of Owari, the champion of one of the rival brothers so long as he lived. After the death of the claimant he supported, he set up for himself. Powerfully aided by the courage and talents of a low-born man, named Hide-yosi, who had attached himself to his service, and gradually gained his confidence, the prince of Owari triumphed over his opponents, and became siogoun, the mikado confirming to him a dignity that he felt himself unable to withhold. The new siogoun recompensed Hide-yosi's services by investing him with a high military office, and showed himself a warm friend to the Christians and the missionaries. In process of time, Nobunaga was murdered by an aspirant usurper, who thus possessed himself of the siogounship. The murderer was shortly after- wards, in his turn, murdered; and, amidst the confusion that ensued, Hide- yosi seized upon the generally coveted office. The mikado again, without Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 231 hesitation, approved and confirmed Hide-yosi as siogoun, by his newly- assumed name of Taiko, or Taiko-sama, i.e. the lord Taiko. Taiko retained upon the throne the energies and warlike spirit that had enabled him to ascend it; and he is still considered by the Japanese as nearly, if not quite, the greatest of their heroes. It was he who made the greatest progress in reducing the mikado to the mere shadow of a sovereign; with him originated the system, already described, as inthralling the princes of the empire: he subdued Corea, which had emancipated itself since its conquest by the empress Sin-gon-kwo-gon; and he had announced his intention of conquering China, when his career was arrested by death, at the age of sixty-three, in the year 1598. Taiko-sama's only son, Hide-yori, was a child of six years old; and to him, upon his death-bed, he thought to secure the succession by marrying him to the grand-daughter of Iyeyas (or as some write it, Yeye-yasu), the powerful prince of Mikawa, his own especial friend and counsellor, whom he had rewarded with three additional princi- palities. He obtained from Iyeyas a solemn promise to procure the re- cognition of Hide-yori as siogoun, as soon as the boy should have completed his fifteenth year. The death of Taiko-sama was the signal for the renewal by the vassal princes of their efforts to emancipate themselves from the yoke, nominally of the mi- Kado, really of the siogoun, whilst the ambitious and treacherous Iyeyas, who had long aspired to the office he had promised to secure to his grand-daugh- ter's husband, secretly fomented disorders so propitious to his designs. As regent for Hide-yori, he gradually extorted higher and higher titles from the mikado; at length, he demanded and obtained that of siogoun, and waged open war upon the ward to whom he was bound by so many ties, to whom he had sworn allegiance. Hide-yori was supported by all the Japanese Christians, whose zeal in behalf of the son of the universally admired and regretted Taiko- sama was, to say the least, warmly approved and encouraged by the Jesuits; and the reverend Fathers had good cause to exert themselves strenuously on his side, independently even of any idea of the justice of his cause, since the young prince showed them so much favour, that they actually indulged the flattering hope of seeing him ere long openly profess Christianity, and, should he triumph, make it the established religion of Japan. But, in 1615, Iyeyas besieged his grand-child's husband in Ohosaka castle, and took this, his rival's last remaining stronghold, as perfidiously, it is said, as he had gained the siogounship. Over the fate of Hide-yori a veil of mystery hangs. According to some accounts, after setting fire to the castle, when he found it betrayed into his enemy's hands, he perished in the flames; according to others, he effected his escape amidst the confusion caused by the conflagra- tion, and made his way to the principal city of Satzuma, where his posterity is still believed to exist. It is certain that the princes of Satzuma are much courted by the siogoun, who seek their daughters as wives. The consort of the present siogoun is a Satzuma princess. Iyeyas, who in the progress of his usurpation had successively taken the 232 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. names of Daifu-sama and Ongonchio, had now only to secure the siogounship to himself and his posterity. For this purpose, he confirmed all the measures devised by Taiko-sama for insuring the fidelity of the princes, bestowed many confiscated principalities upon his own partisans and younger sons, and weak- ened all, as far as he could, by dismemberment. He deprived the mikado of even the little power that Taiko-sama had left him, reducing the absolute au- tocrat to the utter helplessness and complete irremediable dependence, which have been described as the present and actual condition of the son of heaven; and, finally, he proceeded to enforce the persecution of his rival's supporters, the native Christians and foreign missionaries, which Siebold decidedly ascribes to political, not religious, motives on the part of the new Japanese potentate; and which, in the reign of his successor, resulted in the system of exclusion, and seclusion still followed in Japan. Iyeyas, upon his death, was deified by the mikado under the name of Gon- gen-sama; and his policy has proved successful. His posterity still hold the siogounship in undisturbed tranquillity; and although evidently so degenerated from the energy and talent of their ancestor, that they have suffered the power to fall from their own hands into that of their ministers, the change is one which they perhaps feel as gratifying to their pride as to their indolence. Every writer belonging to the Dutch factory, and therefore possessing the best attainable means of knowledge, affirms that rebellion has been prevented by the inthralment of the princes, and that the empire has, since the quelling of the Arima insurrection, enjoyed profound peace, internal as well as external. Dr. Parker, in his little journal, tells us, indeed, that he was assured rebellion was everywhere raging; but when it is considered that he was hostilely driven away, without being suffered even to set foot on shore, little reliance can be placed upon such hearsay information. Were any further change to be anticipated for Japan, it might perhaps be that the hereditary prime-minis- ter may play against the siogoun the game they played against the mikado; abandon Yedo to the generalissimo, as Miyako is abandoned to the son of hea- ven, and establish elsewhere a third court of the vicegerent's vicegerent, the governor of the empire. [Since this article was printed in the Chinese Repository in 1841, Japan has been again opened to trade, and more completely than it ever was before. An entirely new phase in its history has within the last few years arisen, mec praeteritum tempus unquam revertitur.] ART. V.-Notices of Annam or Cochin-China. By THE EDITOR. THE empire of Annam, in common with many other oriental realms, is now beginning to draw upon itself the eyes of Europe. France has been the active agent in bringing this about; and she has now, after a struggle of some years duration with the native government, succeeded in establishing herself and appropriating a portion of that empire. The whole region of Lower Cochin-China, a large province forming the southernmost part of the empire, between the gulf of Siam and the gulf of Tonquin, now belongs to Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 233 France. There the French people have a basis for commercial operations in the East, which has long been wanting to them. They have recently con- cluded a treaty also with the neighbouring kingdom of Cambodia, by which they have acquired much advantage, and an almost unlimited grant of timber from the forests of that country. Cochin-China or, as the country is called by the natives, Annam,_a word of Chinese origin, meaning “Peaceful South,'—may be divided into three principal parts: 1. Northern, called Tong-king or Dang-ngoai (‘outside king- dom'); 2. Southern, called Dang-trong (‘inner kingdom'); and 3. The Lao country, in the interior, beyond the chain of mountains which run north and south. In addition to these, certain tracts of country in the western mountains are held by comparatively independent tribes—the Moi and the Loi. The kingdom of Cambodia is tributary to both Siam and Annam. The history of Cochin-China as a monarchy dates from 1570; before that date the country was under the sway of the kings of Tong-king, who themselves owed allegiance, as tributaries, to the Chinese emperor. The kingdom of Ciampa or Tsiampa, which now forms a part of Cochin- China, was in Marco Polo's time (the thirteenth century) well known at Kublai-Khan's court, for this great traveller was despatched thither on an embassy in 1277. After the lapse of six centuries an Annamite mission has been sent to Europe, specially to France, on account of the very important changes which have taken place in Annam by the conquest of Lower Cochin- China by the French. Apropos of the mention of these facts is a work published last year in Paris, which describes very fully the empire now under notice :- Tableau de la Cochinchine, rédigé sous les auspices de la Société d’Ethno- graphie, par MM. E. Cortambert et Léon de Rosny; précédé d'une Introduction par M. Le Baron Paul Bourgoing, Sénateur; avec carte, plans et gravures. Paris. Armand le Chevalier, Editeur, Rue Richelieu, 6o. 1862.-This work is adorned with many plates and a good map of the country, which is described in detail, as to its geography and productions, its statistics, politics, history, and language, as well as the many collateral branches of these subjects. The editors, who have established their reputation by their geograpical and linguistic publications, have found wide scope for their abilities in bringing this work to completion. M. de Rosny has given us a Cochin-Chinese vocabulary and a short sketch of the history of the country, drawn up from Chinese sources, for there is no mention of the country in European annals of antiquity. Portuguese travellers, who have explored this country with great zeal, have given us commercial and statistical facts, and they have also, says Baron Bourgoing, in his Intro- duction, from which we quote, made us acquainted with a very curious and interesting circumstance connected with Cochin-China—namely, that it was at the mouth of the Me-kong that Camoens was shipwrecked, about the year 1565. By swimming to the coast of Cochin-China, he was, fortunately, able to save the manuscript of his poem of the Lusiad. In the stanzas which this 234 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. event inspired, we find the names (though somewhat altered) of this infant colony of France, and of its noble river. In no country of Africa or Asia has the Christian faith spread so rapidly and so widely as in Cochin-China. For several centuries French, Portuguese, and Spanish missionaries have toiled there and made many conversions, though not without much danger and trial. The people are addicted to the grossest forms of idolatry, which vary according to the origin of the races practising them. The population includes Mongol tribes, who have entered the northern part of the country from China; Indian or Cambodian tribes from the west; and a few of Malay origin, who came from the south, by sea, and spread along the southern coast. These latter are mostly Mahometans. Of course these divisions form a great obstacle to the spread of Christianity. Buddhism is the chief religion of the land, as it is of Asia generally. By admitting every shade of faith and every form of idolatry, every sect of 4oo, ooo, ooo of Chinese, the Buddhists reckon their votaries at the enormous number of 5oo,ooo, ooo. In this number they include all Cochin-China, with the exception of a few millions of Malay Mahometans. This religion, being not only free from the intolerance of Mahometanism, but holding as one of its fundamental principles the practice of universal benevolence and love, will never oppose the promulgation of our faith, or excite the people to hostility against it. If our missionaries, who with admirable self-devotion have forsaken all things and dwelt there alone, without military protection, have long ago accomplished much, we may now expect, that with the victorious flag of France floating above them, they will have still greater success, and that the union so necessary between the natives and colonists will now become more permanent, through the spread of the gospel of peace. The country is very rich in mineral and vegetable productions, especially abounding in rice and cotton. The transport of the various productions of this fertile soil can be carried on to the sea by means of the many mouths of fine rivers, which may be compared to the Danube, the Volga, and the Ganges. Upper Cochin-China is divided into five provinces. In the north, those of Nghe-an and Bo-ching, which are ancient provinces of Tonquin, and have been added to Cochin-China; and those of Kwang-hing, Kwang-tri, and Kwang-duk or Hue, which are like the heart of the empire. Hue, the capital of Kwang-duk and of the empire, is in the north of the province. It is called Hue-fu in the local dialect, and by the mandarins Pou- chwang or Pou-twa-tien. Its Chinese name is Sun-wa. The sea may be reached from this place in two ways—either by the imperial road or by the river, which also takes the name of Hue. This city contains about 1oo,ooo inhabitants, and is divided into the inner and outer cities; the former, which is the new town, is a large square fortress, built from the plans of French engineers. On two sides it is surrounded by the river, and on the other sides by a canal, which is separated into several branches, and washes the walls of the imperial palace, the arsenal, the granaries, and other public Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 235 buildings; so that the levies from the provinces are brought straight up to the palace and the government stores by water. Beautiful slopes, a rampart of earthwork, ornamented with bricks, a ditch 30 metres wide, and a covered road, surround this fortress, which is flanked with bastions and defended by batteries of cannon. On each side there are four gateways of masonry, well built, paved with marble, and surmounted by towers from 30 to 35 metres high. In the centre of this town is the fortress, properly so called, in the midst of which is the imperial palace, which may be easily known by its yellow colour. This is an inaccessible retreat, where the emperor resides, and where no one is allowed to enter except the imperial guard. This inner town contains, also, the government offices, the palaces of the princes and mandarins, barracks, prisons, &c. From the outside it has a very imposing appearance: a splendid plantation of trees surrounds the ramparts, and affords a delightful promenade; but the interior of the town is wretched, both on account of its bad buildings and of the paucity of inhabitants in it. The people live in the ante-town, which is scattered along the river-side, and they have poor little houses built of mud, and bamboo canes are twisted together. They carry on a small trade amongst themselves in rice, betel, &c.; and possess nothing but the bare necessaries of life, for the rapacity of the mandarins prevents them from accumulating wealth or stock for trade. The climate, on the coast of Cochin-China, is of a tropical and unwhole- some character, especially from the 15th of May to the 15th of August. But the wet and dry seasons vary much in different parts of the country. The high range of mountains running along the western side, like the Ghauts in India, completely reverses the order of the seasons there; so that the rainy season is from the end of October to March, while in Lower Cochin- China it lasts from the end of May till the end of September. This is the bad season; during the remainder of the year the weather is mild and pleasant. In the flat and alluvial parts, comprehending the greater portion of Tong-king, the climate is similar to that of Lower Cochin-China and the other countries exposed to the direct influence of the south-west monsoon. Atmospheric changes are very sudden there. “Often,” says M. Retord, “after a stifling heat and mournful calm, we have quite suddenly the most furious winds and frightful storms; the scorching heat, which had dried up everything, is succeeded by destructive torrents of rain.” In each part of the country, when the rains come, they fall in extraordinary abundance, causing the rivers to overflow ; and the plains are inundated to such an extent that the villages, and even the houses, become so many islands, and the people in their boats sail over the fields and hedges. With this exception, the climate of many places is healthy and even fine, especially in such large towns as Hue and Sai-gon. Typhoons are of common occurrence, particularly in the gulf of Tonquin or Tong-king. These are, no doubt, caused by the shock which is produced in the atmosphere on the meeting of the winds descending from the moun- s 236 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. tains on the continent with those blowing from the sea. They do not occur below the 16th degree of latitude. There are very few countries so fertile as Cochin-China. The luxuriance of its vegetation is not surpassed by anything in India or China. They have timber in abundance, scented woods, delicious fruits, grain, aromatic plants, textile plants, some plants used for dyeing, and others for medicine. Of rice, they have two crops in the year. It abounds most in Lower Cochin-China and Tong-king. The rice in the province of P'ou-yen, which is in Cochin-China Proper, is the best grown in the whole of Asia. Amongst other edible vegetables may be noticed their maize, millet, potatoes, plantain, and a very common plant, resembling asparagus in flavour, which they call ku, when it comes from a dry land, and kwai when produced from marshy ground. They have also the sugar-cane, several kinds of beans and of gourds, especially one species of the latter, which is very thick, and about a metre long, of an exquisite flavour, and which keeps a long time, because it is covered with a kind of down. In this country are found earth-nuts (arachis hypagea), peach trees, plum trees, pear trees, pomegranite trees, li-chi trees, lemon trees, and orange trees. The oranges of Cochin-China are the best in Asia; they reckon twenty varities of them, which are distinguished by their colour, flavour, and size, and they are all sweet and wholesome. The most delicious is the emperor's orange, and it is kept for his use exclusively. They call it the kam-tien. It is about the size of a small European orange; the skin, which is green, and as thin as the finest silk, is so nearly transparent that between its filaments may be seen the rose-coloured fruit. Upon being opened it scents the air, and the flagrance of it is most exquisite. Nutmegs and cloves have been lately introduced into the country. The vine flourishes here, but the grapes are poor. They obtain an ex- cellent fruit from a large tree resembling our cherry tree, called vai, and they preserve large quantities of this fruit. Their fig tree, the va, is different from that of Europe, the fruit growing on the trunk of the tree. The pine-apple, the mangosteen, and many fruits, are very fine. Coffee thrives, though it is not much cultivated. There are ten varieties of cinnamon. Aniseed is plentiful in Cambodia. Cochin-China Proper and Tong-king produce a species of Bohea tea, which is not found in Lower Cochin-China. Where elephants are numerous fine mush- rooms abound, which are highly prized by the natives as a great delicacy. They have also cocoa-nuts, dates, betel-nuts, ginger, tobacco, and very fine pepper. Travellers tell us of a kind of palm tree, whose stems yield an abundance of fecula, a most valuable resource during the famines which are sometimes caused by inundations. This is, no doubt, the sago tree. Of vegetable dyes we may mention the indigo, and especially the green indigo or dinarang, which is very famous; the saffron, which covers the mountains in the interior; and the nao, which grows spontaneously in mountainous dis- tricts, from the root of which is obtained a brownish red colour. Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 237 Amongst the textile plants we remark the cotton plant, which is both abundant and excellent; also hemp and the mulberry tree (morces alba), which latter is much cultivated for feeding silk-worms in Tong-king and Cochin-China Proper. The bark of many kinds of trees is used for making coarse stuffs and ropes. There is also a tallow tree, from the fat of which common candles are made, as in China. Oil is obtained from the cocoa-nut tree and the sesame plant. The principal scented woods are the rose wood, sandal, and eagle wood, which is also medicinal. They have also the benjoin and the cardamum. Dragon's blood is obtained from several kinds of trees, particularly from the dracaena ferrea. The teak and the iron wood (tectana grandis and callophyl- lum), which grow very tall and straight, are most valuable for ship-building. The go, called by Loureiro nunclea orientalis, is a black heavy wood, which takes a fine polish, and is used for furniture. Ebony trees are very common. The bamboo forms dense thickets, and is used for an immense number of purposes; for building houses, making furniture, paper, musical instru- ments, &c. &c. The sprouts are eaten as vegetables, and the natives sometimes amuse themselves with cutting off the top of a tall bamboo and boring holes down the length of it, thus leaving in the ground a gigantic flute, which, when the wind blows powerfully through it, produces a kind of wild and melancholy music. Cochin-China is also very rich in animals. The horses are small, but well- shaped, full of energy and activity. They are never shod, and are used only as beasts of burden, for this nation has no cavalry and does not use horses for travelling. Elephants live in wild troops in the woods, but a very large number are tamed, being caught when young and trained to draw the artillery and carry the baggage of the army. They form part of the garrison in the provinces, and are maintained, at great cost, by the government. This animal is an object of superstitious veneration to the Cochin-Chinese. They prefer the white elephant to the grey, though the former is not considered by them to be a kind of divinity, as it is by the Siamese. The Annamese court is very fond of circus combats, and especially of opposing a white elephant to a tiger, the tigers of this country being as strong and as fierce as those of Bengal. The Annamites hunt the royal tiger, armed only with a lance or a pole, and they generally succeed in killing him. The tigers slay many victims every year, but, on the other hand, a great many of these animals are killed too. The general mode of attacking them is to surround their retreat with palisades, and then, after having cut down most of the grass and rushes which shelter him, they march along, in close ranks, into the last thicket where he has taken refuge, and pierce him with their lances. Young tigers and cat-tigers come out at night and devour the fowls. There are leopards also. The rhinoceros is one of the principal animals of Annam, and both wild and tame buffaloes are very numerous. The oxen are small, and always of a red-brown colour. The flesh of the buffalo and ox is never eaten. The S 2 238 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. horns and hides of both are articles of an extensive commerce. These people never milk their cows; they hold such a practice in abhorrence, considering that milk is equally repugnant with the blood of the animals. There is also the kan-jin, an animal between the ox and the buffalo; it is a very fierce creature, and exceedingly scarce. The pig is the favourite animal of this people; and is found both tamed and also in a wild state. In the mountains are bears and musk-goats. Deer wander about every- where, and are valuable for their horns and skins. Goats are very numerous; but there are no sheep, except a small race in Lower Cochin-China, near Kang-kau. A great many different kinds of dogs are reared to be eaten. There are also a great many monkeys. Of birds, they have parrots, pea- cocks, wild pheasants, tame fowls in extraordinary variety, wild hens, storks, herons, ibis, geese, and ducks, both tame and wild, covering in the cold season every river, lake, marsh, and rice-field. We must name also pelicans, puffins, marabouts, the feathers of whose tails we use as ornaments in dress; magpies, like those of Europe; hawks, swallows, yellow-hammers, and the salangane, whose nests are used in soups. The ku-san is a talking-bird, something like our blackbird; and nothing is more amusing than to hear it imitating the human voice, laughing, sneezing, &c. The tortoises have a very beautiful shell. Unhappily poisonous reptiles abound here; in the thick woods are green snakes of a most venomous nature, whose sting produces death in a few minutes. The boas even come into the houses and attack ducks and poultry, and may be seen hanging from the beams which support the roof, or climbing to the tops of the houses to make war upon the rats. In most of the rivers crocodiles are numerous; the people are very fond of their flesh as an article of food. Lizzards are innumerable in this country, as well as many other small reptiles. There are plenty of fish in the streams, canals, and seas. The wild bees make a clear and sweet smelling honey, and a large quantity of wax is exported from the country. The white ant commits terrible de- vastations here, as it does in many other hot countries. Scorpions, cente- pedes, grasshoppers, &c., are only too common. Very little is known, at present, respecting the geology and mineralogy of this country. The chief mountains, of Cape Saint-Jacques at Hue, appear to be composed of granite and sienite; the lower mountains are a formation of quartz and chalk. Tong-king is that part of the country which is the most rich in metals. Gold, silver, and iron are found in the mountains to the west. The mines are all worked by Chinese. Many of the rivers and streams contain gold. The richest gold mines are near the Chinese province of Yun-nan. There are also mines of copper, zinc, and tin. Cochin-China Proper is rich in gold and other minerals; and the province of Kwang-nam is especially noted for marble. In P'ou-yen there is gold, silver, and copper. Zinc and copper Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 239 are found in Upper Cochin-China, and coal is supposed to exist in many parts. Rubies and topazes are met with in the country of the Lao tribes. Lower Cochin-China is not so rich in minerals as the other parts of the empire. ART. VI.-The State of our Relations with Japan.—The Destruction of Kagosima, the Capital of the Prince of Satsuma's Dominions. JAPAN now claims the attention of Europe. A contest is going on there which bids fair to change the aspect of our affairs in that country. It is a struggle between semi-barbarism and civilization. The arrogance of Japanese Daimios has received a check, and the first lesson has been given to them as to their future bearing towards foreigners. A blow has been struck which will reverberate throughout Japan. The British Admiral and his fleet have behaved in accordance with the prestige of the British navy; and although several valuable lives have been lost in Kagosima bay, through the accuracy of Japanese artillery practice; and although it was deemed prudent to abstain from landing and effecting the complete destruction of the forts, a satisfactory punishment has been inflicted by the burning of Kagosima, with its public works and buildings, and by the silencing of the batteries on shore. In con- sequence of the short-sightedness and whimsical obstinacy of the General commanding in China, no troops were available for service at the time they were wanted in Japan, and the probable consequence will be that the nation will be put to the grievous expense of sending out an armament to bring this sad affair to a more complete issue than Admiral Kuper was able to attain. The subjoined account of operations may be considered as authentic — “The fleet—consisting of the Eryalus, 35, Admiral Kuper's flag-ship; Pearl, 21 ; Argus, 6; Perseus, 17; Coquette, 4; Racehorse, 4; and Havoc, 2—left Yokuhama on the 6th of Aug. and entered Kagosima bay on the afternoon of the 11th. The bay is described as forming a very splendid harbour, and is surrounded by that lofty and picturesque scenery so graphi- cally described by Osborn and others, and by some its defences would be considered next to impregnable. The fleet was anchored some distance from Kagosima, a city of vast extent, said to contain 180,000 inhabitants, and having its factories, warehouses, &c., on a most extensive scale. On the 12th, the fleet moved up, and anchored opposite the town in 20 fathoms water, about 1,200 yards from the batteries, which extend along the whole of the town front—say about two miles from the extreme south to the extreme north. At six A.M., several of Satsuma's high officers went on board the flag-ship. It was observed by many that their demeanour was far from that courteous and conciliatory kind we are accustomed to ; indeed, that there was an amount of swaggering and bullying about their manner, re- minding one of the looks of a caged tiger when his human tutor enters at the door, whip in hand. Colonel Neale had, it was clear, need before him for the exercise of all his patience and watchfulness, and some then began to foresee the necessity for the firm application of the iron lash. They said that Satsuma was not now at Kagosima, but at Kirisimi; they received the letter of demands, and having been told that the reply was expected in 24 hours, they took their departure. 240 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. “On the following day all was quiet on board the fleet, Colonel Neale being busily en- gaged in diplomatic negotiations. His recently tested and proved forbearance had to endure another trial; the Yakouins were constantly running backwards and forwards, always bringing with them some evasive reply, and leaving without any definite conclusion. “On the afternoon of the 13th, the allotted time having long expired, an officer arrived, who said he had brought a letter of reply, but since he had left the shore a messenger had been sent after him to recal it, “as there was a mistake in it.’ It could not be extracted from him, and he left, saying that another should be sent immediately. None arrived until at nine o'clock that night, when one of a most important character was sent. This document we hope to place before our readers before long. “Still Colonel Neale was patient. On the 14th, about nine o'clock, two officials went on board, saying they had been sent for a receipt for the reply. They then stated that when at Kioto, Stotsbashi (the Vice Tycoon) and two members of the Gorogio had most distinctly ordered Shimadzo Saburo that Satsuma was not to take any steps in respect to the murder of the foreigner by his retainers, and that the Tycoon's government would settle all the matter themselves. They pretended that it was believed that the whole matter was settled at Yedo; that they had heard nothing from Yedo on the subject, and could not at first imagine what could have brought the fleet to Satsuma; and asserted that, according to Japanese law and custom, Satsuma had no power to settle the affair himself, either by acced- ing to or refusing the demands of the British.” The Japan Commercial News gives the following as the purport of the letter written by Satsuma's ministers:— “His August Master, previous to the arrival of the British fleet before Kagosima, had no intimation given him by the Tycoon's government as to the demands which Great Britain was about to make upon him. That in regard to any money demands, the minister must address himself to the government at Yedo, as he (Satsuma) could not decide on such a question as that, without the sanction of the Tycoon's ministers That according to the laws and customs of Japan he had done no wrong whatever. That, in regard to the murder of Mr. Richardson on the Tokaido, he knew it to be a fact, but denied that Shimadzoo Saboro had any hand whatever in the matter; that the man who causelessly murders another in Japan is amenable to punishment of the severest kind, and that, in this instance, he had endeavoured to find the murderers, but for so far, they had evaded his authority. That if he had a mind to deceive the foreigners he could in an instant take some condemned cri- minals out of prison and hand them over to the Admiral as being the murderers of Mr. Richardson; but this deception his honour would not permit to be practised. That he was not bound by the treaties of the Tycoon with foreigners. That those treaties were contrary to the time-honoured laws of Gongen Sama. That the Tycoon alone was answerable in this case, as he had permitted foreigners to come into Japan contrary to law and custom, and granted them liberties which permitted them to interrupt and impede the movements of Japanese princes on the high roads. That if this were permitted to continue, it would soon be impossible for a Japanese prince to travel through the country. That the attack on Mr. Richardson's party was not contrary to the laws of Japan, and that, therefore, his master (Satsuma) had done no wrong, and that under no circumstances could he or would he comply with any of the demands made by Great Britain.” The following is the leading article of The London and China Telegraph on the subject:— “THE BRItish Attack on KAgosi MA.—In the attack made by a portion of our fleet on the Japanese batteries at the head of Kagosima bay, the site of a large and flourishing entrepot of Japanese trade, we have administered a timely lesson to Japanese Daimios, such as is likely to exercise a beneficial influence on future negotiations; and to reduce that arro- gance and assumption on their part which asserts itself not only against treaty rights, but the laws of humanity, and which blinds them to the discovery of any harm in the murder Nov. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 241 either of a hated foreigner, more especially if his equipage is in the way of one of their retinue on a Japanese high road. Cheaply as human life is valued by this mixed Oriental race, the disablement of batteries, partly protected by huge natural bastions, and which had been constructed with infinite labour and skill, the reduction to ashes of Kagosima, the annihilation of the Prince of Satsuma's castle and arsenal, and the burning of eight large vessels, including three steamers laden with sugar, makes an aggregate of material loss which the Japanese cannot fail to feel sensibly. Unsupported by a land force, the fleet was com- paratively unprepared for the amount and character of resistance offered, yet what was done was done in summary style, and reflects great credit on Admiral Kuper and his officers. To inflict the greatest possible material harm in a given amount of time, rather than to attempt to subdue the whole resistance, still less to make a landing that would lessen the efficiency of the fleet, and then to get off with as little loss as possible, was the only reason- able course to pursue. The unhousing of a vast population, the suspension of trade at a Port exclusively Japanese, the stoppage of factories that for generations had engaged the almost ceaseless industry of tens of thousands of native artisans, is a scene that has not been witnessed in the empire since the two memorable and disastrous Tartar invasions. “In Japanese estimation we have taken a terrible revenge; but, after all, have obtained neither the required indemnity nor the delivery of the murderers. Indeed, our chief satis- faction is, that the fleet sustained no greater injury, and that the plot miscarried, by which Admiral Kuper and Colonel Neale, with their suites, were to be invited ashore, and then held treacherously as hostages, liable to be beheaded should a gun be fired. Should the news received from Nagasaki—that the Prince of Chosew had taken possession of the forts on the south side of the Straits of Simonoseki, thereby holding the key to the inland sea—prove true, it is evident that our fleet would have been better employed in anticipating this wily move, and so have taken the best of all securities for respect to treaty rights hereafter. In a former article we demonstrated the importance of our taking possession of the entrance to the inland sea; we stated that the power possessing it would control the foreign policy of Japan. The command of these Straits would do us more service than the destruction of a thousand Japanese marts of trade, or of any number of water batteries.” BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES. Sir Rutherford Alcock’s “Familiar Dialogues in Japanese, with English and French translations,” has appeared in Paris. The only other work of the kind which we know of is “Familiar Phrases in English and Romanised Japanese” by the Rev. John Liggins, formerly a missionary at Nagasaki. As Sir Rutherford Alcock has resided at the chief city of the empire, it is to be presumed that his work will be of a more refined character; but as we have not yet seen a copy, we can only notice its publication. The “Eléments dela Grammaire Othomi, suivisd'un Vocabulaire Comparé Othomi- Chinois” has also been published in Paris. In this dialect of Mexico some affinities to Chinese have been discovered, or at least pointed out; but the Comparative Grammar of the nations inhabiting opposite sides of the Pacific is still in its infancy, though we see no reason why many similarities should not exist between the languages of China and Japan and the coasts of the North American continent, bordering on the Pacific. Dr. Auguste Pfizmaier has put forth a contribution to the history of China, in a tract entitled, “Die Geschichte des Hauses Thai-kung.”—This was pub- lished at Vienna. 242 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Nov. 3, 1863. Dr. J. H. Plath of Munich has issued a work in two parts, 4to., on the Religion and Forms of Worship of the Ancient Chinese.—“Die Religion und der Cultus der alten Chinesen.”—This was published last year; but we mention it as deserving of a fuller review, being the work of a most able sinologue and Manchu scholar. Professor Léon de Rosny, now occupying the chair for Japanese at the Ecole Spéciale des Langues Orientales Vivantes, has had printed a “Recueil de Terte Japonais a l'usage des personnes qui suivent le cours de Japonais.” Besides these, we observe “Eléments de la Langue Malaise ow Malaye.” 8vo. Paris, 1863. Par A. Tugault.—“Maleisch Nederduitsch Woordenboek, maar het Werk van Dr. W. Marsden en andere Bronmen.” 8vo. Amster- dam, 1863. By J. Pijnappel. Sinibaldo de Mas, late on the embassy from Spain to China, has during the present year presented us with an original work called “L'Idéographie.—Mé- moire sur la possibilité et la facilité de former une écriture générale aw moyen de laquelle tous les peuples puissent s'entendre mutuellement sans que les uns connaissent la langue des autres.”—This must be a new theory of a universal language, or at least a new and universal method for communi- cation. Mr. Chinese Secretary Wade, who is now in England, has the intention of publishing, as soon as possible, some works of an elementary nature on the Chinese language. From Mr. Wade's long experience and study, coupled with the opportunities he has had by his residence in Peking, we may expect some very valuable matter from his pen. Professor Garçin de Tassy has published a third edition of “La Poésie philosophique et religieuse chez les Persans.” The perusal of the poetry of any oriental nation, and especially of the Persians, will not be altogether un- profitable to the student of Chinese; and therefore we mention this work, which is by one of the most learned of European orientalists. Two very interesting opening lectures on Hindustani, by the same author, have been sent to us; but India is not comprehended in our scheme, we can therefore only refer to them. We intend shortly to give a catalogue of the principal works upon China, to which our readers may refer with confidence for information upon the history, language, philosophy, and civilization of the Chinese. And subse- quently the same may be done for Japan, and the other Eastern countries. In the commencement of a work like the present, with but few fostering hands, no extensive dissertations on such subjects can be undertaken. OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. combe, E. Pick ARD HALL, AND H. LATHAM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. VI. DECEMBER 3, 1863. ART. I.-Our Policy and Prospects in Japan. By THE Editor. [J. S.] No fairer land exists upon the earth than the Land of the Rising Sun— Japan. No government is more exclusive in its policy than the Japanese. Inhabiting a great number of islands which possess unusual fertility and have a healthy climate, the Japanese have found within their own boundaries all that they need for life and comfort. Their bodies being strengthened by the bracing atmosphere and the warlike practices to which they have been ever prone, they can sustain exertions, both of a physical and a mental nature, beyond those of other Asiatics, who are generally enervated by the heat of the climate, and by their indolence and the luxurious habits of their country. But though bodily exercise has strengthened the corporal frame of the Japan- ese, there has not been wanting mental exertion to brace up the intellectual powers. The present state of Japanese rule, and indeed, that which has existed for ages, under which puissant barons have wielded each his share of power in the government, has tended to strengthen their independance of character and mind, and the general consequence has been a vigour of intellect and an energy of will that place the Japanese at the head of civiliza- tion in Asia. The English have been slow to think this, perhaps because the whole genius of Japan seems to be so intimately connected with that of China, a country and people for which we have conceived no very high opinion, arguing from the merest acquaintance with them and their works. It is forgotten that our own happy islands have to thank other neighbouring nations for their civilization, and if a person argued that the English were allied to the present degenerate race, sprung from Roman blood, speaking a language closely allied, nay almost identical in words, with the noble Latin tongue, that person would argue falsely and one-sidedly. The parallel between Japan and England, in respect of the connection of the former with Chinese and the latter with Roman civilization, is pretty exact. Japan owes almost all T Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 245 allowed to travel in Japan, just as they would in Europe, under reasonable Japanese rules, of course. But why were such regulations made 2 Because the agent of the Japanese Government had not power to act otherwise. The truth was, the Tycoon's dominion and authority could not extend beyond a certain point; the Great Daimios, the Rulers of the Provinces, would forbid it. The Mikado, or Emperor, would not sanction such a diversion from Japanese rule. And here we are actually at war with Japan because our agents out there did not know with whom they had to deal. The great officer at Yedo, the Tycoon, was dealt with as with an Emperor, when it ought to have been known that he is, as his name implies, the Generalissimo, whose office is hereditary, and whose power extends no further than that of a Governor-General abroad, whose acts may or may not be sanctioned and confirmed by the Central Government. Instead of entering into treaty with him as the Emperor of Japan, we ought to have made a magnificent display and demanded an interview with the highest authority in Miako, the seat of the Mikado. Or having made the treaty at Yedo with the Tycoon as the agent of the Japanese Govern- ment, we ought to have had it ratified at Miako; and above all things we ought never to have relinquished the ports of Nee-e-gata and Hiogo, which were to have been opened in 1859 and 1863. The former place is on the western coast, the latter place near Osaka or Ohosaka, which is the port of the capital, Miako. But who was to know all these things We did not know the language, and had no means of communicating excepting through the medium of Dutchmen. Lord Elgin's first interpreter was a Dutch gentleman, Mr. Heusden, in the American Consul-General's service. The dependance of the Japanese upon the Chinese language was ignored, unknown, or lost sight of ; and the British Consul-General, who had lived so long in China, was unaware of this fact of the case. The Foreign-Office selected Mr. Alcock for some other excellent qualities, and it would not listen to advice about the close connection of the two languages and the importance of preparing its agents, by a course of Chinese, to grapple with the difficulties of Japanese—difficulties which might one day stand in the way of peaceful relations. Sir Rutherford Alcock, after being under a misconception for two years, candidly says in his great work, “The Capital of the Tycoon" (cf. pp. 176–179, vol. I):— “Such were my first impressions, but after some two years’ study and a visit from Mr. Medhurst, whose knowledge of the Chinese language is both large and practical, some new light was thrown on the whole subject. * * * * * “It was clear our student-interpreters were at such great disadvantage in attempting to master Japanese writing without a previous knowledge of the Chinese character and written language, that I determined at once on recommending a change in the course of study for those newly arriving; and urged that they should henceforth remain the first two years in China, and begin with Chinese.” After Mr. Medhurst's remarks, Sir R. Alcock goes on to say (p. 178) :- “These furnished such an amount of cumulative evidence of the use of genuine Chinese, T 2 246 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. : even among the less educated, as to prove conclusively the main point, namely, the familiar use of the Chinese written language in common life. “But the farther we proceeded in this enquiry, the more plentiful were the proofs. All this tended to prove, beyond question, the expediency, if not the necessity, of commencing with Chinese as the foundation.” Surely nothing cannot be more decidedly culpable than the conduct of the Foreign-Office in this particular, in sending out to Japan young men without the slightest acquaintance with either Chinese or Japanese, though the rudi- ments of the former, at least, could have been learnt in England. The fate of Japan and the issue of many important negotiations might depend upon the character and skill of interpreters. Colonel Neale, Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires, seems to have considered it an unlooked-for and fortunate circum- stance that he had the assistance of several interpreters, who could aid him at Kagosima; for though the Japanese have their own interpreters, they can withhold them on occasion, and put us to infinite trouble and loss thereby. Such short-sighted policy cannot be too strongly condemned. And now with all the aid that this small staff of interpreters can give, should any extensive operations be necessary in Japan, the supply of interpreters would be quite inadequate to meet the demand. The difficulty of the work may be understood by the fact that no less than seven gentlemen were engaged in this service at Kagosima. That France is alive to the importance of pro- viding instruction in these Oriental languages is apparent from the existence of the Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes in Paris. This may seem a small matter, but it is not without its importance in the transaction of business of any kind with these Orientals. They themselves are quick to judge of us and our powers, and anything which brings us into contempt with them is to be avoided. The struggle to subdue the Japanese nobles, if it is to be persevered in, will be an arduous one. The leaven of European civilization has begun its work in Japan. In China it has been in operation for nearly a quarter of a century. Since the first Chinese war the ferment has been going on. The Chinese have been quite a match for us in diplomacy, we must see to it that the Japanese do not out-match us in both shrewd policy and effective resistance. The Japanese are hardy warriors. They have sharp swords and strong arms, with a will to use them. The feeble mockery of the military art in China is not to be expected in Japan. We have yet to learn what Japanese pikes and halberds can accomplish. The final result, of course, must be on our side, but it is grievous to think through what blood and slaughter we may have to wade to reach the desirable goal, and to pursue the wished-for object. Justice is all that England requires. Security against outrages and murders, with a peaceful trade”. We have tried argument over and over again. The Japanese nobles are cunning enough to see that, if European notions advance, their tyrannical oppression must decline. They have heard through Dutch- men, and they have read in Dutch books, what troubles and wars, have been * See Art. VI. on our Trade in Japan. Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 247 in Europe and India, and they prefer the “old paths,”—total exclusion of the foreigners and peace at home. They are the great conservatives of Japan. A few only are favourable to foreign intercourse. The affair at Kagosima has moved our political leaders at home. The very persons who cramped the efforts of our Government in dealing with China, - who were ever ready to tax us with cruelty and wickedness there, and to point to the retribution which awaited us, are now renewing the same process, to mislead the ignorant and unwary, by decrying our vengeance upon Satsuma at Kagosima. A great deal has been written and said on the subject; one writer to The Times draws a fearful picture of 180,0oo people being driven penniless and without food from their flaming habitations; while another compares it to the burning of a city like Bristol to ashes, all because an individual had been murdered in the highway. It is easy to see that such expressions are mere adornments of the argument, if such it may be called, which it is sought to enforce. Others put the matter upon commercial ground alone, and say it is manifestly unjust to bombard a city for the sake of trade. So it is, and if that were the cause of this bombardment of Kagosima, we should say let our merchants seek their treasure elsewhere. But Britain has a duty to perform to these barbaric princes, the people must suffer for the wickedness of their rulers, that aphorism is as old as Solomon. They have to be taught by the stern law, of truth and justice, that they cannot with impunity deny to-morrow what they promise by treaty to-day to give, and that murder is murder, and must be atoned for, to prevent its recurrence. Then as for the 180,000 inhabitants, —the probability is that as soon as the first symptoms of a collision made their appearance, the entire population had taken refuge beyond the range of our guns and mortars, leaving their wretched dwellings to the flames. We must not conceive Japanese houses to be anything like our own. Of those abodes of the 180,000, but few would be substantially built. Mats and laths and paper screens enter largely into the materials of the Japanese builder, and these can therefore be readily replaced. But this is not the question. The question is, Shall we give up Japan, and refrain from punishing the Daimios for their misdeeds 2 or shall we now subside, content with what has been ac- complished, and hope on for the future, for a better state of things? Either course would be most impolitic. Should we retire from Japan, our prestige in those seas would be lost, and we should by our withdrawal endorse the senti- ment, which is too strong in these Orientals, and which we ought rather to strive to eradicate, that they have a right to a life of national seclusion from the rest of the world if they think proper. No such right can exist. The possessor of land, or of any kind of property, can possess it only under certain conditions. In case of famine, the farmer would not be allowed to hoard his corn, but its value would be regulated and increased to his advantage. Over every possessor there is a master. If Japan keeps back what the rest of the world requires for its prosperity, Japan must yield to the general want, and she will receive a blessing in return. If barbarians of any class do not 248 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. understand this benefit, civilized nations ought to teach them. Wars should be avoided, if possible; but so long as these evils remain, wars must take place. The more prompt the execution, the wiser; and the sooner will these childish Asiatics receive the instruction they so much need. What then shall be done at the present juncture ? Satsuma has only been partially humbled, and other princes are in arms against us. The decree will go forth for our perpetual banishment from the Land of Sunrise, unless we adopt very vigorous measures to bring these haughty feudal princes to reason. The Straits of Simonoseki must be taken and held. This is the key to the Inland Sea of Japan. The Islands of Loochoo, which would prove a most desirable position, in case they had to be retained, should be wrested from the Prince of Satsuma, whose possessions they are. Her Majesty's fleet should proceed also to Osaka, and effect a landing with a view to offensive operations in the direction of Miako, the metropolis, and even, without our taking Loochoo, the whole power of Japan would come to terms, for it would be para- lysed. To say that if we blockaded the coast and destroyed all the maritime towns (which God forbid!) the Japanese would retire inland and find all they want, is a mistake. The nation is a nation of Ichthyophagoi, and without fish they could no more subsist than the Chinese without rice. Besides, they are dependant upon coast navigation to a great extent, and they would soon find it excessively inconvenient to have their coast trade preyed upon by our block- ading cruisers. Still with all that we can do, it is lamentable to consider what a large sum the contest may cost, and how much precious life and blood may be lost to accomplish our just and reasonable designs. But the destinies of Japan are tending upwards. The Japanese people are a peace-loving people, though their aristocracy are brave and inured to war; and when they fully understand the policy which actuates Great Britain in this contest, they will rise above the trifling annoyance and the losses which the coming war will have entailed upon them. That there might be a speedy end of war, and a rapid development of commerce in these quarters of the globe, in order that the peaceful arts and the light of the glorious Gospel might penetrate the gloom,--will be the wish and prayer of every heart, enlarged to feel another's griefs as well as its own, and to seek the welfare of all, and not merely that of a few. ART. II.—Eatracts from Histories and Fables to which Allusions are frequently made in Chinese Literature, [translated from the “Arte China” of Père GonçALVEs, by SIR John d8owRING, late Governor of Hongkong.] [By the kind permission of Sir John Bowring the following is reprinted from the “Chinese Repository” of 1851, now out of print. The importance to the student of Chinese of the knowledge which these extracts contain can hardly be over-estimated, and to the general reader such stories from the history and the myths of the Chinese will, we think, be accept- able—The Editor.] - Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 249 1. Fú-hi {k à (B. C. 2852) The first emperor, with a human head and serpent's body. He instituted marriage, and the different ranks of the state. He saw a horse with a dragon's head in a river, with the eight dia- grams depicted on his loins, and from this the art of divination had its origin. (Cf. “Chinese Repository,” vol. X. p. 124, and vol. XI. p. 173.) 2. Shin-nung j} # (B. C. 2737) The husbandman spirit (or genius). While his mother was a virgin, and was travelling along a road, she placed her foot upon a step in the path, felt a movement in her body, and conceived. A son was born to her in due time, whom she rejected as a monster, sending him up into a mountain ; but he was nurtured and protected by wild beasts, which being observed by his mother, she took charge of him. When he was grown up, he taught men to cultivate the ground, and sow the five sorts of grain. He made experiments with different herbs, and learnt their medicinal virtues. He is honoured with the title of emperor. The emperor offers up sa- crifices to him as Ceres, under the name of Sietsi ił. #. and the imperial sceptre is designated by the same name. (Cf. “Chinese Repository,” vol. XI. p. 322.) 3. T'ang, Yau H, # (B.C. 2356) King Yau, of the house of Tang, invented garments, the cycle of sixty years,-the measuring of years, months, and the intercalary month. The knowledge of these he obtained from the lunar plant Ming-hiê # #, which in the first day of the moon put forth one leaf, on the second another, &c.; on the sixteenth spread out a leaf, on the seventeenth another. If the month was a short one of twenty-eight days, one leaf remained dry; and when these dry leaves reached the number of a month, it indicated an intercalary one which followed. Besides this, he in- vented a little game, with 35o stones, intended to overcome the dulness of his son. 4. Kung-kung-shí jk II. Hº The impious one of the column. Shun pursuing the four impious ones of the earth, this descendant of kings, in his flight to the Pū-cheu-shan 2K Jä ||| , towards the north-east, struck him- self against one of the columns of heaven, a corner of which fell down with the column, which when the ancient queen Nii-wa-shi jº #|| H. saw, she cleansed five stones of the five colours, and repaired the heavens; but fear- ing that in the absence of the column, the crocodile, which supports the earth, would shake it, she cut off his four legs. —1–- 5. Kau-sin-shi Hy #: H. The man with hostile sons. Not being able to tolerate their quarrels, he sent one to the east, and the other to the west, who were changed into the two stars, which are always opposite one another, viz. Venus and Rigel. 6. Hid, Tá-yū j J& #, (B.C. 22.05) The intendant of the deluge. He 250 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. had three holes in his ears; he travelled 65,000 li, and saw thousands of won- ders. Being minister of Yau at the time of the deluge, he was called in to take the needful measures to save the people and to get rid of the waters. When he had reached the hills, he found the human race mixed with savage beasts, all flying from the flood, so he ordered mankind to hasten on one side, while he set the hill on fire to burn all noxious animals; but the amphibia, snakes and dragons, all fled to the water, and he, not willing to injure either sea-faring people or islanders, placed a maritime door, so that these creatures should not reach the sea; but as it was not high, the carp-fish passed over. As he wished to kill the venemous animals, which he had enclosed, he put up a stone, brought from Hang-shan {j ||| in Hu-kwang on a tortoise, near the maritime door, with an inscription, the characters of which are no longer un- derstood, and the venemous animals were drowned. Having travelled through China and discovered that nine stars corresponded to its nine parts, he di- vided the country into nine cheu or ‘regions;' and observing the different productions of each, he engraved them in the circuit of the nine tripods that, representing the nine regions, represented the sceptre, and were therefore held by the reigning sovereign. When he mounted the throne, he wrote a book entitled “True Doctrine of the Hills and the Seas,” describing where there are mines of gold, silver, jasper, &c., and what fish are to be found in the various streams. He says, that the distance from heaven to earth is 15,000 li. He invented astronomy, (the practice of) which Wei-tsz inherited. (Cf. “Chinese Repository,” vol. IV. p. 4.) 7. Shang, Tang-wang jä 5 } % # Tang's net, or one chance of escape. While this king was walking out, he saw a net spread to ensnare birds, so that on all four sides they were enclosed, which he thought so cruel that he ordered the enclosure should be only on one side. When the people heard this, they proclaimed him emperor for his benignity. 8. Wei-tsz # +. The astronomer (B. C. 1150), brother of Pi-kan. Seeing the tyrannical acts of Chau, he fled in alarm ; and carrying with him the astronomical books in which he was well versed, went to the west, to whose inhabitants he communicated his knowledge: hence it is that Europeans obtained treasures of science which China lost. 9. Pi-kan |t. + The living one without a heart (B.C. 1140); elder brother (by a concubine) of the tyrant Chau-sin. He was a saint, and esteemed so by his brother, but being hated by his sister-in-law, Tan-ki, on account of his admonitions, she said to Chau, it would be easy to ascertain whether he was really a saint, for if so, he would have seven holes in his heart. Moved by curiosity, Chau ordered his heart to be extracted, and seven holes were found in it; but as the saint had secured himself against death, he did not die, but went to another country. Here, meeting with a man who was selling onions, he asked him what vegetable he was selling, and on the man Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 251 answering that it was a vegetable without a heart, he remembered that he himself had none, and died in a swoon. Io. Tan-ki iH t!. The lovely sporter (B.C. 1130), one of the four beautiful wives of the tyrant Cheu #j. She liked to light the alarm watch-houses, to see the soldiers in movement, but when the enemy really came and the watch-house was lighted, the soldiers did not appear; so the tyrant lost his head, and she being burnt, was transformed—some say into a guitar, which she had been before, others say into a fox. 11. Cheu Wan-wang }} 3. EE (B.C. 1120) The sage king. Being imprisoned for three years by the emperor Cheu, he developed in prison the diagrams into sixty-four divisions, and the art of divining. He dreamt that he saw a bear, and, by divination, found he would be an excellent minister to aid him in his works, and that the next day he should be free. Freed he was, and on reaching a river, found the needle-fisherman, and with him governed the country so well, that two-thirds of China submitted to his juris- diction. Two strangers having a quarrel about a field, and their king not being able to decide it, they went to the sage, and on entering his kingdom, found everybody giving way to others on the road, and ceding the margins of the fields they cultivated. So each gave up to the other his claim to the disputed field, which they afterwards cultivated in common, It was the sage king who introduced the distinction of surnames in families. He appeared four hundred years after his death to Confucius, in order to console him, when touching his lyre, he was mourning over the revolutions of China. 12. Pe-yi-hiaw ſº É. #; The roasted minister. Tan-ki having heard him play, became enamoured, and because he would not conply with her desires, she killed him and dressed him, and sent him for food to his father Wan-wang, who was afterwards king. He unknowingly ate him, and upon her telling him that he had been eating his son, he vomited, and the vomit was turned to earth;-hence avomit is called tu [] i. ‘earth.” 13. Cheu-kung-tan }} ^ {H The accessible minister (B. C. 1122) was the paternal uncle of king Woo. Thrice he was consulted by sages, and he spat out the food from his mouth, that he might answer them promptly; thrice, while combing his hair, he gathered it up with his hands, that they might not be kept waiting. He was the author of the laws and courtesies of human society, particularly of those relating to marriage and kindred. When the ambassador from the south came to him, and did not know his way home, he gave him the mariner's compass for his guide. 14. Kiang Tai-kung à Jº ^ The needle-fisherman (B. C. 1 ioo). He thought it unfair to fish with a hook, so he used a needle, and having caught a precious stone, supposed he should obtain special employment; and as at this time the hero Wu-wang appeared, he assisted him to de- 252 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. throne the tyrant Chau, and thus became a public man after he had passed his eighty-second year, being less the minister than the father of the emperor Wu. During his life, he possessed the power of elevating souls to the dignity of genii (shin j}), who thus acquired the right of being worshipped in temples, and in death of having his divine name Shi kan tang fi Éſº # written as a protection against malignant spirits. This is principally done on the walls of houses which front a street. 15. Kiang-haw 3: Jä The penitent empress. One day, drawing her comb through her hair, she knelt down, and sent to the emperor, saying she remained in that position waiting punishment; he answered that she had committed no offence. She replied she had, for she was the cause of his late rising, and not giving audience to persons who were injured in consequence. This conduct led the emperor to reform. #! 16. Pau-tsz 4; iP) Daughter of the tortoise (B.C. 780). An emperor having killed two dragons, into which a saint had been metamorphosed, placed them in a drawer. A servant-maid going to open the drawer, saw two tortoises, felt a movement, conceived, and in due time gave birth to Pau-tsz, who, although swarthy, was one of the four beauties. Becoming afterwards concubine to an emperor of the house of Chau, she never smiled until the alarm-fire was kindled on account of the invasion from the north-east of China, when she was pleased and smiled. When the enemy was driven out, the emperor, in order to gratify his concubine, commanded the alarm-fire to be lighted, and this was so frequently done, that the troops did not appear at the signal of alarm when the enemy was really at hand; so the emperor lost his throne, which was occupied by another branch of the same dynasty. 17. Ku-chū #|| {{ and Pē-i {{ # The hermit princes. When the king, their father, was ill, he wished to leave the kingdom to the second, who decided to cede it to the heir. The father died while the son was travelling in search of (medicinal) remedies, and he fled to avoid being proclaimed king, so that the third son was proclaimed. When the hero Wu rose up, the two princes went both to oppose him, reproaching him for arming himself against the legitimate authority of the emperor Chau. His guard wishing to kill them, Wu interposed, and directed them to be escorted in safety; they, not willing to avail themselves of the patronage of one whom they deemed a tyrant, retreated (about B.C. 1120) to the hill Shau-yang shan # |}} |||. where they fed upon herbs. 18. Lu, Kung Chung-ni {}, JL ſh JE. While the king and the people of Lu were good, Confucius was employed as minister; once, in a water-pipe, something was lost, which nobody but he could reach. The king of Tsi, de- siring to overthrow the king of Lu, sent him a dancing-girl, with whom he was so delighted, that he gave no audiences for three days. Confucius then D ec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 253 gave up his post, and departed for the kingdom of Tsu; but in Chin-tsi Fift #. on the frontiers of the two kingdoms, he was surrounded, and re- mained for seven days without food, till the people of Tsu came to his de- liverance. When he arrived, he was not employed, for the minister represented to the king that his policy was very slow in its action, as he sought to subdue men by kindness and liberality. Afterwards returning to Lu, he opened a hall for various classes of disciples, the principal teachings being of morality and virtue. Knowing that the imperial recorders were flatterers, to supply their defects, he wrote his “Spring and Autumn,” which are the annals of his time, and the book called “Filial Duty.” Soon after, the kilin appeared,—the one-horned scaly stag, one of whose legs was broken at its capture, and who held in his mouth a jasper volume, where it was predicted that Confucius would be merely a king without a territorial king- dom. He knew that his doctrines would not be popular in that age, and de- voted himself to the correction of the fine ancient writings. Afterwards he went to journey with Tsz Kung (the rich) and other disciples, and reaching the hill Kiu-fau (in Shantung) declared that he would be buried there; and when Tsz Kung observed that in five centuries it would become a dangerous spot, he bade them plant two incorruptible pine trees, to prevent this, knowing well that other steps would be taken. When Confucius died, he was buried on that hill, and there his disciples remained three years, and Tsz Kung six, dur- ing which time he covered the coffin with loadstone, which prevented the em- peror Chin from destroying the tomb. For when he sent to have it opened, the mattocks were all arrested at the first blow by the attraction, and the soldiers were dragged to the ground by the action of the magnets on their coats of mail, so that the tomb remained intact. The pine trees flourish or decay according to the state of the empire, and whenever there is a change of dynasty, they put forth a new branch. 19. Min Tsz-kien É +. #. The liberal son. On his father's second marriage, the mother-in-law gave to her two sons garments of warm cotton, and to him of cold cotton; which when his father observed, he drove away his wife and her children. His son said to him, “There was but one suffer- ing before from cold, now there are three; and I pray they may be allowed to return home.” This he said from love for his father, who had been deprived of wife and children on his account. Being afterwards called to the public service, he refused the government of Fei-tsai, declaring that he would fly to foreign countries if strongly urged to accept. 20. Kung-Ye-chang Žs }# # The bird-catcher. He understood the language of birds, and was told by one that in a neighbouring mountain a tiger had seized a sheep, the bird asked him to release the sheep, to take the flesh, and give him the entrails. Arrived at the mountain, the tiger fled, and Kung, giving the entrails to the bird, withdrew with the rest of the ani- mal. When the owner heard of it, he accused him of theft; Kung defended Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 255 examining into their resources and the state of their inhabitants, was chosen to undertake the journey, on the recommendation of Count Potoski, who had justly appreciated his services in the former expedition. Upon being furnished with instructions from his patron and from the Academy, he again left St. Petersburg, on the 15th of September, and travelled through Moscow and Kharkoff to Novo-Tcherkask, the capital of the Cossacks of the Don. He remained there some time, studying the Kalmucs of those parts, and at the same time took the opportunity of confirming the information he had gathered in Siberia and elsewhere on Lamaism. In November he crossed the steppes of the Don, passed through Georghievsk, the capital of the Caucasian government, where he obtained information on the Tcherkesses and the people dwelling beyond the Kuban; he also visited the ruins of Madjar, on the Kuma, Mount Besch-Tau, with its mineral waters and the establishment of the English missionaries. Circumstances compelled him now to travel in the direction of Mosdok, and to go through Little Kabardah and Vladikarkas on the Terek. Accompanied by a considerable military escort, he followed the course of this stream in the narrow valley through which it flows, and which was formerly closed by the celebrated Caucasian gates. On the 26th of December he crossed the Guda, or Mountain of the Cross (Khrestovai-Gora), a snowy mountain, from which several streams descend, and followed the course of the Aragui, which falls into the Kur. On the 14th of January, 1808, he entered Teflis, where he remained till the 5th of March; then he came back to the valley of Aragui and towards the snowy mountains, where he discovered the source of the Terek. After this short but very irksome journey he returned to Teflis, which he left on the 24th of March, and made several excursions into Georgia, visiting both the eastern and western parts of the capital. At that time infectious diseases were spreading in the valleys, and fears were entertained of hostilities with Persia, which prevented him from entering that country and Baku, as he had at first intended. Besides this, the Academy, being no longer able to support the expenses of the journey, recalled him. He therefore returned to Mosdok, where he was obliged to leave his travelling-companions, who were too much exhausted by sickness to accompany him to Little Kabardah and the valleys of the northern Caucasus. When he returned to Mosdok, his former com- panions were dead. “The fatigue of journeying in the mountains,” says he, “ and the effect of the very unhealthy climate on the banks of the Terek, to which I was not accustomed, threw me into a violent fever. Nevertheless I left Mosdok on the 24th of August, and reached Georghievsk. The fever being somewhat abated, I made excursions into Madjari and Ust-Labinsk, on the Kuban, but my illness prevented me from gaining as much therefrom as I wished. During the months of October and November I stayed at Stavropol; from whence I proceeded in a sledge through Tcherkask to Voroneje, and then returned by way of Tula to Moscow and St. Petersburg, where I arrived very ill on the 11th of January, 1809, and my health was not perfectly restored till the following autumn.” 256 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. The knowledge he gained during this journey was communicated to the Academy; it related chiefly to the researches of Klaproth on the languages of the Caucasian tribes and the inferences which he had drawn from this study respecting many idioms of Asia and of other parts of the world. He believed that most of them had sprung from one common origin. In making known his discovery to the Academy, he supported it by producing a voca- bulary of Caribee words which he had met with in the languages of several tribes in the north and east of Asia. Though he never published the sequel to this work, we think it worthy of mention, because he never found reason to give up the ideas which were then suggested to him by his researches. The Academy, wishing to show the great interest it took in this matter, decided that one of Klaproth's dissertations on the subject of the Affgans should be printed separately from his memoirs, at their expense, and also a collection of articles in German, entitled Archives pour la Littérature Orientale. After this Klaproth did not undertake to publish an account of his journey; perhaps he declined doing so on account of the authorities in Russia sub- mitting everything to their tribunal of censure before it is printed, but he has not told us what was his motive. We only know that he did not feel at his ease in St. Petersburg, although he was decorated with one of the Imperial orders, and honoured with the title of Aulic Counsellor. His claims were not sufficiently recognised; he obtained neither the rewards nor the in- demnities which he expected, though his well-known talent certainly deserved great consideration. At the request of Prince Czartoryski, Curator of the University of Wilna, he drew up a plan for a school of Asiatic languages in this establishment. He had just been appointed Professor there, and was preparing to set out, when he was detained by the Minister of Public In- struction, who entrusted him with the cataloguing of the valuable collection of Chinese and Manchu books and manuscripts belonging to the Academy. In 1811 he was sent to Berlin to superintend the printing of the characters required for this purpose, and he eagerly seized this opportunity of leaving Russia. At the end of fourteen months the work confided to his care was completed. He had to wait a long time for his dismissal, which he had petitioned for in 1812. On receiving it he lost the titles of nobility which he had obtained and his academic titles, with other distinctions which had been bestowed upon him by the Russian government. This loss of favour, which he had anticipated, did not, in the least, diminish his love of study, although this was an unfavourable epoch for the cultivation of literature. In April, 1812, he had commenced bringing out his Journey in the Caucasus; but the disturbances of war put a stop to this as well as to his other works, in 1813. With the hope of carrying them on in quietness, he took refuge at Warmbrunn, a little town in the mountains which separate Bohemia from Silesia; but this province too was soon invaded, and a portion of the manuscript which he had sent to Berlin was lost. In 1814, as soon as circumstances permitted, he finished the printing of this work; and then he travelled to Italy, and went to the isle of Elba, where he was well received Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 257 by Napoleon, who conversed with him with great interest about his travels and his works. It is said that he had previously offered to enter into the service of the Emperor, and that it was with this motive that he now visited him. We have heard that his request was granted, and that he was asked to write an essay on the different Asiatic races inhabiting the frontiers of Russia, but that owing to the fall of Napoleon he never completed it. However this may be, he did not change his opinion with the change of circumstances, and he always showed great esteem for the extraordinary man to whom he had offered his allegiance even after he had abdicated the throne. Although in Florence, Klaproth was living in straitened circumstances, he made a determined effort to come to France. He reached Paris about the close of the year 1815, where he dwelt from that time forward. Count John Potoski, whose friendship he always retained, induced him to settle there, by assuring him that in Paris he would find the greatest facilities and aids of every kind for bringing out the vast information he had acquired, and also for prosecuting his further researches. Klaproth was earning a somewhat pre- carious livelihood in Paris, when Baron Wilhelm von Humboldt met with him, and used all the influence which his great merit and particularly his high station commanded, to improve the position of his fellow-countryman. He had only seen him once before, at Dresden, in humble circumstances, after the battle of Leipzig; but he knew all about his journey to Porto-Ferraio; he appre- ciated his labours and his fund of information, and foresaw how much literature would be enriched by him, on account of the good service he had done in its cause. At his request, the King of Prussia conferred on Klaproth, August 11, 1816, the title of Professor of the Languages and Literature of Asia, and granted him, in addition to a good salary, a large sum of money for the publication of his works, with permission to remain at Paris until they were completed. We owe to this encouragement several valuable works, which we shall mention hereafter. Klaproth being now at his ease, devoted himself uninterruptedly to his favourite studies. He entered fully into the literature and geography of Asia, besides several other subjects. By means of the list of his works, which will be found at the close of this article, we shall be able to trace the course of his studies, the progress of his labours, and even his habits of thought, and we shall see the many results at which he arrived by his great sagacity and his persevering study, aided by a memory which was equally retentive and accurate. But we cannot help regretting that he should have wasted so much time on useless discussions, which added nothing to the progress of literature, and which grieved those who were interested in its honour. We admit that he had an excessive love of truth and an unconquerable antipathy to theories which were not based upon facts, an implacable hatred of charlatanism, whatever might be its mask, and for ignorant vanity—he pursued then to the death. Yet we must confess that he often thought he saw enemies of this kind where they did not exist, which faulty and unfortunate state of mind was the more to be lamented because he thought that he was thus showing his devoted faithfulness to the 258 The Chinese déJapanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. interests of science, and proving his deep conviction that he was right. It is in this way that we must account for that bitter and stinging criticism, which flung aside the politeness and consideration which carry so much weight in the cause of right, truth, and reason. But with persons who sought his advice or instruction no one could be more kind and obliging than Klaproth; we have heard several express their delighted surprise and gratitude at his conduct on these occasions, for judging from his controversial writings, they had imagined that he was a most harsh and disobliging man. Envy, that passion of base minds, was quite unknown to Klaproth. He was always forward in doing justice to real merit, even in his rivals, and his admiration was sincere. The great number of works he has published, his varied and complicated studies, his difficult researches, always conducted with the greatest precision, his minute care for the authenticity of his facts, his quotations and his orthography, might lead one to suppose that he was one of those learned men, who, devoted exclusively to study, were perfect strangers to the world and its distractions. But this was not the case with Klaproth; he had the tastes and the habits formed for society, and a very decided liking for all that tends to render life agreeable and refined; he was no enemy to its gaieties and pleasures. The rapid decline of his health is doubtless to be attributed to this division of his time between study and worldly dissipation. From the year 1833 he suffered from palpitation of the heart so severely, that however much he might have been mistaken about his symptoms up to that time, it was now evident that he carried about with him the seeds of an incurable disease; it was plain that he was wasting away gradually and rapidly. He went to Berlin in the autumn of 1834, and it was hoped that he would derive benefit from this journey; but not even his native air, with the honour- able reception by his king and the homage of the great men of his country, nor the tokens of affection from old friends, had power to re-invigorate his exhausted energies and his declining life; he returned worse than before, struggling against heart disease and the beginning of dropsy of the chest, which in spite of all the alleviations of medical science, and the anxious atten- tion of Dr. Breschet, made the most alarming advances. Notwithstanding his sufferings, Klaproth was for a long time unconscious of his danger, and hoped that he should soon recover. However, after his breath had stopped occasionally, and he had suffered from fainting fits and giddiness, he noticed that every now and then his ideas became confused and his memory weak- ened; and then he gave way to his sad presentiments. One day, when we called upon him, we found him holding his head between his hands, and evi- dently in a state of extreme sadness, depression, and consternation. Upon perceiving us, he exclaimed, “Go away, I shall go mad, I have no memory left, I cannot collect my ideas, my thoughts escape me; I am lost to science, I cannot carry on a conversation, I would rather a hundred times be dead than live in this state 1" We retired, in great grief. A few days later, he was much calmer, conversed with pleasure, talked to us about his works, and rejoiced to think of the new books he had just purchased. But still he was Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 259 aware that his end was drawing nigh. “You will outlive me,” said he, and when we tried to turn off his thoughts from this, reminding him that we were sixteen years older than he was; “No,” said he, “it is all over with me, I shall soon be gone!” He died suddenly on Thursday, August 27th, 1835, at one o'clock in the morning. His mortal remains were carried to the Mont- martre Cemetery on the following Sunday. There were present at his funeral, amongst others, Baron Alexander von Humboldt, the friend and ornament of science, and who had been one of Klaproth's warmest supporters; the Secre- tary to the Prussian Legation; learned men of France and of foreign countries; besides many eminent men and others who were sincerely attached to Klap- roth. M. Boisard, the pastor of the Lutheran church, preached his funeral sermon, and in simple and touching language spoke the praise of the de- ceased. List of THE PRINCIPAL. WoRks of KLAP Roth. I. Asiatisches Magasin, &c. (an Asiatic Magazine, conducted by a literary society, and published by J. Klaproth), Weimar, 1802, 2 vols. in 8vo., maps and engravings. This publication, containing articles on every variety of subject relating to Asia, is prefaced by an introduction dated December 1801, from which we find that Klaproth was only eighteen years and two months old at this time. He contributed to this work the following articles: Sur les contrées de l'Asie au-delà du Moustag qui ont été connues des anciens; Sur les peuples d'Iagog et de Magog; Sur la religion de Fo en Chine; Conquéte de la Chine par les Mandchous en 1644; Traité de l'ancienne littérature des Chinois ; Description des antiquités des monts de Bisotour près de Kermanchāh (en Perse); Mémoire de Hager sur les inscriptions Babyloniennes découvertes récemment (translated, and accompanied by notes). On reading the above, we are truly astonished at the variety and extent of these studies, pursued by a young man in his twentieth year. II. Sur la langue et l'origine des Aghouans ou Afghans, St. Petersburg, 1810, in 4to. (in German). Some writers had assigned to the Affghans a Hebrew origin: Klaproth shows, by proofs taken from their idioms, that they are descended from the same stock as the Persians, the Kurds, the Assetes, and other tribes, whose language has an affinity with the Sanskrit; and he shows that from the commencement of historic times they have inhabited the mountainous country which is situated between India and Persia. III. Archives de la littérature, de l'histoire et de la linguistique de l'Asie, St. Petersburg, 1810, in 4to. (German), the first and only volume. This contains: Parallèle des principaua caractères d'écriture de l'Asie avec l'alphabet Allemand: Langues du Caucase.—Les Aghouans.—Le Babour Nameh, ou livre des conseils de l'empereur Babour.—Mémoire de Sir G. Staunton sur la vaccine: a translation of the treatise published in Chinese at Macao in 1805.—Ercerpta er historia satraparum arbelensium in majore Armenia. The author of this history is Stephen Orpélian, Archbishop of Syounie towards the close of the thirteenth century.—Fragments sur l'Ava et le Pégou, et voca- bulaire Boman ou Barman—Fragments de l'idiome des Litou-Khievu-Remar- u 26() The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. ques sur la frontière russe et chinoise recueillies dans un voyage fait sur les lieur en 1805. IV. Inscription de Yu, traduite et erpliquée, Berlin, 1811, in 4to.. plates (German). This ancient monument of China, which goes back as far as the twenty-third century before our era, had been published and commentated by Hager. Klaproth treated this subject more skilfully, and he had a fac-simile of this inscription lithographed in twelve large folio sheets. V. Mémoire sur la langue et l'écriture des Ouigours, Berlin, 1812, in 8vo., plates, Paris, 1820, in fol. (German). This memoir was at first inserted in the Mines de l'Orient, tom. ii. There was an uncertainty regårding the origin of this nation of Central Asia, who were so often named by writers of the middle ages. Klaproth was convinced that they were of Turkish descent. VI. Voyage au Caucase et en Géorgie, entrepris en 1807 et 1808, contenant une de- scription complete des pays Caucasiens et de leurs habitans, Halle et Berlin, 1812, 1814, 2 vols. in 8vo., cartes (German); translated into English by F. Shoberl, London, 1814, in 4to., maps; in French, Paris, 1823, 2 vols. in 8vo., map.– This book contains much information on the Caucasus and the Caucasians; it is to be regretted that the author has not made his narration more attractive, and that the French translation, revised by the author, does not contain the instructions of Count Potoski, which are also in French, and some other things equally important are left out. The second volume contains the following articles, which are not in the French version : Description des pays Caucasiens; Histoire de Géorgie ; Remarques sur les frontières de la Chine et de la Russie ; Langue et écriture des Ouigours; on the other hand, we find in the French version—VII. Langues du Caucase (Supplément du Voyage au Caucase et en Géorgie), Halle et Berlin, 1814, in 8vo. The cantons inhabited by the different tribes are here described, and vocabularies are also given. VIII. Description géographique et historique du Caucase oriental entre le Terek, l'Aragvi, le Kouban, et la mer Caspienne, Weimar, 1814, in 8vo. This volume is the supplement to the Poyage au Caucase. Klaproth had not been able to visit the eastern part of the Caucasus, but had obtained a great deal of information about this country from facts furnished by the natives; so that he was able to discover the mistakes of Reineggs, to correct the misprints in the work of Guldenstaedt, and to fill up a gap in geography. IX. Description des provinces Russes entre la mer Caspienne et la mer Noire, Berlin, 1814, in 12mo, X. Supplé- ment au Dictionnaire Chinois du P. Basile de Glemona (imprimé en 1813 par les soins de M. Deguignes), Paris, 1819, in fol. This book is intended to correct and increase the Chinese dictionaries published by the Catholic mission- aries; it gives also several useful tables for beginners, which were contained in the manuscript of P. Basile, but which the editor had omitted. The Supplément is preceded by an Eramen critique du Dictionnaire (meaning that of M. Deguignes): this Supplement is well written; the style is clever, and sufficiently cutting to be attributed to Rémusat. It was to have had a con- tinuation, but this never appeared. XI. Tripartitum, seu de Analogia lin- guarum libellus, Vienne, 1820–23, in fol. oblong This work was produced by Klaproth and the Baron de Mérian conjointly. XII. Catalogue des livres et manu. DEc. 3, 1863.] The Chinese d Japanese Repository. 261 scrits Chinois et Mantchous de la bibliothèque de Berlin, et dissertation sur la langue et l'origine des Ouigours, Paris, 1822, in fol. (German). Each article is accompanied by learned explanations and interesting notes. XIII. Asia Poly- glotta, Paris, 1823, in 4to., et atlas in fol. (German) ; 2e édition, Paris, 1829. This second edition contains only a new title and sixty pages of additions and improvements. The different nations of Asia are classed, in this work, according to their various idioms, which are divided into twenty-three branches. The author appears to have generally followed sound principles ; his discussion of many particular points is exceedingly interesting , the work opens with an Appréciation raisonnée des historiens Asiatiques ; which is followed by Considérations sur les déluges et les inondations ; and it ends with a Vie de Bouddha, écrite d'après les récits des Mongols. XIV. Magasin Asia- tique, ou Revue géographique et historique de l'Asie centrale et septentrionale, Paris, 1825, 2 cartes, in 8vo. This magazine, which, unfortunately, was not continued, contains : Voyage à Khokand, fait en 1813 et 1814, par Ph. Nasaron.—Notices géographiques et historiques sur Khokand, Taehkand, Badakh- chdn et autres pays voisins, traduites du chinois.—Remarques sur les peuples qui habitent la frontière chinoise, sur les Tartares tributaires de la Russie, et sur les Soïouts et Mongols soumis à la Chine, recueillies de 1772 à 1781, par Tegor Pesterev.—Description du Caucase et des pays qui avoisinent la mer Noire et la mer Caspienne, traduite de l'Arabe de Massoudi.—Mémoire sur le cours du Yaro- Dzangbo-Tchou, ou du grand fleuve du Tubet, suivi de notices sur la source du Burrampouter.—Voyage dans l'Asie centrale, par Mir Izzet-Ulla en 1812.— lotice sur les Samoyèdes, par Vassili Krestinin.—Route de Tching-Tou-Fou en Chine, à travers le Tubet oriental jusqu'à H'lassa ou Lassa, traduit du Chinois.— Tableau des plus hautes montagnes de la Chine, d'après les ouvrages géographiques des Chinois-Description du Si-Dzang ou Tubet.—All these articles are very important additions to our knowledge of Asia. XV. Tableaux historiques de l'Asie, depuis la monarchie de Cyrus jusqu'à nos jours, accompagnés de recherches historiques et critiques sur cette partie du monde, Paris, 1826, in 4to., et atlas in fol. The twenty-seven maps which compose this atlas show the changes which have taken place in the different countries of Asia from the time of Cyrus till the year 1825 ; to each map there is added an explanation contained in an aperçu général at the end of the vol. in 4to. This latter does not give a circumstantial history of Asia, but a general account of its revolutions. Several countries are only just mentioned, because there are no authentic records of them. The following are some of the most remarkable articles in this work : Aperçu historique et ethnographique des peuples de l'Asie moyenne jusqu'à l'an 1ooo de notre ère; Recherches sur la grande migration des peuples : both of these articles present new and curious ideas ; the origin of the Huns is explained in a very satisfactory manner. The Hermes, a German newspaper, having criticised this book, Klaproth replied in German. XVI. Mémoires rélatifs à l'Asie, contenant des recherches historiques, géographiques, et philolo- giques sur les peuples de l'Orient, Paris, 1826-1828, 3 vols. in 8vo., cartes et planches. This publication has met with the success which it deserved , in it U 2 262 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. we find ; De la frontière Russe et Chinoise, an article worth consulting in these days, when a European state is endeavouring to cause the Chinese Government to deviate from its ancient customs.-Description de la Russie, traduite du Chinois; this is interesting for the same reasons as the above-mentioned article.—Analyse des recherches sur l'ancienne histoire de la Russie, par M. Lehrberg.—Sur quelques antiquités de la Sibérie.-Eramen d'un ertrait d'une histoire des Khans Mongols de J. J. Schmidt, et réponse. Klaproth exposes the weak parts of the work which Schmidt proposes to translate; the latter admits the justice of some of his remarks.—Sur l'affinité du Cophte avec les langues du nord de l'Asie et du nord-est de l'Europe.—Comparaison du basque avec les idiomes asiatiques, et principalement avec ceur qu'on nomme sémitiques.— Mémoire de Jean Ouosk 'herdjan, suivi de vingt-huit anciennes descriptions arméniennes : the title-page informs us, in addition, that in translating this memoir, Klaproth was assisted by an Armenian ; the author had witnessed the events which had taken place in Georgia and Armenia at the close of the eighteenth century and at the beginning of the nineteenth ; his notes explain many things in his narrative, and throw light on the geography of those parts. —Notice sur l'archipel de Jean Potocki dans la partie septentrionale de la mer Jaune.—This archipelago was unknown to English navigators, who explored the Yellow Sea, until the year 1816. Klaproth pointed it out from Chinese maps, and pays a tribute of admiration to his benefactor, after whom he names these isles.—Description de l'ile Formose, ertraite des livres chinois;–Vocabu- laire formosan;–Phrases en formosan ; –very curious details respecting this island, called by the Chinese Thai-Ouan. It is well known that Psalmanazar had published a novel on Formosa and its inhabitants, which has long been quoted as a reliable book.--Sur l'origine du papier-monnaie en Chine. Paper- money was known in China as early as the year I 19 before the Christian era, but only came into general use in the tenth century after Christ; it is inter- esting to follow its history; it disappeared in 1455, and was introduced into Persia by the Mongols; this is mentioned by Marco Polo.—Eramen des his- toriens asiatiques; translation from the Asia Polyglotta.-Lettre à M. l'Abbé Grosier, criticising the assertions of M. Deguignes junior, who denied the an- tiquity of the history of China.-Mots sanscrits comparés avec ceur des autres idiomes indo-germaniques et avec les langues de l'Asie septentrionale.—Sur l'origine des Mandehous. These people are of the same origin as the Ton- gouses. The present emperor of China is of the Manchu-Tartar dynasty.— Voyage à la montagne Blanche, traduit du mandchou. This chain, called in Chinese Tchang-Pe-Shan, is situated in the Manchu country, to the north of the Corea. —Sur les Tartars; an explanation of this word, which is often used incorrectly. —Fragments sur les races et sur les langues de l'ancien et du nouveau continent.— Wie de Bouddha, d'après les livres mongols, traduite de l'Asia Polyglotta.--Carac- tères primitifs des Chinois.-Notice du Babour-Nameh, on Histoire du sultan Babour, &crite par lui-méme en turc oriental. This Babour was the founder of the Mongol dynasty in India, in 1525.-Description des fles Lieou-Kieou, extraite d'ouvrages japonais et chinois.-Description des fles Mou-Nin-Sima, Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 263 traduite de l'ouvrage japonais San-Kokf-Tsu-Ran-Recherches sur les ports de Gampou et de Zaithoum en Chine, décrits par Marco Polo, et qui se nomment aujourd'hui Kan-Fou et Tsiuan-Tcheou-Fou. This is an essay on the com- mentary which Klaproth intended to publish on the account written by the celebrated Venetian traveller.—Histoire de la ville de Khotan. An analysis of Rémusat's book bearing the same title—observations critiques sur les recher- ches relatives à l'histoire politique et religieuse de l’intérieur de l'Asie, publiées par M. Schmidt.—Eclaircissements sur une carte chinoise et japonaise de l'Inde. —Lettres sur la littérature mandchoue. These letters had appeared before, with a separate title to each. They were directed against Langlès-Descrip- tion du lac Baikal.—Vocabulaire latin, persan, et coman, de la bibliothèque de Francesco Petrarcha. In the notice which precedes the vocabulary there is some valuable information respecting the Comans, who were a celebrated people in the middle ages.—Notice de la mer Caspienne.—Observations sur la carte de l'Asie, publiée en 1822, par M. A. Arrowsmith : pointing out the many imperfections in this map.—Description du grand canal de la Chine, ertraite d'ouvrages chinois.-Mémoire sur le cours de la grande rivière du Tubet.—Sur la langue des Afghans.—Notice d'une carte japonaise conservée dans le Musée Britannique de Londres.—Remarques critiques sur la traduction allemande des apuvres de Confucius, par Schott. XVII. Vocabulaire et gram- maire de la langue géorgienne, Paris, 1827, in 8vo. The first part, containing the Georgian-French and French-Georgian vocabulary, is all that was pub- lished. XVIII. Lettre sur les découvertes des hiéroglyphes acrologiques, adressée à M. le Comte de Goulianoff, Paris, 1827, in 8vo. XIX. Seconde Lettre sur les hiéroglyphes, adressée à M.D.S. ..., Paris, 1827, in 8vo. The author thinks, from the knowledge obtained up to that time, of the hierogly- phic writing of the Egyptians, that the signs which formed this writing were : 1st, phonetic characters known to Young and Champollion; 2nd, signs representing the initials of words, a class which was discovered by M. de Goulianoff, and which Klaproth calls acrologics; 3rd, real pictures, which signified what they represented; 4th, symbolic hieroglyphics, a class little known; 5th, anaglyphic signs, which we hope to learn more about through the researches of M. de Goulianoff. Champollion replied to the first letter, and thus called forth the second. XX. Collection d'antiquités égypti- ennes, gathered by M. le chevalier de Palin, published by M. M. Dorow and Klaproth, in thirty-three plates, to which was added a thirty-fourth, represent- ing the most beautiful scarabs of the collection of M. J. Passalacqua, preceded by critical observations on the hieroglyphic alphabet discovered by M. Champollion junior, and on the progress hitherto made in the art of decipher- ing the ancient Egyptian writings, with two plates, Paris, 1829, in fol. Klaproth does not question the ability of Champollion; he acknowledges that he has corrected the mistakes of Th. Young; that the latter discovered the hieroglyphic signs of the ancient Egyptians, and that Champollion added con- siderably to this discovery; but he says it only enables us to read the names of the kings and of a few others, and is of no assistance in reading the 264 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. ideographic and symbolic hieroglyphics, and that Champollion almost always failed in endeavouring to explain the latter. His system does not follow any definite rule; and he often changes the meaning which he has given to the characters, both phonetic and symbolic. The imperfect knowledge of the ancient idiom of Egypt, which we obtain through the aid of the Coptic, will never suffice to explain the meaning of an hieroglyphic inscription, even when written in phonetic characters; the alteration of the Table d’Abydos, published by Champollion, shows how much confidence may be placed in his works on Egyptian antiquities. XXI. Eramen critique des travaur de M. Champollion jeune sur les hiéroglyphes, Paris, 1832, in 8vo. XXII. Chrestomathie mandchou, ou Recueil de tertes mandchous, destiné aur personnes qui veulent s'occuper de l'étude de cette langue, Paris, 1828, in 8vo. In this collection we find l'Eloge de la ville de Moukden, by the emperor Kien-Lung, with a translation, which is as literal as it is possible to render it in French without making it unintelligible. The version of P. Amiot was simply a paraphrase. XXIII. Notice d'une mappemonde et d'une cosmographie chinoises, Paris, 1833, in 8vo. This map of the world is a medley of Chinese and European ideas. We therefore suppose that the author, in preparing it, made use of a European planisphere drawn up in the first half of the sixteenth century, and that it was translated into Chinese by a missionary. It contains some very singular details. The author of the cosmography was a doctor, who, in the reign of Kang-Hi, accompanied his father in his expeditions against the pirates. The book appeared in the year 1730; Klaproth made use of the edition which was published in 1793. XXIV. Lettre à M. le baron A. de Humboldt sur l'invention de la boussole, Paris, 1834, in 8vo., figures. From the most remote antiquity the Chinese have been acquainted with the magnetic needle, and its property of pointing to the north. But the first mention of the magnetising power of the loadstone was made in the year 121 of our era. Works published about a hundred years later refer to the use of the mariner's compass for marking the north and south points; other works, from the year I 11 1 to 11 17, mention the variation of the magnetic needle, which was not discovered before the time of the first voyage of Christopher Columbus to America. All these facts are supported by numerous historical evidences. Klaproth shows, in the same manner, that the Chinese had made many other discoveries long before us, such as the attractive power of amber, the cause of the tides, the invention of gunpowder, and of printing, which dates among them from the first part of the tenth century, and was introduced from China into the neighbouring countries. He thinks that several of these discoveries were carried by the Arabian navigators to the western countries of Asia, and were then commu- nicated by degrees to the nearest European nations. The work begins with researches on the antiquity of the knowledge of the magnet in Asia and Europe, and on the different names given to this singular stone and to the magnetic needle, in the various idioms and dialects of these two parts of the world. XXV. Tableau historique, géographique, ethnographique, et politique du Caucase et des provinces limitrophes entre la Russie et la Perse, Paris, 1828, in Svo. This Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese di Japanese Repository. 265 book has often been quoted by writers on the Caucasus. Klaproth edited: Voyage en Géorgie et en Imirette, Berlin, 1815, in 8vo. ; and Description des pays caucasiens, par Guldenstaedt, Berlin, 1834, in 8vo.– Voyage à Pekin è travers la Mongolie en 182o et 1821, par M. G.Timkowski, Paris, 1827, 2 vols. in 8vo., et atlas. The preface to this publication, which we drew up conjointly with Klaproth, shows the alterations which we found it necessary to make in this account which was written in Russian, and also in the translation by M. N. . .; we added to it an index which was wanting in the original. – Principes de l'étude comparative des langues, par le Baron de Mérian, Paris, 1828, in 8vo. Klaproth gave, at the end of this, Observations sur les racines des langues sémitiques; and in the preface he eulogised the author, who had just died, and who had been his friend. – Voyage dans les steps d'Astrakan et du Caucase. Histoire primitive des peuples qui ont habité ces contraes. Nouveau périple du Pont-Eurin, par le Comte Jean Potocki, Paris, 1829, 2 vols. in 8vo., planches et cartes. Klaproth has added notes and tables to these volumes, and in the preface he expresses his sincere gratitude to Count Potoski for the favours he had conferred upon him.-Description du Tubet, traduite partielle- ment du chinois en russe par le P. Hyacinthe Bitchourin et du russe en français par M..., soigneusement revue et corrigee sur l'original chinois, completée etaccom- pagnée de notes, Paris, 1831, in 8vo., cartes et plan.–Nipon o Dai Itsiran, ou Annales des empereurs du Japan, traduites par M. Isaac Titsingh, avec l'aide de plusieurs interprètes attachés au comptoir hollandais de Nangasaki, ouvrage revu, complété et corrigé sur l'original japonais-chinois, accompagné de notes et précédé d'un apergu de l'Histoire mythologique du Japon, Paris, 1834, in 4to. M. Landresse, one of the librarians of the Institut of France, has made an alphabetic table of the Annales de Dairi.– Breve Notizia del regno del Tibet dal fra Francesco Orazio della Penna di Belli 173o, publié d'après le manuscrit autographe de l'auteur, Paris, 1835, in 8vo. Klaproth was indebted to M. Salvi, the learned Italian bibliographer, for the manuscript of this book. Abel Rémusat had left incomplete, the Foé koué ki, ou Relation des royaumes bouddhiques. After the death of this learned man, Klaproth undertook to complete the work, but his own death put an end to his labours, and the Foé houé ki was finished by M. Landresse, who had been associated with Klaproth in the work. Klaproth translated from the original Japanese-Chinese, San Kokf tsouran to sets, ou Apergu général des trois royaumes, Paris, 1832, grand in 8vo., cartes. The work, published in 1786, at Yedo, contains a description of Corea, the Loo-choo isles, and the island of Yesso. Klaproth made many additions to this work, which is very important in a geographical point of view. He contributed many articles to different magazines, several of which were published separately, and of which the following are the most important: To the Encyclopédie moderne de Courtin : Langues.–Apergu de l'origine des di- verses écritures du monde, Paris, 1832, in 8vo., pl. To the translation of the travels of Denham and Clapperton : Essai sur la langue du Bornou, suivi des vocabulaires du Begharmi, du Mandara et de Timbouctou, Paris, 1826, in 8vo. To the Journal Asiatique: Mémoire sur l'identité des Ossètes avec les Alains. – 266 The Chinese d Japanese Repository. [DEc. 3, 1863. Sur les ambassades en Chine.—Liste des thés les plus célèbres de la Chine.- Critique de la description historique de la Chine, par M. J. Orlow.—Extrait de l'histoire du Kachmir.—Mémoire sur l'identité des Thou Khin avec les Turcs.— Voyages de M. Ksoma de Koros dans la Haute-Asie.—Notice sur la mention de la Chine faite par Théophylacte Simocatte.—Notice de la grande encyclopédie chinoise, intitulée : Kou-Kin-Tcho-Chou.—Sur le pays de Tenduc ou Tenduch mentionnée par Marco Polo, etc. To the Nouveau Journal Asiatique : Com- mentaire sur la description des pays Caucasiens de Straban.—Remarques géographiques sur les provinces occidentales de la Chine décrites par Marco Polo.—Comparaisons de la langue des Tchouvaches avec les idiomes Turcs.— Observations sur le dictionnaire tubétain imprimé à Sérampore.—Sur les clefs chinoises.—Foukoua siriak, ou Traité sur l'origine des richesses au Japon, écrit en 17o6 ; traduit sur l'original Japonais et accompagné de notes.—Extraits d'une topographie de la Géorgie.—Rapport sur un mémoire rélatif à l'origine des Japonais, par M. D. Siebold.—Extrait du Derbend Named, ou Histoire de Derbend.—Observations critiques sur la traduction d'un drame chinois, par M. Davis.-Rapport sur le plan de Pékin, publié à Saint Pétersbourg en 1829.— Rapport sur l'histoire Ottomane, publiée par M. de Hammer.—Description du pays de Didoèthi extraite de la topographie géorgienne.—Sur les anciennes églises chriétiennes dans le Caucase au-delà du Kouban.—Analyse critique de l'Histoire et de la doctrine du Bouddhisme, par M. E. Upham.—Rapport sur les ouvrages du P. Hyacinthe Bitchourin, relatifs à l'histoire des Mongols.- Rapport sur le projet de voyage autour du monde, par M. Buckingham.- Tableau chronologique des plus célèbres patriarches et des évènements les plus remarquables de la religion Bouddhique, rédigé en 1678.—Notes sur le Tubet.- Notice et explication des inscriptions de Bolghari; the ruins of Bolgari are to the south of Kasan, on the banks of the Volga.—Notice de l'Encyclopédie littéraire de Ma-Touan-Lin.—Sur les Dairis, ou Empereurs duJapon.—Descrip- tion de la Chine sous le règne de la dynastie Mongole, d'après Rachid-Edpin.— Histoire de la Géorgie, etc. To the Nouvelles Annales des voyages : Liste des points de la Sibérie dont les élévations au-dessus du niveau de la mer ont êté déterminées.—Description du mont Tchekonda, par Sokolov, one of the companions of Pallas (trad. du russe).—Description de l'île de Hai-nan, avec une carte.—L'Almanach impérial de la Chine.—Commerce de la Russie avec la Chine, written in 1823.—Notice sur H'Lassa, capitale du Tubet, avec un plan.—Les almanachs chinois.—De la religion des Tao Szu en Chine.— Notice sur le Japan, extraite des livres japonais et autres sources.—Description de l'Arménie russe.—Aperçu du voyage de Hiouan-Thsang, prétre bouddhiste chinois, dans l'Asie moyenne et l'Inde.—Montagnes couvertes de neiges per- petuelles dans l'Yunnan en Chine. To the Biographie Universelle, the articles on Stritter, Tatichtchev, Thsao-Thsao, Thsin-Chi-Houang-Ti, Toulichen, Wang-Mang, Wan-Ly, Wen-Wang, Wichmann, Wilford, Wou-Heou, Wou- Wang, I-Hiang, Ziegenbalg, Zizianow, etc. Klaproth often sketched out, and even drew in part, the maps which accompany some of his works. His travels and his studies made such work easy to him. For several years he Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 267 was engaged on a map of central Asia, of which he furnished the materials. It was executed under his direction, but did not appear until after his death. It is called, Carte de l'Asie centrale, dressée d'après des cartes levées par ordre de l'empereur Khian-Loung, par les missionnaires de Pékin et d'après un grand ombre de nations ertraites et traduites de livres chinois, Paris, 1835, 4 feuilles grand aigle. This map represents the countries of central Asia between the 25th and 52nd degrees of north latitude, and between the 62nd and 1 19th degree of east latitude, reckoning from Paris; it throws great light on these countries, which are so little known. From the time that Klaproth con- ceived the idea of producing this map, he diligently compared the information contained in Chinese books with that which the missionaries had communi- cated to d'Anville, and which this great geographer has made use of in the maps which he added to the Histoire de la Chine, by Duhalde. By this means he discovered the cause of the mistakes of d’Anville, which are rather numerous in the regions near and west of the Himalayas. He also published, Carte de la Mongolie, du pays des Mandchous, de la Corée et du Japon, Paris, 1833. He wrote, under the name of Louis de l'Or, Lettres à la Société Asiatique de Paris, Paris, 1823, in 8vo. In the first of these letters he criticises the German work of Fréd. Adelung, entitled, Coup d'ail sur toutes les langues connues et leurs dialectes; in the second, he censures le Monde primitif of Link. These letters are well argued, their tone is not too sarcastic, and they contain judicious remarks on the nomenclature and the spread of the different races of the human family. Klaproth also produced, under the assumed name of Wilhelm Lauterbach (in German), Prétendue traduction des ouvrages de Confucius d'après la langue originale, imposture littéraire des ouvrages du docteur Wilhelm Schott, Leipsig et Paris, 1828, in 8vo., avec le texte chinois. There is a list of the whole of Klaproth's works in the Catalogue which Merlin, the bookseller, made of his library, Paris, 1839, in 8vo. This forms a very remarkable specimen of bibliography. M. C. Landresse, who has translated the titles of the oriental works, has added a short notice of each work. Klaproth commenced a new edition of Mithridates, but it was never finished. Shortly before his death, he finished a Description géographique, statistique et historique de l'empire chinois, which was to have appeared at the same time in Paris and London, in French and English. The manuscript is in the hands of a French bookseller. He en- riched with valuable notes, the Fragments de géologie et de climatologie Asiatique of M. A. von Humboldt, Paris, 1831, 2 vols. in 8vo. Klaproth was one of the most zealous founders and members of the Société Asiatique of Paris. M. Landresse devoted an article to him in the number for September, 1835, of that society's journal. M. de la Renaudière paid him the same tribute in the October Number of the Nouvelles Annales des toyages, to which Klaproth was a contributor. 268 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. ART. IV.-The Yang-tze-kiang and the New Treaty Ports. By ALEx. Bowers, R. N. R., Master of ship “White-Adder,” belonging to Messrs. John Willis & Son. [The following, which was addressed to the Editor of The Times, is worth preserving, as it shows how rapidly the commerce of the Yang-tsz has developed,—a river navigable 4oo or Soo miles from the sea by vessels of loco tons burden.—J. S.] ON the morning of the 11th of February, 1861, the naval expedition under command of Vice-Admiral Sir James Hope left the Woosung River for the purpose of exploring the upper waters of the Yang-tze-kiang, and of opening intercourse with the trading ports on its banks. Nearly three years have elapsed since the successful results of this expedition have been published to the world, and since that time many have been the evidences of the vast resources which opening the interior of China has presented to the commerce of Western nations. From observations made during a recent visit to Hankow with a thousand ton ship I am enabled to testify to some of the difficulties of the navigation during our progress up in ballast and down full of tea, drawing 19ft. 4in. The first and great difficulty is the Lang-shan crossing, about fifty miles above Woosung ; at this part of the river there are numerous sandbanks, partly covered at high water, and the channel between them is rather intricate; but it is well buoyed, and there being a light ship as well makes it comparatively easy, the least water in it coming down in July was half five, and, in fact, the danger was less than getting from Woosung to sea. From the Lang-shan to Chin-kiang the navigation is easy, the river contracts gradually, the channel deepens, but the current increases in strength. At Silver Island I had to land, at the imminent risk of being capsized, to show our river pass,-a formality instituted by the authorities causing considerable detention; the tide at this place runs so strong that a six-oared gig could only just stem it, and Her Majesty's Consul in charge was lately capsized in a man-of-war's cutter. These dangers might be mitigated by the removal of the consulate and custom-house to Chin-kiang, or, temporarily, to a floating hulk, of which there are several in the anchorage. Chin-kiang is a fine city; but presents a very dilapidated appearance, having been formerly held by the rebels. The Grand Canal is here intercepted by the Yang-tze, and several tug steamers are employed in towing the deeply laden salt junks past the rebel lines at Nankin. There is one serious drawback, and that is the anchorage. Vessels lying at that port, or calling, must all anchor on the opposite shore to the British concession, that being the only decent anchorage in it. The adjacent banks are low and marshy, and unsuited for European residences; but on the city side are several pretty sites for bungalows. The current from here up runs with great rapidity, and the numerous steamers now constantly passing on the river render the practice of running all night extremely dangerous. The loss Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 269 which would result in event of collision, whether sustained by assurer or insured, would be heavy, their cargoes valuing at times 50,000l. The upper passage of the river above Chin-kiang is well known to the expe- rienced pilots now on the river, and there is good anchorage to be had in any part of it, until reaching Kew-kiang, where a goodly array of foreign resi- dences have sprung up, and but for the ever-recurring and disgraceful atrocities of the “braves” it would be a pleasant place of residence. A range of mountains 2,000 feet high at the back forms a pleasing contrast to the flat uninteresting plain opposite. As at Chin-kiang, the anchorage is bad here, the ground is rocky and the water deep, and the river about three-fourths of a mile wide. Kew-kiang has, however, not realized the expectations formed of it when Sir J. Hope's party visited it; it is a market for green teas and a few blacks, but does not improve in its demand for manufactured goods. Thence to Hankow we pass through some of the finest scenery in the world, the river at times winding through a rich, cultivated plain; at others, past the base of a high range of hills, some cultivated to the summit. Every here and there are dotted towns and villages, wedged in sometimes between two hills, with their numerous pagodas and battlemented walls, and Buddhist monasteries perched on the brow of some lofty hill, and the small craft attached to each town, some fishing, others larger moving, to all appearance, through paddy fields, and the people in a state of prosperity, the whole country bearing a marked contrast to the ruined cities, broken walls, and burnt joss houses of the rebel districts through which we passed. The approach to Hankow, which in past years, before the rebels descended the river, was marked by a forest of masts lining both sides of the Yang-tze- kiang, here about a mile wide, is now discerned by the long and imposing range of English hongs and warehouses extending about half a mile above the river Han, and three-quarters of a mile below it, quite overtopping all the native houses in the vicinity, and affording a most refreshing prospect after coming so many hundred miles from the sea. The important city of Woo-chang, the capital of the Hoo-Qwang, and seat of the Viceroy, is immediately opposite. There are now established at Hankow about thirty British firms, including all the leading names in Hongkong and Shanghai, three American and three or four German and French houses, and one Russian hong. The most anxious care is now requisite to select a fitting anchorage, which in the summer months is no easy matter; the strength of the current and the chow-chow water render a safe berth, where cargo may be landed and shipped, very difficult to find; lucky, indeed, is the vessel that escapes without loss of more than an anchor and cable, for broken windlasses and hawsepipes are among the disasters attending the anchorage opposite to Hankow. There is an abominable chow- chow water formed by the river Han, which empties itself into the Yang-tze- kiang at right angles, the main current of the larger river sweeping it away, and forming those eddies many miles down. We found it prudent to moor with three anchors; one passed on shore to the bund made the ship compa- ratively easy, and the anchors should be sighted at least once a week, as they 270 The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. ºvery soon get covered from the silt out of the Han and plant which grows very rapidly at the bottom. From information received from the captain of one of the gunboats, the anchorage opposite Han-Yang appears to be the best; ºthere the bank is more gradual and the water more shallow. Han-Yang is on the right bank of the Han river, a narrow stream of about 120 yards in width, and is preferred by some of the residents, as being more healthy than Hankow ; the land is higher, the air purer, not having to pass over a dense Chinese town during the summer months; and, above all, the anchorage is safer. The French Consul has taken up his consulate here, and a suspension bridge to connect the two towns has been projected, as a means of bringing into closer connexion the warehouses above the Han with the native shop- keepers and hongs below. The present system of cargo boats is wretchedly bad ; they are unwieldy, and are propelled by a great scull oar, worked by ten or a dozen men, and when they get involved in the chow-chow water it is difficult to extricate themselves. One of these boats leaving a steamer with about 3,000l. worth of cash got foul of our bows and disappeared, drowning some of the men. This is a common occurrence. Unless the present anchor- age opposite Hankow is changed for a better one, such as that off Han- Yang, where a ship can ride in safety, there will always be great risk in landing and in shipping off goods at this port. There is every probability of sailing vessels taking away first teas direct in future, no less than four of large tonnage having sailed for England this season, and it is only reasonable that the Chinese authorities should facilitate as much as possible any measures which are calculated to render the navigation or anchorages safer and more convenient for the receipt and despatch of cargo. The Lang-shan crossing is the only point of danger in the navigation from Woosung to Hankow, but, notwithstanding this, the voyage is not attended with greater risk than the navigation of the Hooghly at the present time. The British concession at Hankow covers an area of about 90 acres. The allotments have the advantage over those at Shanghai of being held by titles direct from the British Government. From fifteen to twenty British hongs are now in course of erection, and the Municipal Council are engaged in bunding and in laying out roads. A large piece of land has been presented by the British Government for a church, the plans of which are before the community, and a club-house has been contracted for ; in short, the most indifferent observer cannot be otherwise than impressed with the conviction that Hankow is destined to become the Kiakhta of Central China, and the most important of any of our seats of commerce in that most interesting country. Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 271 ART. W.-Notices of Annam or Cochin-China. (Continued from page 239.) Physical AND MoRAL CHARACTER of THE ANNAMITEs. The number of inhabitants in Cochin-China has not yet been correctly ascertained. Some state it to be ten millions, and others thirty millions. The people are descended from three races, the Chinese, the Hindoos, and the Malays. The Annamites have a dark yellow or olive complexion, and are a small plain people with Mongolian features; short flat noses, flat faces, and very black hair. They have large mouths, thin lips, and small black eyes, the white of which has a yellowish tinge. Their teeth, which are naturally very white, are dyed black and injured by chewing betel. They have very wide and high cheek-bones, which form the chief characteristic of their physiognomy. Their limbs are strong, and their general conformation is robust, but they are wanting in ease and grace. They are active and bold, though without the least expression of ferocity; on the contrary, their general demeanour is good-tempered and lively. The women are better formed than the men, and have a graceful mien. The lower orders exhibit most the vivacity of the nation; always talkative, laughing, mild, and gentle, they impress the foreigner very favourably; but the upper classes imitate the gravity and solemnity of the Chinese. Cochin- Chinese beauty consists in a tolerably round and fat face. Both sexes wear their hair long, and fasten it up in a knot behind; it is never cut, except in youth, when it is shaved, leaving, till the tenth year, a little knot on the top of the head. They are proud of their black hair, which, indeed, is very beautiful. They oil it occasionally, to keep it smooth. Short hair is con- sidered a disgrace, and they cut the hair of thieves. The men have very little beard; though they allow it to grow, it amounts at the age of thirty to nothing more than a few hairs on the upper lip and at the end of the chin. Their nails are kept very long and sharp; the women often dye theirs red. Their clothing, of silk or cotton, consists of wide trousers, fastened to a silken girdle, and a dress, reaching to the knees, which is often worn under a shorter one, both of which are fastened on the right side with five or six buttons. The sleeves are very long and wide, and those who are not en- gaged in any manual labour wear them considerably below their finger-ends. Men and women are clothed in the same manner, only the women's dresses are rather longer than the men's, and their sleeves must be short enough to show their bracelets of metal or beads. The full dress, for ceremonial occasions, is wider and longer than the ordi- nary one. The under dress is made of the unbleached cotton of the country; the outer one, with the upper classes, is always of silk or figured gauze, of Chinese manufacture. The trousers worn by the same class are of silk or crape. The lower orders generally wear cotton; though silk is also in use Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 273 The Annamites are very particular about those points in their attire which indicate the differences of rank. Both the civil and military mandarins wear on their breasts a square piece of silk, on which is denoted their rank. A wild boar is the mark of a military officer, a stork that of a literary man, &c. These people, like most other Asiatics, are very dirty in their habits. Though they frequently wash themselves, yet their linen, their hair, their hands and nails are left in a filthy state; even the rich wear very dirty cotton garments at home, and when they go out they throw over these their beauti- ful silk dresses. With regard to the food of the Annamites, stale eggs form a favourite dish with them. When they prepare a feast, and as soon as they have invited the guests, they place eggs under the sitting hens; from the tenth to the twelfth day the eggs are in the most suitable state to please the palate of a Cochin- Chinese. Their favourite sauce, the balachan, of a very strong flavour, is made chiefly from bad fish. The body of a putrified animal is torn to pieces with avidity, and is considered as a great prize by the finder. We are com- pelled to add, in order to tell the whole truth, that these people do not hesitate to put into their mouths the most disgusting vermin. Rice and fish are their ordinary food. The rice is boiled in water, and the fish is eaten either raw, or dried, smoked, and salted. The flesh of crocodiles is in great request. They eat also the flesh of the wild boar, pig, ox, buffalo, elephant, horse, dog, cat, rat, bat, stag, tiger, rhinoceros, buffalo skin both fried and roasted, silk-worms fried in fat, large white worms taken from old trees, ants, ant-eggs, bees and other insects, and swallows' nests. They are particularly fond of still-born calves, which are served up whole in the skin and almost raw. The Annamites in general eat their food in a squatting position, upon a mat spread on the ground. But persons of distinction make use of small round or square tables, one or two feet. They have no knives and forks, but use chop- sticks of ivory or ebony. Their dinner begins with sweetmeats and preserved fruits instead of finishing with these as amongst us. They do not drink anything with their dinner, but before this meal they take a dose of arack-brandy, to sharpen the appetite; and after dinner, those who can afford it, drink several cups of Chinese tea: the poor content them- selves with drinking warm water, into which they have put a few leaves of Annamite tea, or of some other plant. Rice-caine is the drink most esteemed next to tea. They never drink cold water, believing it to be very unwhole- some. They use tobacco very freely, not only smoking it, but also chewing it with the betel, to which opium has been added of late years, having been introduced by the English. The houses of the Annamites have no upper stories; they are very low, and supported by pillars. Upon these pillars, over the doors, and in every con- 274 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. spicuous place, they fasten strips of red or yellow paper, ornamented with pro- verbs, from the books of Chinese philosophers. The roof is very much sloped, and is thatched with straw or rushes. They seldom use tiles, except for the palaces of the nobles and in a few of the markets. They have no windows, no chimneys; no inlet for the light except the door. For walls, they use the leaves of reeds and of palm trees; but the rich use straw mixed with mortar on boards; the pagodas they build with bricks. The above-mentioned substi- tutes for walls are soiled by the spitting of the smokers and betel-eaters, and are full of holes, and swarming with insects produced by moisture, heat, and filth. Rats, gekkas, and boas are often seen creeping about the upper parts; but the musquitoes cause the most suffering, especially the black ones, which have a very sharp sting. The people burn green wood, in order to drive them away with the thick smoke thus produced. A bed, which serves for the whole family, is generally placed at the farther end of the cottage. This bed is a boarded platform, raised half a metre above the ground. The floor of the dwelling is crossed by gutters, made by the rain which falls through the thatched roof; and in stormy weather, the houses are like marshes. It will be easy, in Lower Cochin-China, which now belongs to the French, to teach the people the art of building better habitations. Many of the houses have a verandah in front, where the family take tea, smoke, and chew betel. The cooking is done on the floor of the house. They have only a frying-pan or two, and a brass or earthenware saucepan for boil- ing the rice. They only half cook the meat, for fear of depriving it of its nutritive qualities. They use small plates, like our saucers, on which they place the food, cut up into small pieces. We give an account of a feast prepared in an Annamite village on the recep- tion of a mandarin. It is from a letter recently written from Annam. “The platform, on which the family sleep, serves as a table, a piece of un- bleached cotton covers it, like a table-cloth; and the visitors seat themselves on the ground upon mats. “Each head of a family in the village brings a specimen of the product of his poultry-yard into the house which is to receive the mandarin. The old farmers' wives in the village, who are known to be skilful cooks, whatever may be their rank or their wealth, set to work. They kill one or two pigs, many fowls, geese, &c. All the food is cut up into small pieces, which are boiled with vegetables, and placed on the table five or six hours before the feast, in a great number of little cups. These form the chief dishes. Then come the delicacies, which are composed of eggs mixed with sugar, rice-flour, maize, &c. &c.; the whole of these being also placed on the table before the feast begins in an in- definite number of little dishes. Each guest has before him a small bowl of boiled rice, a pair of chop-sticks, and a little vase, the size of an egg-cup, to hold his sam-shu (wine, made from rice). When they have all taken their places on their mats, they wait for a signal from the fêted mandarin before they begin eating. But as soon as this signal is given, all greedily seize their Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 275 rice bowls, and dipping right and left, with their chop-sticks, into those of the three hundred dishes which best suit their taste, they eat for half an hour— when all is over—and the dishes are perfectly cleared *. “The servants, cooks, &c., eat at the same time as their masters, and have no need to be disturbed during the feast, as everything is placed on the table beforehand. “The Annamites always honour the French with a china spoon and an earthenware pot filled with water. When a mandarin passes through a vil- lage, they must make him a feast; it would be breaking the laws to omit this. They must also provide him with lodging and food, and carry his palanquin, by relays, from one village to another, in fact, they must provide everything he requires.” Many of the Cochin-Chinese do not sleep at night; for in each house, one mounts guard, for fear of an attack: they make a great noise of tam-tams and thick bamboos hollow and split, to frighten thieves, especially in those villages which are situated near the sea, and which are in danger from pirates. A man marries as soon as he can purchase a wife; he takes possession of her like a chattel, a thing, and always considers her as such. The price of a wife amongst the poorest classes is as low as Io or 12 kwan (1 kwan=about 2 fr. 50 c.). The usual price is from 4o to 50 kwan; with the rich it rises to 1oo or 200 kwan. Poor men seldom marry before their twentieth year, often not till they are thirty. The rich often marry at fifteen. Women of the lower orders marry between the ages of seventeen and twenty. Polygamy is allowed; but is only practised by the wealthy classes; in which case the first wife is considered as the real one; the rest being only servants. The men too often leave their wives and take others; but the women may not change their husbands without obtaining a bill of divorce. The ceremony of divorce is performed by breaking, in the presence of a wit- ness, a small copper coin or a piece of wood. Infanticide, so common in China, is almost unknown in Annam; when it is discovered it is punished with the utmost rigour. The men treat their wives with a degree of severity and contempt which are most revolting; the husband having power to inflict corporal punishment on his wife. And yet what valuable and intelligent service do they render to their country ! They plough and harrow the fields, reap the harvests, carry heavy loads, attend to the shops, carry on the brokerage and banking. They superintend the building and repairing of the mud walls of their houses, and the manufacture of earthenware; they take the boats up and down the rivers and into the ports; carry their wares to market; pick the cotton, spin and weave it, dye it of various colours, and make garments of it for themselves and their families. The Annamese say of their women, that “they have nine lives, and do not die from the loss of one only.” º The women are superior to the men ; being more intelligent, less timid, * A few cups of sam-shu prevent them from choking. x 276 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. and more cheerful; they also more easily adopt French manners and customs than their male relatives. The men are soldiers and government officials; but too often they give themselves up to indolence. The women prefer foreigners, and especially the Chinese, to their own countrymen, for husbands, because they treat them with more respect and affection, and do not overburden them with laborious work. The Annamese are courageous in war, and have a certain amount of spirit in trade, especially on a small scale; but they are more fond of trickery than of application to work. ART. VI.-The Trade with Japan, [from the “Gazette” of Tuesday.] For EIGN-Office, Nov. 17, 1863. The following is an extract of a despatch addressed to Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs by Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires in Japan, dated Yokohama, September 11th, 1863:— “The inclosed returns of British trade, furnished to me by Mr. Consul Winchester, are of themselves descriptive of the astonishing degree of progress which that trade has reached during the very period (the half-year ended the 3oth of June last) when the situation of affairs has been more menacing and alarming than at any previous period. “Your lordship will observe that the value of the export trade in British vessels has increased during the period referred to from 253,337t., of the corresponding period last year, to 561, 120l. for the first six months of this year; and yet, during those same six months the succession of events which have transpired of an alarming and excited character were calculated, in an unparalleled degree, altogether to paralyze and arrest any trading operations whatever. “In imports we have in the first six months of this year 111,47.ol., against 68,981.l., for the same period of last year, being an excess of 42,4891. “I beg leave also to draw your lordship's attention to the fact that in this year's returns raw cotton figures for the first time as an article of export to the extent of 795,207lbs. “In respect to the foreign trade in general of Yokohama, engaged in by the subjects of all the Treaty Powers, I inclose for your lordship's information an excellent and very accurate report, extracted from a local paper. “INclosure. “Having in our last completed a short and hurried revue of the past twelve months' political doings of Japan, we now proceed, according to promise, concisely to gather together, at this appropriate season, a few of the leading facts and statistics in reference to commercial matters. The sketch will of necessity be but short and imperfect, but we shall return to the different heads of the subject as time and opportunity may afford. “IMponts.-The month of July (1862) opened with a pretty brisk market in this branch several large transactions in 63 cattie grey shirtings, and considerable business in camlets reported. The demand for tin had been good, and recent arrivals to the extent of about 2, ooo piculs disposed of. This general activity continued, with slight variations, to the end of the year. Tin and lead advanced, and good business was done at prices ranging from 38 dollars to 42 dollars for No. 1, and 25 dollars to 32 dollars for No. 2 of the former, and 8 dollars to 1 o dollars for the latter. The estimated settlements, of lead about 37,000 piculs, of tin, say 36; camlets, 29, ooo, and grey shirtings, 141,000 pieces. At the com- mencement of the year 1863 this branch of trade began to slacken, and the transactions in most of the above principal articles were, comparatively with the preceding months, very trivial. An improvement was looked for after the turn of the Japanese holydays, and in Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 277 April more business was done, cotton and woollen goods showing a slight advance. Tin greatly declined and became unsaleable. At the end of May, owing to the disturbed aspect of political affairs, business came almost to a standstill, and so continued until the settlement of the money portion of the demands of Great Britain, when disposition for business was early evinced by the Japanese merchants, though but few transactions in cotton goods are reported, business in camlets only to some extent being noticeable. “Silk. “We now proceed to take a retrospective view of this our principal staple for the season just ended. At this time last year the markets in Europe were extremely buoyant; the de- mand for Japan silk had since the beginning of 1862 assumed a remarkable activity, owing probably to a peculiarity of its nature which offered for certain purposes considerable advantages to manufacturers, and gave it on that account a decided superiority over most of the other descriptions of silk known hitherto. We refer especially to the property which Japan silk possesses in an eminent degree of imbibing a large proportion of dye stuff, and which renders it invaluable for the manufacture of black goods, which were the prevailing fashion in Europe throughout the last year, under the French term “trame Japon." “The market for the season 1862–63 opened with a slight rise on the prices that had been ruling for the latter part of the season 1861–62; there was still a margin left on the rates that were current in Europe, and this margin, in connexion with the increasing favour with which Japan silk was received, resulted in large orders being sent to this market. They met with a supply fully equal to the demand, the crop of 1862–63 having been since known to be nearly double that of 1861–62; indeed, from the end of August to the middle of November, prices had given way 5 to 10 per cent. below those of July. When it was ascertained in China, towards the latter end of 1862, that the produce of that country for the season 1862-63 would fall short of the preceding campaign, the merchants of Shanghae and Europe turned their attention to Japan, the growing capabilities of which were becoming more and more apparent. From the month of December the demand assumed a fresh start, and for three or four months continued unabated, so that prices rose gradually to an unpre- cedented point. The political events of April did not materially check the activity of the market. Money was then tolerably abundant, and the chance of impending hostilities induced the foreign houses to convert as much as they could of their goods and property in exportable articles; on their own side the Japanese dealers were not slow to avail themselves of this new turn of affairs, and so long as they did not consider themselves in danger, sustained firmly the price of their commodities. “In the beginning of May a panic set in among them; all at once they became eager sellers, and large quantities of silk were disposed of at a reduction of 70 dollars, and in some instances even loo dollars. This state of things, however, did not last beyond a few days. Reas- sured as well by their own authorities as by the readiness with which the foreign houses met their offers, the native dealers very soon showed more firmness, and prices returned to their former point. But from that mounent to the end of the season the arrivals from the interior became very limited, possibly from the gradual exhaustion of the stock in the country, per- haps also from natural apprehensions so long as political affairs remained threatening and unsettled. “Fortunately, the fears which had at one time been seriously entertained about the main- tenance of peace have passed away, at least as far as this place is concerned, and from the reports of the Japanese dealers themselves we are led to believe that they are encouraged by their own authorities to continue and extend their transactions with the foreign community of Yokohama. “The present season (of 1863–64) has just opened under very auspicious circumstanees. The new crop was favoured with fine weather, and there is every reason to believe, all re- ports to the contrary notwithstanding, that the result has been most satisfactory. Indeed, the large profits which the Japanese dealers and growers have realized, especially throughout the last year in this staple, must have acted as a powerful incentive to a largely increased X 2 278 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. cultivation of the mulberry-tree, and there is no doubt in our mind that anticipations in that respect will be fully borne out by facts hereafter. If, after the above sketch, we pass from the purely commercial to moral considerations, we cannot but be powerfully struck with the following remarks:– - “It is now just four years since Japan was opened by treaty to the foreign trade. Cen- turies had elapsed during which no intercourse had taken place with the “hated barbarians,” except upon the smallest scale at Nagasaki; and that with one European nation only. When it was ascertained that silk was grown in this country (a fact put beyond doubt by the first importation of that article into England towards the middle of 1859), the attention of con- sumers was awakened to it, and experiments made which convinced them at once that this new produce would soon prove highly interesting. We need not remind our readers that for some few years before the opening of Japan, the production of France and of Italy had been considerably curtailed by a new disease of the silkworm, which has lasted since without inter- mission. The diminution of the European crop had mainly induced the Continental manu- facturers to use China silk, to which they had previously shown a material reluctance. It cannot, therefore, be considered surprising that, when the first bales of Japan silk appeared on the London market, a general curiosity arose with regard to a produce at once so new to the manufacturing world, and so much wanted. When it was ascertained that this new article possessed intrinsic qualities far superior, not only to Bengal and China silk, but even to anything until then known in Europe a gradual demand sprung up for it, which has hitherto led to astonishing results, and promises to go much further still. To speak in round numbers, the exportation of Japan silk amounted in 1859–60 to 6,ooo bales, in 1860–61 to looco bales, in 1861–62 to 12,000 bales, and in the season 1862–63, just ended, to 26,ooo bales. “The lowest average value here of a bale of Japan silk of 85 catties, including export duty, commission, and other charges, may be estimated for the last season at 370 dollars, which gives for 26,ooo bales 9,62o.ooo dollars; or, at 5s. for the dollar, upwards of 2,400,oocl. “We read with wonder some months ago in the columns of a London contemporary that ‘the trade with Japan is barely sufficient to pay the expenses of the agencies established here by the great China houses.” “We, on the contrary, believe that there are few examples in the commercial world of so rapid a development of trade; and this is the more startling as Japan had been isolated for centuries from intercoure with all outsiders. But when we come to consider that the staple upon which we are now remarking is the most costly of all commodities, with the exception of gems and precious metals, we cannot refrain from enlarging upon the growing importance of a country which has in so short a time increased its capabilities more than fourfold, with every appearance of further progress. Nay, if we compare Japan to China for silk only, we have it on the most undoubted authority that the latter country, within the space of four years after the conclusion of the treaty of Nankin, remained a good deal behind what Japan has achieved with regard to the quantity and value of silk exported; and yet China had at that time enjoyed for one hundred years or more constant relations with foreigners at Canton, whereas our connexion with Japan is yet in its infancy. “It is also worthy of notice that the production of silk in China has been getting gradually less for the last two or three years. Should this decrease continue, the deficiency will most fortunately be filled up by the produce of this country; and in the contrary case we are con- tent to leave the commerce of Yokohama to its natural development, stimulated as it will be by the self-interest of all parties concerned. “Japan silk has now taken a firm hold in the markets of Europe; the demand for it goes on increasing yearly, owing to its own peculiar and intrinsic merit, which renders it inde- pendent of all competition; and we are fully assured, as far as all human foresight can go, that before many years are over the silk trade of this place will stand second to none other. “TEA. “The season of this staple opened with a brisk market, and with quotations 1 dollar to 2 Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 279 dollars in advance of preceding rates for medium description, quotations standing thus:– Medium (old), 16 dollars to 22 dollars; ditto (new), 20 dollars to 24 dollars; good to fine (old), 24 dollars to 29 dollars; ditto (new), 25 dollars to 31 dollars. For some weeks these prices were fully maintained, but in the month of September there was some falling off in sales, owing to the extreme rates asked by the teamen. The few sales were made at a further advance of 1 dollar to 2 dollars for the medium kinds. In the following month there was a still further advance for the same kinds of from 2 dollars to 3 dollars. Business during the months of November and December was very fluctuating, tending, in consequence of the ex- treme rates demanded by the teamen, towards dulness; but at the end of the year the prices became somewhat easier, and a considerable number of settlements were made. In the month of January a further advance of 1 dollar to 2 dollars was submitted to, prices then standing about thus:–Common, 14 dollars to 20 dollars; medium, 21 dollars to 28 dollars; fine, 29 dollars to 33 dollars. Business then began to fall away, and, notwithstanding that the teamen showed some inclination to submit to some decline, on great demand existing, but little was done. In the months of February and March a small business only was done, that principally for the American market. In the month of April, in consequence of the disturbed aspect of political affairs, the Japanese merchants took alarm, and, eager to work off their stocks previous to their intended departure, consented to very considerable reduction,-indeed, at this period the changes were so great and so frequent that quotations were not obtainable. At the end of the season there was a slight improvement in business, stocks light and appear- ing likely so to continue until confidence in political matters be restored. “The new season, however, considering the unsettled state of affairs, opened with toler- able activity, the new crop of medium coming in pretty freely, but none of a really fine quality. The promise of the incoming season is said to be of fair average quality and amount. We refer to our standing tables for information as to the details of the past season's campaign, the grand total showing 5,796,388 lbs., against 5,847, 133 in season 1861–62. “GENERAL ExpoRts. “In other produce the business of the same period seems to have been very small, the market continuing bare, and few transactions reported until the commencement of October, when a new staple, cotton, began to be brought in pretty freely,–say to the extent of about 3,000 piculs, which found a ready market, at about 14 dollars 5o c. to 16 dollars 5o c. per picul for superior qualities. Since that time but little was done in it until towards the end of March, when some revival took place. The exports in the new staple up to the end of June was 8,648 bales. It is matter for great astonishment, when we consider that so very recently this article was grown in quantities barely sufficient for the wants of home con- sumption, and that the knowledge of the foreign demand could only have transpired just before the last year's crop was reaped, that we should be able to quote the above figure of its export. Surely this is great and conclusive evidence of the elasticity with which this country's produce could be extended towards the bearing its fair share in the supply of the wants of that world, from the rest of which it has hitherto been so secluded. Before closing our remarks on this article we may say, generally as to quality, that there have been various kinds brought in, which, although all good, have differed slightly in value. All its several kinds have been well appreciated at home, and have sold at prices considerably over China cotton. The period closed with a good demand. “Timber at the commencement of the year was in pretty brisk demand, and was ex- ported, principally to Shanghai, in considerable quantities. It has since this been much neglected. “In copper there has been very little done during the year, owing to the extreme prices demanded.” 280 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [DEc. 3, 1863. ART. VII.-State Papers relating to the Recent Destruction of Kagosima in Japan, &c. - EARL RUSSELL to LIEUTENANT-Colonel NEALE. Foreign-Office, December 24, 1862. Sir, The barbarous murder of Mr. Richardson, and the murderous assault on two gentle- men and a lady who were in his company, have inspired Her Majesty's Government with great and just indignation. It was to be hoped that the instant trial and condign punish- ment of the murderers, together with an offer of further reparation, would have shown, on the part of the Japanese Government, a due sense of the magnitude of the offence which had been committed. But the letter of the Japanese Ministers of Foreign Affairs, dated the 16th of September, dispels this hope. In a tone of helplessness or evasion they say that, in the answer which Saboolo gave to their officer, there is something very improper, and that they will have the whole state of the case more accurately inquired into, and inform you of the result. There could have been no doubt in the minds of the Ministers of Japan, that a bar- barous murder had been committed; no doubt that other murders had, at the same time, been contemplated; and the only course which a Government sensible of its duties, and able to perform them, could have pursued, was to arrest, try, convict, and execute the murderers. But even the first step of this process does not seem to have been taken. In fixing the reparation to be required, Her Majesty's Government have had to consider the anomalous state of political rule in Japan. They find two parties who are responsible to the British Government; first, the Government of Yedo, who, when British subjects are attacked and murdered on the high road, in full daylight, by persons who are known, nevertheless allow those persons to remain unpunished; secondly, the Daimio Prince of Satsuma, whose rela- tion, Simadzoo Saboolo, permitted, if he did not actually order, his retainers to commit this horrible crime, and who do not punish it. You are instructed to ask as reparation from the Japanese Government—1. An ample and formal apology for the offence of permitting a murderous attack on British subjects passing on a road open by treaty to them. 2. The payment of £100,ooo as a penalty on Japan for this offence. Next you will demand from the Daimio Prince of Satsuma—1. The immediate trial and capital execution, in the presence of one or more of Her Majesty's naval officers, of the chief perpetrators of the murder of Mr. Richardson, and of the murderous assault upon the lady and gentlemen who accompanied him. 2. The payment of £25,000, to be distributed to the relations of the murdered man, and to those who escaped with their lives the swords of the assassins on that occasion. If the Japanese Government should refuse the redress you are thus instructed to demand, you will inform thereof the admiral or senior naval officer on the station, and you will call upon him to adopt such measures of reprisal or blockade, or of both, as he may judge best calculated to attain the end proposed. You will at the same time communicate the substance of your instructions to the envoys and naval commanders in Japan of other European powers; and you will concert with the British admiral and the naval officers of those Powers arrangements for the safety of foreigners during coercive operations. If the Daimio Satsuma should not immediately agree to carry into effect the terms de- manded of him, the admiral should go with his own ship, and with such others as he may think fit to take with him, or he should send a sufficient force to the territory of the Prince, which I have been informed is a peninsula on the most southerly point of the island. He has a port, I am told, at the south-west end of the Island of Kiu-siu. The admiral or senior naval officer will be better able to judge than Her Majesty's Government can be whether it will be most expedient to blockade this port, or whether it will be possible or advisable to shell the residence of the Prince. I have also been informed that the Prince of Satsuma has steamships brought from Europe of considerable value; these might be seized or detained till redress is obtained. Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 281 During these operations, whether against the Government of Japan or the Prince of Sat- suma, care must be taken by the admiral to protect the ports where British persons and property may be in jeopardy. The distinction between the Government and the Daimios is one that must be kept in view. The Prince of Satsuma is said by one of the Japanese Ministers to be a powerful Daimio, who could not easily be coerced by the Japanese Government. He must not, nor must the other Daimios, escape, on that account, the penalty of their misdeeds.—I am, &c., (Signed) Russell. lieutenant-colonel, nea Le To eartl, russell. (Received August 27.) Yokohama, June 24, 1863. I hasten to announce to your lordship that I have received within the walls of Her Ma- jesty's Legation the whole amount of the indemnities demanded by Her Majesty's Govern- ment from the Government at Yedo, amounting to £1 10,000 sterling, represented by 44o, ooo Mexican dollars; the reparation affixed for the families of the guards murdered at Her Majesty's Legation on the 26th June is comprised in this amount. lieutenant-Colonel, Neale to earti, Russell. (Received September 14.) Yokohama, July 13, 1863. My Lord, I have the satisfaction of transmitting herewith to your lordship the letter of apology addressed to me by the Japanese Government, expressive of regret at the murders and outrages committed in this country upon British subjects during the course of last year. I transmit this paper in original Japanese, accompanied by a literal translation, as well as by a translation of the Dutch version. Thus the demands I have been instructed to make upon the Government at Yedo have been happily brought to a satisfactory and successful issue, not, however, without the most persistent efforts on my part to resist all difficulties and obstructions opposed by the distracted Government of this country at so serious a crisis. In respect to the apology, however expedient I had deemed it to abstain from being over- exacting as to the terms in which it should be expressed—especially as the payment at last, without comment, of the indemnity was of itself an acknowledgment of the justice of the repa- ration demanded—still I was under the necessity of twice declining to accept two other written apologies tendered to me, as in translation they were obscure and undefined. The third I conceive to be clear and acceptable ; and it remains for me to trust it will be found sufficiently satisfactory by Her Majesty's Government.—I have, &c., - (Signed) Edwd. St. John NEAle. the JAPANEse MiNisterts Fort Forteign AFFAirts to Lieutenant-colonel, NEAL E. Inclosure.—(Literal translation from the Japanese.) We communicate with you by a despatch. Last year at the British Legation in Yedo a wicked and murderous act took place. Again, on the Tokaido a British subject was murdered. Such unfortunate affairs were for us highly to be regretted. Thus we hope that affairs likely to break off the intercourse between the two countries may not again arise. We desire to inform you thus much.-Respectful and humble communication. (July 3, 1863.) - Yokohama, August 26, 1863. My Lord,—I had the honour to inform your lordship upon closing the last mail, that I was on the point of embarking on board the flag-ship of Vice-Admiral Kuper, and of proceeding with the squadron under his command to Kagosima, the capital of the Prince of Satsuma. I deemed it right to acquaint the Tycoon's Government of my intentions, and I accordingly addressed them a letter, a copy of which I have the honour to enclose. I promptly received a reply soliciting me at least to postpone the projected expedition. I had hardly received this communication, a copy of which is likewise enclosed, when a vice-minister 282 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. came down from Yedo and sought an interview with me on the 5th instant. Far from urging further arguments to dissuade me from the intention of proceeding to the territory of Satsuma, he stated that the Tycoon's Government purposed sending a Japanese steamer with us, having a high official on board. No steamer, however, appeared then or at any subsequent period. The squadron, consisting of Her Majesty's ships Euryalus, Pearl, Perseus, Argus, Coquette, Racehorse, and Haroc, weighed from its anchorage at Yokohama, on the 6th instant. I was accompanied by most of the members of Her Majesty's legation, distributed over Her Majesty's ships—their more or less proficiency in the Japanese language, it was deemed, might be highly useful, and the result has confirmed this expectation. Under easy steam and sail Her Majesty's squadron reached the entrance of the Bay of Kagosima on the evening of the 11th instant, and anchoring ground was found about ten P. M., after some diffi- culty, in the extreme depth of water, which was found generally to prevail in that noble bay. Early in the morning of the ensuing day, the first boat, containing two officials, came off from the shore to the flag-ship. They inquired the nationality of the ships, whether it was our intention to proceed farther into the bay, whether a native pilot was on board, what number of guns the ship carried, and other questions of this nature, which having been replied to, the boat returned to Kagosima. Her Majesty's squadron a few hours afterwards weighed and cast anchor off the batteries of the town. A second boat, with four other officials, came off immediately to the flag-ship, and stated that it was understood to be their intention to deliver a letter addressed to the Prince of Satsuma. My despatch, as originally written, a copy of which I have already had the honour to transmit to your lordship, and amended only in respect to the altered dates, together with a supplementary letter announcing the admiral's arrival with the squadron, and my own presence on board, were delivered to the officials, who undertook to return, with a receipt, copies of both of which, in their amended form, I have the honour to enclose. This they did in a few hours, and at the same time informed me that the Prince of Satsuma was not at Kagosima, but at a residence inland, about fifty miles distant; the officials again came on board, and stated that they were charged by the three members composing the Prince of Satsuma's council to request that Admiral Kuper and myself would come on shore, where a building for the reception of foreigners had been specially arranged for our interview. Great anxiety was evinced that we should accede to this proposal; and they urged that it would be impossible to commit to writing all that might be discussed. Admiral Kuper fully concurred with me in replying that the only busi- ness which had brought us to Kagosima was fully set forth in the despatch I had presented, and which was clearly conveyed in three languages, English, Japanese, and Dutch. We declined to proceed on shore or enter into any discussions. The officials departed much disconcerted that we should not land. Viewed by the light of the occurrences which followed, it may well be assumed that treachery and violence was in store for us, had we unsuspect- ingly fallen into their designs. On the 13th instant several officials, one of whom was stated to be of superior rank, again came alongside the flag-ship, accompanied by numerous two-sworded adherents in several boats. They entered into long parley before coming on board, requested to know whether I would personally receive the high official; of this they were assured. They then requested permission that he should be accompanied on deck by at least forty of his adherents, which was acceded to by the admiral, who at the same time directed a guard of Marines to be drawn up, with fixed bayonets, facing the gangway by which they entered. Upon reaching the deck these armed retainers of Satsuma were disposed of in single file along the line of guns, and at once assumed their natural position of sitting in a kneeling attitude. The high personage referred to then finally decided upon ascending the ship's side. I received him, the admiral being present, when he exhibited the utmost agitation and confusion. He was speechless, when one of his attendant officers stated that he was charged to speak for his chief, and that he had to inform me that he was the bearer of the written reply to my despatch, but that they had some serious matters to add in connection with it. No sooner had he proceeded thus far when it was found that a boat, waving a flag, had reached the ship and communicated something, which, when made known to the chicf official, caused him to rise Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 283 suddenly and leave the cabin, return to it, and leave it again. Finally, I was informed by him that he must return to the shore immediately, as he had received a message to the effect that a mistake had been made in the despatch, which must be rectified; upon which he hurriedly left with the undelivered despatch, if, indeed, he had been the bearer of any such. During the interval occupied by these communications, the batteries on shore were constantly manned, and the guns diligently trained and pointed at the ships of the squadron, and especially on the flag-ship, the whole of them being within range. These and other suspicious circumstances induced the admiral to determine upon shifting the anchorage of the squadron to as convenient a position, though still partially within range, as the extreme depth of the water would admit. As the Japanese officials were descending the ship's side, the anchors of the squadron were weighing. - Contrary to my expectation, the official last referred to returned late in the evening to the flag-ship at the new anchorage, and delivered into my hands the answer to my despatch preferring the demands. A careful translation of that document I have here the honour to lay before your lordship. Having no further communication to make to me, the bearer of the letter left the ship. I deemed the general tone and purport of this reply of Satsuma's counsellors to be utterly unsatisfactory. It raised the question whether, according to the laws of Japan, a Daimio, travelling with his retinue, is not fully justified in beating or thrusting off the road all persons who encounter him on the highway. It raised also the question whether or not the Tycoon was free from blame for not having inserted in the treaty these assumed and extravagant privileges. The indemnity demanded, it is said in the reply, will be an after consideration, when it had been decided whether the Tycoon or the Daimio was to blame. Such being the general purport of the reply which I had received, I consi- dered it to be my unavoidable and immediate duty to call upon Admiral Kuper at once to resort to such preliminary measures of coercion, by reprisals or otherwise, as he might deem most expedient and best calculated to arouse the Prince of Satsuma to a sense of the serious nature of our mission. I have the honour to enclose a copy of my despatch, addressed in that sense to the admiral. A relation of what ensued I can best convey to your lordship by laying before you the succinct and graphic despatch which Admiral Kuper addressed to me at the close of the operations which were enacted. It would be unbecoming in me to indulge in expressions of admiration at the able and gallant manner in which the operations, suddenly rendered necessary, were determined upon, and immediately carried out by the ships of Her Majesty's squadron, under the immediate command and direction of Vice-Admiral Kuper, upon whom it devolves to bring to the knowledge of Her Majesty's Government the spirited incidents and all sufficient results which attended the combat at Kagosima. The strength of the batteries, mounting 81 guns, the gale blowing during the action, the comparatively severe loss sustained by us, especially in the untimely fate of those brilliant and deplored officers, Captains Josling and Wilmot, of the flag-ship, will be duly appreciated by Her Majesty's Government. I did not hesitate to convey to Admiral Kuper my unqualified opinion that enough had been effected to vindicate the outrage committed upon British subjects by the adherents of Satsuma, at least until I had the honour to receive your lordship's further in- structions. The chief agent of that outrage is generally understood to have been Shimadzu Saboolo, the father of the Prince; his guards but obeyed his instructions. No power as yet brought to bear upon Japan by Her Majesty's Government is calculated to coerce the Prince of Satsuma to deliver up his father to condign punishment, as the principal perpetrator of the outrage committed. It was determined upon this to return to Yokohama, when, after a series of severe gales and typhoons prevailing at this season on this dangerous coast, the squadron returned to this anchorage on the 24th instant. Thus I have the satisfaction to report to your lordship, that the instructions with which I have been charged, onerous as they were palpably and in fact, and having reference to the outrage of last September, have been carried out in letter and in spirit. The indemnities demanded of the Tycoon's Government are afloat on board Her Majesty's ships. I have had the honour to transmit to your lordship the written apology of the Government of Yedo; 284 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. - and in respect to the Prince of Satsuma having ill-advisedly sought to evade the specific de- mands which Her Majesty's Government deemed it advisable to direct me to make upon him, after due consideration of all the circumstances, and after long forbearance, his capital is in ashes, his foundries destroyed, and his steamers burnt. It remains for me to trust that Her Majesty's Government may deem that my instructions have been thus fulfilled in a man- ner best adapted to the difficult circumstances with which I have been, and still continue to be, surrounded. In conclusion, I trust your lordship will pardon me if I do not resist the natural impulse of desiring to bring underyour lordship's notice the special and unlooked-for services rendered on the occasion of the expedition to Satsuma of Messrs. Eusden, Gower, Macdonald, Willis, Fletcher, Von Siebold, and Satow, of this legation. In their absence all communication with the shore at Kagosima must have failed. Interpreters from the shore were held back and never appeared; an attempt to impede all explanations rendered nugatory by a ready knowledge of their own language, which they found on board, nor shall I have accomplished my duty were I to omit to solicit your lordship's favourable notice to the devotion with which these members of Her Majesty's civil service exposed themselves to the anticipated perils of naval combat, unaccompanied by any ostensible prospect of the ordinary honours and rewards attending the exposure of life in the profession of arms.-I have, &c., Edwd. St. John Neale. P. S. I have the honour to annex to this despatch memoranda of interviews held on board Her Majesty's ship Euryalus with the officers of the Prince of Satsuma. E. St. JNo. N. The Right Hon. the Earl Russell, K.G. (Inclosure.) From the JAPAN esp. Ministers Fort Foreign Afrains to Lieutenant-colonel Edward St. John Neale. Yedo, August 4, 1863. On receipt of your despatch of the 3rd August, we have fully understood that you intend to go, within three days, to the territory of the Prince of Satsuma, with the men-of-war now lying in the Bay of Yokohama, in order to demand satisfaction for the murder of a British merchant on the Tokaido last year. But owing to the present unsettled state of affairs in our empire, which you witness and hear of, we are in great trouble, and intend to carry out several plans. Supposing, now, something untoward were to happen, then all the trouble and care both you and we have taken would have been in vain and fruitless; therefore we request the said departure may be delayed for the present. With respect and consideration. (Signed) MATs dAIRA BuzenNo KAM1. MIDDzoong Idzoomino KAMI. ItAkoon.A. Soowongo KAM1. INowoo-YAY. KAwatsingo KAMI. Translated by (Signed) R. Euspen. (Inclosure.) to his high Ness MAtsud AIRA shiu Ri No DAiboo, the DAIMio prince of satsu MA. ~ Her Britannic Majesty's Legation in Japan, Tokohama, August 1, 1863. Your Highness, It is well known to you that a barbarous murder of an unarmed and unoffending British subject and merchant was perpetrated on the 14th of the month of September last (21st day of 8th month of 2nd year of Bung-Kew of Japanese reckoning), upon the Tokaido, near Kanagawa, by persons attending the procession and surrounding the norimon of Shimadzu Saboolo, who, I am informed, is the father of Your Highness. It is equally known to you that a murderous assault was made at the same time by the same retinue upon a lady and two other gentlemen, British subjects, by whom he was ac- companied, the two gentlemen having been severely and seriously wounded, and the lady escaping by a miracle. Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 285 The names of the British subjects here referred to are as follows:—Charles Lenox, murdered; Mrs. Borradaile, Mr. William Clarke, severely wounded; Mr. William Marshal, severely wounded. This event filled with great and just indignation the British Government and people, and excited the sympathy of, and produced a painful impression upon, all civilised countries. Impressed with friendly and considerate feelings towards the Govern- ment of the Tycoon, with whom the Queen of Great Britain, my august Sovereign, is in re- lations by treaty of peace and amity, I acted with proper consideration for the Tycoon's Government by leaving in its hands the legitimate means of speedily arresting and bringing to capital punishment the murderers from among Shimadzu Saboolo's retinue. This necessary forbearance on my part has been entirely approved of by my Government, and appreciated and acknowledged by the Government of the Tycoon. A different course pro- posed at the moment to be adopted in the excitement attending this barbarous outrage might have resulted in the capture, and, perhaps, death, by summary retribution, of Shimadzu Saboolo himself. Ten months have now elapsed since the perpetration of this unprovoked outrage, during which period my Government has been duly informed by me of the circumstances attending it, while the Tycoon's Ministers have held out to me from time to time assurances and hopes that the murderers would be given up to Your Highness, according to the Tycoon's desire, and sent to Yedo for trial and execution. But I have had occasion to report to my Govern- ment that, removed in your distant domain from the direct influence of the Supreme Government, and shielded also by certain privileges and immunities which belong to Daimios of this empire, you had utterly disregarded all orders or decrees of the Japanese Government calling upon you to afford justice by sending the real criminals to Yedo. They have not been arrested nor sent; and no redress has consequently been afforded by the Tycoon's Government, however desirous it may be of doing so. In the mean- while I have received the explicit instructions of my own Government how to act in this matter. The Tycoon's Government may be impeded by the laws of this country, and more especi- ally by political embarrassments, from enforcing its desires upon Daimios of the empire in regard to criminal acts committed by their adherents; but when British subjects are the victims of those acts, Japan, as a nation, must, through its Government, pay a penalty, and disavow the misdeeds of its subjects, to whatever rank they may belong. Under instructions from my Government, I demanded from the Tycoon's Government an apology and the pay- ment of a considerable penalty for permitting the murderous attack made by your retainers on British subjects passing on a road open to them by treaty. Both these demands have been acceded to. But the British Government has also decided that those circumstances constitute no reason why the real delinquents and actual murderers should be shielded by Your Highness, or by any means escape the condign punishment which they merit, and which they would be subjected to for great crimes, such as they have committed, in all other parts of the world. It has thereupon been determined by my Government, and I am instructed to demand of Your Highness, as follows:—First, The immediate trial and execution, in the presence of one or more of Her Majesty's naval officers, of the chief perpetrators of the murder of Mr. Richardson, and of the murderous assault upon the lady and the gentlemen who accom- panied him. Secondly, The payment of £25,000 sterling, to be distributed to the relations of the murdered man, and to those who escaped with their lives the swords of the assassins on that occasion. These demands are required by Her Majesty's Government to be acceded to by Your Highness immediately upon their being made known to you. And upon your refusing, neglecting, or evading to do so, the admiral commanding the British forces in these seas will adopt such coercive measures, increasing in their severity, as he may deem expedient to obtain the required satisfaction. The commander of Her Majesty's ship-of-war charged with the delivery of this letter is made acquainted with the specific demands which I have the honour to communicate to you in this letter, and, according as they are accepted or refused, he has received instructions 286 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. either to carry out and witness their execution within a period of days which will be named, or in the event of a refusal, to commence at once coercive operations pending the arrival of additional forces. Your Highness is therefore earnestly requested seriously to consider the course you will adopt upon receipt of this communication, the terms of which it is not in my power to modify, alter, or discuss. I avail myself of this occasion to offer to Your Highness the assurance of my respect and consideration. (Signed) Edwd. St. John NEALE, Her Britannic Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires in Japan. (Inclosure.) TRANSLATION of A DEs PAtch IN JAPANEs E FRoM KAwaka M1 TAJIMA, MINISTER or MAtsDAIRA shiuri No Daiboo, PRINCE of satsu MA, to colon El NEALE, HER BRITANNic MAJEsty's charge D’AFFAIREs. It is just that a man who has killed another should be arrested and punished by death, as there is nothing more sacred than human life, and although we should like to secure them (the murderers), as we have endeavoured to do since last year, it is impossible for us to do so, owing to the political differences at present existing between the Daimios of Japan, some of whom even hide and protect such people; besides this, the murderers are not one, but several persons, and therefore find easier means of escape. The journey to Yedo (undertaken by Shimadzu Saboolo) was not with the object of committing murders, but to conciliate the two courts of Yedo and Kioto; and you will easily, therefore, believe that our master (Shimadzu) could not have ordered it (the murder). Great offenders against the laws of their country (Japan) who escape, are liable to capital punishment. If, therefore, we can detect those in question, and, after examination, find them to be guilty, they shall be punished, and we will then inform the commanders of your men-of-war at Nagasaki, or at Yokohama, in order that they may come to witness their execution. You must therefore consent to the unavoidable delay which is necessary to carry out these measures. If we were to execute criminals condemned for other offences, and told you that they were the offenders (above referred to), you would not be able to recognise them : and this would be deceiving you, and not acting in accordance with the spirit of our ancestors. The (provincial) Governments of Japan are subordinate to the Yedo Government, and, as you are well aware, are subservient to the orders received from it. We have heard some- thing about a treaty having been negotiated in which a certain limit was assigned to foreigners to move about in ; but we have not heard of any stipulation by which they are authorised to impede the passage of a road. Supposing this happened in your country, travelling with a large number of retainers as we do here, would you not chastise (push out of the way and beat) anyone thus disregarding and breaking the existing laws of the country? If this were neglected Princes could no longer travel. We repeat that we agree with you that the taking of human life is a very grave matter. On the other hand, the insufficiency of the Yedo Govern- ment, who govern and direct everything, is shown by their neglecting to insert in the treaty [with foreigners] the laws of the country [in respect to these matters] which have existed from ancient times. You will, therefore, be able to judge yourself whether the Yedo Govern- ment [for not inserting these laws] or my master [for carrying them out] is to be blamed. To decide on this important matter, a high official of the Yedo Government, and one of our Government, ought to discuss it before you, and find out who is in the right. After the above question has thus been judged and settled, the money indemnity shall be arranged. We have not received from the Tycoon any order or communications by steamer that your men-of-war were coming here. Such statements are probably made with the object of representing us in a bad light. If it were not with this object you would certainly have them in writing from the Gorogio ; and if so we request you to let us see them. In consequence of such mis-statements great misunderstandings are caused. All this surprises us much. Does it not surprise you? Our Government acts in everything according to the orders of 288 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. viously engaged, and also the palace of the Prince in Kagosima. These operations were attended with complete success. There is every reason to suppose that the palace has been destroyed, as many shells were seen to burst in it, and the fire, which is still raging, affords reasonable ground for believing that the entire town of Kagosima is now a mass of ruins. Thus having accomplished every act of retribution and punishment within the scope of operations of a small naval force, and having received from yourself the verbal expression of your satisfaction with the extent of those operations, I purpose returning with the squadron to Yokohama, immediately the partial refit which is now in progress shall admit of our putting to sea.—I have, &c., (Signed) Augustus S. KUPER. Lieut.-Colonel Edward St. Jno. Neale, &c. A despatch, of which the following is an extract, has been received from Vice-Admiral Kuper, C.B., the Commander-in-Chief of Her Majesty’s ships and vessels on the East India and China station :- “ ExPEdition to KAgosi MA. “Euryalus, Gulf of Yedo, August 22. “In the forenoon of the 14th I proceeded in the Havoc, partly for the purpose of satisfying myself as to the position of the three steamers mentioned above, and also to examine the large bay or lake at the head of the gulf above Sakura Sima; it proved to be everywhere as deep as any part we have yet sounded, there being generally fifty fathoms within Ioo yards of the shore. A strong breeze from the eastward had already sprung up, and the rapid falling of the barometer indicating the probable approach of a typhoon or heavy gale, the top-gallant masts were sent on deck. “I have now to report to their lordships the further progress of the events following the receipt, on the evening of this day (14th instant), of a despatch from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires, and its enclosures, in which I was requested to enter upon such measures of coercion as I might deem expedient and best calculated to awaken the Prince of Satsuma to a sense of the serious nature of the determinations which had brought Her Majesty's squadron to the Bay of Kagosima. “The Pearl, Coquette, Argus, Racehorse, and Havoc, were sent at daylight on the 15th, under the orders of Captain Borlase, to seize the three steamers already referred to, and which may be briefly described as follows:—England, screw, 1,150 tons, purchased for 125, oco dollars; Sir George Grey, screw, 492 tons, purchased for 85, ooo dollars; Contest, screw, 350 tons, purchased for 95,000 dollars. Captain Borlase was further directed to avoid, as much as possible, all unnecessary bloodshed or active hostility. The steamers were accordingly taken possession of without opposition, and brought down to our anchorage during the forenoon of the 15th, lashed alongside the Coquette, Argus, and Racehorse, which vessels anchored in the same bay as before; the object I had in view being the detention of these steamers as reprisals, until the Prince of Satsuma should either comply with the demands, or make overtures to Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires which might lead to their settlement. “The weather still looked threatening. “At noon, during a squall, accompanied by much rain, the whole of the batteries on the Kagosima side suddenly opened fire upon the Euryalus, the only ship within range, but, although many shot and shell passed over and close around her, no damage was done beyond cutting away a few ropes. Finding that the springs on the cable would not keep the ship's broadside on, and as it was impossible, with the comparatively small force at my command, to engage the batteries underweigh, and at the same time to retain possession of the steamers, I signalled to the Coquette, Argus, and Racehorse to burn their prizes, and then to the whole squadron to weigh and form the line of battle according to seniority, the Havoc being directed to secure the destruction of the three steamers. “Previous to this, the Perseus having slipped her cable, was directed to fire on the north battery until the signal was made to form line-of-battle, which service was executed hy Commander A. J. Kingston with great promptness. Dec. 3, 1863.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 289 “Although the weather was now very dirty, with every indication of a typhoon, I con- sidered it advisable not to postpone, until another day, the return of the fire of the Japanese, to punish the Prince of Satsuma for the outrage, and to vindicate the honour of the flag; and everything being now ready, I proceeded towards the batteries, opening fire upon the northernmost one with considerable effect, and passed, at slow speed, along the whole line, within point-blank range. Owing probably to the unfavourable state of the weather, the ships astern did not maintain their positions in as close order as I could have wished, and the Euryalus was consequently exposed to a very heavy and well-directed fire from several of the batteries at the same time, and suffered somewhat severely. About this time, also, and whilst in the thickest of the action, I deeply regret to state that I was deprived, at the same moment, of the assistance of Capt. Josling and Commander Wilmot, both of whom were killed by the same shot whilst standing by me on the bridge of the Euryalus, directing the fire of the quarters, and setting an example of coolness and gallantry which was emulated throughout the entire ship. “In consequence of the dense smoke, and occasional heavy showers, it was difficult to ascertain the extent of the damage done to the earthwork batteries, but by the time the Euryalus got abreast of the last or southernmost battery, I could observe the town to be on fire in several places; and the weather having now assumed a most threatening appearance, I considered it advisable to discontinue the engagement, and to seek a secure anchorage for Her Majesty's ships. The Racehorse, owing to a momentary stoppage of her engines, un- fortunately took the ground opposite the northern battery, but by the prompt energy of the commanders of the Coquette, Argus, and Havoc, which vessels were despatched to her assist- ance, she was got off without damage. The steady fire kept up by Commander Charles R. F. Boxer prevented the Racehorse receiving any serious injury from the battery, which had already been much disabled by the fire of the other ships. The Havoc was then ordered to set fire to five large junks belonging to the Prince of Satsuma, which Lieutenant George Poole accomplished in a most satisfactory manner; and these, as well as a very extensive arsenal and foundry, for the manufacture of guns, shot, and shell, together with large store- houses adjoining, were also completely destroyed. “During the whole of the succeeding night it blew almost a hurricane, but all the vessels of the squadron rode it out without accident, with the exception of the Perseus, which vessel dragged her anchors off the bank into sixty fathoms water, and was compelled to slip her cable during the following forenoon, when the gale had somewhat moderated. The gale subsided gradually during the 16th, and as I observed the Japanese at work, apparently erecting batteries on the hill above the anchorage, enveloped in trees and bushes, and which might have inflicted much damage upon the small vessels lying within pistol shot of the shore, I became anxious for their safety, and determined to move the squadron out to the anchorage we had occupied on the night of our arrival in the Gulf, for the purpose of repairing damages, fishing spars and refitting, previous to proceeding to sea. “The squadron accordingly weighed at 3 P.M. of the 16th, and passing in line between the batteries of Kagosima and Sakura Sima, steamed through the channel and anchored to the southward of the island, taking advantage of the occasion to shell the batteries on the Sakura side, which had not been previously engaged, and also the palace of the Prince in Kagosima. A feeble fire only was returned from the batteries which had not been closely engaged in the first attack, and this happily without effect upon Her Majesty's ships. “The injury inflicted upon the possessions and property of the Prince of Satsuma, during the operations above described, may be briefly summed up as follows, viz.:-The disabling of many guns, explosion of magazines, and other serious damage to the principal batteries, the destruction by fire of the three steamers and five large junks before mentioned, the whole of the town of Kagosima and palace of the Prince, together with the large arsenal and gun factory and adjacent storehouses, added to which may be noticed the injury to many of the junks lying in the inner harbour, caused by explosion of shells which may have passed over the batteries. The conflagration thus created continued with unabated ardour up to the time of the departure of the squadron, forty-eight hours subsequently to the first attack. 290 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Dec. 3, 1863. “I have already reported to their lordships, in a separate despatch, the severe loss the profession has sustained in the melancholy death of Capt. John J. S. Josling and Com. Edward Wilmot, both of this ship, who fell while gallantly doing their duty in the face of a heavy and destructive fire. With much regret I have to add that the returns received from the various ships present a list of casualties unusually great, being no less than thirteen killed and fifty wounded, the half of which occurred in my flag-ship alone. The particulars of these casualties will be found in an enclosure to this despatch. “Having thus accomplished every act of retribution and punishment within the scope of the operations of a small naval force, and having received from Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires the expression of his satisfaction with the extent and complete result of those operations, and of which I trust Her Majesty's Government may also be pleased to approve, I left the Gulf of Kagosima, in company with the squadron, on the afternoon of the 7th inst., on my return to Yokohama. * * * * “Augustus L. KUPER, “Vice-Admiral and Commander-in-Chief. “To the Secretary of the Admiralty, London.” Summary of the Latest News. THE Prince of Satsuma has been calling upon the Tycoon to aid him against the foreigner. All Japan seems to be aroused. Affairs are said to be in a seriously disturbed state at Miako and Osaka. The Prince of Nagato has been removed by the Mikado for letting the “barbarian” vessels get away through the Straits of Simonoseki. The chief Daimios have offered to pro- vide means to arm the lesser Daimios with swords, bows, muskets, and lances. Nagasaki is occupied by numerous bands of feudal retainers, who wear a threatening aspect. Trade is at a standstill. The Europeans there are in great peril. At Osaka and Hiogo some of the merchants who dealt with Europeans have been assassinated. The French minister at Yokuhama has pointed out to the Tycoon four lines of action, by which the rupture may be healed. 1. That the Tycoon should declare the letter of Ongassawara (about the expulsion of foreigners) to be withdrawn, and the treaties to be in full force. 2. That the Tycoon should repress all aggression, and procure complete satisfaction for the outrages committed on the foreign flags. 3. That the Tycoon shall engage to protect foreigners in their persons, their property, and their trade. - 4. That he shall guard and endeavour to promote the extension of relations between Japan and foreign countries, especially in respect to the opening of Osaka and Hiogo. The reply was evasive. But the Governor of Kanagawa received instruc- tions from Yedo to remove the restrictions with regard to the conveyance of silk to that port. In China the Nyen-fei (banditti) had again appeared in the vicinity of Tien-tsin. Sir F. Bruce was still aiding the negotiations respecting the Lay-Osborn movement; and General Brown was also at Peking to treat on the same subject. Meanwhile the forces of the Tai-pings and the Anglo- Chinese were fairly matched. Disorganization prevails everywhere in China. Piracy and murder were rife on the Yang-tsz, and no one can foresee the termination; but the beginning of the end is undoubtedly inaugurated, since Burgevine is now at the head (as it were) of the rebel forces. OXFORD : PRINTED by T. combe, E. pick ARD HALL, AND H. lath AM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. VII. JANUARY 4, 1864. ART. I.-The Poetry of the Chinese. By SIR John FRANCIs DAvis, Bart., K.C.B., &c., late Governor of Hongkong. “Quaerere caepit Quid—utile ferrent : Tentavit, quoque, rem si dignè vertere posset.” HoR. IN the arrangement of our subject, it may perhaps be useful to preserve so much regard to method, as to treat of it separately, under the following two heads:– PART I.-Versification, or the particular rules which prevail in the mere construction of lines, couplets, and stanzas; and the sources whence these derive their melody and rhythm. PART II.-A general view of the style and spirit of Chinese poetry, the character of its imagery and sentiment, and the extent to which it seems to admit of a precise classification, relatively to the divisions and nomenclature adopted in European literature. To such as should find the first portion of our treatise dry and technical in its details, the second may possibly prove more attractive : but the order of discussion could hardly be inverted with propriety. PART I. In Chinese versification, the following are the circumstances which seem chiefly to demand our notice;—1. The nature of the sounds of which the spoken language consists, and the fitness of this for metrical composition. 2. The variation of certain tones, or accents, as prescribed by rule. 3. The use of poetical numbers or measure. 4. The observance of a regular casural pause, about the middle of each verse. 5. The use of terminal rhymes. Y 292 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. 6. The rhythmical effect produced by the parallelism of couplets, which will be explained in its proper place. 1. Of the sounds of the spoken language. The attention of curious persons may perhaps be excited to ascertain what powers of melody can be possessed by a system of speech, which has been represented to contain merely about four hundred monosyllabic sounds. They may naturally enough imagine, that Chinese poetry must, in point of euphony, rank with those defective verses censured by our own great poet:- Where ten low words oft creep in one dull line. Low words, of any length, are certainly out of place in poetry; but that an English verse is much the worse for consisting of ten monosyllables, does not so clearly appear: and Pope's own poems abound in monosyllabic lines, as may be proved by the slightest examination. A few instances occur even of couplets so distinguished :— “Ah, if she lend not arms, as well as rules, What can she more than tell us we are fools'’ “Talk what you will of taste, my friend, you'll find Two of a face, as soon as of a mind.” “There are who have not—and, thank heav'n, there are Who, if they have not, think not worth their care.” A summary disposal of the question, by assuming, at once, that it is a case in which melody is unattainable, has to be reconciled with the obvious fact, that the Chinese take a passionate delight in their poetry. Is it likely that so large a portion of the human race should have persisted in the enthusiastic cultivation of an art, which is essentially incapable of possessing that very charm, which everywhere else forms a main element of its attractiveness ** It has pretty generally gone abroad, that all the Chinese words are strictly monosyllabic—which only proves that opinions, which nobody is particularly concerned in correcting, will sometimes pass current for a surprising length of time.—Perhaps the circumstance of every word filling the same space in the page, has assisted to perpetuate the notion. It is the business of the present treatise, however, to state all that can fairly be said in favour of its subject; and, with the concurrent opinion of Dr. Morrison, we will endeavour to produce facts, and institute comparisons, which may tend to prove that a considerable portion of the Chinese words are not absolutely monosyllabic. Some of these, if expressed by the powers of the English alphabet, are written hede, keien, hetiè, ledou—every vowel being distinctly pronounced,— and others cannot be properly expressed, except with the direct use of the diaeresis, as leen, theen, kee, &c. Now, with respect to the latter of these, if * A writer of the “Mémoires sur les Chinois” asserts, that their poetry is susceptible of even imitative harmony, and this is no doubt true; but the instance which he adduces may perhaps make the reader smile. “On vante,” says he, “ l'harmonie imitative d’Homere. Elle est très-familière à la poésie Chinoise: au lieu de dire, par exemple, on entend le bruit des tambours, le Chiking dit, “On entend le tang-tang des tambours." Cette citation n'est pas des plus heureuses, mais c'est la seule qui me vienne.” JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 293 the necessity for using such a mark were not, of itself, sufficient to prove that they are something more than mere monosyllables, the metrical examples of another language might serve to settle the point:— Their fliiid bodies half dissolv’d in light— Like some gaunt lion in his gloomy lair. Any person who has been in the habit of hearing the Chinese pronounce their own language, knows that léen, seen, &c., are quite as dissyllabic as lion, fluid, and such other words, wherein no consonant intervenes between the two syllables. Similar examples, however, are by no means so abundant in our harsh modern languages, especially those of Germanic extraction, as in Latin and Greek, where almost every line of poetry teems with such vowel sounds; and where (at least in the latter) we constantly meet with three successive vowels, forming as many separate syllables—the very circumstance which constitutes the ground of its superior melody. But let it be objected, and let us admit for a moment (what in fact is not true), that in Chinese every word is pronounced in the same time, and there- fore the above distinction signifies little. Does it, with reference to a sister art, make no difference in music whether two or three notes be struck in the same measured time—or only one? What, but something very similar to this, was the Greek and Roman practice, as far as we can understand it, of making two short syllables exactly equivalent to a long one, and pronouncing them in the same time. That such matters are not totally indifferent, might be proved by the trite example from Virgil—the well-known verse, descriptive of an eager and restless horse, which derives its imitative character from the rapid succession of dactyls; and again, by the opposite artifice, used by the same poet in painting the blinded giant, where the heavy spondaic measure of the line, joined to the redundant terminal syllables, is equally expressive in another way. The discussion of this point, however, is rendered somewhat superfluous by the plain fact, that all Chinese words are not pronounced in the same time. Of what are called the “four tones,” it is the professed business of the third to prolong, and of the fourth to shorten them. - The truth seems to be, that the language of China abounds in diphthongal at least, if not in triphthongal sounds, which contribute, when found blended with others that are more strictly monosyllabic, to give to its verse a certain share of varied euphony. Not only, however, do vowel sounds so extensively prevail in the language of which we treat, but the few consonants that are to be found in it are, almost without exception, free from the reproach of harshness. There is no terminal consonant whatever, except n and its nasal ng *; and the initials are only Ch—F–G hard—H (if it may be called a consonant)—J, soft as in French—K—L—M–N—P—S–Sz—Sh—T—Th–Ts—and Tsz. Of * It must be kept in mind, that we here treat of the dialect of literature, and of educated persons. In the south of the empire, words end in k and t: but provincial corruptions and vulgarisms form no part of the subject. Y 2 JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 295 presently see that these are equivalent to feet in other languages) which answer to the even numbers in each line,—the second, fourth, sixth, according to the length of the verse,_together with the last word of all,—are, in regular poetry, the subjects of attention with regard to the alternate position of the tones called “natural,” and “deflected.” The rule for placing them seems to have variety, or the avoiding of a too frequent recurrence of the same tone, for its principal object. Their attention to this point goes beyond the single lines, and extends to the couplets: for whatever the intonation of the second, fourth, or sixth words in the first line may be, whether natural or deflected,— that of the corresponding words in the next line is required to be the opposite. M. Freret, in the “Mémoires de l'Académie,” fell into a great error, in asserting that “les Chinois n'ont jamais connu la versification cadencee par l'arrange- ment de ces tons musicaux: leur poésie a seulement été consacrée par le nombre des syllabes, et dans la suite on a yajouté la rime.” Even the most irregular species of Chinese verse, called Tsze, is to a certain degree regulated by the tones, though in a different manner from the foregoing. * 3. The next source of harmony that we have to notice, is the use of poetical numbers. Every word of Chinese poetry, instead of being regarded as a mere syllable, may more properly be considered as corresponding to a metrical foot in other languages. It has already been shown, that a con- siderable portion are really dissyllabic—and all of them are pronounced, in the recital of verse, with an emphasis and prolongation of the voice, very different from the manner in which we slur over the unaccented portion of our syllables. To begin with the smallest number of words that form a measured line in Chinese, we sometimes meet with so few as three, repeated like a kind of “refrain' in popular songs. This short measure also constitutes occasionally a species of chime for the inculcation of moral maxims; and it was, no doubt, for the similar purpose of assisting the memory, that it has been adopted in the composition of the San tsze king, or “Trimetrical Classic”—a work evincing considerable ingenuity, though intended for the humble purpose of conveying to youth the rudiments of general knowledge. In China, as else- where, persons of high attainments occasionally think it worth their while to devote their talents to the promotion of the great business of education. The following lines are taken, as a specimen of this particular kind of verse, from that portion of the above work, in which the regular succession of all the dynasties, and most celebrated emperors, is turned into rhyme; and it may perhaps remind the English reader of a well-known song, called the “Chapter of Kings:”— TRIMETERs. (1) Kaou-tsoo hing—Han nēē kéen, Che Headu-ping—Wang-mang tsuon: Kwang-woo hing—Wei Tung-Han, Sze pi meen—Chung yu Heen : Wei, Shii, Woo-Tseng Han ting, Haou San-Kw8–Ht leang Tsin. : - - - - - - - 296 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. “Kaou-tsoo arose—And the race of Hān was established, Until the reign of Headu-ping—When Wang-mang usurped the empire: Kwang-woo arose—And established the Eastern family of Hān : After enduring four hundred years—The Hän ended with Héen-tee: Wei, Shti, and Woo-Contended together for the empire of Hān, They were called the Three Nations—And continued till the rise of the two dynas- ties Tsin.” The line of four words is the shortest that seems ever to have been used in the higher species of composition. It constitutes the chief part of the measure of the sacred book of odes, called Sheeking, the oldest poetical work in China”. There, however, the measure of some pieces is altogether irregular, varying from three, to seven or eight words in a line. Poetry, in most countries, begins with being the vehicle of religion and morality, and the first record of historical facts. Venerated at first as the language of wisdom or inspiration, it is at length cultivated as a pleasurable art, and never fails to improve in harmony, however it may degenerate in other points, with the progress of time. “Il faut distinguer dans la poésie,” says Racine, “ce qui vient de la nature, et ce qui estajoãté par l'art : la nature inspire d'abord la rapidité du style, et la hardiesse des figures; l'art vient ensuite, et pour rendre le style poétique encore plus rapide, et en même tems plus harmonieux, le resserre dans les bornes étroites de la versification. La poésie naissante n'a point du connoitre cet esclavage, puisque les régles de l'art ne s'établissent qu'avec le tems et la reflection.” The earliest Chinese poetry, as we find it in the Sheeking, appears certainly to have made use of the em- bellishments of both measure and rhyme, but with a degree of irregularity very different from the polish of modern versification. The lines are occasionally of all lengths; and the rhyme seems to be subject to little rule. It will occasionally occur for six or eight consecutive verses, and there will sometimes be none at all. For the same reason that Pope is more harmonious than Chaucer or Donne, Boileau or Racine than Ronsard, Virgil or Tibullus than old Ennius : “Sic horridus ille Defluxit numerus” So the poetry of China, from the Tăng dynasty (when this art attained its highest perfection) down to the present time, is, in point of mere versification, a vast improvement on the Sheeking. It would be strange indeed, if this people were an exception to a rule so general; if an art, in which they took so much delight, had not improved by cultivation, or were, at the present day, devoid of so essential a qualification as the harmony of numbers. The old measure of four words, or feet, is now seldom adopted, being from its shortness unsusceptible of much melody. At the same time it does occasion- ally occur, chiefly for moral and didactic purposes; and the following may be taken as a specimen.—They are some lines of the Buddhists, or quietists:— * For two of the most regular odes of this collection, vide infra, Part II. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. 297 TETRAMETERs. (2) Ling tsai yi teen—Puhjaou, pit king : Woo sz, woo lit—Che shing, che ming: T'éen le chaou choo—Shen sing ken ching: Yu tsā yu wei—Woo tee tsuy king. “When"the heart is enlightened by a spark of the aethereal intelligence, There is neither perturbation, nor alarm; There is neither thought, nor anxiety: But all is moral perfection, and the complete radiance of truth: Where the heavenly principle pours its light, The root of a virtuous disposition is perfected: But once mingling with human frailty, The whole man will be subdued and overturned.” The improved system of versification consists in lines of five words or feet, as well as in the longer and still superior measure of seven. These now constitute what are properly called Shee, or regular poems, and we give an example of each in this place, though many others will appear in the sequel:— PENTAMETERs. (3) Kew kº tsoo kwei le, Chuy suy taou Koo-yoong ; Leaou tsin hing lº king, Theay kee keuen yew tsoong. Seng tuy koong jaow shë, Shan kwan pii kae yoong. Lew leen wang jë moo, Hwuy show wan t’ang choong. “When my ancient guest first returns to our neighbourhood, I accompany him to the monastery Koo-yoong : We stroll along together, in search of pleasant walks, And then rest our weary footsteps within : The priests sit opposite, indulging their tongues in leisure talk, —We look at the distant hills, and remark the unchanging features of nature. Carried on by the stream of converse, we forget the day is closing, But at last, turning our heads homeward, we listen to the vesper bell.” HEPTAMETERs. (4) Woo foong, ju che, tsuy seang leen, Chang k'e Yen-chow, puzan pi t'éen: Yay yu yin hotsih sing löw, Chaou tan pi lò, loong yun yen : Yū yu, joo seun koong choong heen, Yi chil, ming choo chang shang heuen : Be she Kew-ling shin yī pi, Yaou tsoong hae wae soo Choong-yuen, “See the five variegated peaks of yon mountain, connected like the fingers of the hand, And rising up from the south, as a wall midway to heaven: At night, it would pluck, from the inverted concave, the stars of the milky way; During the day, it explores the zenith, and plays with the clouds: 298. The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. The rain has ceased—and the shining summits are apparent in the void expanse; The moon is up—and looks like a bright pearl over the expanded palm: One might imagine that the Great Spirit had stretched forth an arm, From afar—from beyond the sea—and was numbering the Nations".” The boldness of the imagery in the last example is somewhat striking, and the concluding two lines may perhaps serve to redeem it from the reproach of the bathos, to which the simile of the hand might otherwise have ex- posed it. Verses containing the number of six, or eight, or more words, form no part of regular poetry in modern times; though they are occasionally found alternated with others, in pieces which do not aspire to regularity of structure, but whose figurative style elevates them above the level of mere prose—Lines of every length are used in those measured couplets, or sentences in pairs, so nicely balanced both in words and sense, which are adopted in the inculcation of ethical precepts, and of which more will be said hereafter, under the head of parallelism. - 4. In aid of the effect of metrical quantity, the Chinese possess another rule of versification, well known to Europeans, but which has never yet been noticed with reference to the subject of the present treatise. It may be pre- mised, that no sentential pause ever occurs in the middle of a verse; at least none which could be punctuated with anything beyond a comma in English. Every line is complete within itself; there is nothing of what the French call enjambement. But while a reference to written poetry easily establishes this point, the writer of the present observations thought he could plainly perceive, in the correct recital of the longer measures by natives, a very marked casural pause near the middle of the lines. Repeated trial tended to show, that in verses of seven words, the caesura was invariably after the fourth—and in those of five, after the second word. With a view to being quite clear upon this subject, reference was made to a gentleman, whose profound knowledge of the language renders him a very competent judge in all matters connected with it. He was soon persuaded of the existence of the fact; and a properly qualified native, being summoned into the room, was requested to read out the longer measures of verse in a slow and deliberate manner. The result was, that the caesura fell exactly in the places above-mentioned, being more strongly marked in some lines than in others, but still unchangeable with regard to position—and the native himself (who, by the way, was a Sewtsae, i.e. had taken his degree) admitted that such was the case. While the long measures admit of, and in some degree require, this pause of the voice, all lines which contain less than five words appear, by reason of their shortness, to be entirely devoid of it. The existence of the caesural pause in a particular part of each verse might, of itself, be considered as deserving of notic; in a treatise of this nature; but ‘the farther connexion that it has with the structure of the verse makes it still * China was formerly divided into separate and independent states. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 299 more worthy of attention. The language of China is in a great measure com- posed of what, for want of a better expression, we will call “compound terms,” consisting of two words or characters, which may be a noun with its adjective, a verb with its adverb, two nouns united—and a great many other grammatical combinations of the kind. These are always pronounced together,-as much so as parts of the same compound word in other lan- guages. In a verse of seven words, the caesural pause being after the fourth, the first section of the line generally * consists of two of these compound terms. The fourth and fifth characters can never be coupled in this manner, because the pause cannot take place in the middle of a compound term—but it must be the first and second, the third and fourth, which are thus related. This being the case with regard to the first section of the verse, the last, which contains three characters, is commonly a compound term, with the addition of a single word, which may either precede or come after it. But as this is a subject which may best be illustrated by examples, here follow some lines of seven words, in which the verbal construction can be observed —together with the place of the caesural pause after the fourth word, as far as this may be shown without actual recital : — (5) She sz mang-mang—woo leadu ke, Ho seu koo-koo-yung sin ke: Tsin seay lö choo-chö pei tsew, Tow ko heen she—soong show she. Ming hwa pit fang—pii seng fāng, Mei yu pil mo–pii seng kwáng: Pú she yi fan—han chè kit, Teng tº mei kwa—pº pe heang. “The affairs of the world are all hurry and trouble—without end; Why, then, with bitter anxiety—waste the heart's springs? Search for some pleasant spot—to pour out a cup of wine, Steal a leisure hour—to sing the stanzas of an odel” “The fine flower unblown—exhales no sweets, The fair gem unpolished—exhibits no radiance: Were it not that once—the cold penetrated its stem, How could the plum-blossom—emit such fragrance?” We next come to the line of five words, where the caesura falls after the second. Here the first division of the verse usually constitutes one compound term; and the last three words are subject to the same law as in the longer line. The following are examples:– (6) Jin jin—jö koong tsun, Kea kw8—ho tae ping: Fang che—choong hae yu, Kwong che—sih keen kwen. * Generally, because it is not meant to be asserted that Chinese verses are always, or en- tirely composed of such terms: they frequently contain a number of single characters, or simple terms; but whenever the others are used, their position in the verse is invariably as above stated. 300 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. Shan se—woo yuen kin, Kan shan—choong jë hing: Foong twan—suy choo kae, Hing ke—puh che ming. “The whole people—unitedly obeying the laws, The nation, as a family—will rejoice in peace: Promulge it—to the extremities of the ocean, Extend it—to the foundations of the world !” “The tints of the hills—are confounded in their distance, As the traveller views them—to the end of his daily journey: The shapes of their peaks and ridges—alter with every change of place, Until the wanderer--ceases to know their names.” Our English verse of ten syllables derives great advantage from the power of varying its effect, without any prejudice to its melody, by occasionally shifting the place of the caesura,-unlike the Chinese, where it is fixed and immoveable. In this, however, the latter bears some resemblance to the French Alexandrine, always divided into hemistiches by the caesural pause, with which the sentential pause is most commonly coincident *—as well as to that law of the Latin hexameter, which seems to demand, that in a line per- fectly euphonic, the caesura should fall after the first syllable of the third foot t, - 5. Of rhymes, it is chiefly to be observed, that they occur, in regular poetry, at the end of the alternate verses which answer to the even numbers,-that is, at the termination of every second verse. The first one of all frequently gives the rhyme to the whole stanza; but the rest of the uneven-numbered lines seem subject to no rule, and end with any sounds indifferently. The length of the stanza is determined by the recurrence of the same rhyme, and, in a poem of any continuity, it is generally of four lines only,–that is, a qua- train, whose second and fourth lines rhyme together; but occasionally it con- sists of eight verses, of which four have the same ending. Stanzas, however, or rather short pieces of poetry, are very common of twelve, and even six- teen lines, some of which might, with no great impropriety, be assimilated to what we call sonnets. In the stanza of four lines, it cannot be objected that the rhyme is too frequent; and even in that of eight, it should be considered, that only the second line of every couplet possesses the rhyme; while the intermediate ones are blank, and thus afford a relief to the ear. In our own Spencerian stanza, consisting of nine lines, no less than four of them have the same ending, that is, the second, fourth, fifth, and seventh, while three others likewise rhyme together, the sixth, eighth, and ninth. The Chinese, however, do not seem to have a very nice ear for the perception of true * “Que toujours dans vos vers—le sens coupant les mots, Suspende l'hemistiche—en marque le repos.” Boil. Art Poét. + “Purpureus veluti—ctim flos, succisus aratro, Languescit moriens—lassove papavera collo Demisere caput —pluvià cum forté gravantur.” JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 301. rhymes; and this inaccuracy may partly arise from their not possessing such precise symbols, or marks of sound, as our alphabetic letters. In the odes of the Sheeking, as the lines and stanzas are occasionally extremely irregular in their length and general structure—“numeri lege soluti"—so the rhymes appear to be under no strict regulation. This seeming neglect may partly re- sult from a change of pronunciation; but there can be little doubt that the subjection of rhyme to more rigid laws was, as well as the other improve- ments in versification, introduced in the general advancement of the art, under the Tăng dynasty. The following specimen affords an example of the rhymes in two stanzas of eight lines each :— STANzA I. STANzA II. (7) San-tung tsing-nwan hew, (8) Lew-s: wei chay king, Yī-yi, ching seang-ee: Taou-hwa ce mucan lin: *- Mo-mo chin shang-hô, Ring-king teen shih-che: • Wii yew leen ke kow, Woo he wong t'éen-sin: Chun foong yaou tang ji, Yin ke jin hoong-laou, Wan-wii fü-seng she t Shing-she li wei jin: Wei heang moong-jin shuº, Chai-mun tuy ti-li, Se-chow sz mě che. | Hing tso yi chin-yin. Felicitous Rains. 1. “The last month of winter was for the most part clear and mild, And now at length approach the well-timed showers: The wide-spread mist has involved yon mountain dwelling, Its dews are slowly filling each rocky hollow : The vernal winds obscure the clouded sun, It is the season for all things in nature to germinate : Let us convey an exhortation to the husbandman, That he delay not the business of his western fields.” 2. “The green foliage of the willows has not yet shaded the path, But the peach-blossoms already cover the grove : Every inanimate thing seems to feel the influence of the season, Shall I, then, be unmindful of the purposes of heaven? Like some who lean on their tables, and grow unprofitably old, Who exert not their strength in the proper time? —The rain falls in drops before my rude door-way, As I stroll about, or sit, immersed in such meditations.” Rhymes, however, are by no means confined to regular verse (of which it is our particular business at present to detail the laws), being very apparent in the following citation, a species of composition called Tsze, something between prose and poetry, in which the rhyme is repeated at the end of lines of indeterminate length. The passage is descriptive of a field or bed of chrysanthemums, flowers which the Chinese admire on account of the brilliancy of their colours, and which they display towards winter in large quantities about their houses:— 302 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. (9) Sow-ying muan le, soo-heang san king, shin-shin tseen-tseen hwang seang-ying; loo- hea tsi ying ; ke ko tsan foong ; yew huang sé, shuey kanping: ching tan taou ko-leem lae joo sin ping; yen-yen kae chii tsew tsing sing: man yen tsin mê ché heen-héen : seu che she tsew Taou-kea hing. “Their slender shadows fill the enclosure, and a scattered perfume pervades the flower- beds, planted in triple rows : their deeper and lighter tints reflect a yellow light, and the leaves shine varied from beneath the drops of dew ; each hungry flowret inhales the passing breeze, as it sheds around its incomparable lustre. The gazer sympathizes with the lan- guishing blossoms, bending their heads all faint and delicate : the mournful view awakes in his mind thoughts suitable to autumn. Say not that it is a sight to satiate the eyes of the indifferent beholder—know that such flowers as these once inspired the poet Taou-yuen- ming", as he indulged his genius amidst verses and wine.” 6. The next feature in the construction of Chinese verse is perhaps the most interesting of all, as it presents a striking coincidence with what has been remarked of the poetry of another Asiatic nation. In the preliminary Dissertation on Hebrew Poetry, prefixed to his translation of Isaiah, Bishop Lowth has treated at some length of a peculiar property which he calls parallelism. What this is, will be best explained in his own words:— “The correspondence of one verse or line with another, I call parallelism. —When a proposition is delivered, and a second is subjoined to it, or drawn under it, equivalent, or contrasted with it, in sense, or similar to it in the form of grammatical construction, these I call parallel lines; and the words or phrases, answering one to another in the corresponding lines, parallel terms.—Parallel lines may be reduced to three sorts: parallels synonymous, parallels antithetic, and parallels synthetic.” The first kind, Dr. Lowth defines to be those “which correspond one to another by expressing the same sense in different, but equivalent terms: when a proposition is delivered, and is immediately repeated, in the whole or in part, the expression being varied, but the sense entirely or nearly the same:”— ExAMPLEs. Because I called, and ye refused ; I stretched out my hand, and no one regarded: But ye have defeated all my counsel; And would not incline to my reproof: I also will laugh at your calamity; I will mock when your fear cometh. Bow thy heavens, O Jehovah, and descend; Touch the mountains, and they shall smoke: Dart forth thy lightnings, and scatter them ; Shoot out thine arrows, and consume them. The reader is furnished below with examples from the Chinese, which will perhaps be considered as answering to the above description of the Hebrew— with this only difference, that the peculiar structure of the language, of which we now treat, generally renders the parallelism much more exact, and there- * For some account of Taou-yuen-ming, see “Mémoires sur les Chinois,” tom. iii. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 303 fore much more striking and obvious—as it is usually word for word, the one written opposite to the other. The first two lines have a figurative reference to the perfection of a person's moral character:— - (10) Pè pi, woo hea, ching che paou, Tsing léen, pil yen, fī k'e heang. Sin taou lucan she, woo she choo, Tsing tang koo tse, che sz pei. Mö heen te tsº, yuen ting seaou, Pú yuen kea pin, hwö ke wei. “The white stone, unfractured, ranks as most precious; The blue lily, unblemished, emits the finest fragrance.” “The heart, when it is harassed, finds no place of rest; The mind, in the midst of bitterness, thinks only of grief.” “Be not discontented, though your land be narrow, and your garden small ; Be not disturbed, though your family be poor, and your means contracted.” The second kind of parallelism is the antithetic, “when,” according to the definition of Bishop Lowth, “two lines correspond with one another by an opposition of terms and sentiments.” He observes, with reference to his own subject, that “the degrees of antithesis are various, from an exact contraposi- tion of word to word through the whole sentence, down to a general disparity, with something of a contrariety in the two propositions.” It may be re- marked, with regard to the Chinese, that the antithesis is commonly perfect, both in sentiments and terms. - It is farther to be observed, that the learned prelate takes most of his examples, under this head, from the Proverbs of Solomon, “where they abound: for this form is peculiarly adapted to that kind of writing, to adages, aphorisms, and detached sentences:”— ExAMPLEs. The memory of the just is a blessing ; - But the name of the wicked shall rot. There is that scattereth, and still increaseth ; And that is unreasonably sparing, yet groweth poor. —As relates to the Chinese, the case is precisely the same, and no doubt for the same reason. In going over, by way of experiment, a collection of Maxims “ compiled by himself, the writer of this immediately found that a very large portion answered to the foregoing description. For example:— (11) Yº kwa, tsing shin skuang; Sz to, hit ke shvai. Tsing pin chang lă ş Chö foo to yew. Tsoong shen joo teng ; Tsoong gö joo peng. * 8vo, London, 1823. 304 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. “With few cravings of the heart, the health is flourishing; With many anxious thoughts, the constitution decays.” . “Unsullied poverty is always happy ; Impure wealth brings many sorrows.” “Prosecuting virtue, is like ascending a steep; Pursuing vice, like rushing down a precipice.” But the antithetic parallel is used not merely to give a force to aphorisms. It appears occasionally, though perhaps somewhat less often, in the course of poetry; and is found to exist in every degree, from the strong mutual oppo- sition of all the corresponding words in a couplet, to that of only some of them :— (12) Yang mean, koong chang tan, Te show, luy shvang chuy; Foo kwei, -t'a jin tsii, Pin han,—tsin tsz le. “Supinely gazing, now I vent my sighs, Now, bending down, in tears my sorrow flows; The wealthy alien claims connubial ties, The needy kinsman no relation knows" !” The third sort of parallel, noticed by Dr. Lowth, is what he denominates the synthetic, or constructive, where each word and line does not exactly answer to its fellow as either equivalent or opposite in sense: but where there is a marked correspondence and equality in the construction of the lines —“such as noun answering to noun, verb to verb, member to member, negative to negative, interrogative to interrogative :"— ExAMPLEs. Is such then the fast which I choose ; That a man should afflict his soul for a day 2 Is it, that he should bow down his head like a bulrush ; And spread sackcloth and ashes for his couch? Shall this be called a fast, And a day acceptable to Jehovah 2 This is by far the most common species of parallelism with the Chinese. Indeed the first two sorts, already described, are generally accompanied by this last—the correspondence of sense, whether it consist in equivalency or opposition, is almost always attended by correspondence of construction: the latter is often found without the former, while the converse seldom takes place. It pervades their poetry universally, forms its chief characteristic feature, and is the source of a great deal of its artificial beauty. In nearly every specimen produced in the course of this treatise, it may be observed to exist in a more or less marked degree, and unless for the sake of regularity, it would seem almost superfluous to adduce particular examples here. In the romance called Haoukewchuen, or “The Fortunate Union,” the first of the following two quatrains is introduced, in application to the hero, who is * “The Heir in Old Age," page 9. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 305 distinguished at once by his bravery and his abilities—in the second example, it will be observed that the words are very nicely balanced:— (13) Koo hing pit wei, tseuen ping tan, Leng leen keaou jin, yaou yew tsai : Tan, sz Taz-loong choong chi; she, Tsae, joo Le-pâ tsae seng lai. Pē, tseen, wan sz, ying man leadu, Woo, lew, shë néen, yoong e lai : Tº yi jë heen, hēen yi jë, Yu san pei yin, yin san pei. “Thus alone and dauntless he walked—all confident in his courage; Thus proud and reserved—he must needs possess high talents: Courage—as if Tsz-loong, the hero, had re-appeared in the world; Talents—as though Le-pe, the poet, had again been born.” “A hundred—a thousand—ten thousand projects are hard to accomplish ; Five times—six times—ten years very soon arrive: When you have found a day to be idle—be idle for a day; When you have met with three cups to drink—then drink your three cups'' The constructional parallelism of sentences extends to prose composition, and is very frequent in what is called wun-chang, or “fine writing,’ which is a measured prose, though not written line beside line, like poetry. Indeed all the three kinds may be met with occasionally in every description of writing that soars above the style of mere conversation or narrative. They do not alone constitute poetry, which must have the several other qualifications already mentioned, as measure, rhyme, &c.;-but being allied to art and embellishment, they claim verse as their proper province, and are carried there to a greater degree of refinement than elsewhere. The following three prose sentences, in which there is a parallelism throughout, combined with a sort of anti-climax, are introduced chiefly for the sake of noticing a striking coincidence of senti- ment, in a quarter where one is not prepared to meet with it, except in the case of the most obvious, simple, and general truths:- (14) Shang pin che jin, pit keaou urh shen; Chung pin che jin, keaou urh how shem; Hea pin che jin, keaou urh pit shen. “The highest order of men (called Shing, perfect or inspired) are virtuous, or wise, in- dependently of instruction:—the middle class of men (Héen, good or moral) are so after instruction:-the lowest order (Yu, stupid or worthless) are vicious in spite of instruction.” These three classes are, strange to say, most exactly defined in four lines of the Works and Days of Hesiod—the sentiment could scarcely be more nearly rendered :- “He indeed is the Best of all men, who of himself is wise in all things; Though he is Good, who follows a good instructor: But he who is neither wise of himself, nor, in listening to another, Remains mindful of advice—this is the Worth Less man.” Of the different sorts of parallelism it is perhaps needless to observe, that 306 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. in no other language could they be carried to such a height as they are in Chinese: the exact equality in the number of words, which form each line of: a poetical couplet, and the almost total absence of recurring particles that encumber our European languages, admit of their being adopted with peculiar effect. There is something of an antithetic parallel in the first two lines of Horace's well-known apologue:— “Rusticus urbanum murem mus paupere fertur Accepisse cavo, veterem vetus hospes amicum.” But to make this resemble the arrangement of a Chinese couplet—to make the antithesis sentential as well as verbal—it would be necessary to set prosody at defiance, and write the corresponding words opposite to one another, somewhat in the following way:- “Rusticus mus, vetus hospes, accepisse fertur Urbanum murem, veterem amicum, cavo paupere *.” Such refinements, though to some they may appear to savour of trifling, certainly contribute to heighten the peculiar rhythmus of the poetry into which they are introduced, at the same time that they tend to increase its difficulties, and enhance the merit of the composition on the same principle that makes our neighbours, the French, so tenacious of rhyming tragedies, and the unities of the drama—“L'art en devient plus difficile, et les difficultés vaincues donnent en tout genre du plaisir et de la gloire.” The Chinese are so fond of their parallelisms, that the most common decorations of rooms, halls, and temples, are ornamental labels hung opposite to each other, or side by side, and called Tuy-lèen, which has precisely the meaning of the English term. These are sometimes inscribed on coloured paper, sometimes carved on wood, and distinguished by painting and gilding— but always in pairs. They have generally an allusion to the circumstances of the dwelling, or of the inhabitant: and, by way of illustration merely, we might imagine some Chinese, who affected a just mediocrity in his desires and wishes, suspending on one side of his study a sentence which should have the meaning of, Caret obsoleti sordibus tecti, and, exactly opposite to it, another sentence in as many words, Caret invidendā sobrius aulá. The first two of the following examples were supplied by the kindness of Dr. Morrisont: they were taken down by him, during our progress with the * It is evident that this transposition ruins the peculiar beauty of expression in the Latin, arising from the immediate contiguity of the antithetic, or corresponding words in the same line, which would be impracticable in the Chinese—a language entirely devoid of all inversion. + In conversing with Dr. Morrison on this property of Chinese verse, and remarking that it was common to other languages, he suggested my adding to the present treatise a close comparison (like the one which I have here instituted) with the instances adduced by Bishop Lowth from the Hebrew. For the hint, therefore, I stand indebted to him. 308 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. sons for her tears; to which she replied, “That it was too true, for one tiger had destroyed a brother, another her husband, and a third her son.” On asking her why she did not return home (to marry again), she said, “That would be forcing the law,” a sentiment which Confucius approved. Hence it is said of functionaries that they commit violences (i. e. force the law). 27. Tsie lai chi H% ŽK fº “You too want alms " In the time of famine, a hungry person of quality went to the great public boiler (for food). The dispenser said to him, “You too want alms " The hungry man answered, “That is true; I own my mistake.” However, the hungry man applied no more for food. 28. Mang-chang kiun ić § # The great man of Tsi. He supported three thousand idle people, wearing red shoes, whom he divided into three ranks, according to their merits; but they rendered him no service except one beggar, named Fung Hiwen }}} }% of whom the great man enquired what he could do. He answered, “Nothing.” It was afterwards reported to the great man, that when he brandished his sword, he sang, “I have no fish to eat with my rice, and I am going home:" upon which, fish was ordered to be given him. Then he sang, “Out would I go, but I have no chair:” and they gave him a chair. Again he sang, “I am not hungry, but there is hun- ger at home :” and they gave him food to take to his house. Afterwards, the great man, hearing that a neighbouring king, his friend, was in peril, obtained from the queen a general's banner, and went to assist him ; on his return, being degraded, and proscribed by his king, he retired with the beggar to some of his land, in the kingdom of Si, where he was well received. These people had told the beggar sent to collect the tribute, that they would not pay their own king, and still less a stranger. Then the beggar, having burnt all the writings, said to the great man, “Seeing that thou hast all things in abundance, I have brought thee no tribute, but with the tribute I bought justice from thee, which was wanting.” Afterwards, being in Si, the beggar said, “Man should do like the rabbit, who has three outlets from his hole, to serve for different occasions.” In the meanwhile, he projected a war of another king against the king of Tsi; and when he (of Tsi) was about to attack Man- chang kiun, he ordered him to be called to his aid, restored all his honours to him, and he was respected in all the neighbouring kingdoms. 29. Yen-chii # § The happy man of Tsi. A king saw him, and called to him, but he also called for the king ; and the king said, “Why not come; knowest thou not that I would employ thee, and give thee a carriage?” He answered, “I am a private man, I eat vulgar food; my heart is at ease, and I walk where a carriage would take me.” The king replied, “I will arrest thee." He answered, “I can do the same with thee, if I give money, as thou doest for having it done.” So the king left him to himself. 3o. Tsi, Chan chung-tsz #, |É {{ + The independant man. He JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 309 refused all the public employment that was offered him, and when his elder brother obtained office, he in vain urged him not to accept presents, in order that he might not be compelled to restore them. One day, when a fine goose was given him to eat, he vomited it out, on being told that it was a present to his brother. He separated himself from his wife, took to cultivating land, and when it was unproductive, ate nothing but what his wife sent him, nothing that came from his mother or brother. Having had no food for three days, and his sight and hearing being enfeebled, he took a wild plum from a plum tree which he drew towards him, and having eaten three mouthfuls, became invigorated to continue his work. 31. Tsi-jin ź /V The beggar of Tsi in Shantung. He returned home every night drunk, and his wife and concubine could not understand how he, who never gave a feast, should be invited to so many. One day the concubine followed him, and found that he went out of the city, asked alms from those who were sacrificing (at the temples), and got drunk therewith. When the wife learned this, they both determined to abandon him, and did so. Hence beggars are now called men of Tsi. 32. Tsi-nil % j, The clever bride. Having two lovers, one living on the east, the other on the west side, her father ordered her to tuck up her sleeve on the side she preferred; but she tucked up both sleeves; and in answer to the question whether she chose both, answered, “Yes! one to eat with because he is rich, and one to live with because he is handsome !” *—1–- 33. Sung jin ZFC /\ The man of stone, in the state of Sung, in Shan- tung. Having found what he supposed to be a precious stone, he called a carpenter to make a case in which to keep it. As the stone was much talked of, many came to see it, and a person from Chili endeavoured to undeceive the possessor, telling him it was a common stone; but the more the one persisted, the less was the other convinced, and the more carefully he guarded his stone. (Prejudice.) 34. Tsin, Kung Tsz #, ^ ºf The proud man reproved. Travelling in the east, and seeing a bar of gold on the road, he called to an old shepherd who was passing, to pick it up. The shepherd replied: “Thou thinkest thy- self too high to stoop for gold, and that I am mean enough to do so." And without touching the gold, he passed on. 35. Kai Tsz-chui # + # The ill-requited minister of the Chin kingdom. Being obliged to flee with his prince Tsin Wan-kung, on account of a revolution, they were compelled to beg; a man offering them a piece of earth, the prince wished to beat him, but was checked by the minister, who said it was a sign that his throne would be restored; but as their hunger became intense, the minister cut the flesh from his buttocks to support his prince. He, having been restored, forgot his benefactor, and gave him no employment: being reminded of this, he sent to seek him in a mountain, to Z 2 310 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. which he had retired, but as he feared to leave it, the mountain was set on fire, and Kai Tsz-chui was burnt to death under a willow. On the evening of the commemoration of his death, his devotees visit his grave in wooden shoes, which in the beginning were made of willow wood, and the words tsii hia H'. T “under the feet” are employed instead of “You, Sir,” in direct ad- dress, in allusion to the same. 36. Wei, Ni Tsz-kia ſij, # + {{? The peach favourite. Being a beautiful boy, he was an instrument of the emperor's pleasures. He gave the emperor half a peach of which he was eating, and the emperor was pleased, and deemed it a mark of affection; but when he became older and less hand- some, he made the same experiment, for which he was ill rewarded. It dis- pleased the emperor, who deemed it an insult, and ordered him to be killed. 37. Siun Pien X; § The egg general of the Wei kingdom. Being re- commended to the sovereign by the minister as general-in-chief, the king would not consent, because when a boy he had stolen two eggs; but the minister replied that nobody was perfect, and that great deeds ought not to be frustrated on account of a small defect. The king agreed to this, and Siun became a great general. 38. Yu Kung-chi-sz ºffſ ZS 3. HM The disciple general. Having at- tacked the enemy on one occasion, and pursuing him in his flight, he recog- nised at a great distance, that the hostile general was his master's master, and said to him, “Hard it is to use the art that you taught me for your own ruin, but the orders of the emperor must be obeyed.” So he drew upon him a headless arrow, which did not kill him, and the war was ended. 39. Ching, Ying Kau-shū ſiſ, # # #X The clever functionary (B.C. 640). The king being angry with his mother, because she was partial to the prince whose birth had been least painful to her, banished her, protesting he would never see her again except at the Yellow Fountain, i. e. Elysium. He afterwards repented in vain, for the kingly vow had been made. This being known to Ying, a provincial functionary, he came to court with presents for the king, and dining with him, put sundry things aside; this being observed, he said that it was for his mother, who though she had eaten her own bread, had never eaten that of the king. “Thou art happy,” said the king, “I have no mother for whom I can do this.” The functionary asked, “Is the queen mother dead 2" “No! but as if she were,” and the king told him what had taken place. “Then,” said the clever functionary, “there is an excellent remedy; dig till water is found; we shall have the Yellow Fountain (there is a well so called); let her majesty come and stand over it, and she will be seen in the Yellow Fountain, and the royal vow will be fulfilled, and she shall return to the king's society.” And so it was done. ** **** --- 4o. Yü, Kung Chi-ki lºi, H', Ž fif The able minister. The king of Yü being in alliance with another against a powerful enemy, this enemy sent JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 311 large presents, and asked to pass through his kingdom in order to attack his ally. The able minister opposed this, saying, that the kingdoms were as close as lips and teeth, that if that kingdom were attacked, his own people would be exposed, and would remain without a protector. The king would not listen to him, and so both kingdoms were lost. 41. Wei, Pang Kiuen, Sun Pin #, Jä #, ##, º The two hostile students of Wei (B.C. 6oo). They were disciples of the Invincible Soothsayer, and great friends, mutually promising that he who should be first advanced would aid the other. Pang, having obtained the rank of general in Lu, did great deeds, with the assistance of Sun, the cleverer of the two; but fearing that Sun's talents might be recognised, and that he might be preferred over himself, ordered the toes to be cut off his feet. Feigning idiotcy, Sun was able to escape to a neighbouring kingdom, and being followed by his antago- nist, he put himself at the head of an army, and marched against him. Giving him battle, he pretended to be vanquished, and retired. When night came, he ordered the usual number of watch-fires to be lessened, and so from night to night, to persuade the enemy to advance, because the army was daily weakening. Avoiding a place of ambush, he wrote on a stick in the road, “Here perished Pang Kiuen ;” and he, while reading the inscription, was surprised and killed. 42. Kiê tsau # #. “To bind herbage to favour.” A sick father recommended his son to marry a concubine after his death; when near his death, he said to him that the concubine would be company for him in his tomb, where he lived some time, receiving nourishment through a hole till he died. When he was dead, the son did not know how to act, but obeying his father's instructions, he married her. Going afterwards to the wars, and being pursued, he saw an old man tying up the herbage from one side of the road to that on the other, behind the fugitives, so that he could not be followed. When he was safe, the old man said to him, “Know that I am the father of the concubine you married;” and then vanished. 43. Wu, Wu Yuen %, ſh H The runaway general, son of a minister. The king being engaged in his seraglio, and neglectful of his duty, was re- proved by his minister, whom he slew in consequence; and as the king wished also to sacrifice the general, he fled. When very hungry, he met a girl carrying food to her mother in the field, and having partaken of it sparingly, she asked him to eat more, saying he exhibited not only hunger, but disquietude; so, supposing her to be acquainted with his proceedings, he killed her and departed. He reached a river, and was conveyed across it by a fisherman, to whom he said, “If any one come after me, say not that I have passed.” “Well!” said the fisherman, “and for greater safety I will drown myself;” and thereupon he threw himself into the water, while the general continued his journey. Wu Yuen, having gathered together a foreign army, returned to fight the wicked king; but he having died, the 312 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. general caused him to be taken out of his grave, and ordered three hundred stripes to be given to his corpse. The country was in great consternation, and the office of minister was promised to him who should repulse the enemy; which being known to the son of the fisherman, he came with the oar of the boat in which the general had crossed the river, and, showing it to him, said, “For the sake of my father, drowned on thy account, I will free thee with this oar from thine enemies; then cease from war.” The general was so moved by these words, that he returned to the kingdom from whence he came, and having been sentenced for pursuing private gain instead of promoting the public interests, he was executed, and the fisherman's son obtained the promised reward. 44. Sung jin º: /\ The standing-corn man of Sung. He was angry because his corn did not grow, so he went and pulled up the stalks that the corn might look higher, and returning home, said to his family, “I am very weary, but I have done what nobody else could do; I have made my corn grow by dragging up the roots.” When his son heard this, he thought that the corn would be dried up the next day, and so it was. - :--> 45. Liau-si, Hiang Tö # Wii, Iä º: The questioner of Confucius from Kwang-tung. Knowing that the philosopher in his excursions visited Kwang-tung, he determined to try his talent; so he built a wall in a narrow pass through which Confucius had to come. When the philosopher arrived here, he ordered the wall to be thrown down, for his carriage to proceed. Hiang Tô said to him, “Carriages give way to walls, and not walls to carriages.” Confucius invited him to become his disciple, and he answered, “I have parents and brothers to take care of;” adding, “As you are a saint, you must know how many stars there are in heaven.” Confucius replied, “Ask about things of earth, not of heaven.” He then asked, “How many houses are there in the world 7" “Ask what can be answered,” said the philosopher. “How many hairs are there in your eyebrows " To this question he replied not, but turned away. 46. Tsin, Kan Lo #. Ef # The boy minister (B.C. 260). He was so eloquent, that he was made a minister at twelve years of age by the emperor, but his fortune was as brief as it was extraordinary, for he died at the age of fifteen. 47. Pien Ts6 # #ff The transparent belly. The discovery of medical herbs having been made, their application was not understood; but he, having a belly transparent as glass, ate the different drugs, and as he ob- served their effects, so he learnt their virtues. .#xeſ. ----- 48. Chau Kau # Hi The powerful cruel one. He was a general of the house of Tsin (B.C. 209), and aspired to the sovereignty. Going a hunting to tempt the genii, he said to the emperor that the beast in sight was a horse, it being really a stag; and the emperor, from fear, assented. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 313 Of the followers, some agreed with, and others dissented from the general; and these last he afterwards caused to be slain, as disaffected to his party. 49. Tsaw jin # W The stag dreamer (B.C. 210). He dreamt that in a certain road he fell in with a dead stag, which he covered with plantain leaves, in order that he might remove the body when no one should be present. Remembering his dream, he fancied it might be a reality, so he went to the place, and found a dead stag, when a man came, and disputed his right as the first finder and concealer. The quarrel was referred to the magistrate, who, for want of other evidence, was about to give to each a half of the stag, when a third party appeared, claiming it as his own. Then the judge ordered the stag to be divided into three parts, and thus was foretold the ruin and destruction of the house of Tsin. 5o. Tsu, Kiuh Yuen %, jã ſº The martyr minister. He constantly reprimanded his sovereign for not reforming his conduct; the king grew angry, and banished him as a functionary to Hu-kwang, but notwithstanding. he still fulfilled his ancient duty, though it was of no avail, in consequence of the concubines, who told the king that he was acting contemptuously, and that while ministers had concubines for their amusement, they were not to be denied to a king. At last, he wrote to the king, saying, that as he did not reform, he had determined to destroy himself, that he might not witness the ruin of the kingdom; and so he did, for he threw himself into the Mi-lo }H # river, so that nobody should know it. But the king saw his own errors, and the day was announced when the martyr was drowned, on the anniversary of which the boatmen came out in their boats in quest of his spirit, descending the river in pursuit of it : and to this day the same ceremony is observed, when on every river boats and canoes, called “Dragon boats,” appear on the fifth day of the fifth month. 51. Pien Ho -k #|| Author of the seal. Ascending the King-shan #| [l] (a lofty peak, situated near Siang-yang-fu, in Hu-pé), he saw an eagle upon a stone, and supposing that it concealed a precious stone, he conveyed it to the emperor, who taking it as an insult, ordered his toes to be cut off. Pien Ho again returned to the mountain, replaced the stone, and again the eagle perched upon it. He took it a second time to the emperor, who ordered his fingers to be cut off. Again he returned, again he found the eagle on the stone, and again he conveyed it to the palace. The emperor broke the stone in his anger, and a precious stone was found within, which was also broken; and engraved letters were discovered, which served as models, one half to make the imperial seal, the emblem of the empire, instead of the tripod which was used before, the other half for the seal of the principal astronomer, which is still employed. But as heaven would not confide the imperial seal to foreigners, it was sunk in the depths of the sea with the emperor Ta-ping, when the Mongols of the Yuen dynasty entered, and now a seal of gold is employed. 314 The Chinese de Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. ++ –, 52. Lau Lai-tsz #: ŽK -j- The old son. Being seventy years of age, and as his parents were living, he did not encourage his beard, but dressed himself in variegated garments, and, like a child, sported in the presence of his parents for their diversion. Being called a fool, he answered that he had only acted properly for his parents' sake, and his name is marked among those of the twenty-four sons distinguished for their obedience. sº. --> 53. Chung Tsz-ki # -j- H} The listener to music. As he went to cut wood in the hills, he heard a boatman, Pē Ya {{ 3-. playing on the harpsichord, and came down to listen. On arriving, he said, “You play, but your heart is wandering among the hills.” When he played another tune, he said, “You play, but your heart is wandering over the seas” (showing inatten- tion). The boatinan, struck with his cleverness, gave him money, to enable him to study: afterwards on going to visit him, he found him dead; upon which, he broke his harpsichord, there being no one in the world able to un- derstand his music. 54. Han-tsz # +. The rabbit man. Seeing a rabbit flying from its pursuers, which blindly ran against a tree, and was stunned and easily caught by Han-tsz, who was near, the rabbit man, expecting a similar fortune, remained there day after day, for another rabbit to come, but he waited in valin. 55. Tsujin % /\ The stupid fencer. A man of Tsu (now Hu-kwang), while playing in a boat with his sword, let it fall into the water, and looking from the boat into the place where it fell, he wrote, “Here fell the sword.” When he was anchored in the port of his destination, he sent his servant back to find the sword in the place indicated by the writing. (Wilful stupidity.) 56. Chau Lien, Po # Jì, #á The repentant general. Being envious of a minister, who with less merit had higher rank, he endeavoured, on several occasions, to take away the minister's life, whose friend complaining of his misconduct, he answered them, “Our neighbours will respect us for this; if I sacrificed him, I should sacrifice the kingdom.” When this was reported to the general, he was so moved that he tied his hands upon thorns to his sides, went to confess his fault to the minister, and peace was made between them. ++- 57. Lin Siang-ju | #E jū The famous general of the Chau kingdom. He was sent to the kingdom of Tsin, as bearer of a scallop shell, made of a precious stone, the purchase of five provinces, which that king had promised to cede. When the king arrived, and the shell was delivered, he hesitated about the bargain, though he was struck with the beauty of the stone; upon which the general said, “You admire its beauty, why don't you observe its defects?” and seizing the stone, as if to show them, retreated to a pillar in such a rage, that his cap flew into the air, and he said, “If you do not deliver JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 315 the provinces, I break this stone in pieces; (know that) we have not only precious stones, but precious men, whose rage takes off their caps, which is not the case with yours.” Hearing this, the king said that he should return to his hotel, and he would order the provinces to be delivered; but he, doubt- ing this, carried back the scallop shell to the kingdom. The king knew this, but allowed him to depart. (To be continued.) ART. III.-Japan; its Political State; its People, Laws, Prisons, &c. [Reprinted from the “Chinese Repository."] The government of Japan is supposed to be, like that of most oriental states, despotic; and so in fact it is, although the received idea of despotism requires some little modification to render it perfectly applicable to the sovereign ruling authority of Japan. We must especially abstract from that idea one of its greatest evils, and one which is habitually, whether or not justly, conceived to be inseparable from, if not an essential part of, despotism—namely, its arbitrariness. Liberty is, indeed, unknown in Japan; it exists not even in the common-intercourse of man with man; and the very idea of freedom, as distinguished from rude license, could, perhaps, hardly be made intelligible to a native of that extraordinary empire. But, on the other hand, no individual in the whole nation, high or low, is above the law; both sovereigns, the supreme mikado, and his lieutenant-master the siogoun, seeming to be as com- pletely enthralled by Japanese despotism as the meanest of their subjects, if not more so. If it be asked, how despotism can exist, unless wielded by a despotic sovereign, either monarch, oligarchy, or democracy, which last may be interpreted demagogue; the answer is, that at least at this present time, law and established custom, unvarying, known to all, and pressing upon all alike, are the despots of Japan. Scarcely an action of life is exempt from their rigid, inflexible, and irksome control; but he who complies with their dictates has no arbitrary power, no capricious tyranny to apprehend. Japan is a feudal empire, according to the very spirit of feudality. The mikado, as the successor and representative of the gods, is the nominal pro- prietor, as well as sovereign, of the realm; the siogoun, his deputy or vice- gerent. His dominions are divided, with the exception of the portion reserved to the crown, into principalities, held in vassalage by their respective hereditary princes. Under them, the land is parceled out amongst the nobility, who hold their hereditary estates by military service. The utter impotence for good or for evil of the nominally all-powerful mikado has been sufficiently shown in a former paper, as also the perpetual thraldom in which he is held by the very honours paid him. It is, probably, the ever-recurring annoyance of these troublesome honours, that still induces the mikado frequently to abdicate in favour of a son or daughter. If even by this step they gain very little that can be called liberty, they at least escape 316 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. from their task of diurnal immobility, and are no longer, it may be hoped, actually restrained from all locomotion. The next personage to be noticed, in speaking of the political condition of Japan, is the mikado's vicegerent, the siogoun, or kubo, the names being in- differently given him, without any clear explanation of diversity of significa- tion between them.*. Klaproth, however, indicates siogoun as the more appropriate title. This supposed virtually absolute sovereign, who is still so called by many writers, we find, upon carefully examining the details given by those same writers, to be nearly as destitute of real power, as much secluded from the public eye, and enmeshed in the inextricable web of law and custom, as his nominal master. The siogount scarcely ever stirs beyond the precincts of his spacious palace inclosure; even his religious pilgrimages, and his journeys to Miyako to do homage, or in Japanese phrase, make his compliment, to the mikado, being now performed by a deputy. The business of government is repre- sented as wholly unworthy of engaging his thoughts; and his time is said to be so skilfully occupied, as scarcely to leave him leisure, had he the wish, to attend to the affairs of the empire. The mere official duties of ceremony imposed upon thesiogoun—the observ- ances of etiquette, the receiving the homage or compliment, and the presents of those permitted and bound to offer both, upon frequently recurring festival days and the like—are represented as sufficient fully to occupy three indi- viduals. These important ceremonies are regulated and conducted by a host of courtiers, holding what we should call household offices, and always about the person of the siogoun. But lest any notion of degradation in this actual nullity, any perception of being, like the mikado, but the shadow of a sove- reign, should germinate in the imperial breast, or be planted there by some ambitious favourite, both the siogoun and his court are constantly surrounded and watched by the innumerable spies of the council of state, which now constitutes the real executive power. The members of the council of state are differently given by different writers; but the best authority f makes them thirteen—to wit, five councillors of the first class, uniformly selected from the princes of the empire, and eight of the second class, selected from the nobility. Other ministers are men- tioned who do not appear to be comprehended in the council; these are the temple lords, who seem to be laymen, though the actual regulators of all re- ligious matters, and the two ministers, called by some writers commissioners for foreign affairs, by others lieutenants of police, or heads of the spies; and, * [In the note on page 305 of vol. IX, the term kubo is applied to the mikado at Miyako. It is, however, more commonly applied to the siogoun at Yedo, but an examination of the Chinese characters employed for this title shows that ^ Jy, or ‘the lord’s palace,’ might sometimes be applied to the mikado without committing a very glaring blunder, though it is no doubt incorrect to apply that term to the mikado, though he is known by it in some parts of Kiusiu.] + Fischer. † Siebold. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 317 indeed, the concerns of Japan with foreigners should naturally belong rather to the police department than to any especial minister. The councillors of both classes are almost uniformly chosen from amongst the descendants of those princes and nobles who distinguished themselves as partisans of the founder of the present siogoun dynasty, during the civil war that preceded, and the intrigues that assisted his usurpation. Over the council presides a councillor of the highest class, and he is invariably a descendant of Ino Kamon no kami, a minister who rendered an essential service to the same usurper's posterity. This president is entitled Governor of the Empire: and his office, if resembling that of an European premier, or rather of an oriental vizier, appears even to transcend both in authority. All the other councillors and every department of administration are subordinate to him ; no affair can be undertaken without his concurrence; and a notion is said to prevail in Japan, that he is individually empowered to depose a siogoun who should govern ill, and to substitute another, of course the legal heir, in his place; but this is manifestly a mistaken or confused conception of a power vested in the whole council, though possibly exercised by their president, which will presently be explained, and which it will then appear is not held gratuitously. This council of state transacts the whole business of government; decides upon every measure, sanctions or reverses every sentence of death pronounced by an imperial governor, appoints to all efficient offices, corresponds with the local authorities; and upon the occurrence in any part of Japan of any affair in which the course to be pursued is not clearly marked out by law or prece- dent, must be consulted, and pronounce its decree, before a single step be taken by even the highest local officers. Each councillor has his own specific department, for which, in the common routine, he alone is responsible; but he measures of which, upon any important point, must be discussed, and adopted or rejected, by the whole body of his colleagues, headed by their president. When any proposition has been duly investigated and determined upon by the council, the resolution taken is laid before the siogoun for his sanction. This usually follows, as a matter of course, nine times in ten without the monarch's even inquiring what he is called upon to confirm. But if, by some extraordinary accident, he should chance to trouble himself about the concerns of his empire, and, either upon rational grounds or through caprice, withhold the sanction requested, the proceeding consequent upon the difference of opinion between the monarch and his ministers is prescribed by law. The measure is not at once abandoned, as might be imagined by persons thinking of the siogoun as a despotic sovereign; it is, on the contrary, referred to the arbitration of three princes of the blood, the nearest kinsmen of the monarch, his probable heir, in default of a son, being one, if of sufficient age. The sen- tence of these arbitrators, whatever it be, and whatever be the question submitted to them, is not only final, but fraught with important, and, to European minds, painful results. Should the verdict be in favour of the council, the siogoun has no alterna- 3.18 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. tive; he may not revoke his previous refusal, and yield to the united judg- ment of his ministers and the arbitrators, but must immediately abdicate in favour of his son or other legal heir. Such an abdication, for various causes, is an act so constantly recurring, that it bears a specific name, inkio; and a regular habitation for the abdicating siogoun is as established and essential a provision of the Yedo court, as a jointure-house for a queen-dowager in this country. To this inferior abode the siogoun, against whose opinion the arbi- trators have decided, instantly retires, and his successor takes possession of the vacated palace. Should the arbitrators pronounce in favour of the monarch, the conse- quences are yet more serious, inasmuch as the minister who proposed and most strongly urged the obnoxious act, if not every member of the council, headed by the president—whose supreme authority should involve responsi- bility—is under the necessity of committing suicide, according to the Japan- ese mode, by ripping himself up. When to this always possible, if not often recurring, necessity, is added, that the whole council, collectively and indi- vidually, is surrounded by spies, known and unknown, employed by superiors, inferiors, rivals, and each other, it will be evident that these seemingly abso- lute ministers cannot venture upon the infraction of any law, or upon any deed of violence, of rapacity, or of arbitrary tyranny, except with the sword of Damocles, it may be said, literally as well as metaphorically, hanging over their heads. Turn we now to the vassal princes of the empire, whose power appears to be the chief object of apprehension to the siogoun and his council. There were originally sixty-eight principalities, hereditary, but subject to forfeiture in case of treason. Of this penalty, advantage was taken by successive usurpers during the civil wars, to weaken apprehended rivals by the subdivision of their dominions. The consequence of these proceedings is, that there are now said to be 604 distinct administrations, including great and small principalities, lordships, and imperial towns. The princes, called kok-shyu [or kokushi], or “lords of the land, are of two grades, the dai-mio (‘very much honoured"), who hold their principalities directly of the mikado, and the sai-mio (‘much honoured’), who hold theirs of the siogoun. Both dai-mio and sai-mio are nominally absolute in their respec- tive states. They govern with all the forms and organization of actual sovereignty, and each, by means of his noble vassals, maintains his own army; but they are entangled in a net of suzerain policy, which disables even the mightiest from attempting aught against the siogoun or his council; and so completely and annoyingly are they controlled, alike in their public duties and in their private enjoyments, that in no class of Japanese is the practice of (inkio) abdicating in favour of a son so prevalent as amongst these grandees. A reigning prince of advanced age is never seen in Japan. The actual administration of every principality is conducted, not by the prince himself or ministers of his choice, but by two go-karó, or secretaries, appointed by the Yedo council, the one to reside in the principality, the other JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 319 at Yedo, where the family of the absent secretary is detained in hostage for his fidelity. These double appointments extend to all high provincial posts, and it is only by the regular annual alternation of situation of the two colleagues that men holding such posts ever see their families. Nor are the secretaries, thus obtruded on their nominal master, allowed to act as their own or the prince's judgment may dictate. They are, in fact, the mere delegates of the council, whose orders are transmitted by the secretary at Yedo to the secretary at the capital of the principality. Either every alternate year, or the half of every year, the princes are compelled to spend at Yedo, and that is the only time during which they can enjoy the society of their families, there kept as hostages. During their residence in their own dominions, they are not only separated from those families, illegitimate as well as legitimate, but strictly prohibited from holding any species of intercourse, innocent or criminal, with the other sex. The ceremonious observances that fill their time, as the siogoun's, are prescribed from Yedo. They may not appear without their palace-walls, except at stated times and according to stated forms; nay, the very hours of their down-lying and up-rising are imperatively pre-ordained by the council. That no infrac- tion of these intolerable restrictions can escape the knowledge of the council through the instrumentality of their spies, every prince and his household are well aware; but it is said that into some of the principalities those spies penetrate at the hazard of their lives; from one, Satzuma", hardly any are said ever to return, and the Yedo government, never acknowledging them as its servants, never inquires into or avenges their fate. But all this does not afford sufficient security in the opinion of government. Lest the princes should, even at the sacrifice of all that is dear to them, confederate against the siogoun, neighbouring princes are not allowed to reside simultaneously in their respective dominions, unless, indeed, ill-will should be known to exist between them, in which case their mutual jealousies are sedulously fomented, by affording them occasions of collision. But the plan chiefly relied upon for insuring their subjection is to keep them dependent by poverty. To reduce them to the required state of indigence, many means are employed. Nearly the whole military duty of the empire is thrown upon the princes; they are required to maintain troops rateably, according to the extent of their dominions, and to furnish even those required for the imperial provinces, the administration of which is avowedly in the hands of the Yedo council. Thus, at Nagasaki, which during the last two centuries has been the only seat of foreign commerce, the whole profit of which is devoured by the siogoun, council, governors, and their understrappers, and which for that very purpose was dismembered from a principality, and converted into an imperial city, the * Doeff. [This principality lies in the southern part of Kiusiu, and its prince is one of the most powerful in the empire. He monopolizes the whole trade between Lewchew and Japan, and governs Lewchew and the intermediate islands by his own officers, and has the reputation of allowing an underhand trade with the Chinese in a few articles.] 320 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. duty of guarding the bay falls altogether upon the princes of Fizen and Chikuzen, whose dominions the bay divides. The two centuries of profound peace, which Japan has enjoyed since the adoption of the exclusive system, have naturally lessened the need of troops. The consequent diminution of expense is felt to be a great object; but neither the princes nor their subjects are the persons destined to profit by the saving thus effected. The number of troops to be maintained by each prince is, indeed, in just proportion to that originally allotted them; but the sum which the troops so dispensed with would have cost them, they are required to pay into the treasury at Yedo. Other modes of impoverishment there are, to which, when necessary, re- course is had. One is that of obliging the princes to display extravagant pomp and magnificence during their residence at Yedo, involving them in every imaginable expense. Should these ways of draining his exchequer prove insufficient with some extraordinarily opulent or prudent prince, two resources are kept in reserve, which have never yet failed. One of these is the siogoun's inviting himself to dinner with his inconveniently wealthy vassal, at his Yedo palace; the other, the obtaining for him, from the mikado, some highly coveted post at the dairi. The expense of duly entertaining the siogoun, or of receiving the investiture of an exalted dairi office, is such as no Japanese fortune has yet proved able to stand. Of the lordships, it may suffice to say, that they seem to be merely very inferior principalities, the government of which is managed and controlled in a manner perfectly analogous to that just described. The provinces and towns retained as imperial domains are administered by imperial governors, appointed by the state council at Yedo, and whose fidelity is similarly secured. To every government, two governors are appointed; one of whom resides at Yedo, the other at his post, his family remaining as hostages at court, and he himself being subjected to the same restrictions and annoyances as the princes in their principalities; the two governors annually relieve each other in their government. Their authority in their governments is equal to that of the princes, or rather of the princes' secretaries in the principalities; except that a governor cannot inflict capital punishment until the sentence has been ratified at Yedo, whilst the princes may freely exercise this act of sovereignty. But neither prince nor governor likes to pronounce sentence of death, lest the perpetration of crimes requiring such punishment should be imputed to connivance, negligence, or general mal-administration on their part. - The governor is assisted by an official establishment, appointed by the council of state, most of the members of which are subject to the same restric- tions as himself; and their number would be incredible, were we not told that the principle of Japanese government is to employ the most persons possible of the higher and middle classes. The official establishment of Nagasaki, the only one of which the Dutch writers have personal knowledge, may be worth giving as a sample *. * Doeff and Meylan. JAN. 4, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 32t The governor has under him two secretaries, and a number of go-bangosi +, or superior police-officers, to each of whom is allotted a department, for which he is responsible, and a number of banyosi, or under police-officers, to execute his orders. All these are subject to the governor's authority; but the follow- ing officers are wholly independent of him : the treasurer, a sort of district chancellor of the exchequer, who is second in rank to the governor, and has an accountant to assist him in his labours; and the military commandant of town and district, the third in rank. Of all these official persons—the banyosi, who are of a very inferior degree, excepted—only the treasurer and the military commandant are permitted to have their families at Nagasaki. It is needless to repeat, that all these are surrounded by spies. (To be continued.) ART. IV.-The Lay-Osborn Expedition to China. By the Editor.[J.S.] What Chinese duplicity really means can only be told by those who have had to do with the Chinese mandarins. The art of diplomacy in China, that is, the art of hiding the truth or telling lies that have the appearance of truth out of patriotic motives, has been the study of Chinese officials for ages. The examinations, which are the preliminaries to promotion, consist mainly in knowing how to put a maxim of an ancient sage into the greatest number of forms and phrases. We may, without much fear of being wrong, assume that Prince Kung acted on this principle when he gave Mr. Lay to under- stand that the Imperial Government wanted assistance to put down the Rebel movement, that means the Taiping power, and that it was ready, speaking in a loose way, to pay anything for the service. In fact, that Mr. Lay should have carte blanche, (at the same time using an ambiguous term, or a word with a “second intention,” as the logicians would say,) to do whatever he liked: buy ships and fit them,-regardless of expense, proceed to enlist officers and men in the Imperial service,—convey them ten thousand miles or more, and destroy the rebel forces for the benefit of China. This was all very well. But somehow the business part of the transaction must have had a flaw in it, for when Captain Sherard Osborn, who had been depending upon Mr. Lay, who had been depending on the good faith of Prince Kung, reached China, this high official, a true Chinese Regent, refused to pay the bill. He thought, perhaps, that the English were very ready to lend a helping hand, and would never quarrel about a few dollars, when the new fleet had reached China's shores. So now the startling news we have by telegraph (dated Suez, Dec. 31) states that “Prince Kung having refused to ratify the agreement made by Mr. Lay with Captain Osborn, Captain Osborn proceeded to disband his force. - * [Go-banyosi is a term of general designation; go means “imperial or governmental,' and is applied to whatever appertains to the government; ban means ‘to watch, to judge, to over- see' (a ban no iye, or ban-ya, is “a guard-house'); and si is “officer:' so that a go-banyosi is “a governmental overseeing officer.’ These officers are perhaps confined to imperial cities like Nagasaki, for none of our informants have ever heard of such a title.] 322 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [JAN. 4, 1864. “The European Ministers protested against Prince Kung having the ships on his own terms, and Prince Kung then requested Mr. Bruce to sell the ships for him. Mr. Bruce having requested Captain Osborn to undertake their disposal, a part of the squadron were to sail for England, and Captain Osborn, with the Keangsoo, Quantung, and Amoy, had sailed for Bombay. Captain Osborn may be shortly expected in England.” Such is the terse conclusion of an arrangement by which the tottering Chinese Empire was to be upheld against the actual power, which has been preying upon her political vitals for fifteen years. It is a sorry end to a sorry plan. The scheme itself was a breach of neutrality, and ought never to have been formed. The Chinese are shrewd enough to understand that such a course tended (to say the least) towards doubtful issues, when under- taken by a nation that had so recently demolished its throne in Peking, and had been (from a Chinese point of view) its determined enemy for the last quarter of a century. They have already seen the baneful influences of Europeans in the civil war on the Yangtsz, and it cannot be wondered at if Prince Kung and his co-adjutors expected further complications in the wake of this new flotilla of foreign mercenaries. But no European method of reasoning can solve the problem of Chinese stupidity and obstinacy. When one of the best fleets in the world, commanded by one of our best naval officers, was placed at the disposal of its Government, it has turned away with doubt and suspicion from the only chance it had of saving itself and retrieving its broken fortunes. The cause of the Taipings cannot, however, be said to be flourishing, though what power there is yet available among them it is hard to say, since they have successfully withstood all the Imperialist, and many bodies of Anglo and Franco-Chinese troops, which have been brought against them. The present Commander, Captain Gordon, is an able champion of the Imperial cause, but he too suffers reverses, and can barely hold his own, while stray adventurers of all nations are ready to turn to any side which promises reward, and any lawful or unlawful occupation finds partisans—from a Taiping flying corps to an Imperial legion. The next few months will not be barren of exploits. And though there are rumours of a concerted attack upon Nanking, there are also accounts of determined preparations on the part of the Taipings to resist and hold out. It would only be fair to give them a chance of success, either by leaving them alone to fight their opponents, or by positively permitting them to purchase a gunboat or two, which they would be very glad to do. ... The simplest way to bring Prince Kung to reason would have been to have intimated that the flotilla commanded by Captain Osborn might be offered for sale to the Taipings. But we must wait for further news, which in conse- quence of the stranding of the mail steamer in the Red Sea is not yet arrived. OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. CoMBE, E. Pick ARD HALL, AND H. LATH AM, printers to the UN i v Ensity. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. VIII. FEBRUARY 3, 1864. ARt. I.-The Poetry of the Chinese. By Sir John FRANcis DAvis, Bart., K.C.B., &c., late Governor of Hongkong. (Continued from page 3oz.) PART II. Thus much having been said concerning mere versification, or what may be styled the outward form of Chinese poetry, we have next to consider the spirit that animates it, and to ascertain, moreover, under what separate classes this department of their literature may be properly arranged, when viewed in relation to the divisions and nomenclature of European criticism. It is here deemed necessary to premise, that such a mode of treating our subject is not adopted with the desire, or indeed with much prospect, of dis- covering any great correspondence or resemblance; but the process of com- parison, to whatever result it may lead, is always useful on such occasions. It serves to methodize and give clearness to our conceptions of a subject comparatively new, as the artist sometimes introduces into his sketch a few objects of known and determinate dimensions, to assist in conveying juster notions of what he represents besides. On this occasion, too, it has another, and a peculiar use: for everything concerning China stands unfortunately so insulated and remote from whatever generally constitutes a source of interest to Englishmen, that the only effectual way of attracting attention to it, is by bringing it in contact with objects nearer home, and thus allowing it to derive, from association, its fair share of advantage. Unless submitted with some degree of allowance to the touchstone of European taste, the poetry of China might possibly succeed but indifferently. The test, if it be not considerately applied, is not only an illiberal, but an ab- surd one; and we have no right hastily to condemn the devotion which the ultra-Gangetic muse (however foreign to ourselves may be her features and garb) inspires in her own native haunts; or to be surprised at the number A a 324 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. of her exalted admirers, from Confucius down to Kiênlong, considering that national taste is the most conventional and capricious thing in the world; that it is determined by the infinite varieties of national character, national models, and national associations; and that even with the same old copies to refer to, and with a general similarity of institutions and customs, the different nations of the great European community vary, on such points, not a little among themselves. - Scimus, et hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim. . There seem to be two causes to which Chinese literature, of the lighter or ornamental kind, has owed its indifferent reception in the West—first, a want of choice and selection in the subjects—and, secondly, a considerable absence of taste and judgment in the mode of treating them. It is really too much to expect that people will trouble themselves to look at what is either stupid and good-for-nothing in itself, or so marred in the intermediate process, as to have lost all the attraction that it possessed in the original state. Let us only place the Chinese in our own situation on such occasions, and imagine the dismay of some fastidious scholar who should unluckily stumble upon one of our street ballads, done into bad Chinese, that is, with a verbal adherence to the original. It would either prove a perfect enigma, which is supposing the most fortunate case, or he would thank his stars that the broad ocean divided him from such savages, and burn a supernumerary stick of incense before the shrine of his deified patron. The interests and reputation of Chinese literature in Europe therefore seem to demand, that its professors take some pains to render its introduction as attractive as possible, by a care- ful selection of the best subjects, and by treating these in such a manner as shall interest the greatest number of tasteful and cultivated readers. To weary the attention with a mere list of barbariphonous and uncouth names, to produce some bald and miserably verbal translation, to present the mere caput mortuum of something that in its original shape possessed spirit and beauty, is in fact scaring away attention from a new subject, which, with a little discretion, might be rendered sufficiently attractive even to general read- ers. With such considerations in view, we might look to the successful exploring of the Chinese mine, and to the extraction of the ore of genius and sense from the mass of baser matter in which it happened to be im- bedded. Whenever a work of taste meets with universal approval in its own country, we may be assured that its success is in great measure owing to the merits of its style and language; and therefore it seems singularly injudicious to think of transferring the spirit and effect of such a Chinese composition into bad English, which it must inevitably become, by a servile adherence to the letter of the original. Between the greater number of European languages there is a certain connection, which allows literalness of rendering to be carried to a great extent—but a verbal translation from the one concerning which we now treat, must of necessity degenerate into a horrible jargon, Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 325 which few persons will undergo the disgust of perusing. These observations do not apply in the same manner to works of scientific or doctrinal detail, as to those of mere taste, whose end and aim is to convey pleasure, as well as instruction,-though perhaps chiefly the first. A certain distinction, too, must be made between prose and poetry: the former doubtless both requires and admits of a closer rendering—with regard to the latter, we may adopt the happy illustration used on a similar occasion, “Celui qui prétendrait juger de quelque PoEME que ce füt dans une traduction littérale, pourrait aussi rai- sonnablement espérer de trouver, sur le revers d'une tapisserie, les figures qu’elle représente dans toute leur délicatesse et toute leur splendeur.” Verse, then, must be the shape into which Chinese, as well as all other poetry, ought to be converted, in order to do it mere justice; though in the present treatise, where so many different pieces are introduced for such different purposes, it has been thought expedient to adopt by turns a prose translation, a faithful metrical version, or an avowed paraphrase, as might best suit the subject and the occasion. More has been deferred herein, than suited the writer's own. judgment and inclinations, to the prejudices of those who are still partial to the literal side of the question. To take up our subject at its commencement—the earliest poetry of China, like that of all other nations, appears to have consisted in songs and odes, intended occasionally to be accompanied by music. Such is the nature of that curious compilation, made more than two thousand years since, by Confucius, and illustrative of a state of things certainly very different from that which exists at the present day. It is divided into four portions, of which the first, the largest, and most interesting, is called Kwé foong, ‘the manners of different states,'—that is, of the states into which a portion of the present empire was then divided. These had all of them a kind of feudal dependence on one sovereign, who, in order to possess himself of the best means of estimating the character and sentiments of the various people more or less under his sway, was furnished with the songs and odes most popular among each of them. This agrees in a singular manner with the following remark of a writer in the Spectator * : “I have heard,” says he, “that a minister of state in the reign of Queen Elizabeth had all manner of books and ballads brought to him, of what kind soever, and took great notice how much they took with the people; upon which he would, and certainly might, very well judge of their present dispositions, and of the most proper way of applying them according to his own purposes.” * * The bulk of these curious vestiges of antiquity in the Sheeking do not rise beyond the most primitive simplicity, and their style and language, without the minute commentary that accompanies them, would not be always intelligible at the present day. This commentary, however, explains and elucidates their meaning, and, by means of the historical associations which it serves to convey, renders these songs the favourite study of the better 326 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. informed at the present remote period. Every well-educated Chinese has the most celebrated pieces by heart, and there are constant allusions to them in modern poetry and writings of all kinds. Each stanza frequently ends with a species of repetition, or “refrain,’ common to such compositions in general; and, in proof of the extreme simplicity of these primitive songs, one of them is presented below. In the paraphrase which follows, it has been necessary to embody the full sense of what is only hinted at in the original, and explained at length in the commentary; according to which commentary, the ode has a reference to the success of a rich and powerful suitor, who carries off the bride that had already been contracted to a humbler rival. The kieu, or ‘robber-bird,' is constantly alluded to in modern writing, as the emblem of unjust appropriation :- “The nest yon winged artist builds, The robber-bird shall tear away : —So yields her hopes th'affianced maid, Some wealthy lord's reluctant prey. “The anxious bird prepares a home, In which the spoiler soon shall dwell: —Forth goes the weeping bride, constrain'd, A hundred cars the triumph swell. “Mourn for the tiny architect, A stronger bird hath ta'en its nest: —Mourn for the hapless, stolen bride, How vain the pomp to soothe her breast !” The second and third parts of the ancient book of odes, called respectively Ta-ya and Seaqu-ya, are said to have been composed for the purpose of being sung or recited on state occasions: they treat of the great and virtuous actions of heroes and sages, or express their sentiments. The following example, however, which is taken from the Seaou-ya, would seem rather to be of a more private description. It is explained as referring to the pain, felt by the poet, at the unworthy conduct of some ungrateful friend; and the allusions to the storm, &c., are of course figurative:– “Now scarce is heard the zephyr's sigh To breathe along the narrow vale: Now sudden bursts the storm on high, In mingled rush of rain and hail. —While adverse fortune louring frown'd, Than our's no tie could closer be; But lo! when ease and joy were found, Spurn’d was I, ingrate—spurn'd by thee! “Now scarce is felt the fanning air Along the valley's sloping side; Now winds arise, and light'nings glare, Pours the fell storm its dreadful tide : —While fears and troubles closely prest, By thee my love was gladly sought : But once again with quiet blest, Thou view'st me as a thing of nought ! FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 327 “The faithless calm shall shift again, Another gale the bleak hill rend, And every blade shall wither then, And every tree before it bend: —Then shalt thou wail thy lonesome lot, Then vainly seek the injur'd man, Whose virtues thou hadst all forgot, And only learn’d his faults to scan.” The fourth and last portion, of the ancient poetical classic, is called Soong, that is, eulogies or panegyrics on the ancestors of the dynasty Chow, then filling the throne, and on the great personages of antiquity. They appear to have been a species of hymn, sung before the emperor when he sacrificed as pontifer marimus, (which has always been the particular office of Chinese sovereigns,) in the temples of heaven and earth, or in the hall of his an- cestors. Whatever may be the real character of the Sheeking on the score of poetical merit, it is at least curious, as having been compiled more than twenty centuries prior to our time, and some portions of it composed at a still earlier date. A pervading characteristic of the whole, as might be predicated of the early poetry of every country, is the boldness and frequency of the figures which are introduced *. It may be laid down as a rule, that every species of composition will be studied and perfected in exact proportion to the estimation in which it is held, or the grandeur or interest of the occasions on which it is employed. When lyric compositions, like the odes of Pindar and the Carmen Seculare &c. of Horace, were displayed on great national and religious festivals, or shone forth the subjects of public or imperial patronage,_they became objects to which the first geniuses of the age directed their efforts; and the perfection which they attained was commensurate with the esteem in which they were held. In modern China, if odes are expressly composed for great court ceremonials, we have not yet met with any—such ceremonials are frequently accompanied by music, but that there are words to the music has not been so clearly ascertained. There is a common species of composition called Keö, which cannot be better rendered than by ‘Song,” or “Rhapsody.” Its structure is as wild as the thoughts and imagery which it generally contains, the lines being of every * One of the most striking examples appears as a quotation in Dr. Morrison's Dictionary, Part I. page 434:– “The royal legions were numerous and imposing; Swift, as if they flew upon wings; Impetuous, as a torrent or a cataract; Firm, as the base of a mountain; Resistless, as the course of a river; Forming an unbroken line, in matchless order; Their motions inscrutable, their prowess invincible, They proceeded to the conquest of the state Seu.” 328 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [FEB.3, 1864. length, but distinguished by recurring rhymes at intervals. Here follows a specimen :- “In my wanderings of a thousand leagues, how many mournful thoughts afflict me on the road—I behold yon cloudy mountains piled one upon the other, the emblems of my accu- mulated sorrows.--Around me the dropping leaves produce an autumnal sound—In the vast expanse, the solitary wild-fowl adds to my silent grief—I brood over my cares, and my tears descend—Looking back towards the base of Matuy Hill, an involuntary melancholy fills my breast—I see the waving banners intercept the setting'sun—their shadows dancing in the breeze"—My horse has stopped at the precipitous turning.—Wherefore do we linger, where: fore do we linger —There is nought but the yellow sand drifting sand around-The sky is growing dark and gloomy—Few are the passengers at the foot of yon arched mountain :- the cold rain, urged by the gusty wind, is driving in my face.” Popular songs and ballads hold but a low rank in the literature of the coun- try: and if we should even go so far as to include under this denomination the detached snatches of irregular verse (also called Keö) which are met with in their drama, the truth of the position would not be materially affected. The stage, and everything pertaining to it, enjoys a lower estimation than in any part of Europe; and we may take occasion to notice in this place, that the Chinese cannot strictly be said to possess dramatic poetry, in the sense which the term bears among ourselves, who apply it to the whole of a dramatic composition, and chiefly to tragedy. They make no distinction be- tween tragedy and comedy in their stage pieces, the dialogue of which is composed in ordinary prose; while the principal performer now and then chaunts forth, in unison with music, a species of song or ‘vaudeville;' and the name of the tune or air is always inserted at the top of the passage to be sung. Here follow a few lines from the dramat called “An Heir in Old Age.” The chief character in the piece, an old man who is anxious to obtain an heir before he dies, sets fire to his bonds of debt, hoping that such a sacri- fice may induce the accomplishment of his wishes—and, when the papers are consumed, he breaks out thus:– “Do'st ask me why, by this rash hand, A treasure to the flames was given : Why but t'avert, ere yet too late, The vengeance of offended heaven! * This alludes to a tragical event in history, which occurred at the above-mentioned place. The emperor Yuen-tsoong (A. D. 702) had a mistress named Yangkuei, who was discovered carrying on an intrigue with a Tartar prince or noble, called Ganloshan. The emperor ab- stained from punishing the guilty female, which led to remonstrances on the part of his ministers; but instead of attending to them, he complied with the request of Yangkuei, and gave the Tartar a military command within his dominions. No sooner had the latter reached his destination, than he set up the standard of rebellion, and the emperor, hastily assembling a large army, and accompanied by his favourite Yangkuei, proceeded to meet him in Szechuen. When they had reached the base of the mountain Matuy, the soldiers mutinied, declaring that Yangkuei was the occasion of the rebellion, and demanding that she should be put to death before they consented to meet the enemy The emperor was obliged to comply, and ordered her to be strangled on the spot—but his subsequent grief for her fate was the cause of his own death. t London, 1816. French version, Paris, 1819. FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 329 “Full sixty years, by various arts, For wealth I’ve toil'd, without an heir : Who knows but heaven may yet relent, And listen to a suppliant's prayer!” While it is true that the Chinese themselves make no distinction between comedy and tragedy, a translator from their language is still at liberty to apply those terms, according to the serious and dignified, or comic and familiar character of the composition which he selects. The writer of this has therefore not scrupled to give the title of tragedy to a rather favourable specimen of the Chinese stage, which he lately put into an English dress. In the unity of the plot, the dignity of the personages, the grandeur and im- portance of the events, the strict award of what is called poetical justice,— nay, in the division into five principal portions or acts, it might satisfy the most fastidious and strait-laced of European critics. Love and war, too, con- stitute its whole action, and the language of the imperial lover is frequently passionate to a degree one is not prepared to expect in such a country as China. The nature of its civil institutions, and the degraded state of the female sex, might generally be pronounced unfavourable to the more elevated strains of the erotic muse. The bulk of the people, it might be thought, are too much straitened for the bare means of subsistence, through the pressing demands of an excessive population, to admit of their lounging about and singing after the most approved manner of idle shepherds and shepherdesses; and the well-educated class, which comprehends almost all the higher ranks, or those in the employ of the government, too proud and unfeeling to make love the theme of their compositions, which are doubtless chiefly confined to moral and speculative, or descriptive subjects. The Drama in question, however, if it served no better purpose, might teach us not to pronounce too dogmatically on such points by reasonings a priori, but to wait patiently for the fruits of actual research and experience. It has been observed in Part I. that the most flourishing era of modern poetry was under the Tăng dynasty. The most celebrated poet of that age was the renowned Letaepih, born in the province Szechuen, about A. D. 720. He is made to give the following account of himself in a play called “The Golden Token,” which the writer of this once thought of putting into Eng- lish, but abandoned as deficient in plot and incident. “When I was born,” says the poet, “my mother dreamed that the morning star shone upon her bosom, and hence called me Taepih, surpassing brightness;' when the em- peror Yuentsoong commenced his reign, I was admitted to an audience in the imperial hall, and conversed of state affairs: the son of heaven conferred on me a repast, and helped me with his own hand.” The poetical character in China has of old been associated with the liberal use of wine. Letaepih's in- temperate propensities occasioned, it is said, his banishment from court; but he remained uncured, and at last fell overboard from the boat in which he was travelling, and was drowned. Any one who thought it worth his while to know more concerning this person, and some of his cotemporaries, might FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 331 successes in the south he had just heard. The third and fourth lines are transposed in our version :- The South subdued. Servant, well done—the erring south restor'd, Bends to the prowess of thy glittering sword; High as the orbs thy light'ning standard gleams, Thy drum's loud music shakes the mountain streams, And heaven's own race alights on earth again, The foe to scatter to their murky den Know, when with pride thy glad return we hail, Thy sovereign's hand shall loose his hero's mail No composition, however, to which the name of Epic could properly be applied, has ever rewarded European research. Though poetry exists in some shape or other all over the world, the same universality hardly attaches to that modification of it, which we style the Epopee : and, but for the two great prototypes of Homer, there seems to be no absolute necessity for supposing that it must have arisen, or at least been so frequent, in our western literature. It was confessedly in imitation of Homer that Virgil wrote, and all subsequent epics have been more or less, in conception at least, if not in execution, imitations of these two, or of each other. Voltaire himself has informed us, that when he consulted the advice of a friend previous to composing his own poem, he met with no better encouragement than this: “You undertake a work which is not suited to us—les Français n'ont pas la tête épique.”—But without going farther for reasons, the first part of this treatise may perhaps have served to demonstrate, that the turn and construction of Chinese verse unfits it for such sustained compositions. To be esteemed good, it must be so highly elaborated, that the costliness of the material may place limits to the size of the structure. It would be a tremendous attempt to preserve such nicely-balanced couplets through the slow length of an epic poem; not to mention, that when the task had been completed, it might weary the reader as much as it had disquieted the author, and bestow upon the first all the sleep of which it had deprived the second. The only long metrical narrations of the Chinese are some novels and licentious * pieces, in which the structure of the verse is altogether loose—a sort of “stans pede in uno” measure—and devoid of those characteristics which constitute the chief merit of their poetry. Such compositions, accordingly, do not possess that degree of estimation, nor hold that rank in literature which, as we have before observed, is necessary to the due perfection of every department of the art f. - * There never was any assertion more incorrect than this of Martinius, concerning the lighter poetry of China: “Insunt iis quaedam de amando, sed castitatem magis quam nostro- rum poetarum mollitiem spirantia, magna decori ubique cura.”—In translating the excellent prose romance of “The Fortunate Union,” otherwise unexceptionable, the writer of this was obliged to exclude two passages in verse, which were distinguished—“minimá decori curá.” There are whole poems of the same description. t Those half-mechanical conceits, of which the principal merit consists in the imitation, 332 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. There is another description of poetry which we should not look for in China, namely, the Pastoral,—and for very obvious reasons. It has not only been the care of the government, from the earliest ages, to give every direct encouragement to agriculture, and to the production of food for man alone, but there have always existed some absurd prejudices and maxims, not to say positive laws, against an extended consumption of flesh food *. The penal code denounces severe punishments against those who kill their own cattle without an express licenset. It is a well known principle, that where tillage exists to a considerable extent, the rent of land reserved for pasture must, in proportion to its goodness, be equal to that of land employed in producing grain; and this, under a rice cultivation, where three crops per annum are said sometimes to be obtained, must have such an obvious effect in raising the comparative price of meat, as must necessarily discourage its consumption among so frugal a people as the Chinese, even without the intervention of any positive law. There is accordingly no people in the world (the Hindoos : always excepted), that consumes so little meat, or so much fish and vegetable food—nor, again, is there any country in which fewer cattle are employed for the purposes of draft and burthen. Where every institution tends so fatally to keep a population up to the very utmost limits of a bare subsistence, and where neither pride nor prejudice steps in between the labourer and his work, human exertion naturally supplants every other. In the southern parts of the empire, therefore, beasts of carriage and draft, with the exception of a few miserable riding horses, and a few buffaloes for ploughing, are nearly unknown. Towards Peking, and the uncultivated borders of Tartary, the case becomes altered: but the Great Wall may still be considered, generally, as the boundary which separates two people, one of them exclusively pastoral, and the other as exclusively tillers of the earth. The esteem in which the business of tillage is held, may be expected to have rendered it the subject of poetical celebration: and we find the praises of fertile fields sung in such strains as the following. Years of dearth they term “years of nothingness:”— Fields that know no Years of Dearth. Though man’s superfluous labour ceas'd to till The fertile glebe, ne'er would its bounties end : Though rusting lay the abandon'd ploughshare—still O'er the fair land would waving harvests bend in tortured verses, of some object in art or nature, as a knot, a circle, a sceptre, &c., are well known to the Chinese: but sound taste and criticism have universally consigned these difficiles mugar to a very low rank in literature, and we therefore abandon them without further notice. * See a long paper, “Sur l'usage de la viande en Chine.” Mémoires, tom. xi. + Book iv, sect. 233. t Bishop Heber's Journal proves that the Hindoos themselves are not so scrupulous as they have been supposed. They consume milk, too, which the Chinese, strange to say, never think of. - Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 333 Less happy soils may pine in years of dearth— Late though we sow, we early reap the field; A thousand roods of richly-teeming earth, In verdant crops ten thousand measures yield ! Why haunt we then, the sylvan's mossy shrine— Why ask what harvest shall our toils attend? See the sweet spring with surer presage shine, And balmy airs, and length'ning days descend! We have next to notice a large class of poetry, which may be properly styled Moral or Didactic. The long citation from the philosopher Kwonfootsze, given by Dr. Morrison at p. 147 of the Third Part of his Dictionary, comes under this head. It commences thus:— “Venerate heaven and earth: perform the rites to the gods, Worship your ancestors: be dutiful to your parents: Observe the laws: revere your teachers and superiors, Love your brothers: and be true to your friends, &c." The whole piece bears some resemblance to the Golden verses of Pythagoras, particularly in the commencement, which may be thus literally rendered:— “First, as the laws ordain, th’ immortal gods Worship : observe your vows: the great of yore Next, and the manes of the dead revere : Honour your-parents, and your next of kin, &c.” There are innumerable poems, or rather metrical essays, whose object it is to convey the doctrines and precepts of the great national sages and others. The whole of the well-known work called Shingyu, “Instructions addressed to the People by the Second Emperor of the present Tartar Family,” has been cast into a short, chyming verse. The example, given in Part I. at page 4o 1, comes likewise under this head; as do all the similar productions of the Buddhists, and other sects. We must consider them as forming a portion of the national literature in the gross, although they have nothing to do with Confucius or his doctrines, and are commonly held by the privileged learned in as great contempt as the superstitions to which they pertain. In the course of their lighter works, Chinese writers frequently introduce moral reflections in verse with very good effect. A couplet, a quatrain, or a passage of eight or more lines, agreeably engages the reader's attention in his progress through a romance or novel, and generally accompanies the transition to some other part of the story. They are not altogether unlike the rhymes at the close of the scenes in our older plays, and usually consist, as those did, of some reflection upon what has gone before, or what is immediately to follow; though in a narrative they certainly find a more proper place than in the drama, and are not there subject to the reproach of bad taste, which has generally excluded such passages from our own modern stage pieces. Here follow examples from “The Fortunate Union:”— 334 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [FEB. 3, 1864. “Wain are the crafty villain's wiles, most vain, Often, when vaunted most—disgrace, defeat, Rush headlong in from quarters little fear'd Hearken to counsel, friend, and when secure You deem yourself from mortals' purblind eyes, Think there's a heaven above, that surveys all!” “ Human events in quick vicissitude Succeed each other: but true friendship's ties Gain strength from time! Ask ye why sovereign heav'n Thus vexes mortals?—'Tis to try their hearts Like metal in the fiery crucible.” Satire, viewed as a means of recommending virtue by discrediting vice, cannot be said to exist in any regular form, or to constitute a particular branch of literature. Some of the ancient pieces in the Sheeking have been con- sidered as levelled at persons existing when they were composed; but they have no more claim on this account to the name of satires, than Horace's ode “In Maevium.” There is no country, at the same time, in which anonymous lampoons, and similar vehicles of invective or ridicule, are more common. They form one of the most ordinary outlets for the ebullitions of public feeling: and must be considered, by every person who has had opportunities of making the observation, as a very important check, under so absolute a despotism, upon the conduct of Chinese rulers. The highest officers of government are not exempt from these covert attacks, which are constantly made, notwithstanding the severest punishments in case of detection:— “I will ease my heart, Although it be with hazard of my head.” The following are specimens of satirical passages introduced in the course of a novel, to ridicule the worthless characters, both male and female :- “He thought his flattering phrases needs must prove Welcome—nor dream'd of foul repulse and shame: And had not bounteous heav'n his forehead arm'd With impudence unmatch'd, this keen rebuff Had stung him ''” - “In pearls and gold all gorgeously attir'd, No arts could deck her native ugliness! The demon king might view her as his own— She carried terror to a bridegroom's eye l’’ We now proceed to consider a very extensive department of Chinese poetry, the Descriptive, which to us strangers must be the most agreeable of all, and which really possesses some attractive features. The whole language abounds in figurative expressions, derived from the most pleasing or most striking objects and circumstances in nature. Thus ‘Spring dreams and autumnal clouds' mean flitting visions of happiness—unattainable good is represented by “the moon's reflection in the wave'—“floating clouds obscuring the day' express the temporary shade thrown by detraction on illustrious characters Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 335 —difficulty of acting is figured by the grass and tangle in one's path’— female beauty by the obvious and common semblance of “a fair flower’— “spring' is the emblem of joy, “autumn” of sorrow—gladness is expressed by ‘the heart's flowers being all full-blown'—the virtue of the female character is pictured under ‘the white gem, the pure crystal, the cold and transparent ice’— the season when peach blossoms are in beauty' means that of marriage, as marriages were anciently celebrated in spring—searchers after pleasure are depicted under the figure of ‘bees and butterflies among flowers'—and so on without end. There exist a great number of figurative allusions, which contain a particular reference to some event in history or romance; and as the facts, or fables, at which these only hint, cannot sometimes be discovered without the assistance of a well-informed native, this circumstance constitutes a considerable obstacle, in the present state of our knowledge, to the successful study of Chinese poetry, anywhere but in the country itself. The following are examples of such allusions: ‘The heart that responds to the lute’ means yielding to seductive arts, and refers to the story of a young damsel named Wunkeum, who being beloved by a youth called Szemā, was serenaded by him on the lute, with a song called Foong kew huong, or ‘the bird foong in search of its mate.” The story says that Ke sin tong, “her heart was moved,” and she eloped with her admirer towards morning, leaving the traces of her flight along the dewy pathway. A grateful return for benefits is implied under these expressions: ‘The spirit which knit the grass'—and ‘the bird that brought the yellow flowers.” 1. An emperor of the dynasty called Chow, enjoined it on his son and successor to bury alive, after the old Scythian or Tartar fashion, one of his favourite mistresses in the same grave with himself. The son, however, refrained from executing this portion of the imperial will, on the ground of its cruelty, and gave away the lady in marriage to a noble. On making war against the state called Tsin, the new emperor was opposed by a formidable leader; but he dreamed at night that he saw the deceased father of the lady he had saved from death, who told him, that in return for the life granted to his daughter, he would assist him against the enemy. The result proved the vision to be prophetic—the hostile leader was defeated, and some invisible agent so twisted the long grass which impeded his flight, as to cause his capture. 2. A person who saw a bird fall to the earth, wounded by an arrow, had the humanity to draw out the weapon, and restore the bird to liberty as soon as it recovered. Being soon afterwards sick and in danger of his life, the bird appeared to him, bearing in its bill some yellow flowers, which the patient was advised to try, and which presently restored him to health. The poetry of China is not unsupplied with mythological aids : ..every element of nature, with all the phenomena that these exhibit, each hill, stream, and wood, has its presiding spirit. There is Huuyloo, ‘the monarch of fire;’ Luykoong, ‘the thunder god;’ Lühshin, “the spirit of the autumnal wave;' and others innumerable. An interesting divinity, called Yuélaou, “the Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 337 “Titles and wealth to him no joys impart— By penury pinch'd, he sank beneath the smart: Oh, wretch to flee the good thy fate intends, Oh, hopeless! to thy country and thy friends ! In uselessness, the first beneath the sky, And cūrst, in sinning, with supremacy • Minions of pride and luxury, lend an ear, And shun his follies, if his fate ye fear !” The language of descriptive poetry exists in every intermediate gradation, from the perfectly formed couplet and stanza, to those figurative composi- tions, which differ from prose in little else than the brilliancy of their imagery, or the elevation of their sentiment. Besides the Tsze, of which an example has been given in the First Part (page 409), there is a still less fettered species—a kind of impassioned prose, into which the writer of a narrative now and then breaks forth, when inspired by the occasion. The following example is taken from the romance of “The Fortunate Union,” and describes the heroine when she is first seen by her future lover. The parallelisms are marked and divided by colons in the translation :- “With the delicacy of a flower, her complexion displayed a clear brilliancy which put to shame the floating light of day: with the buoyant lightness of the swallow, her movements were ordered with inimitable grace and propriety. The arches of her brows were like the outlines of the vernal hills in the distance, but in their changeful expression they shamed the varying tints of even the vernal hills: the brightness of her eyes equalled that of the clear wave in autumn, but the living sentiment which flowed from them made you wonder how the autumnal wave had lost its deity". Her waist, like a thread in fineness, seemed ready to break; yet was it straight and erect, and feared not the fanning breeze: the shadowy graces of her person it was as difficult to delineate, as the form of the white bird, rising from the ground by moonlight. The natural gloss of her hair resembled the bright polish of a mirror, without the false assistance of unguents: her face was perfectly lovely in itself, and needed not paint to adorn it. The native intelligence of her mind seemed to have gathered strength from retirement; and beholding her, you might know she was of a superior order of beings: the cold and rigid strictness of her manners, severe as she herself was soft and delicate, proved her to be no ordinary inhabitant of the female apartments. Her sweet and feminine disposition, comparable to fragrant flowers, might lead one at first to class her with other fair ones: but the perfection of this pearl, the polish of this gem, discoverable on a longer acquaintance, proved that she possessed qualities not inferior to the most spirited of the opposite sex.” Under the descriptive class may be properly introduced a very singular production,-a poem on London, composed by a Chinese who visited Eng- land about the year 1813. Some notice of it appeared, for the first time, in the Quarterly Review for 1817; but the present opportunity admits not of the translation being accompanied by the original. No apology perhaps is needed for the insertion of the whole poem, notwithstanding its length, considering that it is a native of the remotest shores of Asia who sings the glories of the British capital—“Praesertim cum omne studium atque omne ingenium contu- lerit Archias, ad populi Romani gloriam laudemgue celebrandam.”—The reviewer made a trivial mistake in stating that it was written by “a common * Called Lithshin. 338 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. Chinese,” for the author was in a respectable station of life, and a person of good acquirements, who accompanied home an English gentleman as his in- structor in the language. He was in fact a very uncommon Chinese, inasmuch as he appears to have possessed an inclination and capacity for observation, by no means usual among his travelled countrymen, who are generally of a class much inferior to himself. The remarks are, as might be expected, con- fined exclusively to objects which at once strike the eye, and they do not ex- tend to the remoter points of intelligent investigation, since the author's very limited knowledge of our language, and total inability to comprehend the nature of our institutions, placed such higher objects entirely out of his reach. Being a simple description, the poem contains but few flights of fancy; and as it would be a hopeless attempt, however well they may sound in Chinese, to give dignity in verse to matters so perfectly domestic and familiar to our- selves, it has been judged best to subjoin a literal prose translation :-- LoNDoN, in Ten Stanzas. 1. Afar in the ocean, towards the extremities of the north-west, There is a nation, or country, called ENGLAND : The clime is frigid, and you are compelled to approach the fire; The houses are so lofty, that you may pluck the stars: The pious inhabitants respect the ceremonies of worship, And the virtuous among them ever read the Sacred books: They bear a peculiar enmity towards the French nation, The weapons of war rest not for a moment (between them). 2. Their fertile hills, adorned with the richest luxuriance, Resemble, in the outline of their summits, the arched eyebrows (of a fair woman). The inhabitants are inspired with a respect for the female sex, Who in this land correspond with the perfect features of nature: Their young maidens have cheeks resembling red blossoms, And the complexion of their beauties is like the white gem : Of old has connubial affection been highly esteemed among them, Husband and wife delight in mutual harmony. 3. In the summer evenings, through the hamlets and gardens beyond the town, Crowds of walkers ramble without number: The grass is allowed to grow as a provision for horses, And enclosures of wooden-rails form pastures for cattle. The harvest is gathered in with the singing of songs: The loiterers roam in search of flowers without end, And call to each other to return in good time, Lest the foggy clouds bewilder and detain them. - 4. Their theatres are closed during the long days; It is after dark that the painted scenes are displayed : - The faces of the actors are handsome to behold, And their dresses are composed of silk and satin: Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 339 Their songs resound in unison with stringed and wind instruments, And they dance to the inspiring note of drums and flutes: It constitutes the perfection of harmonious delight, Every one retires with a smiling countenance. 5. The two banks of the river lie to the north and south, Three bridges interrupt the stream, and form a communication. Vessels of every kind pass between the arches, While men and horses pace among the clouds: A thousand masses of stone rise one above the other, And the river flows through nine channels: The bridge of Loyáng, which out-tops all in our empire, Is in shape and size somewhat like these. 6. It is a rich, populous, and highly adorned land, Its workmen vie with each other in the excellence of their manufactures. Within the circuit of the imperial residence is a splendid palace; Lofty trees are immingled with unnumbered dwellings. The young gentry ride in wheel-carriages and on horseback, And the fair women clothe themselves in silken garments: *The space in each street being devoted to ornament, Where is there room for the mere useful productions of the earth 7. The towering edifices rise story above story, In all the stateliness of splendid mansions : Railings of iron thickly stud the sides of every entrance, And streams from the river circulate through the walls: The sides of each apartment are variegated with devices; Through the windows of glass appear the scarlet hangings; And in the street itself is presented a beautiful scene, The congregated buildings have all the aspect of a picture. 8. In London, about the period of the ninth moon, The inhabitants delight in travelling to a distance: They change their abodes, and betake themselves to the country, Visiting their friends in their rural retreats: The prolonged sound of carriages and steeds is heard through the day : Then in autumn the prices of provisions fall: And the greater number of dwellings being untenanted, Such as require it are repaired and adorned. 9. The spacious streets are exceedingly smooth and level, Each being crossed by others at intervals: On either side perambulate men and women, In the centre career along the carriages and horses; * Literally, “Every street being devoted to flowers and willows, where is there space to plant mulberries and hemp (to produce silk and flax) 7"—There are explanatory notes, and a commentary, in the original, which we have not thought it necessary to give here. B b Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 341 ing is a mark of friendship. In winter evenings they sit by the fire, and pour out cold wine, careless of the snows which lie deep beyond the door.” In China they always warm their wine. So they sometimes do in England, witness “Oxford Nightcaps.” “They make light of their lives,” it is observed, “on occasions of personal contest, and when two of them quarrel, the consequences may be very serious. They stand face to face, and discharge fire-arms at each other on a given signal.” In a note it is said, “If one fall, the survivor is not punished : if neither fall, there is an end of the quarrel.” “ They do this,” adds the poet, “to show that they are not afraid, and so forth.” Our author marvels much at the comparatively late period at which Europeans marry, but endeavours to explain it in this way: “Their distant voyages abroad keep them long from home, and it is not until they have accumulated a fortune that they return to take a wife. Many do not marry before fifty years of age; and if the bride be very young on these occasions, it is no scandal.” The knowledge of the worthy Hong merchant on this subject seems to have been much on a par with that of the St. Helena lady, who asked if London were not thrown into great excitement by the arrival of the India fleet. “In the regulation of the annual period, they have no intercalary moon, but the new year always commences ten days after the winter solstice. On this occasion they powder their heads with white dust, and all get tipsy.” This evidently refers to good old times, and to manners now gone by. The author himself adds in a note: “This habit has of late years worn out.” There is a variety of other detached observations, less worthy of notice, and the poem con- cludes with mentioning, that “the foreigners had been fighting together for some twenty years; but it was to be hoped they would soon make peace with one another, and all have an opportunity of improving themselves by an intercourse with China.”—Which they have lately done, somewhat at China's expense. A retrospect of our subject might tend to show, that the poetry in question most naturally arranges itself under three general heads: 1. Odes and Songs; 2. Moral and Didactic Pieces; 3. Descriptive and Sentimental. These different kinds are, however, so blended together occasionally, and run so much into one another, that it is not always very easy, nor indeed perhaps is it of much consequence, to separate them. It has been remarked before, that as the substance and dialogue of their drama is always in prose, and the musical parts come properly under the definition of songs, the Chinese cannot with strict- ness be said to possess what we mean by dramatic poetry, that is, tragedies or plays of any kind composed mainly in verse. At the end of this treatise will be found a miscellaneous selection of poetical pieces, extracted at random; and for the satisfaction of those who may prefer such a mode, they are accompanied, not by metrical versions, but by prose translations, as literal as they could be well rendered;—although it must always be kept in mind, that this is a most disadvantageous dress for the poetry of any language whatever. B b 2 342 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. In thus coming to a conclusion, the author feels himself bound, as well for the sake of the subject, as his own, to notice the manner in which Professor Rémusat, of Paris, has done him the honour to quote his opinion regarding Chinese poetry. In the preface to his translation of the Yū-keaou-le, when treating of the passages in verse with which that novel is interspersed, and of their frequent obscurity, M. Rémusat observes, “Le traducteur des Nouvelles dont j'ai précèdemment fait mention, assure que les vers dont il s'agit sont principalement destinés à flatter l'oreille, et que le sens y est très souvent sacrifié à l'harmonie.” Now the passage to which M. Rémusat alludes is the following, and it confines itself so expressly to the musical, or operatic portions of the drama, that it would seem impossible to extend its application either to novels, or to any other part of Chinese literature: “A considerable portion. of the plays of the Chinese, consists of a sort of irregular verse, which is sung, or chanted with music. This is often very obscure in its import; and as. according to the Chinese themselves, the gratification of the ear is its main object, sense itself appears sometimes to be neglected (not sacrificed), for the sake of a pleasing sound.” That this is really the case, as regards the songs of the drama alone, is proved, as well by the verbal testimony of natives, as by the following passage from the preface to “The Hundred Plays of Yuen,” which refers chiefly to stage rules:— “Although the words may be wrong, provided that the laws of sound and cadence be not violated, there is no harm done :-generally speaking, the study of the tune, or air, must be the first consideration, and the knowledge of the part (or rôle) the second.” This is all extremely possible, and finds a parallel in our own opera and stage songs, some of which are sufficiently insignificant, and intended merely as pegs to hang musical notes upon—but that he should ever have said anything so extravagant regarding poems which are addressed expressly to the eye and the understanding, and to them only, the writer of this must utterly disclaim. As M. Rémusat could not have intended to misrepresent his meaning, he feels persuaded that the quotation was made from memory. Since it would appear, then, that Chinese poetry generally has a meaning, although this meaning may not always be very easy to arrive at *, some effectual means of increasing our acquaintance with it is perhaps one of the greatest desiderata in eastern literature. It is very easy to “harden ignorance into contempt,” and to assume that whatever is unknown is not worth know- ing: but the excellent use which has already been made of oriental thoughts and imagery, derived from languages of Asia more familiar to us, might en- courage some extension in the range of our enquiries. Fruits of the highest culture may be improved and varied by foreign grafts; and as our gardens have already been indebted to China for a few choice flowers, who knows hut our poetry may some day lie under a similar obligation? However small the prospect of advantage, every scrap of novelty may turn out to be a real * “La langue poétique des Chinois est véritablement intraduisible; on pourrait peut-être ajouter qu’elle est souvent inintelligible.”—M. R6MusAt. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 343 gain;–the declining age of some of the finest literature the world ever saw having borne witness, that ordinary topics of poetry will at last grow thread- bare, and become tiresome through much use:— “Nota magis nulli domus est sua, quam mihi lucus Martis, et AEoliis vicinum rupibus antrum Vulcani—quid agant venti, quas torqueat umbras AEacus—unde alius furtivae devehat aurum Pelliculae—quantas jaculetur Monychus ornos: —Expectes eadem a summo, minimoque poetà.” MISCELLANEOUS POETRY. On ascending the highest Peak of the Leushan *. There falls a precipitous cascade of three thousand feet; Here the Hibiscus shades every rising summit; The mountain touches the sky, and separates the orbs; The drifting snows fly amidst the thunder. I am like the white bird among the clouds, I insult the winds, and invade the profound abyss. —As I turn and look down on each neighbouring province, The evening smoke of the dwellings rises in blue specks. On taking leave of a Friend. Ten years have elapsed since last we parted, And no sooner have we met, than we part again: We may bind ourselves by promises to renew this meeting, But we shall never be so young as we are now ! The shadows of the passing clouds speedily vanish— The fallen leaf returns not to its branch : Should I fly, like the wild bird, to seek you in the south, In what part of yon blue mountains shall we meet 2 On giving liberty to a Butterfly. Those variegated hues should be less rashly exposed, The recesses of the mountains are thy proper haunts: The fragrant, but short-lived herbs are there, And those airy paths will best suit thy flight: Thy crimson form is heavy with dew, Thy embroidered wings should expatiate in the clear breeze : Destruction here awaits thee from the fondness of the boy, Go then, and hide thy treasures from his reach. On a worthless Tree t. In what year wast thou planted, vile tree! Thy lofty, bare trunk, is truly good for nothing: Thy blossoms fly aloft incessantly, Thy falling leaves there is no sweeping away : Thou hidest the sun during the winter months; The shady side of thee is overrun with old moss : Alas, that I have not an axe in my hand To cut thee away, as thou well deservest * A mountain near the Pö-yang Lake, visited by the Embassy in 1816. + “Ille et nefasto te posuit die, &c.”—Horat, in Arborem, IL. 13. 344 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. ART. II.-Extracts from Histories and Fables to which Allusions are frequently made in Chinese Literature, [translated from the “Arte China” of Père GonçALVEs, by SIR John BowRING, late Governor of Hongkong.] (Continued from page 315.) * 58. Mau Sui =E, #: The despised adjutant. The general of Tsiu, desiring to go with nineteen knights, in order to persuade the king of Tsu to make war upon Tsin in Shansi, and, one being wanting, his adjutant, Mau Sui, offered himself to complete the number; but the general said to him, “You have been with me three years, and I do not yet know your name; you are like the owl in the sack that never stood upright;" meaning you will never be distinguished. He answered, “Take me with you, I will not damage the affair.” When they arrived, and proposed the matter to the king, he refused his con- sent, on which the adjutant, raising his sword, said, “Art thou safe because thou hast given a measure of land to Tsin He will require two—three— then the whole kingdom will alone satisfy his ambition. Art thou not ashamed of the humiliations through which thou hast passed, and hast yet to pass 2 Thou, and not we, oughtest to take up the war.” The king, hearing this, assented; the league was established, and Tsin was beaten. Then he, (the adjutant,) turned round upon the others, saying, “I see you are but or- dinary men, with no extraordinary cleverness.” ----- 59. Sü Tsin § # The self-pricking student, intriguing. He offered himself to the king of Tsin, (from whose family came the famous emperor Tsin Chi Hwang-ti,) to aid him in conquering the neighbouring kingdom; but the king refused, saying he was not wanted ; yet all respected his su- periority. Returning home, and finding himself despised by his wife, mother, and sister-in-law, on account of his poverty, he gave himself up to study; and when he nodded from sleepiness, punished himself by pricking his body with the awl used in book-binding. After three years of study, he went to the kingdom of Tsau, when the fame of his talents spread through five king- doms, and he had the honour of being minister in all of them, and of uniting them against the kingdom of Tsin, which was conquered. Passing one day near his house, he did not enter, but the women of his family coming out to compliment him, he said to them, “Why do you honour me now, who des- pised me before ?” “Because thou art great and rich,” they answered; and he, sighing, said, “How hard to live in this world without power, dignity, riches, and nobility" and went his way. When he died, each of the six kingdoms tried to get possession of his body; and there was no way of settling the matter, but by dividing it into six parts. - ---- II 6o. Yue Wang, Kau-tsien #y H., 3] #& The zealous son Kau-tsien, king of Yue in Ché-kiang. His father having been made prisoner, and de- graded to the employment of a table-servant, he lay down on hard wood, ate Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 345 the gall of animals, and in his audiences required all his visitors to say, on leaving, “Remember thy imprisoned father.” Having spent ten years in pre- paring a sufficient army, he released him. 61. Si Shi |t jà The beautiful. She became a queen, while her foster-sisters remained in tranquil obscurity. Desiring to give variety to her beauty, she accustomed herself to wrinkle her brow, as if she were suffering pain, and she seemed more lovely when she excited sympathy. Her foster- sisters, imitating her, only looked the uglier. The clever minister, Fan ta-fu jū, Jº jº, knowing that through her the king would lose his kingdom, and aspiring to her favour, gave up his post, and engaged successfully in trade; when the rebellion he had foreseen broke out, he sought Si Shi, and lived with her, courting her while embarked on the six lakes. Others say she was burnt to death during the rebellion. (Her name often occurs in Chinese proverbs, as in the following:— # /\ || |^J H| |t| fié, “In the eyes of the loved, (the beloved) is beautiful as Si Shi.” # E} {} ºf £ H | { } }} “Even Mu-mu (an ugly concubine of Hwang-ti's) has some beauty, and Si Shi has some defects.”) * , w - 62. Chen kw8, Wu-ming shi Hig |ki, #. 3% PS The nameless boatman. Anchoring always under the window of a maiden, he became enamoured of her. After some time she died; and on her being opened, a heart of iron was found, with a painting of the boat, the window, and the two lovers. This wonder being shown to the boatman, he turned to ashes. This event happened during the time of the chen kwo, or contending states, about B. C. 35o. 63. Tsu, sui yū-tau %, ſº H. =} Breaking the jasper cylinder, parting company. While two kings were discussing a treaty of alliance, the general of one of them made a movement with his troops which led the other to mistrust him, and say, “This is a matter which ought to be treated confidentially and without ceremony; I must go out for a necessary purpose.” So changing his clothes, he passed through the guard, and sent a jasper cylinder to this general, thanking him for having allowed him to escape. The exasperated general took it to the king, and broke the jasper in his presence, not being willing to serve the king by whose fault the other had escaped. 64. Yu ki Jiří ifti The beautiful suicide, one of the four women distin- guished for beauty. She was queen of the kingdom of Tsu %, now Hu- kwang; seeing that her husband Hiang Yū Jil #4. on her account, did 346 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. not go out to the camp, but was, with great peril to himself, surrounded by the enemy, she cut her throat. This king had great prowess and talent, and to ascertain the strength of his officers, he made a cock of iron weighing eight hundred pounds, and had eight thousand officers who could lift it. He went to the wars carrying on the pommel of his saddle the head of the lady whom he had loved so ardently; but having, in a retreat, to pass the river Wu kiang § ;I, or ‘Black River,’ the horse seeing in the water the figure of a human head, refused to go on, and Hiang Yii was obliged to cut his own throat, in order to avoid falling alive into the hands of the enemy. A temple was raised to his memory, which the boatmen visit in order to avoid the loss of their boats. (The Black River is a large tributary of the Yang-tsz-kiang, which rises in the central districts of Kwei-chau, and, after a course of more than two hundred miles, joins that river at Fau-chau in Sz-chuen.) * f -i- 65. Han, Han Sin jã, # f; The humbled student. He was poor, but clever, and found himself obliged, for awhile, to accept the assistance of a female dyer (or jº }}); but being desirous of absenting himself in order to mend his fortunes, she permitted him on condition that he should pass between her legs. Having submitted to this humiliation, he went to seek employment from king Hiang Yii, mentioned above, but not being able to lift the iron cock, he was excluded; he was afterwards employed by the house of Han }} to the great delight of his prime minister, and conquered Hiang Yü. 66. Chang Liang # R The patriarch astrologer. When he was young he met with an old man named Hwang Shi-kung # fi ^, who being seated, let fall his shoe three times, and asking Chang Liang to pick it up, which he did, he judged that he would be faithful, and worthy of having the astrological books communicated to him. After this, he served as minister to Han, aiding him to obtain the empire. At this period, a grandee was endeavouring to persuade the emperor at dinner, that he should restore the kingdom of Lu to its splendour, and he spoke of writing by torches, so as to be understood without being heard. Having convinced the emperor, he sent for his minister Chang Liang, and asked for his seal; who, guessing his object, asked for the torches of the emperor, spoke of the same mode of writing, and induced him not to re-establish the Lu kingdom—thus conquering the grandee with his own weapons (i. e. tsie chu f; % ‘borrowing his chop- sticks'). The emperor fearing his talents, and being desirous to kill him, he fled to the mountains, and lived on a certain vermillion medicine, pi kiri tan H} # }}. instead of grain. He there taught astrology to his son, the knowledge of which spread. One of his descendants has, as astrologer, the honours of a viceroy, and is consulted on critical occasions. His mansion is on the mountain Lung-hu shan # jë ||| in Kiangsi, a high peak in the Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 347 district of Kwei-ki in the department of Kwangsin fu, on the south bank of the Ngan-jin river, about eighty miles south-east of the Pö-yang Lake. It is supposed that all spirits are subject to the chief astrologer. He is the protector of the sect of Tau, or the Rationalists. ++, , 67. Kwai Tung | à The firm officer. Kwai Tung, being one of the grandees of a petty king, recommended him, when the emperor was dying, to fortify himself against the new monarch, knowing that he would be jealous of him; he could obtain no attention to his counsel, and when the emperor was dead, this king was called to do homage at the instigation of the empress-mother, and being conducted to her palace, was there secretly hanged. While dying, he said, “I have fallen into the hands of a woman, because I would not listen to the counsels of my Kwai Tung.” He was consequently called the firm statesman, and being asked why he advised his master to rebel, answered, “To avoid that happening to him which has happened, and my being brought here a captive.” This being regarded by the new emperor as a mark of fidelity to his old master, he gave him em- ployment, expecting from him the same good conduct. 68. Yung Chi # É The discontented one of the conqueror Han. He and others, seeing that the emperor did not promote them as rapidly as they wished, were about to rebel. The monarch consulted his minister as to what he ought to do; who said, “Promote the worst among them;” and as this was Yung Chi, he was promoted, and the rebellion ceased. 69. Chu Mai-chin % # Hi The repudiated husband (B.C. 135). He was a woodman, but so diligent that he studied even while collecting wood. His wife, rendered impatient by his poverty, abandoned him, and sought another husband; but the sovereign having heard of the virtues of Chu Mai- chin, raised him to the highest dignities. When his wife came with her husband asking alms, he put them both into his state chair, to convey them home, but he would not receive her back, as she entreated. 70. Wu ti iń. # The chameleon. The emperor Wu, of the house of Han (B.C. 140), was the first worshipper of Buddha in China; and finding nobody willing to be priests in the temples he erected, he gave liberty to become so to various felons condemned to death. He ordered a turret of twenty fathoms to be erected, and upon it he placed a statue of bronze, with a basin in its hand, to receive the dews which the Great Bear deposited at midnight for him to drink. He mounted the turret to watch the rising of the sun and moon, in order to absorb their influences, and thus prolong his life; but hoping to exist by these means alone, and having remained in the turret seven days without food, he died there. When the following dynasty usurped the throne, its sovereign ordered the tower to be thrown down, and the statue wept. EH 71. Yang Chin # º The pure magistrate of Shansi. A king wishing 348 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. to corrupt him, came by night, offering him money. He refused it, saying, “If it is known, my reputation will be lost.” The king answered, that as he came by night, nobody would know it. He replied, “Heaven and earth would know it, and you and I; so that four would know it.” 72. Szma Siang-jū iſ # #|| j]] The compassionate musician. In pity for women, his garments were always wetted with tears. As he was one day playing the song called “Females attract Males,” he was heard and under- stood by Chö Wan-kiun Hi × #. who was a widow, and they were married; but they were so poor, that they pledged their clothes for meat and drink, their mutual pleasures preventing them from working. Siang-jū at last obtained office, and as his wife was covered with grey hairs, he wished to take a concubine; on hearing this, she said, “When I married, I expected to find a man of my own heart, and not to be separated when our hairs turned grey. -º-º: - - - 73. Sii Wu § iń. The lost general. Having pursued the enemy to a great distance towards the north-east, he lost his army, and not knowing where to go on its dispersion, he was obliged to become a shepherd. In the mean- time, the emperor killed a goose, which held in its foot a letter, in which the general mentioned where he was, and that he could not get away. On this, the monarch requested the king of that country to allow the general to return to China; he agreed, and wondering said, “How is it that the king of China knows more of what is passing in my kingdom than I know myself? I did not know there was a Chinese in it.” The ambassador then told him how the matter was known, and he said, “Let him be off, or he will write about all that is passing in my kingdom.” 74. Yen Tsz-ling }; 5. |% The extolled friend. While Kwang-wu of Han was a private person, he was an intimate friend of Yen, and when he was made emperor, he called him to the palace. One night, while they were sleeping together, the feet of Yen got upon the emperor's breast, and he saw a grandee, and the wandering adverse star. In the morning, Yen told him that he seemed in danger, when the emperor asked, “Why?” He elevated Yen to the highest offices, and the kingdom flourished; the emperor, in acknowledgment to him, said, “The happiness of the kingdom is due to the talents of Yen;” who answered, “and their development to the ability of Kwang-wu” (A. D. 35). *—1–- 1 75. Sung Hwang 7K: #/, The faithful husband. There was a widowed princess, whose father knew she wished to marry again, and asked her what public man she would choose for her husband. She answered, “The chief judge Sung;” but when her wishes were communicated to him, he answered, “My wife and I have borne poverty together, and it is not just that my elevation should degrade her to the position of a concubine; nor is it proper that a princess should be beneath her.” Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 349 76. Pê Yū {{ fif The respectful son. His mother frequently beat him with a stick, and he lay down (to receive the blows) smiling when she struck him. On one occasion he began to weep, and was reproved for his disobe- dience, when he said, “I do not weep because the blows are heavy, but because they are lighter than usual; for I see my mother's strength fails.” 77. Pau Siuen flá, H' The happy husband. Being a poor student, his rich master offered him a daughter, whom he accepted, with considerable fear lest she would not submit to his poverty; which, when she heard, without waiting for a sedan, she went to his house on foot, threw off her costly garments, used thorns for hair-pins, and submitted to the meanest offices, to serve her parents-in-law. 78. Pang Chung iž ić The undeceived commissary. Having been rewarded for the transport of provisions during the time of war, he dis- played the same diligence in conveying them to the court in time of peace, expecting a similar reward. A friend observing this, told him a story: “In Corea, pigs are generally black, but a white one having been born, the king thought it a variety sufficiently remarkable to be offered to the emperor of China; so he sent ambassadors to present the white pig, and other gifts. When the ambassadors reached Peking, they saw so many white pigs that they thought it would be ridiculous to appear with theirs, so they hid him. If the cap suit thee, wear it.” 79. Chau Li # i!! A promise kept to a robber. Being attacked by bandits, he was condemned to death; but he asked leave first to take food to his mother, who lived in the neighbourhood. On reaching home, he told his elder brother what had happened, who went out to meet the robbers, telling them that his brother was wanted to serve their mother; soon the other arrived, and said that as the misfortune had befallen him, he, and not his elder brother, ought to die. The robbers, moved by so much virtue, liberated them both. 8o. Liu Hiang #|| ſiſ The corrector of writings. Being president of the imperial academy, and charged with the correction of writings, an old man came at night hours and wished to see his work; as there was no light kindled, the old man blew upon his staff, which immediately lighted. The academician, much surprised, asked him who he was. . He said his name was Tai Yué Js C (he who divided the heaven from the earth); and when he was gone, the academician easily completed the business on which he was engaged. (To be continued.) 350 The Chinese ẠJapanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. ART. III.-Japan; its Political State; its People, Laws, Prisons, &c. [Reprinted from the “Chinese Repository.”] (Continued from page 32 1.) AND here, having again occasion to mention the ever-recurring spies, it may be worth while to pause, in order to say a word or two further upon this main- spring of Japanese government. Their Japanese name of metsuke is inter- preted by Dr.Von Siebold to mean ‘steady looker,” or “observer;' by the Dutch writers, ‘lookers across.’ They are of every rank in life, from the lowest to the highest beneath that of a prince, since even the proudest noblemen undertake the base office, either in obedience to commands which it were death —that is to say, imperative self-slaughter—to disobey, or impelled by the hope of succeeding to the lucrative post of him in whom they can detect guilt. Those spies at Nagasaki, who are subject to the governor, are entitled to demand an audience of him at any hour of the day or night; and woe betide him, should he, by postponing their admission, incur the risk of their reports being transmitted to Yedo otherwise than through himself. But there are other spies, not officially known, upon himself; and this, which notwithstanding the constant mention of spies as official public characters, it is self-evident must be the case, is further proved by the following anecdote of the success of a high-born spy. The incident did not, indeed, fall under the personal observation of the Dutch factory, inasmuch as it occurred in another and remote government, Matsmai; but it is given upon good authority, and is general in its application — “Complaints * of the governor of this province had reached the court, which took its own measures for ascertaining their truth. The agreeable tidings that the governor was displaced were speedily received; but it was not without astonishment that the capital, Matsmai, recognised in his successor a journey- man tobacco-cutter, who, some months before, had suddenly disappeared from his master's shop. The journeyman tobacco-cutter had been personated by a noble of the land, who had assumed that disguise in order to exercise the office of a spy, for which he had been sent to Matsmai by the court.” To return to Nagasaki.-The officers hitherto mentioned are all govern- mental officers; but the affairs of the town itself, its own police, &c., are managed, not by them, but by separate municipal authorities—to wit, a council of nine, something akin to a mayor and aldermen, but holding their offices hereditarily. The resolutions of this council must, however, be unanimous; if not, they are submitted to the governor. The municipal council employ, as their ministers and servants, a regiment of ottona and kashira, to whose superintendence the peace and good conduct of every street in the town is com- mitted; a superintendence much facilitated by closing the gates of every street * Meylan. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 351 at a certain hour of the evening, after which no one can pass in or out, with- out an especial permission from his kashira or ottona. But all this organization of watchfulness does not satisfy the care, despotic or paternal, of the government, or perhaps we should say of the institutions, for the safety of the people. Every town and village in the realm is parcelled out into lots of five houses, the heads of which are made answerable for each. other; each is bound to report to his kashira every and any misdemeanour, irregularity, or even unusual occurrence, in any of his four neighbours' houses, which from the kashira is transmitted through the ottona to the municipal council; so that it may be said, not that one half, but that each half, of the nation is made a spy upon the other half, or that the whole nation is a spy upon itself. The householders are further bound to exercise the same vigi- lance over the portion of the street before their houses; any disaster that may there happen, in a chance broil among strangers, being imputed to the negli- gence of the adjoining householders. Any neglect of interference or report is punished, according to the occasion, with fine, stripes, imprisonment or arrest in the offender's own house; which last is a very different thing in Japan from what it is in other countries. In Japan, the whole family of the man sentenced to domiciliary arrest is cut off from all intercourse with the external world; the doors and windows of the house being boarded up, to insure the seclusion. The offender is suspended during the whole time, if in office, from his office and salary; if a tradesman or artisan, from exercising his trade; and, more- over, no man in the house may shave, a disgrace as well as an inconvenience. How the subsistence of the family is provided for during this long period of inaction and non-intercourse, does not appear. One consequence or necessary concomitant of this system of espionage is, that a man should have some power of choosing the neighbours whom he is to watch and be watched by. Accordingly, no one can change his residence without a certificate of good conduct from the neighbours he wishes to leave, and permission from the inhabitants of the street to which he would remove to come amongst them. The result of this minutely ramified and complete organization is said to be that, the whole empire affords no hiding-place for a criminal, and there is no country where so few crimes against property are committed; and doors may be left unbarred, with little fear of robbery. The population of Japan, which is variously estimated by different writers at from 15,000,ooo to 40,000,Coo of souls, is divided, if not exactly into castes, yet into nearly hereditary classes. It is held to be the duty of every individual to remain through life in the class in which he was born, unless exalted by some very peculiar and extraordinary circumstance. To endeavour to rise above his station is somewhat discreditable; to sink below it utterly so. These classes are eight*. Class 1 is that of the kokushi, or ‘princes,’ including both dai-mió and sai-mió, whose condition has been already sufficiently explained. * Meylan. 352 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [FEB. 3, 1864. Class 2 is that of the kie-nin; literally, “noblemen.' These noblemen, as before said, hold all their lands in fief, by military service, due to the several princes, or, in the imperial provinces, to the siogoun. The number of warriors due from each nobleman is regulated by the size and value of his estate; and they provide for the performance of his duty by the under-granting, or sub- .infeudation of their lands. From this noble class are selected the ministers who are not princes, the great offices of state, governors, &c., &c.; and the universal passion for these offices serves, in a great measure, to keep the nobility dependent upon the court, but not sufficiently so to satisfy the jealousy of government. Many of the precautions employed towards the princes are likewise resorted to with respect to the nobles. They are not, indeed, deprived of their families, except when holding provincial office; but they are compelled to spend a considerable part of every year at Yedo, and are there required to display a magnificence, which, if not quite equal to that exacted from the princes, is so far beyond their means, that it doubly weakens them; first, by actually impoverishing, and secondly, by inducing them to lessen the number of their military vassals, in order to derive a larger income from their estates. In the profound peace Japan has for two centuries enjoyed, this is probably esteemed safe policy. Class 3 consists of the priesthood of Japan, Sintoo, and Buddhist alike. Of these, it will be more convenient to speak in an account of the religion of Japan. Class 4 is that of the samorai, or ‘military,” and consists of the vassals of the nobility. The service by which they hold their lands is now, and has long been, if not altogether nominal, yet very easy, as they have only to furnish troops sufficient to give guards and splendour to the courts of the mikado, the siogoun, and the princes, to preserve internal tranquillity, and to watch the coast. In former times, prior to the closing of the empire against foreigners, and confining every native within its limits, the Japanese soldiery are said to have been well known and highly valued throughout Asia, where, as soldiers of fortune, they served every potentate and state willing to engage them. That practice is now forbidden; and their military prowess must have died away, since it has had no field of action. But still, this class, useless as it may now appear, ranks in general esteem next to their feudal superiors. The siogoun is said to maintain, besides the samorai of the imperial provinces, a body of armed men called the dozin, included in this class, but considered very inferior to the samorai, and bearing more affinity to the French gendarmery than to regular troops. It should be observed, whilst upon this subject, that captain Golownin, in his account of his captivity in Japan, says the imperial soldiers were so superior in rank and appearance to those of the princes, that he at first mistook the imperial privates for officers. No writer of the Dutch factory mentions any such difference; and generally speaking, Golownin's situation—a prisoner in a remote province, conversing only through rude and ignorant Kurile inter- preters, or by teaching his visitors Russian—rendered him so liable to Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 353 error, that when he differs from those who have better, though still very imperfect, means of information, his testimony can have little weight; but upon this subject, having been almost wholly guarded by military, it is at least possible that he should be better informed than upon most others, and that such a difference may exist. These four classes constitute the higher orders of Japanese, and enjoy the especial, the envied privilege of wearing two swords, and the hakama, or petticoat-trowsers. Class 5 comprehends the upper portion of the middle orders of society. It consists of inferior officials and professional—that is to say, medical—men; persons deemed respectable, or, to borrow an expressive French phrase, comme il faut, and permitted to wear one sword and the trowsers. Class 6 comprises the lower or trading portion of the middle orders; as merchants, and the more considerable shopkeepers. In this class, regarded with ineffable disdain, are found the only wealthy individuals in Japan. Far from being, like their superiors, forced into extravagant ostentation for the purpose of impoverishment, these persons are not allowed to imitate that osten- tation. The degree of that splendour they may display is strictly limited, and they can spend their money only in those luxuries, comforts, and pleasures, which their superiors are obliged to forego, in order to support their station. The degrading step by which alone, if he aspire to ape his superiors, the richest merchant can, as a nominal, evade these sumptuary laws, has been already noticed; and even when thus indulged with one sword, never may he, under any circumstances, aspire to the trowsers. Class 7 is composed of petty shopkeepers, mechanics, and artisans of all descriptions—one trade excepted (of which presently)—and including, strange to say, artists. The general appreciation of this class it is not easy to fix, as every separate genus, and even species, appears to be differently valued, according to the different occupations and trades; as, for instance, we are told that goldsmiths and painters rank much above carpenters and blacksmiths; but whether any difference be made between artists and housepainters does not appear. Class 8 consists of the peasantry, and day-labourers of all kinds. Of the former, the greater part appear to be, in fact, the villains or serfs of the landed proprietors; and even those who make some approach to the condition of an English farmer, or rather of a continental metayer—that being the Japanese mode of letting land—are said to be so heavily burdened with contributions, that indigence keeps them in a state of complete degradation. To these recognised eight classes might be added a ninth, to locate the exception from the seventh above alluded to. This exception consists of the tanners, curriers, and all unhappy beings connected in any way with the leather trade. From some peculiar prejudice, originating probably in the Sintoo doctrine of defilement by contact with death, these dealers in hides or leather are the very pariahs, or outcasts of Japanese society. They are not permitted to dwell in the towns or villages with other men, but inhabit villages exclu- sively their own, whence they are called into the towns only to discharge the 354 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. functions of executioners and gaolers, in which, if they need assistance, the tea-house proprietors are bound to supply it. They are not allowed to pollute an inn or public house with their presence, but, if in need of refreshment on a journey, they are served with what they purchase outside, and the landlord would rather throw away than take back a vessel from which one had drunk. Finally, they are not numbered in a census of the population; and, what is yet more whimsical, their villages, when situated upon the high road, are not measured in the length of that road"—are subtracted from it, as nonentities— so that, in paying by the distance between town and town, the relays of men and cattle stationed at the post-houses, the traveller is actually carried gratis through a village inhabited by makers of leather. The Japanese laws are very sanguinary, admitting but little distinction between different shades of guilt, and none that turn upon the magnitude of theft. They admit of no fines—except, perhaps, in some triflingt misdemean- ours amenable to municipal jurisdiction, because in the opinion of the Japanese legislators, such pecuniary punishments would give an unfair advantage to rich over poor criminals. Due pains are likewise taken to make the laws known to all classes alike. In every town and village is a spot enclosed by palisades, where, from a scaffold, every new law is proclaimed to the people; and where it is afterwards placarded, for the benefit of such as may have been absent from the proclamation. The code of police regulations is constantly placarded there. In fact, the administration of justice is said to be extremely pure, making no distinction between high and low, rich and poor. If offences against the state are more certainly punished than those against individuals, it is only because the officers of government would risk their own lives by neglecting to prosecute a state criminal, whilst the prosecution of crimes of the second class rests with the individual injured, who may not think it worth his while, for the mere gratification of taking a fellow-creature's life, to add the expense and trouble of a lawsuit to the evils he has already endured. Minor complaints and offences are carried before the ottona †, who act, in a manner secretly, as police magistrates, under the advice and control of the spies. The fairness of their adjudications is further insured by a right of appeal to the public tribunals. But to afford means of escaping such publicity is one main object of the authority intrusted to these municipal delegates, who redress grievances and punish small transgressions naibon, thus sparing the character and feelings of many an offender. The public tribunals are very solemn, diligent, and astute in their proceedings, and seldom fail, we are assured, to elicit the truth. But to effect this, when evidence and other means are wanting, they have recourse to torture. From their verdict there is no appeal. Capital punishment, and even sentence of death, necessarily involve confis- cation of property, and disgrace to the family of the criminal. Hence, a man * Siebold. + Meylan. † Fischer. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 355 of the higher orders, publicly accused and conscious of guilt, prevents his trial by at once ripping himself up. If the criminal be arrested too suddenly to allow of this step, and the family excite sufficient interest to induce the judicial and prison authorities to incur some little risk for their sake, recourse is had to two naibon forms of death before sentence. When most kindness is felt, the prisoner is privately supplied with a weapon with which to rip himself up; but this is a rare indulgence, because attended with considerable risk to the friendly agent. The more ordinary course is, to order the prisoner to be tortured, for the purpose of extorting confession; at the same time, causing an intimation to be given to the executioner, that should the operation prove fatal, no questions will be asked. In either case, the prisoner is reported to have died of disease; and being presumed guiltless, because unconvicted, the body is delivered to the family for interment, and the concomitant evils of conviction are avoided. The criminal, who, not having thus eluded or forestalled his fate, is sentenced to death, is bound with cords, set upon a horse, and thus led to the place of execution—an open field without the town—his crime being published both by word of mouth and by a flag. Upon his way thither, any person who pleases may give him refreshment—a permission seldom made use of. Upon reaching the appointed spot, the judges, with their assistants, take their places, surrounded by the insignia of their office, and with unsheathed weapons. The prisoner here receives from the executioner a cup of sake, with some of its regular accompaniments, as dried or salted fish, roots, mushrooms, fruit, or pastry; and this he is allowed to share with his friends. He is then seated upon a straw mat, between two heaps of sand, and his head is struck off with a sword. The severed head is set up upon a stake, to which is affixed a placard, announcing the crime that had incurred such punishment. It is thus exposed for three days, after which the relations are allowed to bury as much of the corpse as the birds of prey have left. This is the description given of an execution by the Dutch writers, and doubtless is such as they witnessed at Nagasaki. But a conjecture may be hazarded, that it is left to the pleasure of the judge, by what mode capital punishment shall be inflicted. But whatever be thought of the ideas here thrown out, it is very clear that both of these are the merciful forms of execution, as we elsewhere learn that prisoners are frequently and publicly tortured to death, and that the excellence of the executioner is measured by the number of wounds—sixteen is said to be the maximum—that he can inflict without causing death *. Upon these occasions, it is reported that the young nobles habitually lend the executioner their swords, as a trial of the edge and temper of a new blade. It is further asserted, that they take great delight in witnessing executions, especially such as are enhanced by torture. One species of torture, in which a shirt of reeds, the criminal's only garment, is set on fire, is considered so superlatively entertaining from the sufferer's contortions, that it has acquired the name of “the death-dancef.” * Titsingh. + Meylan. C. c. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 357 FEA $ 3-º- ART. IV. — H * # Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent,” [translated from the Chinese by H. C., Interpreter in Her Majesty's Civil Service in China.] - CHAPTER I. It is said that during the time of the Yuen dynasty there lived in the village of Kien-hang, in the department of Hangchow, in the province of Ché-kiang, a student named Hü-sien, who was generally called Han-win. His father was a merchant, and when Han-wān was about five years of age, both his parents died within a few days of each other, and left very little property. Luckily for Han-win he had an elder sister named Kiau-yung, who was married to a man named Li Kung-foo, a native of the same village, and who was a police- runner at the magistracy. This couple were in pretty comfortable circum- stances, and when Han-wän's parents died, his sister took him to her house and brought him up. The time passed by rapidly, and Han-win had reached the age of sixteen before any thoughts were given to his future prospects. He was at this time a very handsome youth, with fine eyes and delicate eyebrows, and both Kung-foo and Kiau-yung loved him exceedingly. One day, however, when Kung-foo was not engaged in his work, but was sitting quietly at home, it suddenly struck him that Han-win was growing up into manhood, and that it was absolutely necessary to look out for some occupation for him. When the evening came, therefore, he addressed his wife, saying, “Your brother has been living with us since he was a child, and now he has become a man; we ought to find him some profitable pursuit, and must not leave him in this state of idleness.” His wife answered him, “My brother is very grateful to you for educating him, and if you will put him into the way of getting an honour- able living, I don't know how I shall be able to express my gratitude to you.” “My dear wife,” said Kung-foo, “you must not consider it as such a great favour, for I have an excellent and kindhearted friend named Wang-ming, who is usually called Fung-shan—he resides at the top of the Hwa-ār-tsing street, opposite the magistracy, and he has opened an apothecary's shop, where he carries on an extensive and thriving trade. To-morrow morning I will go and visit him, and see if I can get your brother taken into his shop in order to study medicine. Kiau-yung was delighted, and could think of nothing else the whole night. The next morning at daylight Kung-foo arose, and having prepared himself for a visit, went to his friend's house. The good doctor came forward with a smile to meet him, and after passing the usual compliments, they entered the house and sat down. The doctor said, “In what way can I oblige my friend who thus visits my humble dwelling at this early hour?” Kung-foo replied, “I have an important affair to talk with you about. I have a young brother-in-law, who is named Hü-sien, and who is usually called Han- wān, and I believe him to be a most honest and careful youth. For some time past he has resided in our house without any occupation, and I did not C. c 2 3.58 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. know what to do for him, until it suddenly struck me, that it would be an admirable thing for him to obtain admission into your service, by which means he might study medicine, but I was not sure whether you would be willing or not to accept his services.” Dr. Wang said, “In consequence of the great increase of my connexion, I am just looking about me for some trustworthy person to assist me in carrying on my business, and, therefore, I shall be most happy to take your brother-in-law into my employment, and thus still further cement our friendship.” Kung-foo was delighted with his success, and after thanking the doctor for his kindness, he got up and went home again, and explained to his wife and brother-in-law all that Dr. Wang had offered, at which both Kiau-yung and her brother were unspeakably joyful. Kung-foo then went to the temple, and selected a lucky day on which to conduct Han-win to the house of his new master. His sister meanwhile gave Han-win much excellent advice for his future guidance. When they arrived at Wang's house, the doctor invited them in and made them sit down in the place of honour. Kung-foo then addressed Dr. Wang, saying, “The other day I thanked you for your great kindness in accepting the services of my brother-in-law, and to- day I have brought him as it was arranged. I beg you will aid him with your advice and experience, and if hereafter he shall attain to any knowledge of his profession, I shall be infinitely obliged to you.” Meanwhile Dr. Wang looked at Han-wiin, and soon perceived that both in his manner and appearance he was vastly superior to young men of his age. He was overjoyed at this acquisition, and said, “Your brother-in-law is indeed a fine lad, and you may depend upon it that hereafter he will rise to eminence; for my part I will do my best to further his advancement.” Kung-foo then ordered Han-win to make his obeisance to Wang, but the doctor would not permit him to do more than bow. Kung-foo then took his leave of Dr. Wang, and returned to his house and told his wife all that had taken place. Han-win soon commenced his duties, and the doctor loved him as one of his own children, for he saw that he was both elegant in his address, and that he always thoroughly performed what was given him to do. From time to time also Kung-foo came to the shop to see how his young relative was getting on in his business. - It is said that outside the west gate of the city of Ching-tu-foo, the capital of the province of Sz-chuen, there is a wonderful mountain, which is called “ the green mountain.” This is naturally divided into terraces from the base to the summit. It is said to be three hundred miles round, and in the centre thereof is a vast cavern of unknown extent, the opening of which is like the vault of heaven. The cavern is called “the cavern of the winds.” In the centre of this there was reputed to be a monstrous white female serpent, who had been there from time immemorial. In this cave also grew strange flowers and wonderful shrubs. This serpent had existed for eighteen hundred years, and had never vet done harm to any living thing. On account of her FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 359 great age, this white serpent had attained to a vast degree of knowledge, and was able to work marvellous spells, and to take the form of woman, in which condition she adopted the name of PI-cheu-niang. In consequence of her age, however, she could not perform her spells, or take another form with that degree of perfection to which she hoped to attain. One day she said to herself, “Although I have passed so many ages in this cavern, I have never yet been able to attain perfection in my arts, why should I not go into some other mountain, and there take up my abode I know that at Hang-chow in Ché-kiang there is a most beautiful mountain called “the tiger hill,” which is situated in the West Lake, and is celebrated throughout the empire, and I think I will go thither to reside in future.” Having thus made up her mind, she transformed herself into a white cloud, and by some spell or other caused herself to be instantaneously transported to within sight of Hang-chow. Suddenly, however, she met a powerful spirit called “the mighty spirit of the north.” He had been to worship the chief of the good spirits, and was now returning to his abode in the Yii-tang mountain, when suddenly opening his eyes he perceived a great white cloud, which he knew to be an evil spirit, coming from the west, and cried out, “Whence comest thou, O most abominable fiend? Thou art indeed very bold to assume the form of a white cloud!” When the white serpent perceived the powerful spirit she was terribly afraid, and cried out, “I am a white serpent which has lived for eighteen hundred years in one cavern, and never done harm to anything living, and have never deprived the husbandman of even half a grain of rice, yet I am unable to assume to perfection the human form, and I am therefore going to the Southern Seas in Kwang-tung to bow before Kwan-yin (1), and to pray her to tell me whether my desire will ever be gratified or not. I did not know that the great spirit would meet me, but for interrupting his journey I deserve to die.” - The great spirit smiled sardonically, and said, “O most villanous reptile ! If indeed as thou sayest thou art going to the south, thou must swear it by an oath. On that condition only will I spare thee.” The white serpent, in obe- dience to this order, took the required oath, saying, “If indeed I am not going to the south, may Liii-fung (‘Thunder-peak') pagoda for ever press upon my body.” When the great spirit heard this oath, he advised the white ser- pent to remember it, and then continued his journey to his mountain. When the white serpent saw her dreaded enemy depart, her whole heart was filled with joy, and ascending again among the clouds she soon came to the mountain in the West Lake. She immediately sought out some garden where she could remain until she could assume the desired form. Now Hang-chow is a most beautiful place. The residences of princes and nobles are here, and beautiful flower gardens and ancient temples are scattered all over the place. Among these, the garden of Prince Chow was pre-eminent for beauty; but Prince Chow had long been dead, and his beau- tiful garden was deserted by mankind. In it were altars, pavilions, and mountains almost equalling in splendour the gardens of the imperial palace. 360 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. When the white serpent saw the beautiful spot she was delighted, and at once determined to reside there in future. But she did not know the vast extent of this garden. In the centre of this place was a tower called “the Tsüy- chán pavilion,” in which there resided a huge black serpent, which had been in this place for more than eight hundred years, and could also ascend into the clouds, and take the human form ; and when she saw the white serpent coming in, she hurried to prevent her entrance, saying, “Whence comest thou thus to invade the privacy of my garden P Dost thou not fear my wrath P” The white serpent, who had assumed the human form, as had the other, merely smiled, and said, “Don’t talk about your power, but pay attention to what I am going to say—I am a powerful white serpent, come from the mountain cavern of the winds, where I have resided more than eighteen hun- dred years; but because I am not so powerful as I could wish, I have deter- mined to change my abode, wherefore you must let me take up my residence in this garden—besides this, why should we quarrel being both spirits in the form of serpents f" But the black snake was not so easily pacified, and an- grily exclaimed, “This is my garden, and you are a spirit from some distant place—How then do you dare thus to deprive me of mine own If, more- over, you think yourself more powerful than I am, let us contend together three times for the mastery.” The white serpent smiled slightly, and said, “It is no desire of mine that we should contend together, as I do not wish to injure one of my species; but since you so much wish it, I will contend with you, but upon this condition only, that whoever shall be victorious in the strife, shall become the mistress, and that the conquered one shall always act as a slave. The black snake still angry, snatched a sword and cut at the white ser- pent, but she, drawing two swords, put them before her in the form of a cross. In a few minutes the superior talent of the white serpent became evi- dent, for by muttering a powerful spell, the sword was snatched from the hand of her adversary by some invisible means, and she was left defenceless. The black serpent at this was very much frightened, and kneeling down, respectfully addressed the other, saying, “Do not contend any longer—I ac- knowledge you as my superior, and am willing to serve you as your slave.” Matters being thus settled so satisfactorily, the mistress and servant entered the garden together. Now Han-win was all this time in the apothecary's shop of Dr. Wang, who had a great affection for him, and treated him as if he had been one of his own children. The winter was over, and spring had come, clothing the country with its most beautiful garment, and at the time of ancestral wor- ship (2) peach and plum trees in full blossom met the eye at every step. One day when Han-wān was sitting in the shop as usual, he saw crowds of people going out of the city to worship at the tombs of their ancestors, and it suddenly entered his mind that he also should like to go and do the same. He said to himself, “Ever since the death of my parents I have been under great obligations to my sister and brother-in-law, for all the kindness Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 361 they have shown me; but since I have grown up, I have never once been to pay any mark of respect at the graves of my father and mother. I see that every one is hurrying off to sacrifice to the manes of his parents, and to wor- ship at their graves; and I will certainly go to-morrow and perform those duties of affection and respect which every son owes to his deceased parents.” Having formed this resolution, he entered the inner apartments of the house in order to find Dr. Wang, and ask his permission to go. Luckily he found the docter at leisure in his study. When Wang saw Han-win he asked him what he wanted. The young man answered, “Since my childhood I have been dependant upon my sister for support, and since I have attained the age of discretion, I have never been near the graves of my parents, I therefore am come to ask your gracious permission that I may go there to- morrow and worship, and sacrifice.” Wang with a smile replied, “I cannot do otherwise than assent to your performing such a good and filial act—let it therefore be as you desire.” Han-win was much pleased, and having respectfully thanked the docter, he returned to the shop to continue his duties. In the meantime Wang sent for his servant Wang-jūi (3), and ordered him at once to purchase a hog for sacrifice, some packets of paper-money (4), and everything else required at such a ceremony, and to be in readiness the next morning to carry them to the grave of Han-win’s parents. The next morning Han-win got up at daybreak and dressed himself very carefully. Dr. Wang told him that he must on no account delay, but return as soon as he had performed all his duties. Then accompanied by Wang-jiii he left the city by the west gate, and having arrived at the grave, the servant arranged in order all the materials for the sacrifice. Han-win then knelt down, and made his obeisance with weeping and lamenting. He then arose, and performed the necessary sacrifice, and afterwards burned the paper- money. Wang-jiii then packed up the things and turned towards home. Han-win then said to himself, “From here to the West Lake is a very short distance, and I have heard that it is a most beautiful spot, why should I not take advantage of this opportunity and go and walk there a little f" He then said aloud to Wang-jiii, “Do you continue on your way with the things, and I will go and see my sister, whose house is in a neighbouring street, I shall be home almost as soon as you are.” The servant, after reminding his master of what Dr. Wang had said, and advising him not to delay his return after dark, so as to awaken his distrust, accordingly returned, and Han-win turned his steps towards the West Lake. He soon came to the banks of the river which runs into it, and taking a ferry-boat was quickly landed on the other side. He walked on and shortly arrived at the Lake, the whole sur- face of which was glittering in the bright sunshine and rippling its clear waters in miniature waves over the pebbly beach. Around it in every direction arose the princely mansions of the nobles, and the elegant villa resi- dences of the wealthy merchants. Upon its waters sported innumerable gaily painted boats with silken curtains and gilded windows, from which ever and 362 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. - anon the sounds of music were wafted by the evening breeze to the ears of the enraptured beholder, while on all sides wandered a gaily dressed crowd of nobles, merchants, scholars, and others, who strove to forget for a time their toil, troubles, and anxieties, by coming to wander about the West Lake, and to gaze upon its endless beauties. While Han-win was looking upon this busy scene with delight, his atten- tion was attracted by two ladies who were standing upon the bridge, also ad- miring the same view. Han-win was struck with the surpassing beauty of one, who was evidently the mistress, and to whom the other was servant, and he was fascinated by it, as is a lion by the sight of fire. He moved backwards and forwards in front of them, and could not tear himself away from their vicinity. Should the reader desire to know who these two beautiful ladies were ; they were the white and black serpents of Prince Chow's garden. On this day it had also happened that they had gone to the West Lake to admire its beauties; and it was evident that Han-win and PI-cheu-niang were des- tined to meet, for when the latter saw Han-win, and perceived what a hand- some youth he was, she fell in love with him, and could not take her eyes off him. Suddenly, however, a storm of wind and rain arose, and the sky was overcast with black clouds. The people dispersed in every direction to seek what shelter they could. Han-win felt it very difficult for him to part with them, and did not cease wondering who and what could be this beautiful girl; and he said to himself, “What a pity that this storm of rain should have arisen thus to prevent my asking who she was, and what was her name, and where she lived (5). It is, however, getting dark, and I don't know what I can do except to go to my sister's house, sleep there to-night, and to-morrow I shall come back here.” He had quite forgotten, in his new excitement, all about Dr. Wang and the apothecary's shop' - Talking in this way to himself, he arrived at the banks of the river, where he found only one small boat anchored not far from the shore. He called out to the boatman to row him across, offering him good pay, and some cash to buy wine. When the boatman heard this, he hastened to bring his boat near the shore, and Han-win got in-but just as they were leaving, they heard the sounds of female voices on the bank above, calling for a boat. Han- win put out his head to see who it was, and to his joy perceived the identi- cal young lady and her servant whom he had seen on the bridge at the West Lake. He immediately ordered the ferryman to put back and take on board the two ladies. Pi-cheu-niang was carefully assisted into the boat by her ser- vant, and at first affected to be very much confused, and bashful, but finally sat down near Han-win. The servant seeing that he did not speak, and that he seemed very nervous, smiled slightly. Presently, however, he was obliged to say something, and asked the servant the honourable name and surname of her mistress, and where she resided. The servant replied, “My mistress re- sides in the village of Kien-tang in the Shwang-cha street—my master during his life was a major-general, but himself and my mistress died, leaving only FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 363 this one child. Having selected to-day as fortunate, I accompanied my young mistress to worship at the graves of her parents, and it seemed a fa- vourable opportunity for visiting the West Lake—suddenly, however, we were overtaken by the storm, and obliged to hurry homewards, and the roads are so bad that my young mistress cannot walk upon them, so we were obliged to hail the boat; and now having answered your question, may I ask your honourable surname, and name, and your place of residence?” Han-Wàn replied, “I am also a native of the village of Kien-tang—my surname is Hü and my name Sien—my title is Han-win. I am seventeen years of age. My father and mother have long been dead, and my only relative is an elder sister, who also resides in this village, where she is married to a person named Li. I have been under great obligations to my brother-in-law, who has at length got me an excellent position in an apothe- cary's shop, under the care of a friend of his, named Wang. To-day I came to worship at the graves of my parents, and it also seemed to me to be a favourable opportunity to visit the beauties of the West Lake, but, like your- selves, I was caught in the rain, and was obliged to call this boat.” Scarcely had they finished thus mutually questioning and answering each other, when the boat touched the opposite shore. They immediately landed and dismissed the boatman, who returned to his station under the willow tree. Han-win seeing that it was still raining, offered his umbrella to the slave girl for the use of her mistress. The slave girl thanked him, but said, “It is still raining, how then can we leave you thus exposed ?” Han-win answered, “The golden lilies (6) of your young mistress are exceedingly small, and the roads are very muddy ; but for me who am a man, there is no difficulty, and from here to my house is but a step.” The servant then replied, “We accept your kind offer with ten thousand thanks, but we fear that when the umbrella is sent back, you may not be in the house to receive it.” Han-win hastened to reply, “Do not, I beg, think of sending it back; I myself will call for it to-morrow.” The slave girl agreed to what Han-wān said; and after having minutely explained the situation of the house, they separated; the servant holding the umbrella with one hand, while with the other she supported the tottering footsteps of the Pi-cheu-niang, who kept turning round to look at Han-win, as if he had carried away her heart with him. Let us now leave the young lady, and turn to Han-wān. When he had watched her out of sight, he turned his steps towards his sister's house. When she saw him, she cried, “How is it that I see you here, is anything the matter, that you have left the shop " Han-win answered her, “To-day I obtained leave from Dr. Wang to go and worship at the graves of my parents, and being at no great distance from this street, I thought I would take advantage of the opportunity to come and visit you.” When his sister heard this, she was very pleased, and exclaimed, “I know you were a model of filial piety' My husband having important business at the office, left home at daylight, and has not yet returned ; but sit down.” 364 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [FEB. 3, 1864. She then went out to prepare some meat and wine, and arranged the tables for a meal; the brother and sister then sat down, and chatted together; Han-wān being careful not to say anything about his having been to the West Lake. His sister then arranged the room, and showed him where he was to sleep. He immediately began to think of the young lady, and thus continued turning and tossing all night without being able to sleep. To return to Pi-cheu-niang.—When she had arrived at the garden, she turned round and said to her servant, “There is no doubt that Han-win will return to-morrow to fetch his umbrella, he is a very handsome youth, of elegant manners and address, and I shall therefore cause him to marry me; but his family are very poor, and we are also without money to send him— What then can we do *" “It will be very easy for you, Madam, to find money,” replied the slave girl, “for you are possessed of great supernatural powers, and you have only to make use of some spell this evening to enable you to procure whatever sum you may require, and by these means you will prove to him that you are truly of a wealthy family, and that you are the daughter of a high officer.” Pi-cheu-niang agreed to what her servant advised, and accordingly that evening, at the third watch, she prepared seven pans of burning charcoal in a circle, and entering therein with a drawn double-edged knife, began walking round and round, muttering incantations; suddenly she uttered a loud cry, and summoned to her presence all the chiefs of the demons from the four corners of the earth, who instantly appeared, and knelt before her, crying, “Your servants are present—In what can the spirits serve their mistress 2" Pi-cheu-niang ordered them to bring her a thousand taels of silver. Hardly had she uttered the words, when the money was before her in twenty ingots of fifty taels each. All that night poor Han-win turned and tossed on his sleepless couch, his mind filled with thoughts of his idol, and before daylight he got up and dressed himself handsomely, and going out, without saying a word to his sister, he asked his way to the Shwang-cha street. When he arrived there, he asked an old man, whom he saw standing at the corner, if he knew the residence of a family named PI. The old man replied in the negative, so he was obliged to ask his way from house to house. Presently as he was passing the gate of a garden, he stopped for a moment to admire its great beauty, and just then he saw coming out of the gate the servant of the identical young lady whose house he was in search of, and whom he had seen the day before. When she saw him, her whole countenance brightened up with pleasure, and she invited him to walk in, and led him to the Keii-hiang pavilion, where she requested him to wait until she could acquaint her mistress of his arrival. Han-wān exclaimed, “On no account disturb your mistress, only bring me the umbrella, and I will go.” The slave girl, however, replied, “You must know that last night my young lady ordered me, in case of your calling, Sir, for your umbrella, to inform her of your arrival, in order that she might thank you in person.” FEB. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 365 *11 Han-win again cried that he could not think of disturbing her; but although he talked on in this manner, he yet sat down, hoping that PI would come out to see him if only for an instant. In the meantime the servant had gone to tell her mistress, and presently Han-win smelt a delicious perfume, which filled the air, and seemed to penetrate the very marrow of his bones; and he soon saw the young girl approaching, swaying elegantly from side to side, like the graceful waving of the willow tree. She was followed by the servant-maid. When Han-win saw the young lady, he arose and saluted her, and she courtesied to him, and begged him to be seated; and when the usual and necessary compliments had passed between the young people, they drank scented tea which the servant had prepared. When they had finished drinking, Han-win arose, and requested permission to return home. The young lady, however, exclaimed, “How could I shame the hospitality of my house by thus permitting you to leave before breaking your fast : Besides which, I have had prepared a slight repast, of which I invite you to partake, at the same time begging you to be generous, and not laugh at the humble fare, which is indeed so trifling, that I am ashamed almost to ask you to stay.” Han-win declared that he could not so far trespass upon her kindness; but the young lady had already had a breakfast laid out before them, comprising a profusion of every delicacy that it was possible to procure, prepared in magnificent and costly cups and dishes, and she caused Han-win to take the post of honour as her guest, while she herself sat at a smaller table at some distance off, and the servant-maid waited upon them, and poured out the wine from jewelled vases. (To be continued.) ART. V.-Official Papers, &c. The following is the correspondence relating to the disbanding of the European-Chinese naval force under Captain Sherard Osborn :- No. 1. “PRINCE KUNG’s LETTER of INSTRUctions to INspector-GENERAL H. N. LAY, - “Peking, Oct. 24, 1862. “The Prince of Kung, charged by Imperial authority with the superintendence of foreign affairs, addresses a communication to the Inspector-General, Mr. H. N. Lay. “The official records show that at the interview which the Acting Inspector-General had with me in the autumn of 1861, he represented that, in order to render our navy efficient, it was absolutely necessary that foreign vessels and foreign guns should be procured. He subsequently addressed me in writing, begging that orders might be issued to the custom- houses to contribute towards the purchase of foreign vessels and guns. The Foreign-Office thereupon memorialised the Emperor on the subject, and His Majesty's assent having been obtained, orders were issued to the custom-houses to pay into the hands of the Acting Inspector-General the amount sanctioned for the above purpose, and the Acting Inspector- General was desired to act without delay. “The Acting Inspector-General has now come to the capital, and apprised us that all the arrangements connected with the purchase of vessels and guns he has officially handed 366 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. over to the Inspector-General, Mr. Lay, to carry out on his behalf in England, and that he has remitted the moneys paid by the custom-houses to the Inspector-General Lay, who is proceeding in the matter with the utmost despatch. “Mr. Hart has stated further, that the ability of the Inspector-General Lay is great, and that he possesses a mind which embraces the minutest details; that he is, therefore, fully competent to make the requisite arrangements with more than a satisfactory result, and he has accordingly requested us to address a despatch to the Inspector-General Lay to serve as his authority. “In any arrangements which the Acting Inspector-General might have made with respect to the purchase of vessels and guns, there is no doubt that he would have taken the greatest pains and would have left no point unconsidered; but as he has now requested that the management of the whole affair would be intrusted to the Inspector-General, this will be, of course, still more satisfactory. “I therefore address this despatch to the Inspector-General, and transfer the manage- ment of the affair into his hands. “There are three important points — “1. The purchase of the vessels, guns, gunpowder, coal, and the miscellaneous articles ... for the use of the vessels. “2. The engagement of officers, gunners, and seamen, and others for services in the vessels; and the arranging the terms and conditions of every description of agreement. “3. The retention, as proposed, of a sum of money to meet the salaries and wages that may be settled by the agreements, and also to provide for the payment of compensations and other items in time to come. “The above three points we leave the Inspector-General to dispose of as, in his discretion, he may see fit. “The money already collected from the custom-houses has been transmitted through Mr. Hart to Mr. Lay, and that still due should be, as collected, handed through Mr. Hart to Mr. Lay, who is alone charged with the responsibility of its disbursement; and we leave it to Mr. Lay to appoint, if he think fit, a person to help him, and also to make whatever arrangements may in his judgment seem desirable, with a view to the successful carrying out of the objects in view. “China is in urgent need of the vessels and guns; effort should therefore be made to effect with the least possible delay their completion, and despatched to Sanghai, there to await orders. The work (put into the vessels) should be strong, the materials genuine, both of super-excellent quality, that so the high trust we have confided (to Mr. Lay) may be fulfilled. “In the event of the Inspector-General's returning to his post before these ships and guns are ready and despatched to China, and if any other circumstances, which we cannot here foresee, should arise, let the Inspector-General report thereupon to us himself, and recommend a person trustworthy in all respects to act in his room—so that, in respect of the arrangements subsequently made, the responsibility may be definitely fixed.” No. 2. “AGREEMENT ENTERED IN to between INSPEcton-GENERAL H. N. LAY AND CAPTAIN SHE RARD Osbor N, R.N., C. B. “London, Jan. 16, 1863. “The following conditions embody our mutual understanding:— “‘ 1. Osborn agrees to take the command of the European-Chinese navy for a period of four years, and stipulates that there shall be no other European naval Commander- in-Chief. “‘2. Osborn, as Commander-in-Chief, is to have entire control over all vessels of European construction, as well as native vessels manned with Europeans that may be in the employ of the Emperor of China, or, under his authority, of the native guilds. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 367 “‘3. Lay will procure from the Emperor such an authority as may be necessary to cover Osborn's acts as the Commander-in-Chief of the European-Chinese navy. “‘4. Osborn undertakes to act upon all orders of the Emperor which may be conveyed direct to Lay, and Osborn engages not to attend to any orders conveyed through any other channel. “‘5. Lay, upon his part, engages to refuse to be the medium of any orders of the reasonableness of which he is not satisfied. “‘6. Osborn will appoint all officers and men on board the vessels of the force, subject, however, to the approval of Lay, as the representative of the Emperor. “‘7. Osborn's subordinates will not be at liberty to act without his premission, and Lay will not authorise his subordinates to call upon them to act without having first consulted Osborn and obtained the necessary order. “‘8. Lay and Osborn agree to carefully inquire into any complaints that may be preferred against the officers and men employed in the force by Chinese officials. “‘9. The force being European, it is indispensable that the flag under which it acts should have an European character. “‘First, to secure its own efficiency; secondly, to insure for it due respect in the eyes of the foreign communities. “‘Lay, therefore, agrees that the flag shall be green with two yellow diagonal bands bearing in the centre a blue imperial dragon. “‘ Green is chosen because it is rarely used by European powers, and therefore not likely to be confounded with any other national colours. “‘io. Lay undertakes to procure from the Emperor, as soon as possible, a sum of money as a guarantee fund, to cover the pay and maintenance of the force for four years, and in the meantime it is understood that the vessels with their equipment will constitute the security for the just claims of the force. “‘ 1 1. In the event of the death of either Lay or Osborn, these conditions which are entered into with the authority of the Emperor of China are not, it is understood, in either case to be departed from. “‘12. The conditions of this understanding, the terms of the formal agreement, and the printed instructions, shall be formally ratified by the Emperor at Peking, before Osborn shall be called upon to act with the force under his command. “‘ 13. In the event of Osborn's death from disease, while in command of the force, Lay will recommend the Emperor of China to make some grant to his widow and children. (Signed) “‘ H. N. LAY. “‘SHERARD Osborn.” “Our motive for drawing up the above memorandum is that there may be hereafter no deviation from a plan of action, long deliberated and decided upon by mutual consent. “We have to deal with Asiatics prone to deceit and falsehood, ready to evade any engagement, directly it interferes with their views or momentary interests. We are about to afford them material military aid, and it behoves us to guard against its being misapplied, and thereby bring scandal upon ourselves and those who in Great Britain have promoted our views; above all we are to take care that the great power and proportionate respon- sibilities conferred upon us by Her Majesty's Order in Council be not abused by us, by our successors, or by the Chinese authorities. “Clause 1.-This condition needs no explanation. It is made a sine qua non by Captain Osborn. “Clause 2.—This we agree is most necessary. We are aware that for some time local Mandarins have been, without Imperial authority, purchasing vessels of European construc- tion, arming them, placing crews of all nations in them, and giving over the command to British or American subjects selected by themselves. Lorchas or junks commanded by Europeans, half pirates, half privateers, are swarming in the Yang-tse. “They claim in many cases to be men-of-war belonging to particular Mandarins, Guilds. 368 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. or Hongs. It is the object of this force to extinguish all these dangerous freebooters. They should come under Imperial authority, without which no European has a shadow of right to levy war in China. “Clause 3.—This is inserted to meet any objection that might be raised on the ground that Europeans are serving without commissions or direct authority from the Emperor. “Clauses 4 and 5.—These are to meet the following difficult questions:—Is this squadron to carry on war in China upon a Chinese method: Through what channel is Captain Osborn, unacquainted as he is with the language, to communicate with the Emperor or Regent: How shall he be protected against the charge of disobedience of orders ? How are cruel or unjust orders from Peking to be prevented 2 How shall European officers and seamen levy war for a barbarous Sovereign without being made to participate in acts which our country would repudiate How shall the officers be protected from orders, the execu- tion of which would involve breaches of international law or treaty rights 2 “There is in our opinion no other way of meeting these difficulties than by arranging that, as Mr. Lay is to live in Peking, and as the revenue which he collects is to be the guarantee for the maintenance of the force, he, as one well competent from a knowledge of the language and people, should be the channel of inter-communication between the ruler of China and Captain Osborn, and that in the event of any order being at variance with law or justice, he should submit it to the European representatives, and, supported by them, decline to communicate it to Captain Osborn. The remaining clauses do not seem to us to need explanation.” No. 3. “INspector-GENERAL H. N. LAY, C.B., to CAPTAIN Shett ARD Osbor N, R.N., C.B. “Peking, Sept. 25, 1863. “Sir, I beg to inclose for your information the translation of a letter to your address from the Prince of Kung, which was sent to me in July last, and to invite your attention to the marginal notes I have appended to it. From my remarks you will see that the Prince has not been quite accurate in making it appear that I had requested the appoint- ment of a Chinese officer to command the steam fleet, or that I had consented that the fleet should be placed under the irresponsible authority of the local officials, as my letters to His Highness, which are upon record, show. “I never gave more than a qualified assent to the rules with which he has furnished you. I accepted the money clauses, but those having reference to yourself and the fleet generally I told the Ministers plainly would have to be considered upon your arrival. The Prince doubtless thought that by declaring positively that these rules had been agreed to by me the chances of your offering any opposition to them would be diminished. “I have, &c., “ H. N. LAY.” No. 4. “PRINCE KuNg's LETTER of INstructions to CAPTAIN SHERARD Osborn, R.N., C.B., (with MR. LAY's MARGINAL Notes.) “Peking, July 8, 1863. “His Imperial Highness the Prince of Kung issues these instructions to Osborn, the Assistant Commander-in-Chief of the Chinese steam navy. “Whereas China, in view of the then unfinished military operations, did last year direct the Inspector-General of Customs, Lay, to purchase foreign steamers and guns for use in the fight and for the subjugation of the foe, and whereas the said Inspector-General has arrived at Peking, and reports that the seven steamers and the storeship purchased will shortly arrive at Shanghai, and requesting the appointment of an officer to take the command, highly recommends the said Osborn, as having hitherto in England been zealous in the performance of his duties, of high military capacity, and being thoroughly versed in Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 369 navy affairs, able to assist a high Chinese officer" in the management of such vessels, so that there may therefrom be expected a speedy sweeping away of the appearance of rebellion; and whereas I, the Prince, memorialised the Throne, requesting that the officer already nominated by the Governor-General of the Two Keang and the Governor of Keang-soo might be appointed Chinese Commander-in-Chief of the Fleet, and that the said Osborn might be appointed Assistant Commander in-Chief, and that the expenditure of the fleet should be controlled for a period of four years by the Inspector-General Lay ; and whereas on the 23rd of the 5th Moon (July 8) the Imperial edict was received, ‘Let it be as proposed. Respect this.” “Now, therefore, in addition to the hurrying despatches of the Governor-General of the Two Keang and the Governor of Keang-soo, that they may at once order the Chinese Commander-in-Chief to repair to Shanghai with his officers and men, and take up his commission on board ship, it is further extremely proper to furnish the said Osborn with a copy of the agreement, in five articles +, entered into between the Inspector-General Lay and the Foreign-Office, and to appoint the said Osborn to be Assistant Commander-in-Chief, and to direct him, in accordance with the articles of the agreement, to co-operate with the Chinese Commander-in-Chief in the command of the fleet now commissioned. “It is to be expected that the fleet will act with vigour against the enemy. The crews are to be kept under strict discipline, and not suffered to annoy the people. If trading vessels, whether Chinese or foreign, illegally engage in the carriage of munitions of war, they are to be seized and detained until receipt of orders from the Foreign-Office. If there are pirates on the Chinese seas or rivers from time to time, no matter where the place may be, they are to be captured and destroyed, in order to the complete restoration of tranquillity. “As regards smuggling and smuggling guilds at the ports on the coast and up the rivers, the fleet is authorised to take measures for the due repression of the same. The said Assistant Commander-in-Chief will, moreover, consider himself under the orders of the Governor-General of the Two Keang and the Governor of Keang-soo, and will take their instructions as to the disposal from time to time of his force. “ (Enclosure.) “Five rules agreed upon respecting the steam fleet ::- “1. It has been settled that the post of Chinese Commander-in-Chief of the steam fleet now purchased shall be filled by the high officer selected by the Chinese Government, and that Captain Osborn, C. B., a British subject, shall be Assistant Commander-in-Chief for a period of four years. The affairs of the fleet are to be managed by the said Commanders-in- Chief in a friendly spirit of co-operation. While Captain Osborn assists the Chinese Government in the command of the fleet, he will take the instructions of the Governors- General and Governors as to the employment or distribution of the force. In all operations he is always to confer personally with those officers before either undertaking or staying these, and is to accept the Chinese decision as final $. * This is not correct. So far from requesting that a Chinese should be appointed, I told the Ministers when they brought forward the proposition that it was altogether out of the question. # The Prince chooses to assume that the rules were agreed to by me, while the fact is that I declared over and over again that assent to them was impossible, my most decided opinion being that to accept the terms proposed would be to court certain failure and discredit. # I forwarded a translation of our agreement officially to the Prince, and in my covering letter called his special attention to the point embodied in that agreement—viz., that you would be under the orders of the Imperial Government at Peking, and the Imperial Government alone. His Highness “ignored" my letter, and up to this time has not acknowledged its receipt. Neither has he, I may add, approved the general agreement and book of instructions, which shows were other proof wanting) that he could not have been under the im- pression that the questions relative to the steam fleet were disposed of. § These conditions would practically place you under the orders of the lowest officer on the staff of either of the officials named. Prince Kung has seen that our military officers will act under Taoutais and Foutais, and hence it has occurred to him that if you could be persuaded to occupy a similar position the Imperial Govern- ment would be relieved of all trouble and responsibility. I have told the Ministers that I would rather see the force disbanded and the ships sold than consent to such a proposition; there can be but one naval Commander- in-Chief, yourself, and but one master, the Imperial Government.—H. N. L. 370 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. “2. Captain Osborn, in the capacity of Assistant Commander-in-Chief to the Chinese Government, will receive a commission from the Foreign-Office giving him the requisite powers. The foreign crews will be duly controlled by him ; and in the event of any individual injuring the people or acting in a lawless manner, Captain Osborn will exercise due severity in the punishment of the same, in order to the sustaining of proper discipline. “3. In order to the insuring of beneficial results from the fleet now purchased by the Chinese Government, Chinese sailors, as time and circumstances will permit, ought to be chosen for service on board the steamers, in order that they may become experienced, and that long-continued practice may prevent them from forgetting their duties and thereby rendering the fleet useless. The working of the ships and the management of the guns and other arms Captain Osborn and the other commanders will exert themselves to teach to such sailors, in order that they may attain a real acquaintance with the same. “4. It is agreed that for the support of the fleet, consisting of seven steamers and one storeship, there shall be appropriated the monthly sum of 75,000 taels. This amount is to cover the expense of salaries, wages, rations, ammunition, coals, rewards, compensations, as well as every other possible and, at the present time, impossible-to-be-indicated expenditure. The control of the expenditure is confided to the Inspector-General Lay. The office of Customs at Shanghai will provide io, coo taels monthly, the Kiukiang Customs will provide to, ooo taels monthly, the Foochow Customs will provide 34,000 taels monthly, the Amoy Customs will provide 6,ooo taels monthly, the Canton Customs will provide Io, ooo taels monthly, and the Swatow Customs will provide 5,ooo taels monthly. In all will be provided monthly the sum of 75,000 taels, which in the proportions above mentioned will be received from each office of Customs by Mr. Lay monthly. Every three months Mr. Lay will send in an account of the expenditure to the Foreign-Office, which in turn will communicate the same to the Board of Revenue. Should there be any surplus money, Mr. Lay will retain it for future use. “5. From the 17th day of the 6th Moon—that is, from the 1st day of August—it will be the duty of each of the said officers of Customs to hand over in full, before making any other appropriations from the duties received, the monthly sum fixed on to the person appointed by the Inspector-General Lay to attend at the bank to receive the same. In the event of the money not being forthcoming, the Inspector-General Lay will at once proceed to deduct the same from the duties. For a period of four years, and for each month during that period, this rule is to be in force.” No. 5. “CAPTAIN OsbonN’s REMARKs Upon PRINCE KUNG's LETTER of INstructions. “Peking, Sept. 28, 1863. “In the first place, these instructions are in direct contravention of my formal agreement with Mr. Lay, which runs to the following effect:— “That I was to be Commander-in-Chief of the European-Chinese navy, with entire control over all vessels of European construction as well as native craft manned with Euro- peans in the employ of the Emperor of China, or under his authority, in the employ of natives; and I was to have an authority from the Emperor to cover my acts as the Commander-in-Chief of the European-Chinese navy. On the other hand, I bound myself to act upon all orders from the Emperor conveyed through Mr. Lay, and not to attend to those delivered through any other source. “A copy of this agreement was furnished to the Prince, yet, in spite of it, and, indeed, ignoring it entirely (for I am told he has not even acknowledged the document), the Prince sends me orders to place myself and my people under the authority of the Foutai Le, as well as that of no less than three other provincial authorities. “Prince Kung acknowledges that the appointment of Commander-in-Chief of my force was filled up by the Governor-General of Keang-soo, and merely confirmed by the Emperor; Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 371 and, further, he (Prince Kung) directs the said Chinese Commander-in-Chief to repair on board a ship at Shanghai. This would virtually suspend me from the post I at present hold, by virtue of a temporary commission granted me by the Inspector-General, Mr. Lay, upon the authority of Prince Kung's instructions and promises of last year. “Apart from the conclusions which Mr. Lay has arrived at as to the want of good faith displayed in the document before me, my own suspicions are aroused by the crafty wording of its contents. In one paragraph I am superseded, and have, apart from the Emperor, Prince Kung, and the Board called the Chinese Foreign-Office, all provincial high officers placed over me; in another I am enjoined to act in a friendly spirit of co-operation with my superiors, and this is immediately followed by a carefully-worded sentence, in which I am distinctly warned that the distribution of the force will be dependent upon the whim of the Governors and Governors-General of the provinces, that I am to follow their instructions in all things, and, as the original document runs, I am “not to act, advance, retire, or remain stationary without conferring with those dignitaries, and to consider their decision as final.” “Mr. Lay says very justly in his marginal notes that these conditions would practically place me under the orders of the lowest officer on the staff of either of the officials named. “I have no intention of submitting to such terms, and for the following reasons:— “1. Naval operations for the suppression of all the disorders enumerated in the Prince's orders could not be successful, fettered as I should be under such a system. It may be the Chinese system; if so, it explains their unfitness for war or naval operations. “2. I came here to serve the Emperor, and under him the Regent, not to be the servant of mere provincial authorities. On that point I stand distinctly upon the terms of my agreement. “3. The officers and men of the force were entered under a specific agreement to serve me as Commander-in-Chief. Directly a Chinese officer steps in as my superior in that force the agreement is null and void, and without it all law and order would cease and my power be at an end. “4. By submitting to such instructions and violation of my original agreement, I should at once deprive myself of the power to assist in carrying out in China the policy of Western civilisation. My force, powerful as it will be for good or evil, might be directed against the interests of commerce or of common humanity. Brutal butchery might be perpetrated, and I should be powerless to prevent it. My men and officers, the pick of many from the Royal Navy of England, would be associated upon equal terms with the rowdies and pirates the Foutai might be pleased to employ. “My power to restrain my own men within the bounds of ordinary discipline would be nil, and the European-Chinese force, instead of being a blessing, would become a curse to the Chinese people and to the best interests of Europe in this empire. “5. If I was weak enough to forget what is due to my own position, and attempted to act upon such instructions, I am certain that I should come to a dead-lock with the pro- vincial authorities within a month, exactly as is at present the case with Major Gordon, R.E. He is insulted by his Chinese superior, the pay of his men suddenly stopped at the will of the Foutai, he is called upon to attempt impossibilities and deprived of adequate forces, and he has again, for the second time, virtually resigned office as the military coadjutor of the Foutai. Yet they wish me to be “the naval assistant of such a Mandarin.” “6. To the argument advanced by the Chinese Foreign-Office “that the course proposed by Prince Kung is a usual one in China,' I reply I did not come here, or my followers either, to accustom ourselves to the treatment usual with Chinese sailors or soldiers, or to assist them in a retrogressive policy in the treatment of European employés, or Europeans in general. The employment of ships of war and war steamers of European construction is an innovation, that of European officers and gentlemen still more so. I and my force are part and parcel of a new order of things indicating ‘progress in China.' I will be no party to her lapsing back into her ancient system and treating Europeans as if they were Chinamen. D d 372 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. “European commerce in China, and consequent intercourse, is a departure from all fore- gone customs. “The presence of Europeans at the open ports is the same. “The residence of European Legations in Peking strikes at the root of China's most ancient prejudices. “The entire responsibility of the conduct of the provincial authorities towards our merchants and missionaries being forced upon the Ministers at Peking is another departure from the most cherished institutions of these people. “I merely claim for the European force under my command another stride in the same wise direction, and I will not, on all the foregone grounds, depart from a line of policy decided upon by Mr. Lay and myself after long and careful discussion—a line of conduct approved, I am sure, by my countrymen and profession, and which I see more and more reason not to swerve from since I have noted the present bearing of the Pekinese authorities towards foreigners. “I may add in general terms that if I required any confirmation of my opinion of the utter impossibility of serving the Chinese Government upon the terms the Prince suggests, I should find ample grounds in my own experiences while at Shanghai, as well as in the information General Brown gives me of Major Gordon's present position. I found on my arrival at Shanghai that the Foutai's agents had tampered with the crews of the vessels under my orders. They were told that the Foutai would give them higher wages than those I engaged them at, that they would all be made officers, and that the discipline existing among the Europeans in his steamers was far pleasanter than the order I enforced. Puzzled to find such a different system existing in what was called the Imperial service, the men became naturally disaffected and anxious to leave me to join the Europeans employed by the Foutai ; and to enable them to do so without prejudice to their pockets, I found they were actually offered 12l. a head bounty, the money to be lodged in the names of the deserters in an English bank. I had to discharge fourteen men, and was detained several days at Shanghai in consequence. It was no fault of the Foutai's that I was not detained there altogether. “Foutai Le is an able Chinamen, and as unprincipled as all Chinese officials. His plan would be to render me powerless, and then to use or toss me aside, just as he does all European leaders in his force. He is a civilian by education, ruling over military and naval affairs without the slightest knowledge of either. He is squandering the revenue of the province as well as that derived from European trade, and is in league with unprincipled traders in Shanghai. Although he can procure from the British stores all such military supplies as he can require, he is encouraging the import of munitions of war by private firms, and granting permits to land the same in spite of all our proclamations against the importa- tion by foreigners of goods contraband of war. Having secured the services of an excellent officer in Major Gordon, who appears to have entered his service, not that of the Emperor of China (for he holds no authority from the latter), Foutai Le proceeds to render him powerless, and to hamper his action in two ways—first, by depriving him of the means to carry out any decisive measures; and next, by placing in exactly similar positions a number of other Europeans, and playing one off against the other. Major Gordon wishes to attack Souchow-foo, and asks for Ioo Europeans. The Foutai agrees, but says the loo men must only be entered for one month. Gordon declines to enter into any such arrangement, seeing its injustice and folly. The Foutai insults him by questioning his desire to fight the rebels, and proposes that the assaulting column shall be formed of all the European officers in his employ, and that over their bodies the Chinese would advance to victory. “Again, what faith can I have in any Mandarin's listening to my advice as a subordinate, when I am told by General Brown, Commander-in-Chief of our military forces in China, and the superior of the Foutai, that he will listen to no advice or suggestion the General offers; that he purposely avoids all conference with him; and when an interview is sought by General Brown, insolently replies that he is too busy to see him ' and be it remembered that Foutai Le is not a bit more unreasonable than other Mandarins, and that he is an average specimen of his class. -- “Sher ARD Osborº N.” Feb. 3, 1864.] . The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 373 No. 6. “INspector-GENERAL H. N. LAY, C.B., to CAPTAIN SHERARD Osborn, R.N., C.B. “Peking, Oct. 13, 1863. “Sir, –I regret to say that at an interview which I had to-day by appointment with the President of the Foreign-Office, Wansiang, he requested me to intimate to you that the Prince of Kung would decline to ratify the agreements entered into by us under his letter of instructions of October, 1862. “I have, &c., - “H. N. LAY.” No. 7. “CAPTAIN SHERARD Osborn, R.N., C.B., to the PRINCE of KuNg. Peking, Oct. 15, 1863. “Your Royal Highness, I have the honour to request that you will be pleased to furnish me officially, and in writing, with your decision relative to the agreements entered into between your agent, Mr. Horatio N. Lay, C.B., Inspector-General, and myself. “The Inspector-General informs me that after a delay of four months and a half, during which time your Royal Highness has neither acknowledged a single letter nor referred to the agreements, Wansiang informed him formally that you intended to adhere to your manifest intention of ignoring all such agreements, as evinced in your instructions already addressed to me. “I may remind you that I have now been three weeks in Peking fruitlessly endeavouring to point out to the members of your Foreign-Office, through Mr. Lay, that your instructions to me are entirely contrary to the understanding under which Her British Majesty's Govern- ment permitted myself and others to agree to serve the Emperor of China, and that I declined to act except upon the terms explicitly laid down in our agreements. “To all these representations no attention has been paid. “I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to remind you of the circumstances under which the force I command has been placed at your disposal. Last year (1862) you applied in an unofficial form to the British Minister of Legation in Peking for assistance to procure men-of-war of an European construction; you were recommended to employ your own official, the Inspector-General, as the best agent. You set aside a large sum of money; you ordered the vessels, and you gave instructions to both Mr. Hart and Mr. Lay to procure not only ships, but proper officers and men to fight and manage them ; and, lastly, you furnished your Inspector-General with a formal authority to enter into all such agreements as he might think necessary to carry out the object you had in view. Upon the strength of that authority to your agent, and supported as your wishes were by the official representa- tions of His Excellency Sir F. Bruce, Her Majesty's Government were pleased to suspend in favour of China the Neutrality Act, and the Admiralty of Great Britain granted me and other officers permission to serve the Emperor of China for a stated period, and every assistance was given by all departments to aid the Emperor to carry out the wishes expressed in your instructions to Mr. Lay. “The Inspector-General having satisfied me that the powers you had given him were ample, I entered into certain agreements with him, subject to your ratification as Regent of China. It only remains for me to say that my power to maintain order and discipline in the force is now at an end, and that if I do not receive a favourable reply within forty-eight hours it will be necessary to immediately disband the force. “I have, &c., “Sherand Osborn.” No. 8. “CAPTAIN SHERARD Osborn, R. N., C. B., to His ExcelleNCY SIR F. BRUce, K.C.B., &c. - “Peking, Oct. 19, 1863. “Your Excellency, Prince Kung having failed to ratify the agreements entered into between Inspector-General H. N. Lay, C.B., and myself, it becomes necessary for me to disband the European-Chinese naval force. D d 2 374 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. “I have the honour to enclose you copies of the agreements in question, as well as all correspondence, and to request you will inform me whether you see any objection to my surrendering to Prince Kung the eight ships which I have brought out to this country. They are Imperial property, and I have no right to detain them; but I would submit that there might be some danger if vessels of so formidable a character were trusted to the rowdies and pirates now so numerous in Shanghai, and who, I dare say, are quite ready to serve the provincial authorities without agreements or guarantees. “Directly I receive Your Excellency's official instructions upon that point I shall, in conjunction with Mr. Lay, proceed to dissolve the force, sending the officers and men to England in detachments, and reporting all the circumstances to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and sending them an exact description of the ships, if you decide upon not surrendering them. “I have, &c., “Shenard Osborn." No. 9. “His ExcelleNoy Sir F. Bauce, K.C.B., to CAPTAIN Shen And OsbonN, R.N., C.B. British Legation, Peking, Oct. 20, 1863. Sir, I have received your letter with its enclosures, informing me of the refusal of the Prince of Kung to ratify the agreements entered into by his agent, Mr. Lay, and yourself, and of your consequent resolution to disband the force. “I have informed His Imperial Highness of my conviction that Her Majesty's Government would not have consented to the organisation of this powerful squadron had it not been on the understanding that it was to be placed under the orders of an officer in whose prudence and high character they had full confidence; and that I will not consent to the ships and stores being handed over to the Chinese Government without instructions to that effect from Her Majesty's Government. “I therefore request you to take measures for keeping them in deposit until the pleasure of Her Majesty's Government be known. “I am, &c., “FREDERick W. A. BRUcE.” No. 10. “CAPTAIN SHERARD Osborº N, R.N., C.B., to His ExcelleNoy SiR F. BRUCE, K.C.B. - “Peking, Oct. 27, 1863. “Sir, Consequent upon the receipt of Your Excellency’s letter of the 20th inst., in which you acquaint me you will not consent to the surrender of the ships and stores to the Emperor of China, and desire me to take measures for keeping them in deposit until the pleasure of Her Majesty's Government shall be known, the following questions have arisen in my mind, upon which I solicit your early instructions:— “1. If the Emperor of China should repudiate the arrangements recently sanctioned for the regular payment of this force, what steps am I to take to avoid selling the ships and stores according to the ioth article of my agreement 2 As Prince Kung has already repudiated his former instructions to Mr. Lay, I am compelled to anticipate the probability of his treating all his engagements in the same fashion. “2. Where shall I procure funds for the maintenance of the force, pending the orders of Her Majesty's Government? “I have, &c., “SHERARD Osborn.” No. 11. “His Excellescy Sir F. Bruce, K.C.B., to Captain Shekard OsbonN, R.N., C.B. “Peking, Nov. 6, 1863. “Sir-As you are aware, the scheme of keeping the ships of the flotilla in deposit, awaiting instructions from Her Majesty's Government, has been abandoned, and the Chinese Government has requested me to send the vessels to England to be disposed of. Feb. 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 375 His Imperial Highness expresses his thanks to yourself for the trouble to which you have been put in procuring the fleet and in bringing it out to China, and requests you to accept 1o,ooo taels in addition to your pay for the labour entailed upon you by it. “He further requests that the ships may be put under another flag. That, however, is a point which must be left to your discretion. I have, therefore, to request that you will take charge of the vessels and men, with a view to the disposal of the former in England or in India, as you think best. The officers and men to be sent home, and to be paid up to their arrival in England. “But as the contract may be construed to give them a claim for pay for three months after their arrival, or up to the 30th August, it will be advisable to obtain the opinion of counsel as to the liability of the Chinese Government, they having declined to accept the flotilla, on the ground of their agent having exceeded his authority in the conditions attached to the scheme, you will feel with me that our honour is involved in winding up this affair on terms as little onerous as possible to the Chinese Government. I will give instructions to the Consuls to contribute what may be required, out of the moneys received by them on the indemnity account, to meet such part of the expenses of sending the vessels home as the Chinese Government is unable to provide for. The sum so advanced will form a lien on the ships, and to be deducted from the expenses of sale, or set off against the ships and stores, should Her Majesty's Government decide on taking any of them back. “I think it but just to you to express my entire approbation of the honourable and dignified course you have pursued during the discussion of the question at Peking. An officer more alive to pecuniary advantages, less scrupulous as to the interests of Great Britain, and less careful of his own honour, might have admitted some unsatisfactory compromise as to his position, and might have trusted to an arbitrary exercise of the power wielded by him to have extricated himself from future embarrassments. By your firmness you have saved Great Britain from complications, and you have vindicated the honour of the British uniform in the eyes of the Chinese by refusing to accept an unbecoming position. However disappointing the result of your honourable wish to advance the course of progress in China, you have the consolation of knowing that you have gained the respect and approval of persons of every nation who are acquainted with the course you have pursued. “I am, Sir, your obedient, humble servant, “FREDERick W. A. BRUce.” (GENERAL MEMORANDUM.) “Tien-tsin, Nov. 9, 1863. “I have, with great regret, to inform the officers, seamen, and marines under my com- mand, that it has become necessary to send them to England in consequence of the Emperor of China having refused to ratify the agreement entered into between myself and his agent, Inspector-General H. N. Lay, C.B., upon the faith of the Prince Regent's instructions. “The Emperor wished to place the entire control and disposition of the squadron under the irresponsible authority of the provincial Mandarins, and to supersede me as Commander- in-Chief, leaving it to the local Mandarins to form as many squadrons of European vessels as they might see fit, under different officers and under different systems of pay and discipline. “Were I to accept such a position for this force, and thus take service under provincial and subordinate Chinese officials, instead of under the Emperor of China, I should violate the spirit and word of Her Most Gracious Majesty's Order in Council, and act in disregard of the wishes of Her Majesty’s Government, forgetful of every pledge I gave before I under- took the organisation of the squadron. “To surrender ourselves to the irresponsible orders of local Mandarins would certainly make us participators in acts of plunder and cruelty, which would bring disgrace upon us as -British officers and seamen. “I have, therefore, had no hesitation in refusing to depart from the terms laid down long before we left England. 376 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [Feb. 3, 1864. “Provided the crews continue to conform to the rules and regulations of their agreement, they will be kept upon full pay until their arrival in England, and receive whatever further sum they may be justly entitled to under its conditions. “It only remains for me to cordially thank the captains, commanders, officers, seamen, and marines of the squadron, for their hearty support and excellent conduct during the time the vessels have been in commission, and to wish them a pleasant and speedy passage to their homes. “SHERAnd Osborn, Captain, Royal Navy.” “Cheefoo, Nov. 14, 1863. “Sir, We, the captains and commanders of the European-Chinese navy, consider it but just to you to state formally that the course you have deemed right to pursue, in disbanding the said force, has only served to strengthen those feelings of reliance and respect which induced us to take service under you. “And further, that by your firmness with the Chinese Government in refusing to act under any other authority than that of the Emperor himself, you have saved us from an essentially false position, one which could only have been as repugnant to our own feelings as it would have been to yours. “We are, Sir, your most obedient servants, “Hugh T. BungoyNE, V.C., Peking. “C. S. Forbes, Keangsoo. “S. MoRIARTY, Ballarat. “Noel Osborn, China. “AlleN YouNg, Quantung. “G. B. Nicholas, Tien-tsin. “D. CRUikshank, Thule. “To Captain Sherard Osborn, C. B., Commander-in-Chief, European-Chinese Navy.” ART. WI-Summary of the News of the Month from China and Japan. The official papers which we have published relative to the Lay-Osborn expedition will have prepared our readers for the necessary result of Mr. Lay's scheme, his dismissal from the Imperial employ. The following is a copy of the despatch from the Foreign Board to the Ministers of England, Russia, and United States (in Peking):— “The Prince of Kung has to inform the Foreign Ministers that Mr. Lay, the Inspector- General of Customs, having been commanded to conduct the purchase of steam vessels, has failed to act in conformity with his instructions, and has thus entailed the waste of the pecuniary resources of the Chinese Government. He has further to remark, that any person whom the Chinese Government may employ must be capable of so conducting busi- ness on behalf of this Government as to ensure its advantage in every way, if he is to be invested with authority for the administration of affairs. Now in the case of Mr. Lay, he has been in the receipt of a salary from the Chinese Government to the amount of upwards of Io, ooo taels per annum, and has been treated with constant liberality. Yet having been commanded to arrange the affair of the steamers, he has failed to do so properly and satis- factorily, and he has uselessly wasted the revenues of the State. “Were he a Chinese subject he would undoubtedly be amenable to punishment; but inas- much as he is a subject of your honourable nation (Great Britain), what is right is that he should be directed to return to your honourable (i.e. his own) country; and as regards the THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. IX. MARCH 3, 1864. ART. I.-The Mythology of the Dayaks of Banjer-masing. By A GERMAN MissionARY. Public religious services are nowhere to be found among the Dayaks. Hence we never meet with consecrated spots, groves, or indeed buildings dedicated to public worship. The notions of the Dayaks regarding the other world are vague and confused, and are often contradictory. But on one point they all agree, viz. that there are good and evil spirits. Of the good they have two classes:— I. Spirits of the higher world, called Sengiang. II. Spirits of the lower world, called Djata. The Dayak borrows his ideas of the higher world from the one in which he lives. There are mountains, valleys, rivers, lakes, &c., in it; and the boundary of the regions over which each spirit rules is defined by the rivers, which intersect the country. I. The good spirits of the higher world. 1. Hatalla (God) is the chief of all good and evil spirits. He rules supreme everywhere, and does what he pleases. The whole universe must honour him and obey his commands. He dwells on Bukit ngantong gadang, “ the floating and constantly progressing mountain,’ situated on a large, magnificent river. Hatalla is tonggal, i.e. there is only one Hatalla; but he has a wife, whom, however, he may dismiss and marry another whenever he pleases. He has seven daughters and one son. The most distinguished of his daughters is Padadary, the Goddess of Divination and Reading' (betenung), and is zealously worshipped by diviners and men of learning. Omban bulau, the son of Hatalla, is particularly worshipped on the conclusion of perkaras, by diving (hateser). - 2. The god who ranks next to Hatalla is Radja Ontong, ‘the King of Fortune, also called Radja Blawang Bulau, i.e. ‘the King at the Gate of Gold, and his wife Puter Sawawalang Langit. Radja Ontong is constantly overburdened with work; his hands are never suffered to rest. Bulau, e e 380 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. salaka, blanga, garantong, i.e. ‘gold, silver, vessels, copper-drums,’ are always being applied for, each person being anxious to get the largest share of these articles. But though the store of treasures of Radja Ontong is immense, even inexhaustible, he is not permitted to distribute them arbitrarily; for before he gives away any of these precious things to the suppliants, he must apply to Hatalla for his consent, which is only then given when all the preliminaries have been conducted in the proper manner, which is not often the case. Radja Ontong being so much harassed by the fortune-seeking Dayaks, leave has been given him to present his applications in writing, it being impossible for him to go on every occasion in person to Hatalla and ask his consent. 3. The spirits of the third rank are, Tempon-telon, Sangumang, Bapa-palok, Tempon-kanarean, Menyamei, Radja Hantangan, Sakanak, and Lilang. These spirits are nearest related to man, and the arbitrators of his fate. Tempon-telon, “the slave-owner,’ is the guardian of the dead. On the tiwah, ‘the funeral festival,' the priests must hand over to him all the souls of the departed, whom his slave, Telon, embarks in the iron vessel benama sanaman, and conducts them to lewu-liau, “the dwelling of the soul,” also called lewu- kawawohan bulau, i.e. ‘the extreme golden boundary city,' sometimes called batang danum katambuan nyaho, i.e. ‘the river above the thunder.” “The passage to lewu-liau,” says the priest Pagandja of Palinkau, “leading close along hell, it is absolutely necessary to have an iron vessel, as every other ship would be destroyed by fire, when passing that dangerous spot.” Sangumang is very powerful, rules over a large district, and is next to Tempon-telon, the most honoured among his colleagues. Times are fixed for the worshipping of each of the preceding spirits; but in none do they place so much confidence as in Tempon-telon and Sangumang. Another good spirit, almost equal in rank to the last enumerated, is Djarang-hawang, who resides close to the sea, on the promontory of an island called Hudjong panderan. This spirit is paham abas (very strong), and may be called the Hercules of the Dayaks. His duties correspond to his strength, for all that is difficult and requires gigantic strength must be performed by him; and it would be impossible for Tempon-telon and Sangumang, though themselves possessed of enormous strength, to discharge their duties satisfactorily without him. 4. The Antang (Kolong, large bird of prey). One might think it im- possible for him to be a spirit, for he is not tagoh (spear and ball proof), and has besides a large portion of flesh and bones, as a dissection amply proves. It may appear thus to a foreigner, the Dayaks reason quite differently, and are fully convinced, that their red Antang (the white and black species are less revered and worshipped) is a good prophet at home, and on a journey a faithful guide and protector. He is not of so humble descent as one might fancy when seeing him flying about and greedily devouring rats, frogs, and other reptiles, which are in general detested by people of rank. The tato (ancestor) of the noble Antang tribe is Sambila-tiong, the son of a wealthy and powerful Kahaian chief of former times. This Sambila-tiong is said to 382 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. when this prayer was rising higher and higher, and the guests were becoming more ardent and fervent, then, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye. was Sambila-tiong transformed into an Antang, and was seen fluttering with his long red wings over the heads of the bliangs and the olo magah liau, until he reached the door, through which he passed into the open air, when he soared on high, made a few circles around the Kampong, and retired at last into the mountains along the quiet shores of the danaus (lakes), whence his numerous descendants extended not only over the island of Borneo, but over the whole Indian archipelago. The Antang has from that time been the object of veneration and worship among the Dayaks, who consult him on all important occasions, and never venture on a journey without having first asked his consent. This he gives to his devotees by his very significant flight. Having obtained his sanction, they express their gratitude by giving him a royal repast, after which they commence their journey, utterly indifferent about the things they may meet with, firmly believing that their protector will always be at hand and afford them protection in the moment of danger. Wherever a Dayak meets an Antang, he recognises in him an old friend and countryman, who, though raised to a higher rank and station, still takes the deepest interest in the fate of his family, and delights in a friendly and confidential intercourse with them. They only differ on one point, and that concerns the chickens, of which the red prophet is very fond, and of which he carries many a one to his kale tanggiran (very high tree). The Dayaks on seeing him descending from his inaccessible castle, the bright sky, in order to pay a visit to the young chickens, run to the door of the house and call on him at the top of their voices to spare them. Sometimes he will listen to their entreaties, but at another he will coolly take his prey and depart. To salute him with shot would be wicked, or as some think useless, as he is tonsidered ball proof. The people were not a little astonished when once they saw one of their nabis answering to a small charge of shot, which brought him down from a high tree with his breakfast in his claws. “Hau matei kea, iii /" (Ah, he is dead indeed!) they exclaimed, when a young Chinaman brought him forth from the grass. 5. The spirits of the water. The number of Djatas is said to be as large as the number of rivers and streamlets of the island of Borneo; and so great is their power, that, should their influence in any way suffer, the whole population of Borneo would soon vanish away; for it is they who give children. Women who have spent years in retirement, crying on account of their barrenness, will often apply to them and sacrifice a goat or a buffalo in a quiet, secluded spot on the banks of a river, where Djata is always ready to receive the presents of his devotees, and to grant their humble prayers. Should any of these women have which lasts seven days after the forty of preparation, is called the labour of sorrow or sufferings, whilst the introduction of the purified soul into the state of bliss is called the labour of rapture. MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 383 property, and be able to add to the sacrifice one of those terrific concerts, conducted by the bliangs, who on such occasions spare not their lungs, then she may rest assured that her solitude will have an end, and that her sorrow and shame will soon be converted into maternal joy. Here follow a few names of river-spirits. The spirit of the Pulopetak river is called Sultan Kuning; those of the Antasan canal, Radja Kudong and Raden Panambahan; that of the Kapuas river, Andin maling guna. From the etymology of the names, it would appear that the Djatas have been introduced into Borneo by the Malays, which becomes more probable from the fact, that they are said to be entirely unknown in the interior. II. The evil spirits of the higher world. 1. Of these, the one they dread most of all is Radja Sial, “King of Misfortune,' who resides directly opposite Radja Ontong, on the left estuary of the river, which forms the boundary of the dominion of the King of Fortune. Radja Sial is fond of torturing mankind with every sort of adversity, misfortune, sickness, &c.; hence their great dread of him, and their anxiety to reconcile him by means of the sacrifice of pigs, and to induce him to favour them with a friendly glance. 2. Another wicked spirit is Kamiak, who flies about in the shape of a bird, and is particularly noted for injuring pregnant women. He confines the young offspring so closely in their hidden abode, that none would ever make their appearance in this world, were it not for the precaution of the women with child, who prepare and keep in readiness a sacrifice of rice, pork, and chicken, and put the same in a small house about six to eight feet in circumference, suspending it on a tree close to the river, in order to propitiate his wicked heart, and obtain his permission for the young children to enter this world. 3. A third wicked spirit, who has no fixed residence, is Radja Hantuen, “King of Sorcery,’ also called Radja Dohong. People who come into contact with him receive the same epithet, and are called Hantuen. Nobody in this world is more dangerous than a person pursued by this spirit. As soon as the King of the Day has hid himself behind the impenetrable forests of the west, and darkness has spread her veil over the face of the earth, then the Hantuen begins his terrible depredations. He retires to a solitary place, divests himself of his body, and then flies (consisting only of head and entrails), like the whizzing of the wind, over mountains and valleys, digs up the graves, and consumes the heart of the dead; or he sneaks into the sleeping apartments, approaches men on their bed, and sucks the last drop out of their veins, leaving nothing but the lifeless body. But when the plaintive note of the bird Tantuit, on the banks of the murmuring brook, announces the approach of a new morning, then returns the cruel Hantuen, drunk with the blood of man, to his cold, icy trunk, and mixes again with the crowd of his fellow men, whom he only a few hours ago so treacherously attacked and so barbarously preyed upon. There happened to be a Hantuen in Mentangei, who had nearly perished on her dangerous nocturnal excursions. She was a young woman, and had 384 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. devoted herself to the Hantuen. One night she wandered along the Kapuas river, but had gone so far that she was unable to reach her hollow trunk before the rising of the sun. To avoid being overtaken and killed by the rays of the sun, she had no alternative but to take refuge in the nearest place which presented itself. She had not proceeded far, when she came to a house, which she entered, and concealed herself in a suspended basket, in which a hen was sitting on her eggs. The poor creature was so frightened at the approach of the loathsome apparition, that she flew from her nest, but made a dreadful noise, in order to rid herself of the impudent intruder, who had so unceremoniously taken possession of her favourite spot. An old slave woman, attracted by the noise of the hen, cautiously approached the basket, but was horror-struck when she discovered the Hantuen. “Come near,” said the latter to the trembling woman, “you may do me a great service, and I will amply reward you for it. Put me in the butah (a small basket), which you carry on your back, and carry me into yonder house. You will find some men assembled, who often hold bichara there ; do not be afraid, but go straightway through the middle of the house, until you reach the open door opposite the entrance into the house; pass through the same, lock the door after you, crawl behind the djankut (window curtain) and put me down, I will pay your debt of forty florins and you shall regain your liberty.” This was too tempting an offer for the old woman. Though still trembling at the sight of the Hantuen (liberty is too precious, even to an old woman, to be rejected), she placed the butah on the ground, took the loathsome object out of the suspended basket, put it into her butah, and hastened to the house pointed out to her by the Hantuen. On entering the house she found indeed a number of men assembled, several of whom asked her, “ Kasen ikau ?” (Whither are you going 2) She gave a short evasive answer, and hurried towards the room described by the Hantuen. Having entered the same and carefully locked the door after her, she crawled tremblingly towards the window curtain, behind which she found the lifeless trunk of the Hantuen lying on a mat. With the head and entrails on her back, and the cold, icy trunk before her, she felt as if she were standing in a grave, and a cold sweat covered her whole body. She put down her butah and hastened away, having no desire to see more of the monstrous apparition. After about half-an-hour the Hantuen was seen moving about in the house, nobody being able to discover any traces of what had transpired, beyond a pale, ghastly look. Next day the old woman was liberated from slavery, and rejoiced at having carried the Hantuen. Another person, who had pursued his nocturnal avocations for many years, did not fare so well. Being unable to catch him on his wanderings, the people resolved to put an end to his practice of torturing mankind, and to punish him in open daylight. There happened to be a grand festival, and the guests were beginning to feel the effect of the copious draughts they had taken, when the person who was suspected of having intercourse with Hantuen, entered the house, and harmlessly shared in the conviviality. He MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 385 had, however, hardly seated himself, when one of the guests began making some observations respecting his habits, and endeavoured to incite the whole party against him. The word Hantuen was the signal for the attack on the unfortunate man, and had scarcely been uttered, when all the mandaus were unsheathed and stained with the blood of the suspected individual. Several of the murderers, who thought they had performed a meritorious work, were still in prison when Goldmann was governor of Banjer, others were living as late as 1846. He who is imprudent enough to call a Dayak Hantuen, may rest assured that revenge will not slumber until he has become a victim of his own temerity. 4. The evil spirits of the forest. The Dayaks have a great number of mountain-spirits, and every tree is inhabited by at least one of them. The names of the principal spirits are, Idjin Nyaring, who has fiery red hair, and is said to be quite a Judas; Kariau, a dwarf and thorough rascal; Pudjut, with an oblong head; and Bahutei, who has no permanent form, but constantly changes, appearing either in the form of a dog, a pig, a stag, or a buffalo. These constant changes make it difficult to recognise him, on which account he may be considered the most dangerous of all the evil spirits. Many a time a person chases a stag or a hog, with the lance in his hand, until he is tired and fatigued, and yet unable to kill, wound, or catch the animal. When at last his breath begins to fail, and exhausted from his exertions he sinks to the ground, he will often make the discovery that he has been chasing Bahutei, who now, after the long game he has played, is burning with revenge, and determined to make the impudent hunter pay as dearly as possible for his daring pursuit. A few years ago, a young Dayak of Pulopetak, called Kassim, was paying a visit to Banjer. On his way back he saw a large white boar quietly strolling on the bank of the Banjer river. “Come,” said Kassim to his companions, “let us surround and kill him.” His proposal acted on the minds of his comrades like an electric battery. Having seized the necessary weapons and tied the prauw to a projecting branch of a tree, they jumped out of their boat. Kassim was the first who reached the bank, and the boar not being particularly swift on his legs, Kassim tried to overtake and kill him before his comrades should have arrived. In a few minutes he had the pleasure of facing the boar; and in the hope of being able to despatch him with a single stroke, he raised his lance with both hands and thrust it with all his power against the animal. However, he missed him, and had nearly lost his balance and fallen to the ground. Kassim was not discouraged by the failure, and the boar did not appear to be particularly anxious to get away, but proceeded slowly a short distance in advance of his assailant, whose zeal and ardour he answered by an occasional grunt and a side look, as if expecting another attack. This was soon made, but with no better success than the first; nor were his comrades more successful. Tired and 386 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. disappointed, they returned to their boat; but instead of regaling themselves on a piece of well-roasted pork, they had to eat their rice with no other seasoning than a little sambal and blasan (pounded and putrified crabs). It having now become dark, they resolved to spend the night where they were ; but had scarcely retired to rest, when Kassim began to dream, and so terribly, that all his limbs trembled. And what did he dream He saw the white boar coming straightway towards him, carrying on his back a terrific rider, who casting a penetrating and reprimanding look at Kassim, addressed him with the following words:—“Behold,” he said, pointing to the boar, “this is my hadjaran (horse). You have chased it and endeavoured to kill it; but fortunately for you that you did not touch it, for had you done so, you should have paid with your life for your temerity. And even now, take my advice and hasten away; should you tarry any longer, then you shall not depart unpunished.” Having said these words, horse and rider disappeared, and Kassim awoke almost frightened out of his wits. On the dawn of the day, when Aurora reflected her golden and purple colours in the water, the discomfited party prepared to quit the unfortunate spot. But how to get away 2 How to get to the mouth of the river Lopak There was a strong head wind, and the waves struck forcibly against their frail vessel. However great the fear of Kassim was, and however anxious all were to get away from that ominous spot, they could do nothing but remain and await the issue of their fate. Now came Bahutei's turn. It had hardly become dark, when the threat of the rider on the white boar, who could be nobody but Bahutei himself, was literally fulfilled. Kassim’s arms were suddenly seized with the most excruciating pain, and his hands became so lame, that he was utterly unable to move them. On his return to Pulopetak he came to the Rev. Mr. Beeker and applied for medicine. All endeavours to restore unto him the use of his hands were in vain; and though a youth of twenty, he had to be fed like a little child. Though Bahutei, by his power to assume any form he likes, becomes a great nuisance, as he can constantly annoy and trouble mankind, yet he is not so dangerous as his allies, Idjin, Nyaring, Kariau, and Pudjut, who un- expectedly surprise their victim, and without ceremony fix themselves in his heart, so that from that moment he becomes a fool, and performs all manner of queer and strange acts. A person possessed of such a spirit should be carefully avoided, particularly when he is in possession of a knife or a spear; for when once enraged, his wrath knows no bounds, and his strength is most extraordinary. The chief, Demang Surak of Mentangei, and two of his relatives, were not many years ago most cruelly murdered by such a madman. Demang had a bichara, which was attended by a large number of men, who were all sitting around him in a circle. The madman had seated himself on the side of Demang, taking for a while an active part in the conversation. When at last his conduct drew upon him a few reproving words from the host, he cast a fierce glance around him, and observing a spear hanging on the wall, he rose unexpectedly, seized it, and killed Demang - MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 387 on the spot; and before they were able to secure him, or to effect their escapes, he had killed two more of the chief's relatives. They succeeded at last in wrenching the murderous weapon from him; and being now defence- less, his fate was soon sealed. They tied him to a tree before the house of the chief, where he was most savagely assailed by the enraged widow, who, after having inflicted many tortures on him, thrust at last the same weapon, with which he had killed her husband, into his own heart. The trees, which are considered the abodes of evil spirits, are called pahewan (inapproachable), and a Dayak would never venture to direct an axe against one, however much he may be in want of timber. It was during the dry season, that one of the missionaries required some timber, and as none could be brought down from the highland, he resolved to attack a grove of trees which were considered pahewan. The trees were public property, and the timber most excellent, even better than that brought down from the highland. What wrong then could there be in giving the Dayaks an un- mistakable proof of the folly of their superstitious notions? Might they not gain courage, and doubt the silly legends of their lying priests and bliangs 2 Thus reasoned the missionary with himself, and proceeded then, at the head of a few Pagans, to the dreaded spot. But neither money nor words could induce the trembling Dayak to level his axe against one of the trees;—the missionary had to do it himself. He asked for an axe, and having applied it only for a few minutes, the tree came down with a tremendous crack and noise. But no spirit appeared, and nothing occurred which might have confirmed them in their superstition. The missionary now flattered himself with the hope that he had expelled the dread of evil spirits, and that in future a Dayak would no longer consider a grove pahewan; but he was greatly mistaken and soon disabused. “Ikau olo baputi, ikei olo ngadju” (you are a white man, but we are Dayaks), which was as much as to say, We cannot do what you do. Other trees fell, but not their fear, which can only be removed by the word of God. Resident Ondaatje, when on a visit to Pulopetak, ordered a large tree, which was said to be the assembling-place of evil spirits, to be cut down. Nothing happened on that day; the second passed equally without any accident, nobody experiencing any evil consequences of the sacrilegious act. A few days afterwards, however, no less than three of Patih's family were taken ill, and died. The following night, after the Patih had retired to rest, Nyaring appeared to him, and with a terrific countenance he raised his right hand against the trembling chief, as if intending to destroy him. “Well,” said the Patih, “what do you want of me? Why are you so enraged, and why have you killed those innocent men in my house P’’ “That is for cutting down the tree, my dwelling-place,” replied the spirit. “I did not cut down the tree,” said the Patih, “the Tuan Resident and the Tuan Pandita have done that.” “The Resident has left,” replied the spirit, “and I dare not approach the Pandita, and I cannot find his house; hence I punish you, the chief, for the offence.” The Patih, terrified at what had happened, took * 388 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. recourse to the customary ceremonies, by which he hoped to propitiate the enraged spirit. Next day a gun was fired, the bliangs were called, large pigs killed, and gigantic jars of tuak (strong liquor) were placed on a large mat in the centre of the house, and neither trouble nor expenses were spared to reconcile the offended spirit and to prevent further misfortune. It once happened, that several Dayaks left Palinkau for the Mengkatip river, in order to fetch firewood. One of the party was so severely injured by the fall of a tree, that he suffered the most excruciating pain, and died a few days after the accident had taken place. From that time the Dayaks declared the place where the accident occurred extremely bewitched. How could the crime of approaching it be propitiated The friend of the deceased, who had assisted in cutting down the tree, followed the example of the Patih. He killed a pig, carried a large portion of it to the place of terror, reconciled the deceased with the offended spirit, and manyaki (sancti- fied) himself, because he had assisted in cutting down the tree. 5. The evil spirits of the earth. The evil spirits of the earth are called Kluti. Could they be collected together, they would constitute a formidable army; but being scattered over the surface of the whole earth, and in many places residing rather deeply in the interior of it, there is no danger of ever seeing them assembled in one place. They are described by the Dayaks as very warlike, but direct their bows and arrows principally against the females. Kamiak endeavours, as we have seen, to achieve his object by keeping the terrestrial in a nine months' confinement, in order to banish every thought of liberty out of his brain, and to compel him to look upon the land of freedom as a dream. The Kluā pursue a different course. They quietly await the moment when the young terrestrial is about to see the land of liberty, when suddenly they come from their hiding-places, seize him by the neck, and lo! they have caused pahingen (abortion). The women, whom legend has in general well acquainted with their dangerous foe, take therefore early precautions, and use every artifice and trick to deceive them. They accomplish this by giving them fair promises of regaling them at a splendid entertainment, when pork, chicken, rice, &c., shall be in abundance. They generally keep their promise faith- fully according to their capacity. There is one more evil spirit who deserves notice. His name is Kukang. He does not trouble himself much about mankind so long as they are living, but as soon as the soul has breathed her last in this world, and after much roaming about in the island, and after many struggles with the host of the spirits of the air, forests, and earth, commences her journey to the place of rest, then has the moment arrived, when Kukang begins his hostilities. Armed with spear and arrow, and burning with desire to assail the quietly advancing wanderer, he proceeds to the middle of the road, just where it takes a sharp bend, and there, at the corner, where escape is impossible, he will stand watching day and night, without sleep or rest, that nobody may have an opportunity of stealing along and deprive him of the pleasure of MARCH 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 389 trying his sharp, well-pointed weapon on him. If the person has been a rascal, he may rest assured that his soul will not get along, for the lundju of the Kukang will destroy him for ever; but if the soul is that of an olo bahalap or olo budjur (of a good and honest man), though it must fight with Kukang, it will be victorious, and reach the place of its destination in safety. A certain Tomonggong Djahong had once a hard fight with Kukang. Those weapons, which are generally used by the soul, were here of no avail, and could not effect a passage for the chief, who being better accustomed to those arms, which he had used during his life on earth (and though now dead for several hours), he returned once more to his body, rose from his bed, and walked about in the house. When asked by his family, “Buhen balang P” (Have your plans failed 2) he answered, “The Kukang had nearly smashed me to atoms, and it was impossible to pass the dangerous spot. I have therefore returned to fetch my old lundju, which has so often done me such excellent service. We must then see whether I cannot conquer that cursed Kukang, and whether the point of my lundju will not penetrate his almost invulnerable chest.” Having taken the spear from the wall, he stretched himself out on his bed, placed the weapon on his side, and closed his eyes never to open them again. A short while afterwards the lundju was seen rising from the ground, and striking the wall with tremendous force, thus indicating that the struggle with Kukang had been resumed. This movement of the spear was repeated several times, after which it remained sticking in the wall. When all was quiet, the weapon was extracted from the wall, and was found stained with blood. The family and friends of the Tomonggong concluded from this that he had conquered the Kukang and reached lewu-liau in safety. Nobody, however, thought Kukang to have died of the wound, and that in future the road to the place of bliss could be passed without trouble and danger. Alas! he soon recovered and returned to his post, more addicted to mischief and fiercer than ever before. The ceremonies performed on the occasions of worshipping the spirits of the higher world are called sangen, and are nothing but a rehearsal of the history of the spirit, in honour of whom the festival is celebrated. These legends are on particular occasions, and at short intervals, interwoven with addresses and prayers to the spirit, and delivered in a chanting voice. Those well versed in the legends and able to deliver them correctly and gracefully according to ancient tradition, and with a well measured modula- tion of the voice, may become priests or olo magah liau (guides of the soul). There are three or four of these in Pulopetak. Their functions are regulated neither by time nor law, but depend on circumstances and casualities, by which the people are induced to give large parties, as described in the preceding pages. The most important festival is the tiwah, which generally lasts seven days, and from which the priest derives an income of from thirty to forty florins. The priest is also called for the mapas pali (purifications), which become necessary after the burial of the dead, the appearance of a snake, &c. They require his services for the blaku ontong (prayer for luck); 392 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. 85. Chang Shang # #2 The well married man. His wife was combing her hair while he pursued his studies, and observing that her eye- brows were not perfect, he arranged them with the hair-pencil he held in his hand, supplying their defects with the ink. 86. Siau Tsing # # The restored to boyhood. Being aged, he took again to eating sesame (food of children), and became a youth again. People wondered, and asked him how it was; he answered that he knew not; but when his food was examined, it was discovered that he only ate sesame, which was the cause of the transformation. *—1–a 87. Kwan Ning, Wa Hin '#' Iſſ, # #k The dissimilar fellow- students. Two students were companions in bed and board. One night, while working in the kitchen-garden, Kwan Ning dug up a bar of gold, to which he paid no attention; but Wa Hin took possession of it, and was reproved for his covetousness. An officer, passing in great state before the door, during their studies, Wa Hin went out to see him pass, upon which his companion cut their sleeping-mat in two, not choosing to be the intimate friend of a person whose habits were so unlike his own. - ++ I(, , , - 88. Hua To #, | tº The skull surgeon. This was a famous surgeon who cut out venemous wounds, opened bodies, to cure diseases of the intestines, &c. Being called in by a minister, who had a headache, he promised to cure him; but for that purpose, his skull must be opened, and his brains washed. Filled with indignation at the proposal, the minister ordered him to be imprisoned; being well treated by the jailer, and knowing that he had been condemned to death, he delivered to the keeper his books and the secrets of his art. When Hwa To had been executed, the jailer gave up his office, pretending that he was going home to study his books, which he had sent to his house. On reaching home, he was surprised to find his wife burning his inheritance, of which only a few leaves escaped, containing instructions for gelding animals. When he enquired of his wife the reason for her behaviour, she said, “That you might not follow the surgeon to the scaffold, as you wished to follow him in his profession.” Hwa To is now worshipped, as the patron of doctors. 89. Ni Hang # {j The intrepid man. When a favourite minister wished to employ him, he answered, “If you wish to advance me, it is not for your own service, but that of the king.” Displeased with the language, the minister ordered him to beat the audience-drum, because that was in the king's service; he promptly obeyed, but did so with his person naked. The minister reprimanded him for his indecency, when he replied, “My body is as pure and perfect as when my mother bare it, and can cause no disgust to others, nor shame to me; but then, I know not how thou canst show thyself with a heart as corrupted as thine.” On hearing this, the minister being advised to kill him, dared not, on account of the esteem in which he was held MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 393 for his uprightness, and so transferred him to a general. On his arrival, the general did not rise up to receive him; he wept, and being asked the cause of his weeping, said, “I have been deceived; I have been visiting a dead body.” The general asked, “How *" he answered, “A dead body is that which does not rise.” Exasperated by this language, the general ordered him to be killed. - 90. Hien human Iff }. To carry bracelets in the mouth to recompense. A man called Yang Pu (the father of Yang Chin, No. 71), going over a field, met with a bird that was destroying another, and coming up, took the weaker bird home, and healed it in a hundred days. In gratitude for this kindness, the bird took flight, and returned not, till one day it brought four bracelets in its mouth, after which it came back no more. 91. Chau Kiun H} # The musical concubine (B.C. 32). When the barbarians entered Tan-yu from the west, to attack China, affairs being almost hopeless, peace was made on the condition that a princess should be given them in marriage; but, to elude this condition, the emperor ordered Wu Yen-shau AK *If ; to paint the portraits of all the concubines, in order to deliver the ugliest, for which he should be duly recompensed. When he came to paint the pretty Chau Kiun, he did it carelessly, expecting nothing from her. When the pictures were presented, Chau Kiun being deemed the ugliest, was delivered to the barbarians. She went playing on her guitar, in which she was dexterous. On reaching the frontier, the wild geese came to admire her beauty; and she knowing they were returning to the court, delivered to them a letter. After she had passed some years with the king, he died; and according to the laws, his concubines passed to his son. Shocked with this abomination, she died of grief; and the plants which grew on her tomb were green, while those on the other parts of the hill were red. The legends differ as to this story, some asserting that the painter having drawn for the barbarian king a faithful portrait of her, he determined to conquer the country (to possess her). *L* 92. Mang Kwang # % The man of the raised goblet. There was an ugly girl so poor that she used a thorn instead of a hair-pin ; but so strong was she, that she lifted the heavy pestle, and ground the rice. She longed for a handsome and attentive husband; and when presents were made her without becoming respect, she disdained them. But a handsome youth, it with both hands to the height of her eyebrows, accepted it, married him, and they were a happy couple for fourscore years. named Liang Hung % ï coming to offer her a goblet of wine, she raised ript 93. Tiau Shen # # The clever songstress (A. D. 190). One of the singing girls of Wang Yun, the minister of Hien-ti, the last emperor of the Han dynasty. Seeing that the minister did not eat, she enquired the reason; 394 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. and after telling her that important matters are not confided to women, he gave way, and informed her that a rebellion had broken out, at the head of which was the general Tung Chö # #i. The girl replied, “I have an excellent plan; call the general, and offer me as your daughter; and as soon as I am conveyed away, call his son, Lü Pu, and tell him you meant to give him your daughter, but that against your will, the father, old as he was, had interfered, and carried her off, and he (the son) must see what help there is for it.” When this plan was arranged, and the same night the general had gone to his palace, the girl found an opportunity of talking most lovingly to the son, who wished to kill his father. When he had done this, the govern- ment became eager to proceed against the remainder of the rebels, and the general's son, as one of them, went into the field; while the girl, pretending passionate love, determined, at all hazards, to accompany him, and to prevent him from exhibiting his military talents, which were much to be feared. At last, the new general was surrounded, and in endeavouring to pass the troops with the girl, he was captured; but her fate was never known. 94. Shū, Chu-kö Liang #, # }} Jº The man feared after death. He was a general in Sz-chuen during the rule of the After Han dynasty (A. D. 220), who came to succour Nanking against the people of the north. The general-in-chief, in a naval battle, wishing to burn the enemy's fleet, could not do so, as the wind blew from the north-west, which was contrary, and he fell sick in consequence. When Chu-kö heard this, he said to the general, “I can cure your disease; I know it is caused by the wind being opposed to your plans, but I will change it to the south-east, and your affliction will be over.” He went out, caused the wind to change, and the battle was won; as this happened on the twenty-first day of the eleventh month, to this time, a south-east wind prevails on that day. When the battle was gained, the general pursued the enemy from Nanking, and in the meantime Chu-kö fortified himself with his followers in King Chau #|| }}|. now in Hu-pé, which the Nanking general could not understand; so, still fearing him, he asked him to restore the land he had taken till he could obtain some other; but he broke his word, and gave no restitution. After many undertakings, seeing one night, from the rays of his star (star of his fate), that his death was at hand, in order to provide against it, and to stop the declination of the star," he lighted forty-nine candles (which at the present time are placed on a pile of rice), and they were to continue burning for seven days; but seeing the hurry of his general Wei Yen # #|E, to inform him of the approach of the enemy, he thoughtlessly gave a kick to the vessel which held the lights, and they were extinguished, and Chu died. He ordered that seven grains of rice should be placed in his mouth, that his body might not putrify, and that when his hands were put into his sleeves, two pigeons should be placed within, sewed up, and (the body) left on the field of battle. When the enemy's general arrived, seeing the sleeves moved by the MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 395. pigeons, and fancying that he was saluted, he, being in a great fright, withdrew, not knowing whether he carried his head on his shoulders. Having heard that Chu-kö was really dead, he was still afraid to advance, but sent a general forward, who passing by a narrow strait, all the bows there buried, shot at him, each one with ten arrows, and he was destroyed, with all his followers. While Chu-kö was alive, he observed, by the high cheek- bones of his general Wei, that he would prove unfaithful to his country. He called his adjutant Ma Tai # {\ and ordered him to kill the general whenever he should rebel; the adjutant asking him why he did not kill him at once, he answered, “Because he has not yet rebelled.” Chu-kö invented artillery, though he only used guns for signals. Returning from the conquest of Pegu, and reaching the river Lu-shwui ji Žk on the borders of China, he found himself surrounded by a thick fog, and heard many wailings. On enquiring from the inhabitants into the cause, he was told that they were uttered by the multitude of dead, killed by the pestiferous waters of the river, who could only pass safely at midnight; and that to disperse the fog, it was necessary to sacrifice forty-nine men to the river. Shocked with this barbarity, he invented loaves, bearing the human figure, each with a head and one hand, and threw forty-nine of them into the water, which dispersed the fog; and since this time, bread has been used for the same purpose in China. When in possession of a city, upon which the enemy was advancing in great numbers, he ordered that the few soldiers he had should be dressed as peasants, and employed in sweeping the street at the gate of the city, while he placed himself in the tower over the gate playing a guitar; when the opposing general arrived, struck with the good spirits of the player, he withdrew, fearing some snare. Chu-kö invented automaton coins and horses of wood, which moved by a twisting of the tongue, and were called Mii-niu liu-ma 7k 4. iſſ #. They served to convey provisions, which they carried within their bodies. El EEA 95. Kwan Yun chang § *zº # The Chinese Mars (A. D. 220). He was called Kwan on account of the long sword he used. He changed his name, which before was Fang, in consequence of having killed a man. He lived for some time with Liu Pi #|| {j and Chang Fi # #. as their adopted brother, in the peach orchard belonging to the house of the last mentioned, who was rich. A rebellion broke out, and the three raised a small army and seized a city; but the minister, who aspired to the empire, ordered them to be attacked, keeping Kwan, to further his own ends. The two having fled, he (the minister) took charge of the wife of Liu Pi. Being invited by the minister to his house, he said to him, “I will not serve you, but the emperor; and if I knew where my brothers are, I would join them.” The minister being angry, was told that he ought to have treated him as the brothers did, and he would also be loved as they: in consequence of this, he F f 2. 396 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. was brought to the palace, where a small chamber was given to him, and he was placed with lady Liu. For this reason he did not sleep, but passed all the night in study, which, when the minister noticed, he sent him some young girls, whom he transferred to the service of lady Liu. The minister wondered, but highly appreciated his conduct. At this time he had news of his friends, but would not leave until he had recompensed the minister. A war broke out; the imperial troops were defeated, and Kwan was asked to lend his aid. He conquered, and killed two of the enemy's generals. Returning, he visited the minister, that he might take leave and join his friends; but the latter, knowing his purpose, would not speak to him. The general, then giving up all he had received from the minister, went to his friends, who were in possession of King-chau, in Hu-kwang. Some time passed, when the minister having lost a battle, and in his retreat passing by King-chau, the friends prepared to attack him; but Kwan wishing to go forth to receive the minister, both of them opposed him on account of his acquaintance, lest any harm should happen. Kwan protested that there was no danger, and they mutually pledged their heads. When the minister saw Kwan, he asked him how he dared to do him any evil, who had treated him so kindly; while they were engaged in these discussions, the imperial troops passed, and Kwan, there being no help, offered his head, as he had agreed, but it was not accepted. When the two friends went to another country, he was beheaded for betraying the city that he governed, and he appeared headless in the sky, asking for his head, which was borne away in triumph. When a priest heard this, who had known him before he became a great man, he said, “Thou askest for thy head, but how many, whom thou hast beheaded, are asking for theirs?” Not knowing what to say, he blessed him with a bunch of feathers, and his head grew out of his body. The priest continued, “Preserve thy peace of mind, and thou shalt be a prince in the recesses of Buddha.” On this account he is venerated as a saint, and worshipped as the god of War, under the name of the emperor Kwan-ti. 96. Pā-chin-tu /\ Fiji |H|| The figure of the eight platoons; art of war. A king pursuing another in battle, on reaching a certain spot, saw a column of smoke, and imagined he was betrayed. He stopped, directed an examination to be made, and his men told him twice over they only saw nine stones regularly arranged. He went to see them, got lost among them, so that he did not remember his way out, when an old man appeared to him, and said, “When I saw thee enter the gate of death, I knew thou wast a lost man' Hadst thou come in by the gate of life, (a different entrance,) thou hadst easily got out. Thou wilt thus learn the power of my son-in-law, minister of the kingdom thou invadest.” So he conducted him out, and thereupon he desisted from his enterprise, and withdrew. 97. Wei, Tsau Tsz-kien #, *H +. #: The infant sage (A. D. 200). If we suppose that human knowledge fills ten measures, he possessed eight. The king intending to nominate him as his successor, it was not done, because March 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 397 at his death, the prince being governor of a province, seized the sceptre. Purposing to depose his brother, he came with an army, to which his brother opposed a yet larger one. The brother reproving him for attending the ceremony of the burial, he answered, that it was for that purpose he came. The prince replied, “You say so now, in sight of my army; know, you deserve death; but as you have the reputation of talent, you shall explain the proceeding of to-day, in a quatrain, while I take seven steps. This the child did, speaking this quatrain :- - #E AES ºf . - JJ M - - -4---- | }; fl. ii. - - re * ſiſ #| 3 #: - ++. jk #& H #. S.L. A:/ºr § Æ jī jà. “To boil beans with the twigs of their stalks, The beans in the boiler will sing their complaints; I spring from the same root as you, Why then would you have me boiled so quickly 2” The sister-in-law, named Yin Shi # Pº, who was captured in war, being very beautiful, and they mutually fond of each other, he was not able to win her; he therefore said, “My sister-in-law is another spirit of the river Lö, in Ho-nan,—to be seen, but not touched.” 98. Tsin, Yang yu #, #: if The transformed boy. When walking out with his nurse, he asked her to carry him to a neighbouring orchard, where having arrived, he began to dig in a certain place, and found a bracelet. His nurse wondered, and mentioned it to the owner of the orchard, who said, “I know who the child is; for some years ago, a son of mine died, who used to sport in the orchard with this bracelet, and here he left it buried.” 99. Han Shau # ; The secretary of the perfumes. Being secretary to a minister (A. D. 300), his daughter fell in love with him; and as the minister received fine perfumes from the foreign ambassadors, the girl gave some to the secretary; their fragrance having revealed the theft, the minister gave his daughter to the secretary in marriage. M. 1oo. Wang Jung =E }% The prudent youth. When he was seven years old, his companions climbed up a plum tree to eat plums, while he remained below. They wondering at it, he said, “When plums are gathered in the season of cummin, it is a proof that they are bad;” and in truth they could not eat them, for they were not ripe. (To be continued.) F f 2 398 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. ART. III.-A Sketch of the Mongolian Language and Literature, [translated from the German of H. CoNoN voN DER GABELENtz. By THE Editor.] The Mongolian language is divided into three principal dialects: 1. Mon- golian Proper; 2. Buriatic, the most uncultivated, and, until recently, the least known; 3. The Calmuck, or Ólötic. These dialects are very nearly allied to each other, both in roots and in their inflexion and grammatical construction; and they exhibit in both these respects points of relationship with the Turkish, the Tungusian, and the Finnish languages. As regards sounds, the Mongo- lian language has several peculiarities. It distinguishes two classes of vowels, the hard (a, o, u) and the soft vowels (e, b, ii), between which i stands. All the vowels of the same word must belong to the same class, so that the first —the radical—vowel governs the other—the inflexional—vowels. These vowel-classes exercise an influence too upon the form of the preceding conso- nants. The Mongolian language is written with one of the alphabets bor- rowed from the Uiguric, invented by Sadya Pandida. It is written from above downwards, and the lines follow from left to right. The declension of the noun is produced by particles attached. These are partly real postpositions, e. g. the genitive yin, u, un the dative dur, as the accusative yi, i ; the ablative etse; the instrumental luga, liige. There are special forms for the dative and the accusative, which have at the same time a possessive signification, viz. dat. dagan, degen, acc. hen, yien. The plural is shown by endings, either the ending of the word merely, or by the significa- tion of that ending, according as the word signifies an intelligent being or not. The gender is not indicated. There are no special forms to show the degrees of comparison in adjectives; to do this the construction in some mea- sure and the use of particles come in to aid. The pronouns are, bi, ‘I,’ chi, ‘thou;' bida, “we ;’ ta, “ you; the genitives of which serve as possessives. A relative pronoun is entirely wanting. The numerals are, 1, nigen; 2, cho- yar; 3, gurban ; 4, dörben; 5, tabun; 6, dsirgugan; 7, dologan; 8, naiman ; 9, yisun; Io, arban. Ordinals are made from these by adding tugar, tüger. The root of the verb is the imperative *; yabu, go.” In conjugation there is a wealth of forms for the distinction of tenses and moods, but person and num- ber (except in few cases) cannot be shown. The present tense is made from the root by adding thereto mui (yabumni); the past by the ending bai or luga (yabubai or yabuluga); the future by the ending ssugai or ssu (yabussugai or yabussu). Besides this, the past tense has, in the 3rd pers., dsugui ; the future, in the 3rd pers., yu and, in the 1st pers., ya. The conditional ends in bassu; the precative in dugai; the plural of the imperative in ktun , the gerund in n, dsu, gad, or tala (also chola); the present participle in ktshi; the past participle in kssan; the supine in ra; the infinitive in cho, and when it stands as a substantive, in choi. The prepositions in Mongolian are post- * This may be said to be true also of Chinese ; cf. Summers' Handbook of the Chinese Language, p. 69, note, and p. 79. 400 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. and laudatory songs, the latter upon good heroes especially. The national ballads have generally a gloomy character. In single divisions of their poetry there predominates a parallelism similar to the oriental style in general. This, besides the length of unequal portions, often displays itself by the return of the same ending (i.e. rhyme) or of the same words (i.e. refrain), to both of which alliteration is frequently added. The common form is the 4 line- strophe (cf. Von der Gabelentz, Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, vol. i. p. 20 et seq.). Mongolian literature is especially rich in religious writings, in which the doctrines of Buddhism are contained, and where legends also are narrated, as in üligeriin Dalai (i.e. “Sea of Parables”); Ushandarchan, which tells of the deeds of a god changed into a prince of the same name; the Acts of Bogda Ghesser Khan, published by the Academy of St. Petersburg in 1836, 4to., was translated by J. J. Schmidt in 1839. One of the most esteemed of religious books is the Altan Gerel (i.e. “The Spendour of Gold"), which narrates the history of Bhodisat (a Buddhist idcl). The other classes of literary works rest upon the foundation of theology: thus the medical works are so, because the Lamas are also doctors; so also the philosophical and astronomical works rest on the same foundation, since their philosophy is mere religious philosophy, and their astronomy is rather astrology, according to the mysteries of which, the Calendar is prepared upon calculations depending upon theology. So also their historical works have a religious colouring. They contain rich and excellent materials for the history of the nations of Asia, and may serve to supply information where Chinese and other Asiatic histories are silent or do not extend. Among the most im- portant historical books are Ulagan Debter (i.e. “The Red Book”) by Amur- likssan Akshawada; Jeke Shara Togodshi (i.e. “The Great Yellow Book of His- tory"); Chadun Undissina Erdeniyin Tobtshiya (i.e. “The Noble Abridgement of the Origin of Princes”). “The History of the Eastern Mongols” by Ssanang Ssetzen (written in 1662) is better known in Europe by the translation of it into German by J.J. Schmidt (St. Petersburg, 1829, 4to.), accompanied by the original text. The Mongolians have also an amusing literature, i.e. Tales, &c. Since the time of Dshingis Khan they have had written laws. The most ancient written code, Zaatshin Bitshik, is no longer in use; the modern code, which is in force, dates from the beginning of the seventeenth century. It serves not only for Mongolia, but also for the common Chinese. It is to be found in the “Memoirs on Mongolia,” by the monk Hyakinth, which were translated into German by Karl Fried. von der Berg (Berlin, 1832, 4th part, 6th division, p. 373 et seq.). There is a sort of Encyclopedic Dictionary, called Khaybi Dshunay, in which the words and expressions generally of the sacred books are explained, and also other matters are spoken of, the knowledge of which is necessary to the understanding of the same. The ancient Dictionaries Tokbar-Loa and Minghi- Dshamso (Minggi-Gjamtso, Tibetan-Mongolian) explain only religious subjects. A century ago Djanghia Khutukhtu made a Mongolian-Tibetan Dictionary. 402 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. of his punishment. He had just returned to his wife, and explained to her what had taken place, and they were both sitting deploring their ill fate, when suddenly Han-win entered the room, his whole face beaming with joy and satisfaction. His sister said to him, “Where did you go to so early this morning, that I see you now returning thus flushed with joy and wine *" Han-win laughed, and replied, “I have had a wonderful stroke of good fortune, which I will now tell you.” He then recounted to them all that had occurred the day before, and on that day; and at the same time handed over the two cakes of silver to his brother-in-law, who happening to cast his eyes upon them mechanically, saw to his astonishment that they were both impressed with the government stamp, and that they in fact formed part of the money which had been stolen the night before. He then thought, “Because of this money having been stolen during my watch, I received a severe beating, now however, by some providential occurrence, part of it turns up.” He then addressed his brother-in-law, saying, “This marriage is evidently a most happy piece of good luck for you, I will at once go and put this money in a place of safety, meanwhile do you sit down, and await my return.” Kung-foo then slipped the money into his sleeve, and hurried off to the magistracy, and kneeling down, addressed the magistrate, saying, “Last night a thousand taels were stolen from the government treasury, and I have found them.” Having thus spoken, he took the money from his sleeve, and handed it to one of the officers of the court, and it was at once recognised as forming a portion of the stolen money. The magistrate then demanded of Le whence he had obtained the money, and where was the thief? Kung-foo then humbly replied, “I have a young brother-in-law who is named Hii-sien, who has resided in my house since his childhood. He left the house very early this morning, without saying anything about it; but on his return, he said that he had been calling upon a young lady with whom he was engaged to be married, and who had given him this money, which he handed to us, requesting me to put it into a place of safety; but as I at once recognised it as belonging to government, I just asked him to sit down and wait for my return, as I was going to put it away, and then hurried with it to your Honour.” When the magistrate had heard this statement, he issued a warrant for the arrest of Han-win, and at once despatched it by four police officers. The officers hastened to Le's house, and rushed into the apartment: Han-win did not know what to make of it, and was about to demand the reason of this intrusion, when the policemen seized him, bound him with chains, and taking him before the magistrate, made him kneel down. When the magistrate saw Han-win, he felt convinced that a youth of such a distinguished appearance and open countenance could not be guilty of a robbery; and instead of being angry, he kindly asked him if he was Hii-sien Han-win replied in the affirmative. The magistrate then asked him, “What is your name, your surname, and your age 2 where do you live 2 and how did you come possessed of this money by answering my questions clearly you will avoid punishment.” The young man replied, that it was given him by a friend. The magistrate MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 403 sternly said, “You are now telling me a falsehood ' What is the name of your friend?” Han-win answered, “She is the only daughter of a wealthy official, and by telling her name I shall be returning by an injury the many kindnesses she has bestowed upon me; besides, even if it were not so, I can assure your Honour that I have forgotten both her name and surname, and she is moreover of another province.” The magistrate could no longer contain his anger, but snatching a tally from the case (9) threw it down. The attendant executioners immediately seized the prisoner, and holding him down upon the ground, inflicted forty blows of the rattan upon him, at each of which blows, his white flesh was cut from his body in strips, and the blood spirted out. When the punishment was over, they left him fainting on the ground, and he did not recover consciousness for half the day. He then burst into tears, crying out that he had been cruelly oppressed and falsely charged. The magistrate upon this, severely rated him, exclaiming, “You half-dead slave There is now present a man who has told me all that has taken place, and will you still refuse to answer my questions When Han-win heard that some one had been denouncing him, he was dreadfully alarmed, and cried out, “I assure your Honour that I have been falsely accused. Where is my accuser " Kung-foo then stood forward by the magistrate's order, and said to his brother- in-law, “You yourself told me that it was a young lady of the Pi family who had given you this money in order that you might make the necessary preparations for marriage, and you handed it to me, requesting me to put it in safety for you—now it happened, that, in consequence of money having just been stolen from the government treasury during my watch, I received a heavy punishment, and was ordered to secure the thief under pain of receiving a severe beating every three days until I had done so—and when I recognised those very lumps of silver as belonging to the government treasury, I was obliged to denounce you, although, as you may well imagine, I had no desire to work you an injury, and I now sincerely recommend you to tell the whole truth, and thus avoid further punishment.” At these words poor Han-win turned pale with fear, and said to himself, “It is now no longer in my power, dear lady, to prevent your name being made known—I neither fear death, nor do I seek to preserve my life, but after what my brother-in-law has said, I can no longer conceal the facts.” He then recounted all that had occurred to the magistrate, who ordered a clerk to put it down in writing; he then addressed Hii-sien, saying, “I have lost from the treasury a thousand taels of silver in twenty lumps, but where are the other eighteen 2" Han-win replied, that he had only received these two lumps from the young lady, and that he knew nothing about the others. When the magistrate heard these words, he knew that he had spoken the truth, and said to him, “I will now send messengers with you to have this young lady and her servant arrested; and if the rest of the money is forthcoming, your punishment shall be but a light one.” He accordingly prepared the necessary warrants, and ordered Han-win to guide eight police officers to their house, in order that they might be arrested; and they at once started on their mission. 404 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. But we will hurry on before them, and see what has been doing all this while in the Shwang-cha street. After having given Han-win the money, and he had departed, Pi- cheu-niang began to feel uneasy in her mind, and soon ascertained, by her spell, that some misfortune had befallen her intended husband. The servant asked her what was the matter? She replied, “I was wrong to give the money to Han-win, for it comes from the government treasury, as is evident from the stamp; and as his brother-in-law is in the magistrate's office, if he comes to see it, Han-win may get into some trouble—nay, I believe that some serious misfortune has already arisen through this thoughtlessness of mine. You must therefore go at once, and discover what has taken place.” The servant at once assumed the form of a cloud, and hovering over the magistracy, saw indeed that Han-win had got into serious trouble, for he was at that moment undergoing the torture, having been informed against by his brother-in-law; and she afterwards saw the eight policemen hastening to arrest her mistress and herself. She was terribly alarmed, and instantly returned, and told the young lady all she had seen. PI-cheu-niang at once made up her mind. “We must disappear for a time,” she said, “but let us leave the rest of this unfortunate money here, in order that it may be found by the officers, and that Hii-sien may thus be saved from further punishment.” Both she and her servant then assumed the form of clouds, and disappeared. Almost immediately afterwards, the policemen arrived at the Shwang-cha street, and entering the garden, searched every place without avail. The only thing they found was a packet containing the missing eight hundred taels in eighteen lumps, all bearing the government stamp. On enquiring of the by-standers and neighbours what had become of the inhabitants, they replied that the garden was one that originally belonged to Prince Chow, but that for a very long time past it had been deserted by all but demons and spirits, on account of which no one dared enter the place. The police then surrounded Han-win, and securing the silver ingots, they hastened back to the magistracy. There they knelt down, and reported all that had taken place, and handed over the money to the magistrate, who then called Han- wān before him, and said, “The punishment awarded to robbers of the imperial treasury is death; but in consideration of your tender years, and more especially that you have been made the victim of demons, I therefore mitigate your punishment to that of banishment to the distance of three hundred le, for the period of three years, and you are appointed to retire to Seū-Keang outside Soo-chow.” He then called Kung-foo, and ordered him to take charge of his brother-in-law until the necessary despatches were prepared, and that he could then proceed to his place of banishment. When Kiau-yung saw her beloved brother brought back in this state, she burst into tears, and exclaimed, “You are the only son of our father and mother, and yet the fiends have seized upon you for their prey ! What a fortunate thing it was that your brother-in-law should have recognised the MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 405 government money, for if he had not done so, and it had once been reported, you would inevitably have been destroyed. However, the only thing you can now do, is to go quietly to Soo-chow, and there abide your three years, and then return to us.” As they were sitting thus conversing, the door opened, and Dr. Wang entered. He had come in person to see what was the matter, for he had heard a report of the punishment of his pupil. When Han-win saw the good doctor, he burst out crying worse than before, and hid his face in his hands. The old man, with moistened eyes and trembling voice, exclaimed, “O my beloved pupil, who could have thought that you, above all others, should have got into this great trouble!—I have, however, brought you a few taels of silver for your use on the road. At Soo-chow I have a particular friend, named Woo-jeu Kée. He, like myself, keeps an apothecary's shop in the Woo-kea street, and I have written him a letter of recommendation, which you can take to him, and, upon seeing which, he will undoubtedly show you every kindness in his power.” Han-wän thanked his kind old friend with many sobs and tears, and assured him that he could never forget during his life the benefits which he had bestowed upon him. Very shortly afterwards the necessary documents were prepared, and Han-win was allowed three days in order that he might make his preparations. And the magistrate appointed two messengers to conduct him to Soo-chow, with instructions never to leave him alone during the transit. When the mes- sengers arrived at Le's house to take Han-win away, the brother and sister embraced him with many tears and lamentations; and Le gave the mes- sengers some money in order that they might treat their prisoner with kindness. Han-win was then left in charge of his two conductors, and Kung- foo accompanied him the first ten le of the journey. NOTES TO THE FIRST CHAPTER. (1) Kwan-yin.—This goddess, one of the few female idols which the Chinese worship, is the “Goddess of Mercy,” and is supposed to protect all those who, in any difficulty or danger, raise a cry for compassion—she is the great patroness of women. (2) Ancestral worship.–The period for ancestral worship is during the third moon, cor- responding to April of our Calendar. (3) In ancient times, when the servants were all slaves, the master of the house gave them the same name as himself, adding another as a distinguishing sound. Thus in Dr. Wang's family, the servants might have been Wangjili, Wang-sung, Wang-pin, and so on. (4) At ancestral worship, besides the sacrifices of meat and fruits, packets of paper, something in the shape of Chinese bank-notes, are burnt by the worshippers, for the use of their departed relatives in the other world. A similar custom is in vogue among rich families, that, when the master dies, quantities of paper-boxes are made about the size of large trunks, all filled with proper clothes, and across each two bearers made in paper are slung—and after his funeral, all these boxes are burned with great pomp for the use of the departed, and the two bearers are supposed to carry it into the next world. Among very wealthy families, the actual clothes are burned, which entails a destruction of many hundred pounds' worth of property, as a vast proportion of the clothes are valuable furs, court dresses, &c., which cost an enormous sum in China. 406 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. (5) This custom is in common usage in China to the present day, although it is, of course, only in such cases as where the young lady is accompanied by her slave girl or servant, who is asked. Now, however, young ladies seldom go out-of-doors, except in closely shut up chairs; and the servant-maid walks in front, between the poles of the chair. (6) “Golden lilies” is a favourite expression among Chinese poets for a young lady's - small feet. (7) “Go-between” in a marriage. See note 5. (8) This is a terrible punishment, and death very often ensues from it; it is far more dangerous than the punishment of the rattan mentioned further on, although it is not so painful, the rattan cutting deeply into the flesh. (9) In all the offices, on the desk in front of the presiding magistrate, stands a case in which are several long slips of bamboo, with the figures 1, 2, 3, 4, and so on, engraved on them. When the presiding judge considers a person should be beaten, he selects one of these strips of bamboo or tallies, and throws it down to the executioners, who see what the number is, and give the criminal four times that number of blows. Thus the tally thrown down for Han-wan had ten marks in it. CHAPTER II. THE Doctor Woo sREING THE LETTER PRotects HAN-wxN.—PI-cheu- NiANG is MARRIED IN Woo's house.—Han-win travelled quietly, and reached Soo-chow in a few days, accompanied by his guards, who conducted him, without delay, into the presence of the district magistrate, who received his despatches from Keen-T'ang ; and then giving the messengers a receipt for their prisoner, ordered them to return to Cheh-Keang. Han-win was then forwarded to Seii-Keang. He immediately went to call upon the head- man of the village, and to pay his respects to him, and the next day sent him two or three taels of silver as a kind of tribute, a gift which was received with great satisfaction by the head-man, who in consequence let Han-win do pretty much as he liked; and taking advantage of this laxity of supervision, he put the letter to Woo, which Dr. Wang had given him, into his sleeve, and asking his way to the Woo-kea street, he soon discovered the apothecary's shop, and sent in his letter of recommendation. When Dr. Woo had read it, he asked Han-win to come in, and said, “This letter is from my attached friend Fung-shan, in which he requests me to protect you, and of course I shall be but too happy to render you any assistance in my power.” Upon this, Han-win got up and thanked the doctor, who asked him to stay and dine with him. During the meal, the doctor asked him how all this un- pleasant business came about, upon which Han-win told him the whole story without any reservation, and greatly excited Woo's commiseration. As soon as dinner was over, therefore, he took ten taels of silver, and, accompanied by the youth, went in to see the head-man of the village of Seii-chang, and said to him, “I am a merchant in Soo-chow, and this young man is my nephew. It is a most unfortunate thing that at his tender age he should have been made the victim of demons, who by their cruel plots have caused him to be banished from his native province, and I fear that, living here alone, he may again be exposed to a similar danger. I am therefore desirous MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 407 of taking him to my own house, where I myself can watch over him; and I beg that you will erase his name from your list, and at the same time accept of these ten taels as fees.” The head-man was much gratified with this liberal donation, and nodding his head, signified his acquiescence in what had been said. Woo then gave him a receipt for his prisoner, making himself responsible for his safety, and returned to Soo-chow, accompanied by Han-wān, who, it is needless to say, was soon installed at the apothecary's. Let us now return to the young lady in Prince Chow's garden, whom we left just now, as she and her servant had transformed themselves into clouds for the purpose of avoiding the police officials. • ? As soon as these men had done searching the garden, and had gone away with the money, they resumed their shapes, and Pi-cheu-niang said to her servant, “I had, as you know, engaged myself to Han-win, and because I ascertained that his relations were very poor, without giving the matter sufficient thought, I caused money to be abstracted from the government treasury, which led to my affianced husband receiving a severe punishment, and to his being banished to Soo-chow. He is now at a great distance from here, and it seems to me that, after all, our marriage is very problematical.” The servant-maid replied, “What is the use of making yourself unhappy about it? It is true that Han-win has been banished to Soo-chow, but if we only go about a little, is it not more than probable that you will find some one quite as handsome as he, and holding a much better position in society f" The young lady retorted, “You evidently don't understand this affair. I do not say I cannot find elsewhere a better man for a husband than Han-win; but I have received benefits from him which I have not repaid; I have, moreover, engaged myself to be married to him; and to crown all, it is undeniably and entirely my fault that he is now undergoing the punishment of banishment for three years at Soo-chow. I shall therefore hasten there, and endeavour to see him, and to fulfil all my engagements with him.” She then gave orders to the servant to take the form of a cloud, and to hasten at once to Soo-chow to gather any traces she could of Han-win. In a few minutes the servant returned, crying, “Congratulate yourself, for I have found him, in the Woo-kea street, installed as cashier in the shop of a Dr. Woo, who keeps an apothecary’s shop; and I think we should not delay our journey a moment.” They had no sooner agreed upon this, than they assumed the form of clouds, and instantly arrived at Soo-chow : then, taking advantage of there being no one in sight, they resumed the forms of women, and entering the Woo-kea street, they soon perceived Han-win seated in his place, and at work; and the maid-servant, stepping in front of her mistress, called him by his name. Han-win hearing some one mention his name, quickly raised his head, and perceived the young lady and her servant. At this apparition he was both alarmed and angry, for he had not forgotten the warning of the magistrate at Keen-T'ang. “You abominable fiends !” he cried, regardless of the passers by, who stared at him in astonish- ment, on seeing him so grossly insult a beautiful young girl and her servant, 406 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [March 3, 1864. (s) This custom is in common usage in China to the present day, although it is, of course, only in such cases as where the young lady is accompanied by her slave girl or servant, who is asked. Now, however, young ladies seldom go out-of-doors, except in closely shut up chairs; and the servant-maid walks in front, between the poles of the chair. (6) “Golden lilies” is a favourite expression among Chinese poets for a young lady's small feet. (7) “Go-between” in a marriage. See note 5. \s) This is a terrible punishment, and death very often ensues from it; it is far mo" dangerous than the punishment of the rattan mentioned further on, although it is "" so painful, the rattan cutting deeply into the flesh. (9) In all the offices, on the desk in front of the presiding magistrate, stands a case in - which are several long slips of bamboo, with the figures 1, 2, 3, 4, and so on, engraved on them, when the presiding judge considers a person should be beaten, he se” one of these strips of bamboo or tallies, and throws it down to the executioners. * see what the number is, and give the criminal four times that number of blows: Thus the tally thrown down for Han-wan had ten marks in it. CHAPTER II. Tws Doctos Woo seruse ras Lºrrºs rrorscre HAN-wis–Pi—chº- sess is wassuse is wee's seess—Han-win travelled quietly. ** reached Soo-chow in a few days, accompanied by his guards, who conducted him, witheat deas, intº the presses the disret ess--> * his despatches from Rees-Tºrss and theasºns the messense--ºf" for ther prisºner, sºred thes to return tº Cºn-Keang H--- * the fºrwarded tº Sea-Neans. He sessessels went to call up-tº- * * stee ºnse ºsters sists to him tº º two ºf three tºs º sºver ss is sº ºf trib- re- wºn gºt satsºn ºx the head-ºn-who - - | ºw nº is he likes and taking advanta- he nºt the lºst tº wº, whº tº Wang snêssing his was tº the Wºs street, h sºn, and sºrt ºr his sº-º-º: - he sº tºss-ºr tº sºme in sº said. *ens Funshºt, ºr whº he * shar he his sº nºn-ºssier- ths. Rºst-win sº us and dire with him ºr ºne nessing hisms ºne sºut-up withºut sº sº, sº tº sau, ºr him, “I am - rºast in * * s = nºs unºte *** * * * * * * * * *nsis ºn his ºve *** * * * *s-- March 3.186 T- 109 of taking him to mºnº- licly | ber that wou wire--- and accept of these ten use-- - ned this liberal damaua- then had been said wºe - wän himself respºnsºle- • not Han- these Let = - ts he ** = - narry ***=- l not *=== heart- *==- ºf what *- ld what I == - with your - Han-win treasury. * - jored Woo and to his ºne- ºng that you here, and re- - The *- his anger was aboutit- - - only speaks thus nmity can he have another house, and issued, inviting guests, time the marriage was - ards, the newly-married - - in accordance with custom, new house. private apartment, not having think of Han-win and his wife. excellent match which I have ºfort, I think that they should be laced above want.” Having settled ad went round to the house of Han- eet him, and conducting him into the wn. Woo then said, “You are to me and my thoughts are frequently occupied revery comfortable, but if you don't settle e are you going to find the money for your y, 'If you have a thousand strings of cash, ot so good as employing that money to add ;" and therefore, as you are well up in the a you to open a small apothecary's shop in if you do not do much business, you will at ly expenses from it, and if you are not rich ss, you know that I am always ready to supply 408 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. “You abominable fiends! what have I done to you, either in this life or in the former one, that you should thus persecute me, causing me to be beaten, and banished as a criminal and now again you present yourselves before me! for what purpose have you now come " The young lady blushing deeply, on being so publicly and unexpectedly saluted by these insulting expressions, faltered out, “Before your misfortunes I formed a matrimonial engagement with you, and I therefore considered it my duty to come and seek you here instead of looking elsewhere for a husband. I have travelled many hundred le, crossing rivers and mountains, in search of you, for how could I imagine for an instant that I should be greeted with this abuse " When the by-standers heard this, they naturally sided with the young lady, and loudly accused Han-win of cruelly insulting her. During this time Dr. Woo was in the inner apartments of the house; but hearing a sound of contention and fighting, he hurried into the shop and there found Han-win abusing a weeping girl of very prepossessing appearance, who was surrounded by a crowd of angry people, who clamorously took her part. He at once ordered the people to disperse, told Han-win to retire, and going out, begged the young lady and her servant to step into the guest-room, and there explain to him the cause of this strange disturbance. She eagerly complied with his request, and accompanied him into the house; and after the usual civilities, the doctor sent for his wife to come and entertain their guest. He then requested her to explain the cause of this disturbance to himself and his wife. Upon this Pi-cheu-niang again burst into tears, and told the story which the reader already knows, altering it, however, to suit the case; accounting for the possession of stamped money by stating that her father was the provincial treasurer, and that his salary had been paid in stamped ingots, and that both Li Kung-foo and the magistrate had wilfully over- looked the fact of the stamp being different—entirely concealing the finding of the eighteen ingots of silver in the garden, and stating that she and her servant had run away because they had heard from the neighbours that the police messengers were coming to arrest her, and adding, “I have now travelled many hundred le, crossing mountains and rivers, in order to fulfil my marriage engagements; little indeed did I dream, that after all these sacrifices I should thus be publicly and shamefully insulted by my affianced husband, and that I should be stamped as a fiend! But it is enough I am ashamed to return to my village, and since he is unwilling to receive me as his wife, I am content thus to die!” With these words she started from her seat, and was about to dash her head upon the stone flooring, but the doctor's wife rushed forward and threw her arms round her, thus preventing her rash act; and the doctor cried, “Young lady, you must not at your age be in such a hurry to take leave of your existence. Why should I not arrange this matter for you myself?” He then ordered his wife to lead the young girl and her maid-servant into the inner apartments, and there to prepare rooms for them. He then entered the shop, and calling Han-wān to him, said, “You must MARch 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 409 not in future, young man, entertain these extraordinary ideas, or so publicly give vent to them; this young lady is the only child of a powerful and wealthy officer, who has now been dead some years. She has now abandoned her village, and traversed mountains and rivers in search of you.” He then fully narrated to Han-win all that the young lady had said. Han-wän believed some parts, and disbelieved others, saying to himself, “If she is not a demon why does she seek me out in preference to others, and travel these many le to find me? It must be my destiny.” Yet in spite of his doubts he could not help his old affection returning, and he almost determined to marry her. But when Dr. Woo saw that Han-win did not speak, he could not contain his wrath, but cried out, “You low fellow ! If you can thus heart- lessly discard a young girl who has shown so much love for you, of what value can be your affection for me who am only your master; and what confidence can be reposed in you ? Henceforth, then, I dispense with your services, and from to-morrow never let me see you again!” When Han-win heard these expressions of anger he was much alarmed, and implored Woo not to scold him, saying, “I am but a child, and will do everything that you order me to do.” When the doctor saw that Han-win was really in earnest, his anger was disarmed, and he smiled upon him, saying, “The old man only speaks thus to you in order that you may follow good advice. What enmity can he have against you?” The next day, therefore, the doctor took another house, and a lucky day having been selected, the cards were duly issued, inviting guests, the presents were bought, and at the appointed time the marriage was celebrated with great rejoicings. Three days afterwards, the newly-married couple went to call upon Dr. Woo and his wife, in accordance with custom, and they afterwards quietly settled down in their new house. One day, when the doctor was sitting in his private apartment, not having any particular business on hand, he began to think of Han-win and his wife. “Truly,” said he to himself, “this is an excellent match which I have brought about ; but to complete their comfort, I think that they should be set up in some business, and thus be placed above want.” Having settled what he should do, he left his house and went round to the house of Han- wān, who hastened to the door to meet him, and conducting him into the great room, invited him to sit down. Woo then said, “You are to me almost as one of my own children, and my thoughts are frequently occupied by you. Now, at present, you are very comfortable, but if you don't settle down into some occupation, where are you going to find the money for your daily expenses The ancients say, “If you have a thousand strings of cash, and every day spend one, it is not so good as employing that money to add one every day to your stock;’ and therefore, as you are well up in the business, I strongly recommend you to open a small apothecary's shop in your present house; for even if you do not do much business, you will at least be able to pay your daily expenses from it, and if you are not rich enough to commence a business, you know that I am always ready to supply 410 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MARch 3, 1864. you with such funds as may be necessary.” Han-win assented to the wisdom of Woo's advice, saying, “I have many times been under great obligations to you, and I feel that I shall always gain by following your excellent counsel.” Woo replied, “It is but a trifling matter after all, and not worth thanking for.” They then talked upon their future plans and other matters for a short time, and Woo returned to his shop. Han-win accompanied him to the outer gate, and then returned to his wife, and told her all that had occurred, at which she was much pleased; and they congratulated one another upon their good fortune and excellent prospects. The next day Dr. Woo sent round a hundred taels of silver, which were thankfully received by the newly-married couple, and the front of their house was soon altered into a shop, and, a lucky day having been selected, they opened it by the name of the “Hall of Assured Health.” Han-win also hired a youth named Tau-Jeu to assist him in conducting his business. The shop had been open for more than a month, but no customers appeared, and Han-win became very downcast in consequence, and said to his wife, “My dear wife, here have we been keeping this shop open for more than a month, and no one has bought anything; how can we hope to gain a living if matters go on in this way ?” His wife, however, replied, “You need be under no apprehension, for when I was a little child, I used often to play about in the garden attached to my father's residence, and one day I was there accosted by an old woman who suddenly appeared before me, and assured me that I should become a fairy, and should be able to know all things, whether past or yet in futurity, and that I should possess great supernatural powers; and I am consequently able to drive out spirits, and to cure all diseases and sicknesses. Do you therefore to-morrow hang out a placard, stating that you can cure every disease and sickness that afflicts mankind, and I will undertake that you shall fulfil your engagements, and thus there will be no fear of our wanting money.” (To be continued.) OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. combe, E. PICKARD HALL, AND H. LATHAM, PRINTERS To THE UNIVERSITY. APRIL 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 413 earth, their books on science had been translated into the languages of foreigners; and hence it happened that when all the native works were con- signed to the flames, the foreigners became the sole depositaries of these valuable treasures, the veritable productions of the celestial sages. In this way, the superiority of foreigners, when admitted, is ingeniously accounted for. One may be inclined to smile at the statement above set forth, and if the assertion of some modern writers be correct, it will be perfectly legitimate to do so. If, however, instead of despatching the subject in that summary style, we take the pains to enquire how far Chinese authorities may be trusted in the matter, we may find, that, as a practical question, it is deserving of in- vestigation, and facts may be brought to light, which will show that the Chinese had some knowledge of mathematics at a very early date. In order to ascertain the actual state of arithmetic among the Chinese, it might be sufficient to run over the contents of some of the principal modern publications on that science; but as they have confessedly gained something from the Roman Catholics during the past two centuries, and previous to that time, their intercourse with the Arabians during the Yuen dynasty, doubtless added to their stock of mathematical acquirements, it will be interesting to discover somewhat respecting the state of their knowledge anterior to these successive accretions. Setting aside the vagaries of Fü-hi, as being little to the purpose, the earliest definite notice of the science of numbers is to be met with in the Tung Kien Kang mit, “General History of China, where it is stated, under the reign of Hwang-ti, that he caused his minister, Li-sheu, to form the Kiu-chang, ‘Nine Sections of Arithmetic.” Many other improvements are attributed to this monarch, and among them, that of the sexagenary cycle. Although there is much vagueness about records of that early period which is scarcely admitted within the range of authentic history, yet it is a remarkable fact, that the present chronological era of cycles dates its commencement from the sixty-first year of that emperor (B.C. 2637). The Nine Sections, attributed to Hwang-ti, have formed the nucleus of arithmetical science in China, and although it would be difficult to conjecture how far the ancient sage was acquainted with the substance of these sections, or whether indeed it be true that they ever came under his notice, the work has been handed down to us with abundant evidence from a very remote period, and has been largely expounded and illustrated by an almost unbroken succession of authors down to the present day. The history of Yaou has been frequently quoted, to show that the Chinese had made a considerable advancement in science by his time (B.C. 2300). From the Shu-king, we learn that he had a Board of Astronomers, for making the calculations and forming a calendar, with a view of the motions of the heavenly bodies, that the solstices and the equinoxes were marked, and that the length of the year was known within an hour of the true time. All this indicates that some attention was paid to the science of numbers. G g 2 414 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [April 3, 1864. But the document which can be traced with certainty to the greatest age, in which we have any detail of mathematical principles, is a brief dialogue held between the famous Chow-kung and a nobleman of the recently vanquished Shang dynasty, named Kaou, generally known as Shang Kaou, about B. C. I loo. It is entitled the Chow-pi, ‘Thigh-bone of Chow.” As it is an object of some interest, on account of its great antiquity, the translation is here given of the first section, which forms an epitome of the whole :- “I, formerly Chow-kung, addressing Shang-kaou, said, 1. ‘I have heard it said, my lord, that you are famous at numbers; may I venture to ask you how the ancient Fo-hi established the degrees of the celestial sphere 2 There are no steps by which one may ascend the heavens, and it is impracticable to take a rule and measure the extent of the earth; I wish to ask, then, how he ascertained these numbers ?' 2. Shang-kaou replied, “The art of numbering originates in the circle and quadrangle. 3. The circle is derived from the quadrangle. 4. The quadrangle originates in the right angle. 5. The right angle originates in the multiplication of the nine digits. 6. Hence, separating a right angle into its component parts, if the base be equal to 3, and the altitude to 4, a line connecting the farther extremities will be 5. 7. Square the external dimensions, and half the amount will give the area of the triangle. 8. Add together all the sides, and the result will equal the sum of 3, 4, and 5. 9. The square of the hypotheneuse being 25, is equal to the squares of the two short sides of the triangle. Io. Thus, the means by which Yu restored order throughout the empire, was by following out the principles of these numbers.’ I 1. Chow-kung exclaimed, “How truly great is the theory of numbers! May I ask what is the principle of the use of the rectangle P’ 12. Shang-kaou replied, “The plane rectangle is formed by uninclined straight lines. 13. The direct rectangle is used for observing heights. 14. The reversed rectangle is used for fathoming depths. 15. The flat rectangle is used for ascertaining distances. 16. By the revolution of the rectangle, the circle is formed. 17. By the junction of rectangles, the square is formed. 18. The square pertains to earth, the circle belongs to heaven, the heaven being round and the earth square. 19. The numbers of the square being the standard, the dimensions of the circle are deduced from the square. 20. The circular plate is employed to represent heaven; the celestial colours are blue and black, the terrestrial are yellow and red; the circular plate is formed according to the celestial numbers; it is blue and black outside, and red and yellowish inside, in order to represent the celestial and terrestrial stations. 21. Therefore, he who understands the earth is a wise man; he who compre- hends the heavens is a sage. This knowledge begins with the straight line, the straight line is a component part of the rectangle, and the numbers of the rectangle are applicable to the construction of all things.' 22. Chow-kung exclaimed, ‘Excellent indeed!’” The sentences are numbered here for convenience in reference. Several things deserve attention. In 3 there is allusion to the quadrature of the circle; 4 and 5 refer to plane mensuration; 6 gives the ratio of the hypothe- 416 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [APRIL 3, 1864. This was re-published in the eighth century, under the title of Hai taou swan king, ‘The Island Arithmetical Classic,” the name being adopted from the first problem in the book, which is on measuring an island from a distance. Wu Tsaou, who was about contemporary with the two preceding, wrote a Swan king, ‘Arithmetical Classic,’ which is often referred to. At the beginning of the seventh century, a treatise on trigonometry was published by "Chau Chwang, called the Chau pi swan king, ‘Arithmetical Classic of the Chau Trigonometry.’ This, however, is said to be but a sub- sequent edition of a very much older work, which is looked upon as the original native production on trigonometry. In the seventh century, Chin Lwan wrote a treatise called the Wu king swan shit, “Arithmetical Rules of the Five Classics, embodying the various problems alluded to in the Yi-king, Shu-king, Shi-king, Li-ki, Chun-tseu, Hiau-king, and Lun-yu. A commentary was written on this work by Li Chun-fung. About the same time as the preceding, Chang Kiu-kien wrote his Swan king, ‘Arithmetical Classic, the conciseness of which renders it difficult to be understood. Several authors of celebrity have written commentaries and illustrations of this work. - Towards the close of the eighth century, Wang Hiau-tung, an imperial librarian of the Tang dynasty, issued his Tsä ku swan king, ‘Arithmetical Classic of Ancient Formulae, with a commentary by himself. It consists of twenty problems on solid mensuration, in illustration of the fifth of the Nine Sections. The text is said by natives to be very abstruse. An edition of this work was published at Su-chau in 1803, with all the problems worked out at full length, and explained by Chang Tun-jin. - During the Tang dynasty, a Buddhist priest, named —- *j Yi-hing, was raised to power, in consequence of his mathematical attainments. His works on astronomy, arithmetic, the variation of the magnetic needle, and kindred subjects, have gained him a lasting reputation. It was before or about this time that the Chinese received what little they seem to have obtained from India. Several of the highest terms in their series of numbers evidently be- speak an Indian origin; as, Hang-ho-shau, literally, “Sands of the Ganges,’= Io, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo, ooo,000,ooo, ooo extending to 53 places of figures, A-seng-chi, reaching to 57 places, &c. During the Sung dynasty, which lasted from 950 to 1280, several authors of note appeared. Among others, # 7t4 #4 Tsin Kiu-chau, about 1240. published the Sushu kiu chang, ‘Nine Sections of the Art of Numbers.” Ten years later, # #i Yang Hwui published a work entitled Tsiang kiai kiu chang swan fa, ‘Explanation of the Arithmetic of the Nine Sections,” besides Tsiang kiai ji yung swan fa, ‘Explanation of Arithmetic for Daily Use,' and Shing chu tung pien pun mit, “Complete Treatise on the Mutations of Multiplication and Division. The works of the two authors last mentioned were re-published in Shanghai in 1849. 418 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [April 3, 1864. ART. II.—Extracts from Histories and Fables, to which Allusions are frequently made in Chinese Literature, [translated from the “Arte China” of Père Gonçalves, by SIR John BowRING, late Governor of Hongkong.] (Continued from page 397.) 1 or . Yuen Tsi |T. #. The heavenly one. Having heard that many had gone to the celestial river (Milky Way), he also departed, and arriving there, was confounded, not knowing where he was. Seeing a fisherman, he asked him about the place, to which he made no reply; but gave him a stone, which, turning, he should show to the king's minister, who would tell him where it was. Having done this, he learned that it was the stone with which the Weaveress (Aquila) smoothed her tresses; so that he had arrived where he desired. He turned the white of his eye to those he hated, and the blue to those he loved. 1oz. Yuen Shen |J. H% The incredulous enquirer. While writing a work upon the non-existence of terrestrial spirits, a man appeared, and said, “How do you know there are none? What is a spirit?” He answered, “A man without a shadow.” He enquired, “See if I have a shadow "And he had none. Again he asked, “What more is needful to make a spirit *" He answered, “That he have no point to his beard.” He responded again, “See if I have any ” And in truth he had none. So Yuen Shen burnt his book. io9. Ki Kang # }: The daring student. Being engaged in his studies at night, a tall spirit appeared, with a tongue seven ells long. The student put out the candle, saying “I put it out, not for fear, but from horror of thy ugliness.” The spirit hurried away. I L1 Ioa. Shi Tsung fi # The Chinese Croesus. Disputing one day with an imperial personage, as to who was the richest, the petty sovereign said, “Let us see who can cover with brocade the greatest extent of street!” Shi Tsung assenting, he covered forty li, and the other thirty. When this was known to the emperor, he gave the petty king a coral tree, three ells high, intending to affront Shi Tsung; he seeing it, broke it, which having caused the emperor's displeasure, the former gave the petty king one of seven ells, at which the emperor was astonished. Shi Tsung having given thirty-six measures of fine pearls for a beautiful girl, the viceroy wished to possess her, and imprisoned him; he dying in prison without recovering the girl, she threw herself out of a window, and also died, that she might not fall into the hands of the viceroy. * *—1–. - 105. Pwan Ngan-jin # 3× Af. The handsome fruit youth. Passing one day in a car, the girls threw so much fruit into it, as a mark of their regard, that the car was laden. Afterwards, being made a magistrate, and April 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 419 the inhabitants of the town being much in arrears to the royal treasury, he planted peach trees within the town, and with their produce discharged the debts due. The town was afterwards called Hwa-hien or “Flower Town;’ and good magistrates, when it is meant to please them, are termed “Flower- sped.’ 106. Tang Pè-tau ãſ, ſº §§ The nephew's man. His brother having left at his death his only son to his care, and not being able, during a popular commotion, to escape with both his own son and his nephew, for his wife was too weak to take charge of either, he abandoned his son, and saved his nephew, remembering that his brother would have no more children, but that he might. Unhappily, however, he had none, and thus his nephew was the only heir he left behind him. 107. Wang Hi-chi =E à Ž The old man and his grandsons. He wrote five characters, which he would only exchange for geese. Being old, and feeling the want of society, he left half his dinner unconsumed, and sent for his grandsons to eat it and amuse him. Those who sent him presents (of food) complained that he did not value them ; but he answered, “You sent me presents to gratify my mouth only, and not my eyes; but I gratify my eyes also, by obtaining amusement through my grandsons.” 108. Wang Hien-chi -E # 2. The river man, younger brother of the preceding. Having, with others, reached the bank of a river, he would not pass over in a boat, saying, “He who has a concubine such as I have, needs no boat: he may (pass) in the wink of her eye.” (Exaggeration of lovers.) Io9. Tau Yen-ming |É } | Ijj The solitary man. He was appointed to the magistracy of the town of Pang-ts; iž #, where he was fond of cultivating flowers, particularly the China-aster, and hence it was called the beauty of the town Pang-ts. But being obliged to make a great many prostrations before his superior officers, he was unwilling to obtain subsist- ence by usages so degrading; and therefore renounced his post, retired to his house, and lived on the produce of a garden, in which he laboured, and in which he calmly passed his days. 11o. Mang Kia #. # The cap man. Living upon the sops of a favourite, he went with him to the hills, on the ninth day of the ninth moon, and feigning drunkenness, let his cap fall, walking uncovered. The favourite ordering it to be put on, he, not to appear discourteous, said, “It is not wanted; I am like the pine and cypress trees, that wither not with heat or cold.” Looking afterwards at the chrysanthemum that they were drinking that day steeped in wine, he said, alluding to the favourite, “This flower is not envious, for it is born in the cold season, and lasts longer than the rest.” Mang Kia afterwards left his house, and the favourite rebelled. ºr, nºr: 1 1 1. Lö Kwang 3% }; Afraid of a shadow. Being asked by a soldier 420 The Chinese déJapanese Repository. [April 3, 1864. to drink wine, he saw in the cup a snake, which was the reflection of the bow which the soldier was carrying; and suspecting treason, he fled. When the soldier had learned the reason, he invited him a second time, and having unstrung his bow, told him to look into the cup, so his fears and suspicions were allayed. - S, ;+-º; 112. Wang Mung =E 74: The handsome man capped. The girls having observed that he had a torn cap, every one made him a new one, wishing him to wear it. So he changed his cap every day. 1 13. Tung-chwang WN JR The son-in-law of the eastern chamber. A man called Kió Kien, going to a college, to select a son-in-law, every one of the students wished to find favour in his eyes, except one, who quietly lay down in the distance, eating his food. When the master enquired which he would choose, the father answered, “Him of the eastern chamber,” which was the one then lying down. The chamber where the son-in-law is received in the house of the father-in-law is now called the tung-chwang. 1 14. Si Ung º # The unlucky man. He had a son in office, and having lost his horse, the neighbours said he was unfortunate, but Si Ung said he was fortunate. After some days, when the horse returned, in company with another, the neighbours said it was good fortune, but he said it was ill fortune. When the officer mounted his new horse, he was thrown, and had an arm broken; the neighbours called it ill fortune; the old man said it was not; and so it turned out; for at this time, the other officers were sum- moned to battle, and were slain on the field, while he being excused from going, on account of his illness, was saved. 115. Wu Lin-jin iń. # /\ The fisher of the peach trees. Having gone afar off to fish, he reached the mouth of a river on whose banks were many peach trees in bloom, on which account it was called Tau-yuen }; jjī. Going forward, he came to an islet, where were fishermen, and enquiring of them the name of the bay, they answered that they knew not. He asked them whence they came, and they said they had fled from the tyrant Tsin Chi. He replied that was impossible, for he had been dead six hundred years; they answered, they knew nothing about that. So he returned, and when he reported to his friends what had happened, they told him it was the river of heaven. He went to seek the spot again, but was never able to find it. 1 16. Tsin, Fu Kien #, %; Liz The fly minister. When the emperor was consulting with him about a general pardon, and the written decree lay upon the table, a large horse-fly perched upon the pencil and dried it, a first, a second, and a third time. This was remarked by the people of the palace, who, attracted by curiosity, drew near the table. As they thus became acquainted with the subject under discussion, having observed it upon the table, the emperor, much against his will, passed the decree, that he might not seem to be illiberal. April 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 421 117. Tsi, Puan fi #, j # #E The fashionable concubine (A. D. 500). Observing that women were esteemed for their small feet, she, in the time of Tang, reduced hers by ligatures to the greatest perfection, which so delighted his majesty, that he ordered the streets through which she passed to be strewed with gold-leaf flowers. She, improving upon his taste, had flowers carved upon the soles of her shoes, so that they left the impress of flowers wherever she trod. (The small shoes, now worn by Chinese women, are called hwa hiai, or ‘flower shoes;" and the feet cramped in imitation of Pwan Fi are termed kin lien, or ‘golden water-lilies.') - : –1–- 1 18. Tang, Hien-tsung |H, ić >f Hien-tsung, an emperor of the Tang dynasty (A. D. 806), having heard that the body of Buddha remained uncorrupted for more than a hundred years, he sent a messenger to seek it in India. His minister, Han Wan-kung # 32. ^, a very unprejudiced person, on arriving, represented that the uncorrupt state of the body was no proof of sanctity, as it might be caused by the snow and ice in which it had been shrouded. He asked, therefore, that the body might be given to him, and he would expose it to the flames, in order to see whether Buddha had power to hinder him. The emperor was offended by the proposal, and banished him to be the magistrate of Chau-chau jājj }} in Kwan-tung, then one of the most remote places. There was, on that coast, a terrible crocodile, to whom Han intimated that he must leave that neighbourhood; and if he could not in three days, he must in five; and if unable to do so in five, he must in seven, after which time, swords and arrows would be got ready for his punishment. In truth, the animal withdrew on the seventh. These terms were afterwards employed in the practice of judges. It was Han who taught the people of Chau-chau fu to eat the ho-chung 7ſ. H! , or “grass- hopper grubs' found in the fields. 119. Li King-lung 3: # |# The traitor general. He was appointed to guard the capital, and opened the gates to the tyrant Wan-ló, of the house of Ming, who then mounted the throne. A short time after, complaint being made against the son of the general, who, trusting to his father's influence, was in the habit of insulting people, the emperor commanded both father and son to be apprehended; and as he murmured against so strange a reward for the throne he had given to the emperor, the latter said, “Even as thou opened'st the gates for me, would'st thou open them for another:” and or- dered him to be decapitated. 12o. Chin, Lö-chang kung-chu |#, 3% E. ^ HE The mirror prin- cess (A. D. 577). During a revolution, in which she was obliged to be separated from her husband, she broke a round mirror in twain, and gave one half to her husband. After a long time, he went into a shop where they sold mirrors, and a servant brought in half a mirror, which united with his other April 3, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 423 they did not pretend to be deaf when they hear, and stupid when things are told them.” 127. Kwo Yuen-chin #|| 7U. }; The silk-twist bridegroom. There was a very handsome governor, and as the minister had five daughters, each desiring to marry him, he placed them behind a curtain, putting round each a thread of vermillion silk-twist, and passed the threads through the curtain ; he then told the governor to choose one; he did so, and the lot fell upon the third daughter. 128. Yang Yung-pê }% # {{ The pearl sower. He met with a stranger in his road, who gave him some seeds, telling him, at the same time, to sow them in his grounds, for that they would be useful to him. Returning, he sowed them in his blue field or lan tien É H. he afterwards desired to marry a beautiful girl, whose mother insisted on receiving two precious stones, which he had not to give; after much thought, he went and dug in the blue field, and instead of two, he found ten, which he gave to the mother for the maid. In allusion to this, when the purchase money of the wife is paid, it is even now called lan tien chung yū ū; H #iff HE ‘sowing gems in the blue field.’ - 129. Pie Yen #}. #: The timid husband. He was accused of being afraid of his wife, which he owned, saying, it had been so from the first, as he thought his wife was a living goddess; but after she had borne him many sons, and was disfigured with toils and years, he feared not her blows, but that she might take flight and abandon his children. It is in this sense that nurses are to be feared (i.e. lest they abandon their charges). 130. Han King chau ii; #|| }}| The great minister. He had such a reputation, that the honour of having his acquaintance was superior to the rank of marquis; while to be received by him augmented all dignity tenfold; and one word of his approval established a person's character, and fitted him for office. 131. Tang, Pau-i Hī, º # The peacock bride. Her father observing signs of future greatness in her, and wishing she should marry, painted a pea- cock, and publicly exhibited it, with the inscription, “Whoever with an arrow can hit the eye of the peacock, shall marry my daughter.” Though many archers came, no one succeeded till the future conqueror of the house of Tang appeared (A. D. 9oo), who, at the first shot, hit both eyes, and won the bride. 132. Chau Hing }} # The victim of his own practices. When the emperor was informed of the cruelty of the tortures employed by the judge Chau, he sent a syndic to try him; he, coming upon him by surprise, and being asked to drink, enquired, “What is the means of making criminals con- 424 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [April 3, 1864. fess their crimes 2" He answered, “Put them in a jar of water, and apply fire to it, and little by little they will be moved to confess.” “Well!” rejoined the syndic, “put yourself in that jar !” and he then tried upon him his own practices. - (To be continued.) ART. III.-The Conquest of the Island Tai-wan (Formosa) by the Chinese Kösenya or Coshinga, A.D. 1662, [from the “Nippon” of Von Siebold. Translated by J. S.] Köseny A, whose original name was Ching-ching-kung, was the son of a Chinese merchant—Ching-chi-lung—from the province of Fū-kien, by a Ja- panese courtezan of Firato, where his father had formerly lived. Whilst the Manchus were subduing China, Chin-chi-lung (also called Equan or Yguan) having become rich by trading, gave himself up to piracy; but he was named commodore of a squadron by the emperor against the Manchus, and sub- sequently he did his best to hinder their progress upon land, until at last by means of cunning trickery he was delivered into the power of his enemies. Ching-ching-kung, who had accompanied his father in all his expeditions, felt aggrieved, and retired to be an enemy to the foreign power, and took the name Kösenya, properly Kwó-sing-ye, i.e. ‘Lord of the country's families. He sought to draw Japan into the strife, but his embassy (in 1658) was not listened to. - After the subjection of the Ming dynasty, he still remained an obstinate opponent of the Manchus, until when driven by superior force from the con- tinent, he was confined to his fleet. He maintained himself, however, in Hia- mgn (Amoy) and was dreaded, and obtained by hard fighting many advantages. But the doubtfulness of his position compelled him finally to think about a resting-place out of China, and he decided upon Tai-wan as that point of rest. At this place the Netherlands' East India Company had planted themselves ever since 1624, and had built, upon a narrow island on the western side of Formosa, where a spacious haven was formed, a fort which they called Zeelandia”. A city of the same name, principally inhabited by Chinese immi- grants, arose there, and several fortified works secured the most important points around. Many villages were colonised, and the natives proved very willing to hold intercourse with the Europeans; from whom they received civilization and even Christianity. A flourishing trade, favoured by the posi- tion and productions of this beautiful island, caused the diffusion of an active life, general cultivation, and well-being. Thus Formosa became one of the * It was this group of narrow islands, which had originally the name Tai-wan (in Chinese “Great bay'). The Japanese had for it the name Taka sago, i.e. ‘high sand.’ The Dutch called the entrance to the harbour north of Zeelandia, the present Ta-kiang, Lakmoes kanaal; the small island to the west, Bazemboy; and that to the north, the greater Zaccam ; and upon this the fort Provintia was built at the same time. April 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 425 most significant of the Company's possessions. It became also fit to be a point of rendezvous for the Netherland navy, in order to place a slight bar upon the commercial speculations of the Spaniards and the Portuguese at Macao;-while from its geographical position it seemed adapted to form a connecting link for the trade of the East Indies with that along the coasts of north-eastern Asia—with that of China and Japan. The possession of this place presented a prospect full of hope with reference to the as yet dormant trade in the Great Ocean (the Pacific) with that along the north-western shores of America. - - Kösenya's design upon Formosa was not long hidden from the Dutch; and indeed from many sides warnings reached them. Already in 1646 they heard of Kösenya's plan from Japan, and a Jesuit in 1652 brought from China a confirmation of this rumour to Batavia. The insurrection of the Chinese in Formosa, in the same year, showed the Dutch that as far as this numerous colony was concerned, they had to expect nothing but opposition. In 1654– 55 the rumours from China were repeated, and in 1656 Kösenya forbad his fellow-countrymen making the passage to Tai-wan. The warnings of the government of Batavia (in 1657), the assertions of many fugitive natives from China, that Kösenya, on account of the bad issues of his undertakings, had determined upon the invasion of Tai-wan,—the sudden exodus of many Chinese from Formosa, when Kösenya's defeat became finally known —all these together left the governor and the council of Tai-wan no room to doubt about the appearance of this enemy. They put up further works for their protection, and applied to Batavia for support. But Kösenya was instructed about the preparations for defence, and he sought by a cleverly managed delay to assure the Netherlanders. Under the mask of peace he cajoled the council of Tai-wan, and another, to whom their protection was committed, made them still less prepared for the threatened descent in the place. It was Van der Lahn who in July 1660 left Batavia with a fleet, in order to cover the threatened descent upon Formosa. That the fitting out of the fleet should not have been undertaken in vain, the Company had commissioned him, in case of the rumour about Kösenya not proving true, to proceed to the invasion of the rich Portuguese possession at Macao. The prospect of so brilliant an undertaking, fraught with so much interest and gain to himself, prevented Van der Lahn from seeing any danger for Formosa. And when the meritorious governor Coyett and the council of Tai-wan would not give way to his desire to let the fleet go to Macao, he quarrelled with them, returned to Batavia, and used every species of calumny to procure Coyett's ruin. He was listened to, the accused remained unwindicated, and all these measures of pre- caution taken for Formosa were withdrawn as unavailing. But Kösenya was already landed in Formosa. On April 31st, 1661, at break of day, the fleet appeared before Tai-wan, and ran into the spacious haven between Zeelandia and Provintia; and whilst one division anchored between the two forts, the connexion of which it destroyed, the other landed bodies of troops with the assistance of the Chinese 426 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [APRIL 3, 1864. settlers. It was the work of two hours. The garrison of Zeelandia sought indeed by bold sallies to prevent any further advances of the enemy, it was however obliged to yield to the superior force of an army of 20,000 practised warriors. The Dutch ship Hector rushed into the midst of the enemy's junks, and the three remaining vessels forced a passage for themselves, amid wondrous acts of bravery, to the open sea, bearing with them the best part of the Dutch forces. The first attempt at resistance, both by land and by water, was un- fortunate. Kösenya, who obtained from among the Chinese settlers an addi- tion of some 25,000 men, became on the same day master of the country, and as the frightened natives readily followed the commands of the victor, he called for the surrender of Zeelandia and Provintia. The Dutch requested him to name a ransom, for which he should consent to leave Formosa; but Kösenya's political position compelled him, as he explained, to take undivided possession of his new conquest. His object was not the enriching of himself with the treasures of the Dutch Company. He granted to the Dutch free departure, and even offered to them his junks for the conveyance of their goods and arms to Batavia. But the Dutch rejected his proposals, and determined to maintain the possessions of their lord and master. Provintia, deprived of the necessaries of life and the matériel of war, surrendered on the 4th of May, and Kösenya then turned his whole force against Zeelandia. A division of his army landed upon the southern point of the Great Narrow Island, while a portion of the fleet anchored on the eastern side of the fort. The city was abandoned; all fled to the fort. The surprise of a rapid onset at first might have decided the matter to the advantage of Kösenya; but day after day went by, and his enemies gained time to put into operation the means of defence which were at their disposal. Finally, on the 25th of May, the Chinese opened fire from six and twenty pieces of cannon, which they had set, on the previous night (without batteries), in the open field, and they stormed the fort. But a hot shower of balls turned them back, and stretched them in their ranks upon the ground, as they fought without entrenchments. A sortie of the Dutch completed their discomfiture, and the result was a general panic. Yet the little company of the garrison could not further follow up the advantage thus gained, lest they should be cut off from the fort; and they were compelled to rest satisfied with the destruc- tion of the matériel of war which the enemy had left behind. A second sortie had a similar result. Such opposition from the insignificant garrison Kösenya had not expected. A considerable part of his army had fallen; and his forces seemed more necessary to him for the establishment of his power in Formosa, than to sacrifice before the walls of a fort, which he could compel by famine to sur- render. He began the siege of Zeelandia on the 1st of June. In the meantime Coyett's enemies carried their intrigues to a successful issue; the calumnies of Van der Lahn, Clenk, and Verburgh found credit; and on the 21st of June, 1661, the attorney-general H. Clenk was under sail, on his way to deprive Coyett of his post. Two days later the yacht Maria, 428 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [APRIL 3, 1864. and he steered for the settlement of his countrymen in Siam, where he proudly went on shore with every mark of triumph; but when his countrymen, being better informed, advised him to his duty, he returned to Batavia, where he crowned his acts with a report of the war. Whilst Caeuw was waiting at the Piscadores, three of his ships, on account of damages received, went back to Formosa, and on their return to the island found that Caeuw had gone away, and had left behind him the notice of his departure for Batavia. This message took away the last remaining hope from the besieged. They saw the Dutch Company lost through intrigue, themselves betrayed by their own countrymen. What wonder was it when sickness and misery brought down the courage of the deserted garrison to deep dejection Deserters at last made Kösenya acquainted with the state of the garrison and the weakness of the fortifications. He opened fire from three batteries against the fort, stormed the redoubt Utrecht, and from thence he held Zeelandia. Yet the brave-hearted Coyett still thought of opposition, and determined at the head of his people to hold out to the utmost. But the consideration of their weakness, and without any prospect of help, convinced the Dutch, that, even if they could resist the next assault, further resistance would be impossible. Slandered, betrayed, and deserted, Coyett at last made an honour- able surrender of Zeelandia, on the 1st of February, 1662, and departed with the rest of his people to Batavia, fulfilling a sad fate. After a two years' confinement he was deprived of his honours and possessions, and banished to one of the Banda islands until, at the end of twelve years, his children and friends in Holland obtained his release by the intercession of the prince of Orange. - After the departure of the Dutch, Kösenya became the sole master of Formosa. He founded on the site of the present Tai-wan fu, the capital of his new kingdom, which he called Tung-ning ('Eastern Rest”); and fixed his residence in Tung-ning, Zeelandia restored, which then took the name of Gan-ping ching (‘The City of Peace'). He died in the first year of K'ang-hi (1662). His son and successor, Ching-king-mai, took possession also of the Piscadores. An expedition sent from China in 1664 against Tai-wan mis- carried. In the years 1674, 1678, Ching-king-mai made an invasion of China. He died in 1681, and left behind him a son of tender years, Ching-k’i-shnang. When Yau, the Manchu governor of Fū-kien, offered pardon and rein- statement of the Chinese in Formosa to their former position, the greater part of them returned to their fatherland. Yau then sent a fleet against Formosa, the Piscadores were taken, and Ching-k’i-shwang became subject to the ruling dynasty of China, and he was removed to the neighbourhood of Peking with the title of Wang ( King’ or ‘’Prince'). Since that time Tai-wan has been a province of Fú-kien. - 432 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [APRIL 3, 1864. bright blade flashed and glittered around the head of PI-cheu-niang, endea- vouring to strike her. She merely, however, drew out a silk kerchief, and put- ting it over her head, the sword stood still in mid-air. She then commanded it to come to her, and the obedient sword came to her hand. Then in her turn, she rapidly uttered a few words, and summoned a powerful spirit, who immediately stood before her. “Take Chen Jen,” said she, “and carry him away to the most distant mountain in the land.” The spirit was about to obey the behests of his mistress, and had already carried him to some distance from the ground, when Chen Jen seeing that all his power was useless when used against the white serpent, piteously implored her to have mercy upon him, saying, “Indeed, great lady, I was not aware of your wondrous power, I am unable to compete with you, and I beseech you to have compassion on me, and to spare my life. Henceforth I shall no longer dare to affront you." PI-cheu-niang smiled, and said, “I am the pupil of the mighty spirit of the Black Mountain, and am here in obedience to her commands. How then did you dare to call me a fiend? However, bring me the money you obtained yesterday, and I will spare your life.” The priest hastened to reply, “The money is in my house, I have not touched it.” Upon this, Pi-cheu-niang ordered the spirit to put Chen Jen on the earth again; and he hastened, his whole face suffused with red, to fetch the money. As soon as Pi-cheu-niang had received it, she said, “You will now collect together all that belongs to you, and return to the mountain from which you came;—should I again find that you have visited this place, you will assuredly pay for your temerity by losing your existence.” She then returned home, and the old priest went to the mountain of his master, in order to learn fresh spells, and more powerful incantations. In the course of the evening the slave girl, taking advantage of the tempo- rary absence of Hii-sien, said to her mistress, “To-morrow is the fifth day of the fifth moon, and every one will be buying the Heung Hwang wine. Now there is an ancient saying, ‘For a snake to see the Heung Hwang wine, is like a human spirit visiting purgatory !” Were I to swallow it, it would seem as the searing of a hot iron through my entrails; and should we per- chance be forced to resume our own shapes, and to be seen by your husband, what would be the consequences 2 I think therefore that it were better to deceive Han-win, and making some excuse, to go elsewhere for the day, and return when the danger is over. What do you think of my proposition ?” The white serpent replied, “For my part I don't fear this wine, but I can quite understand your doing so, for you are but a child, being only eight hundred years old. However, I have a plan for you—I recommend you this evening to say that you are ill, and to-morrow remain all day in bed, and keep yourself completely covered over, by so doing, even if you are forced to resume your proper form, it will never be observed, and Han-win is the only person whom we have to deceive.” Having received this advice, the slave girl went to bed, complaining of indis- position. The next morning every one arose as usual, except the servant, 434 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [April 3, 1864. she saw her lying on the bed transformed into a huge white serpent, and Han- wān lying dead upon the floor. - At this sight she was much alarmed, and cried out, “Dear mistress, hasten to resume the human form, for your husband has been frightened to death by your appearance.” PI-cheu-niang heard these words in the midst of her trance, and making a great effort, she again took the form of the wife of Han-wān, and rushing towards her husband, she knelt down, and clasping his head to her bosom, lamented and bewailed his loss, crying, “O beloved husband, why did you force your unhappy wife to swallow that fatal wine; for I was unable to bear the pain, and so assumed the form of a serpent. Could I tell that you would return so soon, and that I should be the cause of your untimely death?” She then burst into an uncontrollable fit of tears. But the servant-girl exclaimed, “What is the use of your thus bewailing over his inanimate body ? Why do you not again take the form of a serpent, and swallow his corpse 2 We can then go elsewhere, and can easily find you another husband.” But Pº-cheu-niang angrily exclaimed, “Do you know what you are saying How could I find the heart to swallow my good husband, and then to go and find another? No! No! this must not be, I must find some method of bringing him back to life.” At this the servant scornfully exclaimed, “O obstinate one : do you not see that he is actually dead, and that his soul has fled How then do you propose to restore him to life?” Her mistress replied, “My good girl, you evidently don't understand this affair. I have resolved what to do. I shall utterly dis- regard my existence, and shall venture into the presence of some powerful god, and endeavour to obtain from him some medicinal herb which shall cure my husband. If I succeed in securing this remedy I shall of course be inexpres- sibly delighted; should I, however, fail in my enterprise and lose my life, I shall at least have the satisfaction of knowing that I have done all I could for him.” Having spoken these words, she assumed the appearance of a nun, and mounting on a cloud hastened to the residence of the powerful god Tau-che. When she arrived at her destination, she found the mouth of the cavern was blocked up by an attendant spirit of Tau-che, and being unable to go in, she was obliged to bow down to the ground before him, saying, “I am the pupil of the great spirit of the Black Mountain, and in obedience to her commands, have descended to the earth, and formed a matrimonial alliance with Hii- sien –he is now dangerously ill, even dying, and there is no known medi- cine that can restore him. I have therefore come to the great spirit Tau-che to pray him to have pity on me, and to give me some miraculous remedy to enable me to save his life; and I beseech you that you will use all your influence with him to grant me this favour.” But the attendant spirit saw at a glance that it was no nun addressing him, but an evil spirit, and he wrathfully exclaimed, “How hast thou dared, O wicked spirit, thus to defile the holy Purity of this sacred mountain with thy presence? How canst thou dare to 436 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [APRIL 3, 1864. never be exposed to temptations, and that evil thoughts would never enter her heart. In China the emperor is certainly the sovereign pontiff of the nation. He exercises in it the most incredible authority over his highest ministers, even that of spiritual father; but indeed the governor went too far, when he looked upon such a necklace as an infallible talisman; as we shall see. The emperor Hiuen-tsung, the inventor of theatrical entertainments, the founder of the celebrated academy of Han-lin, was not only generous, he loved the arts; he was fond of music, and as he understood it very well, he collected, as the historians say, in his palace a hundred young actresses, to whom he taught singing. This was not all; he was fond of fetes. One day, in the third decade of the third month (the Chinese are particular about these details), the emperor Ming Hwang-ti had assembled all the inhabitants of the capital, without exception, for a great fête on the Kiu-lung Chi, or ‘the Lake of the Nine Dragons,’ to a concert, with singular interludes. During these divertissemens they were to endeavour to read an imperial proclamation, the characters of which had been formed of the flowers of the peony” by one of the concubines of the palace. Wang-fu, as the governor of Chang-gan, was commissioned to make the preparations for this festival. He did so with the greatest care, and ordered his daughter Lieu-mei to take a part in it with one of her young attendants, whom they call in theatrical pieces mei-hiang, ‘the fragrance of the plum tree.” Lieu-mei at first made some objections to this plan, on account of her youth, her timidity, and even her modesty. She had never left the women's apartments, how could she bear the gaze of men 2 “Fear not, my daughter,” replied the father, “some one shall go with you. I have already chosen two respectable servants.” Lieu-mei obeyed, and on the next day, at the hour appointed, she went with her attendant to the Lake of the Nine Dragons. It is here that the principal character in the play, Han Fi-king, first appears on the scene. Fi-king, a native of Lö-yang, was the intimate friend of Ho Chi-chang and of Li T'ai-pé. He enjoyed a high reputation as a poet. His poems had an extensive and rapid circulation throughout the empire. He cared little for fame, had no ambition, was fond of drinking, and would not seek for office or literary distinction. The public administration was not more fairly conducted under the T'ang dynasty than it is now. In order to obtain a good position in the public examinations, it was necessary to bribe the judges with presents. Therefore, Fi-king, who dwelt with the scholar Ho Chi-chang, gave himself up to the pleasure of drinking and composing verses, when he heard that the emperor was going to give a grand fête at the capital, on the Lake of the Nine Dragons. He runs there, half-intoxicated, pushes through the crowd, and, with the common people, presses against ‘the red cord’ (hung-shing) which surrounded the spot where the emperor sat with the imperial concubines, the ministers, and the great men of the state. Afte * Called Meu-tan by the Chinese, and held in great estimation, being called “the King of Flowers’ by them. 444 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [May 3, 1864. would indicate the proper lines desirable for their first essays, and the rich current of commerce would speedily flow in along their roads in preference to “the silent highway,” but slow, by which for ages it had been conveyed. The effect of the last great war with China has been to open the country to Hankow, where at the confluence of two great rivers, is the seat of three great cities. Hence to Canton, a distance of some 5oo miles, the rail would create a new route both for passengers and goods. They would travel through a most interesting and picturesque country, and arrive at their destination in the great producing districts, a month or two before they could by the long sea-coast route and along the Yang-tsz. In the southern half of China, the two most eligible routes by which to reach the great central emporium of trade—Hankow—would be from Canton along the banks of the Pe-ho or ‘North River,' by San-shwui (‘the Three waters’), where the Pé-ho meets the Chu-kiang or “Pearl River,’ to the foot of the Mei- ling mountains at Nan-hiung. By this line,—along which the embassy of Lord Amherst proceeded,—the town of Tsing-yuen, the district city of Fa-kang, the departmental city of Shau-cheu, and the district city of Nan-hiung would be passed. This latter place is the great resort of traders, who bring goods from the north across the pass in the Mei-ling, which at that point does not exceed 1 ooo feet above the sea-level, and the ascent is gradual. At Nan-yan, a district city upon the northern side of the pass, and in the province of Kiang-si, the produce, which is being conveyed south, is unshipped to be carried by coolies across the Mei-ling pass. Through a portion of this pass, tunnelling might be necessary, but probably to no great extent, as the land rises gradually for some distance. At Nan-gan, the water-course again begins, and the river Kan flowing N. by E. or NNE. affords a passage for goods to and from the Pö-yang Lake, famed for the beauty of its surrounding scenery, passing by the cities and towns of Nan-kang, KAN-cheu, Wan-gan, Tseu-ho, Ki-gAN, Ki-shui, Pin-kin, LIN-KIANG, Fung-ching, to the provincial city of NAN-chang, before which, according to Sir John Barrow, who accompanied the embassy to China, above 1 oo,0oo tons of shipping was lying. This city is the mart to which the produce of the region around the Pö-yang Lake proceeds, and it would form one of the chief termini for a line of railway commencing at Canton in the south, following the course of the rivers indicated above, and meeting the shore of the Yang-tsz at the open port of Kiu-kiang. In due time, lines would branch off from this point to Hankow, in a westerly and north-westerly direction, and from the neighbouring town of Hu-keu in a north-easterly direction to NAN-KING (Nankin), both lines following the course of the Yang-tsz, along the valley of which few difficulties of an engineering kind would be encountered. The first thing to be secured is the consent of the Imperial Government; and when the great lines between Canton and the Yang-tsz, and in the northern half of the empire between the Yang-tsz and Peking, by way of the Grand Canal, are completed, numerous branch lines will be speedily indicated and will be found necessary. May 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. . 445 From the earliest times the Chinese have given great attention to simple and rapid means of transit for goods. They understand well enough that this constitutes an important branch of political economy, and it is not likely that they will ignore the advantages which must accrue to the empire by the introduction of the Railway and the Telegraph, if only they be properly represented to them, and as soon as they perceive their efficiency. Since writing the above, a paper of considerable extent, accompanied by a map of proposed railways for China, by an English engineer, has come into our hands. It was somewhat remarkable that a subject upon which we had often ruminated, and which found its expression in the above paragraphs, should have been occupying the thoughts of a gentleman so able practically to carry this design into effect. Sir Macdonald Stephenson visited China in the spring of this present year, for the very purpose of collecting information from, and obtaining the opinions of Europeans on the spot, in order to bring about, if possible, what we believe with him to be a project fraught with the greatest benefit to China and to European commerce and civilization, as well as, and above all, to the spread of the Christian religion into China. It may seem strange to some, to hear of railways tending to Christianize a nation, but whatever facilitates international communication must at least give the op- portunity for the spread of true religion among the people. How many heathen corners of our own land have had the privilege of hearing from the living preacher the words of eternal life, which in former days would have been separated too far away from the head-quarters of their influences. Every science is a handmaid to religion, and aids in the great work of humanizing and civilizing our race. We cannot but wish these proposals “God speed” therefore. And as to the particular lines which it would be well to construct in the first instance, we may suggest that the first point to be considered, is the approval and sanction or support of the Imperial Government. And as ocular demonstra- tion and real experience of the comfort and speed of railway travelling would lead to a favourable issue if any plan would, we should think that it is highly important to get permission to construct a railway—a single-line would do— to connect the Emperor's palaces; or to carry His Majesty a portion, if not the whole, of the way to Ji-ho-gr (Jehol) from Peking. There on the road, which in the time of Lord Macartney was reserved for the Emperor's sole use, no great difficulty would be found. - The Imperial Government would not be likely to grant a line from Peking to Tien-tsin very readily, unless the argument about the supply of rice from the southern provinces coming along the sea-board in foreign bottoms should weigh with them. The Chinese are a very cautious and crafty race, and it will be no easy matter to persuade them to co-operate. If the Rebels could be induced, which we are inclined to believe they would without much persuasion, to have a line or two constructed in the territory held by them; when the Imperialists perceived the advantage which the power of bringing up distant forces and supplies would create, they would be very likely to 1 1 2 446 . The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. memorialize the throne to grant anything in this direction. The same repre- sented as possible, or even probable, would not be likely to have a like effect upon so matter-of-fact a people as the Chinese. If the lieutenant-governor of any province should have temerity enough to grant a concession, or to take any part in the construction of a railway without the full authority of the Peking rulers, he will do so at his peril; and if he knows his duty, he will pause ere he commits himself to a cause which may involve him in ruin, though the project he advances may restore his country from wreck. We should say then, let strong representations be made to the Chinese Government respecting the great advantages which may be likely to arise from possessing these facilities for rapid communication between the most distant provinces by telegraph and by rail; show what an impetus would be given to trade which is now almost dormant in some provinces—how it would be as life to the dead in some regions—what an equalizing effect it would have on the prices of commodities—how the abundance of one province could supply the want of another, and that thereby famines would be in a measure prevented. Get the Imperial Government to realize that the capital and the Kwang-tung and Yun-nan provinces may become six times nearer than formerly, and that by the telegraphic wire, the reins of government in those distant provinces could be actually manipulated in Peking, and convey the behests of the paternal government thither, while the iron-road could bring down upon any rebellious tribes in those far-off lands, trained forces to subdue, or to punish, the refractory states; let this be done well, and in thorough Chinese style, with some savoury maxims of the holy sages, who in many of their sentiments were before their age—and China will accept the altered circumstances and confess that— Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis. Then the ancient “City of the Rams” will claim its share of the general blessing, and rise to greater magnificence than of yore. Not one line of rail will terminate in Canton, but three or four. There would be the Great Western or Si-fang-tau WH y §§ ; the Great Northern or Pé-fang-tau +. Jy #i, branching off in a north-westerly direction into Hu-nan, by the famed city of CHANG-shA and the emporium of Yö-cheu, to Wu-chang and Hankow,-and in a north-easterly direction, as we have proposed, following the old line of traffic from the tea and silk districts. Then from Canton ought to proceed a line to run into the province of Fü-kien, ter- minating at Fü-chku; besides a line south-east to Hongkong and due south to Macao and the sea-board. The line, however, which would seem to be most wanted, and to be likely to produce the speediest returns, is that from Wu-sung at the entrance to the Shanghai river—the Hwang-pu–through Shanghai to Su-cheu, and thence to the Yang-tsz, following the line of the Grand Canal, or south- wards to HANG-cheu, the “City of Palaces,” once the capital of China, and thence almost due west to GAN-king, the capital of the province of Gan-hwui. MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 447 In constructing any network of railways in China, regard must be had to the great centres of trade and fashion. Now in each of the eighteen provinces there is a centre of this sort, in which the choicest wares are produced, and to which the fairest products of the provinces are drawn. The Chinese are systematic to a fault, and to please and gratify this pro- pensity of theirs, it would be necessary to exhibit as complete a system of railroad communication as possible. The object would be best attained by laying down, in the first place, a grand trunk line for a given purpose. The great military roads of the Romans might be the type. The centre of govern- ment and the great centres of commerce and resource claim the first attention. By trade, foreign and domestic, the throne is upheld, hence the reason for connecting these. Then provincial capitals should send their wealth and learning to support the Central Government by lines of railway forming a junction with the main trunk at a well selected place,—a fertile region or a mining field,—whence products might be drawn as return freights, or to provide the raw material of special trades. Then, in the next place, all growing or well established sea-ports should be connected with the interior of the country, which they may thus supply with foreign commodities, and whence they may draw exports. - If some such system and its minor branches could become a reality, China would rise like the Phoenix—the Fung-bird Jº-fresh and renewed from its ashes; and the Dragon # would symbolize truly by its transformations the change which would come over the “Inner Land.” It might then become really the “Flowery Land,” and blossom again; it might then be said in truth to be the “Middle Kingdom,” and its products would go forth to bless the whole earth. China is now in the throes of political change. The effete dynasty which now rules cannot hope to conquer under the old régime; if it is to get the better of the Rebellion of fifteen years standing, it must do so by means of some new invention, by the possession of which they have the start of their Rebel subjects. The Taipings had Christianity, such as it was, and by this they overcame their masters. They have not been slow to adopt European weapons and instruments of war. In this the Imperialists have participated, and their successes are due to this foreign element being introduced. Even now by the last mail we hear that Dr. Macartney has succeeded in persuading the Fu-tai to establish a shot and shell foundry at Su-cheu, from which 12oo to 2000 of these missiles are turned out in a week. Such yielding as this shows that the thin end of the wedge is being inserted, and bids fair to produce a decided rupture in the massive obstinacy of the Chinese mind. In conclusion, we must repeat our conviction that the Rail and the Tele- graph are wanted in China—that the time is come for them, and that when started, they will spread rapidly and easily into the very heart and core of the country. We can now reach head-quarters, and need not be put off by evasions and foolish excuses. Her Majesty's minister at Peking should be 448 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. authorized to propose the introduction of Railways and Telegraphs as the best advice we can offer as to means tending to tranquillize the empire. And now that our military and naval aid is to be withdrawn, it seems to be the very time to propose a plan by which China may extricate herself from the difficulties under which she is at present labouring. Such advice cannot be construed into an infringement of the principle of non-intervention. Sir Macdonald Stephenson has exerted himself perseveringly in the course which he had marked out, and we trust that he will obtain the object he aims at. Having secured the necessary privilege of making a line, however short, the object will be attained. Then will follow explorations, surveys, mining operations, &c. &c., sufficient to occupy all the unemployed engineers in this country and the surplus population of China. British capital will be em- barked in an undertaking in which the risks will be small indeed in proportion to the profits; and while the straggling bands of a misgoverned people will be ready to labour honestly for their living, the upper classes of China will enjoy the pleasure of “running to and fro in the earth” and getting wisdom. The short line from Canton to Fat-shan, which can be completed in fifteen months, seems likely to be the earliest attempt. The Viceroy of Canton is favourable to it, and his representations at Peking will doubtless have great weight, if he is properly acquainted with the arguments to show the benefits which would accrue to the trade of Canton thereby. This subject of Railways and Telegraphs in China is of so much importance that we propose to continue our remarks upon it at no distant date. ART. II.-The Science of the Chinese. Arithmetic. By O—. [Evtracted from the “North China Herald,” 1852.] (Continued from page 417.) Those who are fond of tracing the origin of numeral characters, will pro- bably find in these records a strong corroboration of the digital theory, or that which assigns the number of fingers on the hands as the foundation of decimal notation. In this respect, the Chinese characters approximate to the Roman numerals. It has been erroneously stated by some authors that the Chinese have used the Swan-pan or abacus, from time immemorial, whereas its introduction appears to be of but comparatively recent date. In ancient times calculations were carried on by means of Sheu, or tallies made of bamboo, and the written character is evidently a rude representation of these. From 1 to 5, the numbers are represented by the respective number of parallel strokes; from 6 to 9 inclusive, one stroke is drawn to represent 5, and the additional number is represented by so many strokes perpendicular to it; thus, III 3, 16, n 7. Having thus obtained a simple but sufficiently effective system of figures, we find the Chinese in the actual use of a method of notation de- MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 449 pending on the theory of local value, several centuries before such theory was understood in Europe, and while yet the science of numbers had scarcely dawned among the Arabs. In the Penny Cyclopædia, vol. ii. p. 338, it is said, “The Chinese have no written method of expressing local value, though their Swan-pan is a practical use of the principle.” Sir John Davis, in a paper read before the Asiatic Society in 1823, stated: “The Chinese possess no real science of their own; and that they obtained none from the Hindoos, is, I think, proved by the readiness with which they adopted that of the Europeans.” This remark he goes on to support by several arguments, and he has been frequently quoted as an authority by writers on the subject. Again, the same author, in his interesting work on the Chinese, vol. ii. p. 283, remarks : “The Chinese numbers are written in words at length, that is, unlike the Arabic system of numeration, where the powers of the numbers increase or diminish decimally, according to posi- tion.” An example from any native work will be a sufficient reply to the above statements. The following is taken at random, from the works of Tsin-kiu- chau of the Sung dynasty, and is a fair specimen of the ancient notation:— E O E || || ET E ſl OOOO |=o Bll||= T TXIIIllx In this subtraction sum it will be seen at a glance, that the author had the same view, with regard to local value, including the use of the cipher, as that universally adopted by modern civilized nations; the above sum, in European figures, stands thus:– I,470,000 64,464 1,495,536 It is taken out of the middle of a complicated problem. In the old arithmetical works, no initiatory rules are given corresponding to our Addition and Subtraction; but these are supposed to be understood by the student, before commencing his methodical application. They have, in- deed, the words j[] }}; Kiaſa, Addition, and # # Kien ſa, 'Sub- traction;' but the reader must be careful not to confound these with the notions which the same terms convey to us. The Chinese Kia-fé is a sub- stitute for our multiplication, performed by successive additions to the original sum, while Kien-fi is a substitute for division; each of these are divided into five or six rules, the main feature of which consists in reducing the first figure of the working factor to unity, and treating the remaining figures as aliquot parts. The English idea of addition is conveyed by the words * Ho or {# Ping, ‘to combine.’ And here it may be remarked that in the modern use of many of the terms there is an obvious deflection from the ancient meaning of these same terms, the cause of which will be explained by subse- quent remarks in this paper, MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 451 length, one division forming a fan (‘line'), Iofan 1 tsien (“inch'), to tsien I shi (‘foot'), &c. The Hwang-tsung contains 1,200 grains of rice, and ten of these tubes full are equal to a shing (‘pint”), &c. The 1,200 grains con- tained in the Huang-tsung are equal in weight to 12 chu (“penny-weights'); 24 penny-weights make a liang (‘ounce"); 16 ounces make a kin (‘pound'), &c. III. # %) Shwui-fan, “Fellowship.’ This section teaches the division of property among several partners, in unequal shares, such as the relative proportions of 4 to 6, 2 to 8, 3 to 7, &c., in continued progression. Jº }; Shau-kwang, “Evolution.” The object of this section is to elucidate the extraction of the square and cube roots, which it does in a series of 24 problems, where the principles are applied, not merely to equilateral squares and cubes, but also to parallelograms and parallelo- pipeds of every possible dimension. The rules are very much the same as those in use at the present day in school-books in England, while the arrange- ment of the nomenclature certainly does not suffer by comparison with our system; for the various parts of the process taking their names from the geometrical figure, the operator is enabled to see, at every step, the particular object of what he is performing. The next lower term to the given power is called J; fang, “square,” in the cube; the next term is the Jiří lien, “angle' or “line;” while the lowest in each is the |# yu, ‘corner' or “unit.’ There is no reference to any higher power than the cube. V. É Ijj Shang-kung, “Solid Mensuration.’ This section treats prin- cipally of the calculation of public works, such as building walls and fortifica- tions, raising turrets and mounds, excavating pits and fosses—the rules being applied to ascertain the cubic measurement of all rectilineal bodies where the surfaces are not at right angles to each other, or where a mean is required between two dimensions, such as the prism, the pyramid, the cone, and their respective frustra, &c. &c.; but the application is not confined merely to sub- stances, or even spaces; for several problems are given on the comparative speed of different kinds of travelling—on foot, on horseback, and by boat; also on the comparative qualities of labour, &c.; all worked out on the same fundamental principle. VI. #4; #. Kiun-shu, “Alligation.” The main object of this section seems to be the levying of an average impost, according to the amount of land, the number of the population, the distance, and the portability of the tribute; it is also applied to the mixture of various articles, differing in price, so as to attain a given standard; and to find the respective numbers of several kinds in a given assemblage. The following is one of the examples of the last-mentioned division :-Suppose there are a number of rabbits and phea- sants confined in a cage; in all 35 heads and 94 feet: required, the number of each Ans. 23 pheasants and 12 rabbits. VII. % | 7. Yin-nil, ‘Surplus and Deficiency.’ This consists of a kind 422 The Chinese & Japanese Repºsitory. [May 3, 1864. of proportion, where the required sum is obtained through the relative ratios of the remainder or deficiency of two series. The questions take the following form 2-A number of men bought a number of articles, neither of which are known; it is only known that if each man paid 8 cash, there would be a surplus of 3 cash; and if each man paid 7 cash, there would be a deficiency of 4 cash; required, the respective numbers? Ans. 7 men, 53 articles. - T1 VIII, Jy ## Fang-ching, ‘Equation.” . This section is remarkable as containing an exposition of the use of the terms IE ching, ‘plus,’ and fá fu, ‘minus.’ In a series of 18 problems, it gives the method of ascertaining the value of unknown quantities, from certain conditions of combination, depending on the number of terms in the equation. The following is one of the simplest examples —If 5 oxen and 2 sheep cost 1o taels of gold, and 2 oxen and 8 sheep cost 8 taels; what are the prices of the oxen and sheep respectively Ans, each ox 1 tael and 4+; each sheep # of a tael. IX. Æy |% Keu-ku, ‘Trigonometry.’ This section is illustrated by 24 problems, some of which are curious in themselves; and a selection is here given, preceded by the corresponding rules, from which the character of the whole may be judged. Nothing is attempted beyond the right-angled tri- angle, the capabilities of which are tolerably well exhausted. In the following examples, let a represent the base, b the altitude, and c the hypothenuse.— 1. Given, the difference of altitude and hypothenuse, and the base; to find the hypothenuse:– (a”—c—bº) -- 2c —b. Ex. There is a pool io feet square, with a reed growing in the centre, which rises a foot above the surface; when drawn towards the shore, it reaches exactly to the brink of the pool; what is the depth of water? Ans. 12 feet. 2. Another method:— (a2+ c = bº) -- 2c = b. Ex. On opening a two-leaved door, when the inner edges of the leaves are a foot from the door-frame, there is an opening of 2 inches between the leaves; what is the width of the door Ans. Each leaf 50, inches. 3. Another method :- a” -- c = b + c – b. Ex. A chain, suspended from an upright post, has a length of 2 feet lying on the ground, and on being drawn out to its full extent, so as just to touch the ground, the end is found to be 8 feet from the post; what is the length of the chain Ans, 17 feet. 4. Another method – a \* c – b c – b (*) - tº * * s 5- = c. Ex. There is a circular beam of wood in a wall, the dimensions of which are * known, but on inserting a saw, it is found that when it has entered MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 453 an inch in depth, the saw-cut is a foot in length; what is the diameter of the piece of wood Ans. 2 feet 6 inches.—5. Given, the sum of the altitude and hypothenuse, and the base; to find the altitude :- b+c-a? -- b + c. Ex. 2 There is a bamboo 10 feet high, the upper end of which, being broken down, on reaching the ground, the tip is just 3 feet from the stem; what is the height to the break Ans. 4+, feet. This problem is said to be con- tained also in the Indian mathematical work, Brahmagupta, (see Journal Asiatique, Mars, 1839.)—6. Given, the base and altitude, to find the sum and difference of these and the hypothenuse:— 2 ab + c + a + b. Ex. What is the diameter of the largest circle that can be inscribed within a right-angled triangle, the two short sides of which are respectively 8 and 15 Ans. 6. Such is a very superficial outline of this venerable memento of a by-gone age. A curious characteristic, deserving of notice, is the fact that every section and sub-division commences with a stanza of rhyme, embodying, in a general manner, the rule in question. The meaning is not always very appa- rent on the surface, but the quaintness of the phraseology is calculated to fix them on the memory; and on a minute inspection, it will be seen that they contain, in a concise form, the leading ideas which they are intended to con- vey, very accurately expressed. In examining the literary productions of the Chinese, one finds considerable difficulty in assigning the precise date for the origin of any mathematical process; for on almost every point, where we consult a native author, we find reference to some still earlier work on the subject. Their high venera- tion of the works of the ancients, has made them more desirous of elucidating these than of seeking fame in an untrodden path; so that some of their most important formulae have reached the state in which we now find them by an almost innumerable series of increments. One of the most remarkable of these is the Jº Aji Ta-yen, “Great Extension,” a rule for the resolution of indeterminate problems. This rule is met with in embryo in the “Arith- metical Classic”” of Sun Tsz, under the name of #%| 2ſ, }]] § Wii pit chi su, “Unknown Numerical Quantities,' where, after a general statement in four lines of rhyme, the following question is proposed:—Given, an unknown number, which, when divided by 3, leaves a remainder of 2; when divided by 5, it leaves 3; and when divided by 7, it leaves 2; what is the number 2 Ans. 23. This is followed by a special rule for working out the problem, in * Native writers are divided in opinion as to the time when Sun Tsz lived : some consider him the same as Sun Wu-Tsz, a military officer during the Heptarchy, about B.C. 220. The more probable opinion, however, is that he lived towards the end of the Han, or during the Wei dynasty, in the third century of the Christian era. 454 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. terms sufficiently concise and elliptical, to elude the comprehension of the casual reader:-Dividing by 3, with a remainder of 2, set down 14o; dividing by 5, with a remainder of 3, set down 63; dividing by 7, with a remainder of 2, set down 3o; adding these sums together gives 233; from which sub- tract 2 Io, and the remainder is the number required. A more general note succeeds:— For 1 obtained by 3, set down 7c ; for 1 obtained by 5, set down 21 ; for 1 obtained by 7, set down 15; when the sum is 106 or more, subtract 105 from it, and the remainder is the number required. - In tracing the course of this process, we find it gradually becoming clearer, till towards the end of the Sung dynasty, when the writings of Tsin-kiu-chau put us in full possession of the principle, and enable us to unravel the meaning of the above mysterious assemblage of numerals. Applying the principles of the Ta-yen, as there laid down:—Multiplying together the three divisors, 3, 5, and 7, gives 105 for the {}i E|. Yen-mu, ‘Extension Parent." Divide this by the º: E} Ting-mu, “Fixed Parent,’ 7, the quotient 15 is the 4 jî § Yen-su, ‘Extension Number.” Divide this again by 7, and there is an overplus of 1, which is the # # Ching-sii, “Multiplying Term;' by which, multiply the Extension number 15, and the product 15 is the }} | Yung-su, * Use Number,” or, as it is given above, for 1 obtained by 7, set down 15. Divide the Extension parent 105, by the Fixed parent 5, and the quotient 21 is the Extension number. Divide this again by 5, and the over- plus 1 is the Multiplying term. Multiply the Extension number 21, by this, and the product 21 is the Use number; which is given above, -for 1 ob- tained by 5, set down 21. Divide the Extension parent 1o 5 by the Fixed parent 3, and the quotient 35 is the Extension number. Divide this again by 3, and there is a f Ki, “Remainder,’ of 2. This remainder being more than unity, is then submitted to a subsidiary process, termed sk —- Kiu-yi, “Finding Unity,’ which is the alternate division of the Extension parent and Remainder by each other, till the remainder is reduced to 1; the result in the present instance is 2, which is the Multiplying term; by which multiply the Extension number, and the product 7'o is the Use number; which is the meaning of the sentence,—for 1 obtained by 3, set down 70. Having thus obtained the several Use numbers, multiply the corresponding original re- mainders by these;— 70 × 2 = 14o ; 21 x 3 = 63; 15 × 2 = 30; add these three numbers together, as stated in the rule, and the sum is 233; from which subtract as many times the Parent number 1 off as it will admit, which making 2 Io, the remainder is 23, the number required. The general principles of the Ta-yen are probably given in their simplest form in the above rudimentary problem of Sun Tsz. Subsequent authors, enlarging on the idea, applied it with good effect to that complex system of cycles and epicycles which form such a prominent feature in the middle-age MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 457 The third problem relates to the calculation of labour; 4 companies of men, varying in number, being engaged in raising an embankment; each company has an equal portion of work allotted to it; the amount of work is not stated; but the force of each company, and the quantity left unfinished by each company after the last full day's work, is given, from which it is required to find the gross amount of the labour performed. (To be continued.) ART. III-Suttee in China. By C. C., Interpreter in Her Majesty's Civil Service in China. (Reprinted, by permission, from “All the Year Round,” Sept. 1861.) The Indian Suttee, or voluntary sacrifice of a living wife, by burning, on one pyre with the corpse of her husband, is abolished throughout the British dominions, and is supposed to be rare in the outlying provinces. The act of self-immolation was often most determined. Of one widow it is said that she not only set at nought all admonitions to relent from her purpose, but that she put a finger into the fire and held it there for some time as a proof of fortitude; also, that she took up some of the fire with one hand, to place it in the other, where she held it while she sprinkled incense on it to fumigate the attendant Brahmins, We have all heard of the custom of Suttee, while the existence of a similar practice in China is almost unknown in England, unknown even to many Englishmen in China, who have resided there for years. Of such a scene of public self-immolation by a Chinese widow, I, writing now at Foo-Chow-Foo in the month of January, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, was, a few days ago, an eye-witness. The Chinese Suttee, when it occurs, is the self-sacrifice of widows, who are also orphans and childless; who consider themselves useless, and, as it were, lost in the world; and who seek death, not only as a means to show their affection for the deceased husband, but of escape from the evils of a very wretched and isolated position. It is commonly a suicide of the desperate, put forth as a public and glorious act of devotion. Highly praised by Chinese moralists, both ancient and modern, many instances of this kind of solemn self-destruction are recorded in history and romance, though of late years there has been scant resort to it in practice. There is a small book—uncivilly small—purporting to be the history of all the celebrated beauties of China. The work is arranged in divisions, each of which contains the lives of those ladies notorious for some particular virtue or vice, whether for chastity or its opposite, for heroism physical or moral, for kindly gratitude or cruel hate. The woman whom the Chinese author thought entitled to the first place in esteem, was one whose story is as follows:— Her husband was a private soldier in the imperial army. On his return from service, away from his comrades, in a distant province, he was told by his wife how, during his absence, she had been annoyed by the persecutions 458 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. of the officer of his regiment. The poor soldier sought then to revenge him- self on the libertine by taking his life. He failed in the attempt, and military law claimed his own life as a penalty for an attack on a superior. In vain he pleaded provocation; justice was inexorable, and, despite the intercessions of his friends, he was condemned to die. His loving wife, on seeing how sad a calamity her beauty had brought upon her unoffending spouse, determined that since she could not save him, she would not survive him. She provided, therefore, for the welfare of her two children, by selling them into the families of wealthy neighbours, where she knew they would be well cared for. This done, she went to a rapid stream, and, casting herself in where the current was strongest, perished beneath the waters. Now followed her reward. The current, though so strong, refused to convey her body from the spot at which her act of piety had been performed, and there it was soon discovered by the passers-by, who reported to the district magistrate the miracle of a dead body lying unmoved on a running river. This officer, at once hastening to the river-side, took charge of the corpse. A statement was then laid before the higher authorities, and a further investigation made. The end of it was that the condemned soldier was pardoned, a public funeral was granted to the wife, and an arch, inscribed with the words “Ardently chaste,” was erected to her honourable memory. Moreover, the children were returned to the arms of their father, and he, feeling the deep debt of gratitude which he owed to his virtuous partner, refrained for his whole life from contracting any other marriage, lest he should weaken the tender remembrance of one who had proved herself so faithful to his interests. This is one among many stories of the kind in Chinese literature. But, without any more reference to books, I will proceed to show how a sacrifice is managed in our own times, by relating the facts of the tragedy enacted before my own eyes in the neighbourhood of Foo-Chow-Foo. The first notification I had of what was about to take place was the parading of a handsome wedding chair about that suburb of the provincial capital in which our foreign settlement is situated. The chair was accompanied by all the pomps and gaieties of a wedding—music, gay streamers, and so forth. There was, however, one thing most unusual in this procession. The occu- pant of the chair was exposed to public gaze, instead of being, as in weddings is invariably the case, closely screened. On making inquiry among our Chinese servants as to what this extraordinary departure from established customs might portend, I was informed that the lady was no bride, but a disconsolate widow, recently bereaved, who, finding herself unprovided for and unprotected, and having, moreover, neither father nor mother, son nor daughter, father-in-law nor mother-in-law, was determined upon following her husband to the unknown world, where she might serve and wait upon him as became his dutiful and loving wife. Having accordingly made known her intention to her friends, and having fixed the day for her departure, she was now taking leave of all she knew, and parading the streets as a pattern to her sex. The object of her death being to rejoin her husband, the ceremony was May 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 459 a sort of wedding; she was arrayed and adorned as a bride, and seated in a wedding chair. - I ascertained the time and place appointed for the closing ceremony, and on the morning of Wednesday, the 16th of January, proceeded, accompanied by two friends, to a spot some four miles distant from Nantae, the seat of the foreign settlement and southern suburb of Foo-Chow-Foo. Everybody we passed appeared as well acquainted with the object of our journey as we ourselves were. As we approached the scene of action we found ourselves in a stream of people, chiefly women and girls, the greater part of whom were small footed, and were hobbling along leaning one against another for support, or assisting their tottering footsteps, by means of the shoulders of dutiful sons or brothers. We arrived only just in time to see the chair of the victim carried on the ground, and herself ascend the scaffold which had been prepared for her. The chair was the bridal chair in which she had been carried about the streets; and the scaffold consisted of two stages, one raised a few feet from the ground, and the other about a foot higher. The whole was covered with a dark cloth canopy, supported by a framework of bamboos, within which was set a gallows of one very thick cross piece of bamboo, fastened at either end to a strong upright pole. From this bamboo, under the canopy, and exactly in the middle of the scaffold, hung the fatal rope, covered with a red silk napkin; beneath it was set a chair, to enable the devotee to reach the noose. On the lower platform, was a table of choice meats and vegetables, at which she was to take her last meal in the land of the living. The table was surrounded by the woman's friends, dressed in holiday costumes, and wearing the red cap of Chinese officials. In former times it was the custom for two district magis- trates to be in attendance on all these occasions; but since the higher author- ities were hoaxed, some years ago, by a lady whose courage failed her at the last moment, they have refused to be present at such exhibitions, and now despatch an inferior officer to superintend the arrangements. The scaffold was raised in the midst of a large expanse of fields, at the time lying fallow, and was surrounded by a crowd numbering some thousands. Benches from which a better view could be had, were so much in demand, that we were obliged to pay a dollar (four and ninepence) before we could obtain one for myself and another for my companion; I use the singular num- ber, because we had lost the third member of our party in the crowd. The chief actress in this extraordinary scene appeared at first to be far less excited than any one in the vast concourse assembled. She was dressed in red bridal robes, richly embroidered with coloured silk, and her head was adorned with a handsome gilt coronet. Her decidedly plain face betrayed not the slighest emotion, and she sat down at the table with as much apparent good will as if it had been her bridal, rather than her funeral, feast. While she was eating, we made some inquires among the crowd, and ascertained, in addition to the fact of her being childless, that she was twenty-five years of age, and that her only surviving relations were a brother in poor circum- K k May 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 463 Wei mountain, on which she found the great temple, Mighty indeed it was, for it was surrounded on all sides with every magnificence with which art could furnish it. Wondrous animals also roamed over the hill-side, on which grew in abundance flowers and shrubs of gorgeous hue, unknown to the rest of mankind; and strange fruit trees were almost borne to the ground by the weight of their luscious fruits. Pi-cheu-niang, however, stopped not to admire all these beauties, but hastening onwards soon stood before the great gate of the temple, where she perceived a youth of great beauty. To him she addressed herself, saying, “‘Have pity upon me, I am the wife of a student named Hii-sien, he now lies dangerously ill, and is past all human aid. To- day I went to the god Tau-che to seek medicinal herbs; but the goddess Kwan- yin came to me, and said, “It is not here that thou must seek the miraculous herb, but at the Ke Wei temple. Gothither, therefore, and ask it in my name, and thy request will be acceded to. I, therefore, beseech you to have compas- sion on me, and to pray the great spirit in my name that he will confer upon me a single blade of this wonderful grass that my husband's life may be saved.” With these words she burst into a flood of tears. The youth took compassion on her, and entering the temple, knelt before the shrine of the god, and told him what he had been asked. The god replied, “I know it all; let her desire be complied with.” Upon this the youth took a blade of this precious grass and presented it to Pi-cheu-niang, telling her to hasten homewards with it. She immediately mounted a cloud, and was hurrying to the South, but she was not to return unscathed from her perilous mission, for she had not gone far when another attendant of the Ke Wei temple perceived a black cloud traversing the vault of hea- ven, and, knowing it to be an evil spirit, immediately sprang into the air in pursuit of it, intending to destroy the spirit. When Pi-cheu-niang saw the good spirit approaching her, she was terribly alarmed, and, uttering a loud cry, fell to the earth. The spirit pursued her like a stream of light, and was about to kill her, when he saw far above him another spirit, like a white bird, hastening towards him. He stayed his hand until the new spirit came up, who said, “I am sent by the great goddess Kwan-yin expressly to rescue this white serpent from death. Her time is not yet come. Let her life, therefore, be spared at present; and once her destiny fulfilled, she will die by a death to which she has condemned herself.” With these words he placed himself between the good and the bad spirits. But the attendant spirit of the Ke Wei temple said, “Let her live then, since the mighty goddess Kwan-yin desires it; for how could her servant disobey her commands f" so saying, she disappeared. The attendant spirit of the goddess then approached PI-cheu- niang, who all this time lay on the ground without life or motion. But he, taking her hand, found that she was dead, and stooping down, blew gently upon her lips, thus restoring her to life; she soon heaved a long sigh, upon hearing which the good spirit raised her from the ground, and said, “Hasten to return; delay not on the road, but take the miraculous herb, and save the life of your husband.” 464 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [May 3, 1864. With these words the good spirit spread his white wings and slowly rose high into the air, and directed his course to the South. - At the same time PI-cheu-niang, seeing that she was alone, clutched in her hand the precious herb for which she had risked so much, and, mounting on a cloud, hastened to return home. In an instant more she stood in the court- yard of her house. As soon as she got in-doors she called her servant, and said to her, “Here is the blade of miraculous grass which I have succeeded in obtaining. Take it, and quickly prepare a decoction of if that my husband may thereby be restored to life.” The servant took it, and said, “Does this come from the cavern of the god Tau-che—it can hardly be so—or how would you have been gone so long " Upon this her mistress sighed, and said, “Indeed, my servant, it did not, - truly have I passed through dangers and perils innumerable to obtain it.” She then told her servant all that had occurred, and then urged her to go and prepare the draught; but instead of obeying her orders she stood still. Upon this her mistress became very angry and scolded her, crying, “You vile slave! after my having perilled my existence to obtain this single blade of grass to enable me to rescue my husband from death, are you still to stand there looking at me, instead of obeying my orders 2" but the servant quickly replied, “My mistress, there is one thing that, with all your foresight, you have overlooked. It is not that I am heartless, as you accuse me of being, but you must remember that by drinking that Heung Hwang wine you were forced to resume your own shape of a serpent, in which condition your hus- band saw you, and was frightened to death. Now if you prepare a decoc- tion and, by giving it him to drink, restore him to life, he will assuredly say that we are both fiends, and no argument of ours will make him believe us. I think, therefore, that you should delay the preparation of the medicine until you have discovered some plan by which to deceive him on his recovering consciousness.” When her mistress heard these wise counsels of the slave girl, she could not reply a word, but bowed her head in assent. Presently she exclaimed, “I have hit upon a plan.” She then went to a large clothes-press and took out a long piece of white silk,-this she stretched upon the bed, and began performing incantations. Presently she blew upon the silk, and cried out, “Change" and immediately the silk assumed the appearance of a monstrous white ser- pent. She then took down from the wall a magic sword, and cutting the ser- pent in several pieces, threw them into the court-yard. When the servant saw what her mistress had done, she was greatly delighted at the scheme, and exclaimed, “Now, indeed, we shall find no difficulty in deceiving your hus- band.” Then taking up the miraculous herb, she hurried away and soon re- turned with the decoction. Pi-cheu-niang then took the head of her husband in her lap, and poured the whole decoction down his throat. Directly he had swallowed it he began to move, and soon afterwards opened his eyes, saying, “Hea Ta! what a good sleep I have had.” He then turned round and got up. 466 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. remains of the sham serpent, she returned into the house, where she found that her master and mistress had adjusted all their quarrel, and that they were better friends than before. CHAPTER III. At this time the city of Soo-chow was under the rule of a prefect named Chin Lun, who by his honourable and upright bearing had justly rendered himself beloved by the people. It happened that just about this time this prefect's wife was taken with a dangerous illness, and in spite of the assiduous attention of all the most talented physicians of Soo-chow, her life was despaired of. The poor prefect was distracted with grief at the danger of his beloved wife, when he suddenly bethought him of the reputation which a physician named Han-win (whose aid he had not yet sought) had gained during the late deadly visitation to which the city had been subjected. He at once ordered two police-runners to proceed to the Woo-kea street, and to summon Han-win. The messengers immediately hastened to the shop of the physician, and handed the prefect's card to Taou Jen, who took it to his master, who was in the inner apartments. When Han-win received the card, and under- stood that the prefect wished him to come and attend his wife, he became very uneasy, and hastening to Pi-cheu-niang, he cried, “My dear wife, see what a difficulty I am in The prefect wishes me to attend his wife, who has been given up as past hope by the first physicians. How then can I cure her, who only understand the nature and properties of drugs and medicines, and am utterly ignorant of the science of the pulses?” But his wife, when she heard this, instead of being sorrowful, was overjoyed, and exclaimed, “O lucky chance that has thrown this piece of good fortune in your way! Have no fear ! for I will furnish you with a wonderful medicine, which you shall administer to the prefect's wife, and which will immediately place her beyond all danger.” She then sent the slave girl for a small box, strongly bound with bars of metal, from which she took two pills, and gave them to her husband, telling him that whatever illness the prefect's wife was afflicted with, the medicine would place her recovery beyond a doubt. Han-win, having thanked his wife for the great assistance she had rendered him, then put on clothes suitable to his new dignity of doctor, and betook himself with all speed to the residence of the magistrate. - As soon as he appeared, he was met at the door by the anxious prefect, who conducted him in all haste to the apartment of ceremony, and there told him all the particulars of his wife's complaint. Han-win demanded to see the sick lady, and was at once conducted to her apartment. Having made a pretence of feeling her pulse, and having enquired respecting her symptoms, he returned to the apartment of ceremony, where he was accosted by the magistrate, who hurriedly asked him if he thought there was any chance of saving the life of his patient. Han-win replied, “I see no reason MAY3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. . 467 why we should fear that the malady will terminate fatally. In fact, having some idea of what your lady's complaint would prove to be, I prepared some pills, which I have brought with me, and I have no doubt that if you will give orders for your wife to take them, we shall soon hear of an improvement.” - At this the magistrate was overjoyed, and summoning a slave girl, ordered her to take the two pills to her mistress, and see that she swallowed them. Han-wän and the prefect then anxiously waited to see what the result would be. They had not long to wait, for in a few minutes the slave girl rushed into the apartment, and exclaimed, that no sooner had her mistress taken the medicine than she was seized with great sickness and vomiting, from which she had no sooner recovered than she found that the pain had altogether left her, and that her body was bathed in a copious perspiration. When the prefect heard this, he grasped the physician's hand, exclaiming that he could never repay him for what he had just done,—and overwhelmed him with thanks. When Han-wān rose to take his leave, the prefect ordered his own chair for him, and that a band of music should accompany him to his house. He also sent porters bearing bales of rich silks and quantities of money, as slight acknowledgments of his gratitude. When the doctors of the city heard of this wonderful cure which Han-win had effected, they were very angry, and they all agreed to meet the next day in the San Hwang temple, and to conspire the ruin and destruction of the fortunate physician. The next day, accordingly, all the doctors assembled in the temple. The first who addressed the assembled doctors was quite a young man, who rose and, after claiming their forbearance, said, “Who is this fellow Han-win, who has thus suddenly attained to fame? He is but a banished criminal a man who for his evil deeds has been transported to our fair city 1 and we clearly cannot submit to such a man as that robbing us of our fame, and attaining wealth at our expense. Let us, therefore, prepare a petition, which we can present to the high authorities, setting forth that by some magical arts this fellow has managed to cure the sickness of the wife of the prefect, and consequently to secure the favour and patronage of that official. When the authorities see that Han-win is a criminal, and that he has been in league with evil spirits, they will inflict further punishment upon him, and turn him out of the city. Thus our point will be gained. What think you of my plan f" Upon this an old man, named Liu Fung, arose, and fixed the atten- tion of the assembly, saying, “This plan will never do. This man is now too well known and supported; and has, moreover, suddenly attained too great wealth for us to interfere with him in this open manner. For my part, I would suggest that as in accordance with our yearly custom we must appoint a head director for the forthcoming ceremonies, we should appoint Han-win to that dignity (1). Should he either decline to accept the honour, or be unable to perform his duties, he will in either case cease to be a member of our fra- ternity, and can no longer practise as a physician. Thus our point will be easily gained, as being a criminal, and of poor family, it will not be possible MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 469 ART. V.-Ertracts from A. LoudoN’s “Journal of a Mission to Siam.” By DR. R. Rost, Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, &c. &c. In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Batavia, entitled Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-, land- en volkenkunde, vol. xii. pp. 380–502, an account of the mission is contained which was sent two years ago from Batavia to Bangkok for the purpose of exchanging the act of ratification of the treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, concluded between Siam and the Netherlands on the 17th December, 1860. The mission was headed by the Government Commissioner Mr. A. Loudon, and though his stay at Bangkok was but brief, extending only from the 13th March to the 2nd April, his diary is full of interesting notices, calculated partly to correct, partly to add to, what we have been told by previous writers on Siam. From one of the official docu- ments appended to the Journal, it appears that the commercial intercourse between the Dutch and Siamese dates from a very early time, the former having had factories at the old capital of Ayuthia, as well as at Ligor and Patani (then under Siamese sway), at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Since the year 1608, in which the king of Siam sent an ambassador to the Hague, the friendly relations between the two countries continued, with few interruptions, till the year 1768, when, in consequence of the invasion of the country by the Burmese in the previous year, the Dutch factory at Ayuthia was finally abandoned. In the following pages we propose to give a few extracts from Mr. Loudon's diary, which appear to convey some novel information. The ceremony of clipping the hair-tuft.—March 17. At 3 o'clock in the afternoon we went to the king's palace to witness the procession that was to come off in honour of the clipping of the hair-tuft of the eldest prince born since the first king's accession to the throne. This festival lasts five days and has many duties and ceremonies attached to it, the principal of which is, that the hair, which with children is kept growing into a long tuft fastened by a pin, is at the appearance of puberty cut off so far that only a small brush- like tuft remains. It is next to impossible to describe the splendor and magnificence displayed on that occasion. The procession was headed by a bearded halberdier wearing a bear-skin cap and a leather apron, and carrying an axe, just like the sapper I had often seen in my native country walking in front of troops of soldiers. A second halberdier carried the Siamese colours. After him came a drum-major in Highland costume, and several drummers followed by a band in red coats who were playing a tolerably good march. They were succeeded by a small regiment of infantry in light green coats bound with red, and by another regiment in light blue coats bound with red; both were commanded by officers who, although without any military appearance, were well dressed and gave their words of command in English. At some distance behind the military there followed a handsome female, a sort of “dame du palais,” with a magnificent gold head-dress, and in a gauze MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 471 cases of murder, manslaughter, or destruction of the lives of persons through sheer carelessness. It may serve as a curious contribution to our knowledge of Siamese penal legislature:— Males from 1 to 3 months old, Ticals 6 || Females from 1 to 3 months old, Ticals 4 — — 4 – 6 — — — 8 — — 4 – 6 — — — 6 — — 7 – 9 — — — Io - — 7 – 9 — — — 8 - - io - II - - - 12 - - io - II - - - Io — — I — 2 years old, - 16 - — 1 — 2 years old, - 12 — — 3 — 4 — — — 20 — — 3 – 4 — — — 16 — — 5 – 6 — — — 24 - — 5 – 6 — — — 20 — — 7 – 8 — — — 32 - — 7 – 8 — — — 28 — — 9 — 15 — — — 44 — — 9–10 — — — 32 — — 16 — 20 — — — 48 - — 11 — 15 — — — 36 — — 21 — 25 — — — 52 - — 16–20 — — — 4o — — 26–40 — — — 56 - — 21 — 30 — — — 48 — – 41 – 5o — — — 48 — — 31 — 35 — — — .44 — — 51 – 55 — — — 4o — — 36–40 — — — 4o — — 56–60 — — — 32 — — 41–45 — — — 36 — — 61 —65 — — — 24 - — 46–50 — — — 32 — — 66–70 — — — 16 - — 51 – 55 — — — 28 — — 71 – 75 — — — 12 - — 56–60 — — — 24 — — 76 — 8o — — — io - – 61–65 — — — 16 — — 81 —85 — — — 8 - — 66–70 — — — 12 — — 86–90 — — — 6 — — 71–75 — — — 10 — — 91—ioo — — — 4 - — 76–8o — — — 8 - — 81–85 — — — 6 — — 86–90 — — — 4 - — 91—Ioo — — — 3 In this valuation, the following legal deductions are to be made for blemishes, defects, and disease:— If one eye or one ear be destroyed, there shall be a deduction of one sixteenth from the above valuation. If one hand or one foot be lost or permanently disabled, + shall be deducted. If both eyes or both hands be lost, 3. If both feet be lost, 3. If diseased, so that in all probability it will require only a short time to cure him, #. If diseased, so that it will require a very long time to cure him, #. If diseased and disabled beyond all hope of cure, *. If crazy, epileptic, or idiotic, *.—These rules of discount, the law ordains, shall be made with a due estimation of the age, and probabilities of serviceableness in the future. Plays.-The lakhon is a regular comedy. Generally it is a king and a queen, who cause all sorts of dances and processions to be executed before them, by men as well as women, while some parrots or clowns fill up the intervals and excite merriment. A love-story or a legend, which generally has some historical foundation, usually forms the subject of the performance. Before the play begins, the story of it is recited by one of the actors or actresses. The music is deafening, the dancing rapid, the costume of great variety and beauty. These lakhons are generally performed by troops of 12 o persons and upwards, who travel through the country in boats. They are the delight of the Javanese population, just as the toppeng, ronggeng, and wayang are that of the Javanese. . To every temple a place is attached where the lakhon can be represented; and he at whose expense a lakhon is there MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 473 in Peking in Sept. 1861 and his residence at the British Legation, beginning his labours under the auspices of the British Minister, Mr. (now Sir Frederick) Bruce; and he then proceeds as follows:— A few patients came to me, while I was living in the Legation, but as soon as I went into my house, and it was known that I would attend to any sick Chinese that applied to me, patients began to come in numbers for relief. At first, two or three persons a day came, then a dozen or more, and after- wards twenty or thirty. Among the first cases that were seen, were a woman with an abscess deep in the palm of the hand, and a man with thecal abscess of the forefinger. They submitted at once to the deep incisions needed for their relief, and were very thankful for the benefit they thus received. At this time, I had only the small stock of medicines that I had brought overland with me, and some additional articles procured at Shanghae; but in November the new supply of medicines and various articles arrived, and I was thus in a better position to supply the wants of the applicants, who began to be very numerous. Among the early cases, there were a few fortunate ones, which no doubt had an influence in increasing the number of patients. A man who had necrosis of the right ramus of the lower jaw, had a large portion of the dead bone removed. Subsequently the remaining portion also became detached, and was taken away to the man's great relief. A man who had had closure of the lids of one eye for 20 years, was told that the eye was probably safe, and in good order. A slight operation was recommended, and an incision made in the line of the original opening, when a round eye was exposed, and the man went off exclaiming that he had regained an eye. A very large polypus of the nostril was removed in another case; and a tumour in the gum of the upper jaw, which caused great deformity to a man's face, was operated on and removed. In consequence of these and similar cases, the number of patients rapidly increased, and great numbers attended every day. Persons of all classes, officers of every rank and degree came, and sent their wives, mothers, children, and other relations. Merchants and shop-keepers, working-people and vil- lagers, together with numerous beggars, assembled at the hospital. Ladies and respectable women also were present in large numbers, and it was surprising to see the readiness with which they both came for relief, and brought their children who were suffering from various diseases. The Tartar women came to me very readily indeed. It is probably the Tartar element among the people here, that makes them more free with foreigners than the Chinese are at other places. There is less of Oriental seclusion among the Tartars and other Northern races, than is found among the native Chinese; and I think it not unlikely that we shall find, we can have more fellowship with the Tartar races, both rulers and people, than with the Chinese themselves. The influence of the Tartars is also shown in another instance very remarkably. The Tartar women never have their feet bound or compressed, as the Chinese women have had theirs since A. D. 950; but, 474 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. in Peking, great numbers of the Chinese women are seen with the feet of their natural size like the Tartar women; and, even in the most respectable families both of officers and civilians, the female children are not subjected to this painful proceeding. In Peking, it is not necessary to follow this foolish fashion; but in the other cities of the province, as in all other parts of the empire, the women's feet are compressed into the usual small size. All classes of the people and officers of government of every rank have applied to the hospital. An ex-guardian of the heir-apparent, and President of the Board of Revenue, came to me for the treatment of paralysis. I visited him afterwards at his own house, and attended some members of his family, includ- ing one or two of his daughters. The President of the Board of Punishment sent his son, to be treated for head-ache of a chronic character. Officials of the various other Boards;–members of the Censorate, members of the Han-lin-yuen, members of the Imperial family,–eunuchs of the Palace,— civil and military officers of red, blue, white, and gold buttons,—officers and privates of the regiments of the bannermen, policemen of all classes,— writers and clerks in the public offices have all presented themselves as patients. Chinese, Manchoos, Mongols, Thibetans, Coreans, and Mohammedans, natives of the capital and from Kashgar, and other regions to the West, have been attended to. The number of patients attended to during the 14 months, that the hospital and dispensary have been open, is 22, 144 individual cases. I do not propose to give the details of the diseases that presented themselves, but rather to make such general remarks as may be requisite, on the various classes of diseases, as suggested by my case book, and the detailed register of the cases themselves. - In September and October of 1861, there was an epidemic of jaundice among the people, and 370 cases of this affection applied to the hospital. It was generally slight, and readily yielded to treatment. Some of the cases were accompanied by much pain and fever, and in several of these anasarca supervened. The treatment consisted of purgatives of one kind or another, according to the circumstances, and occasionally a blister over the liver. The people seemed to appreciate the method of cure adopted, as so many of them came for relief. This is an unusual disease to appear as an epidemic. The cause of it is, probably, the sudden change from hot to cold weather. The hot days and cold nights of the autumn, and also the great difference of the temperature on calm and on windy days, cause such changes in the circulation of the liver, that it becomes inactive after the excessive stimulation of the heat. At the time of the change from hot to cold weather, perspiration is suddenly checked, the blood is thrown from the surface of the body upon the internal organs, especially the liver, and this enlargement of its vessels makes it inactive for a time, until it is enabled to adapt itself to the circumstances, and resume its usual or accustomed functions. The epidemic prevailed also to a great extent in the provinces of Shan-se and Shen-si. MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 475 The inhabitants say that jaundice is frequently prevalent in the autumn, but there have only been a few cases observed this autumn of 1862; and since the cholera left the neighbourhood, there has been no prevalent epidemic at all. - Small-por.—In walking about the streets of Peking, it is very remarkable how large a number of the people are seen to be marked by small-pox, showing that this disease is very common, and on enquiry such is found to be the case. At times, this disease prevails as an epidemic. Every year there are many cases in the spring, and many children die, but occasionally it spreads extensively among the inhabitants and commits great ravages. The system of inoculation is followed here as in other parts of China, and the practice usually adopted is to break up a variolous crust or scab, and place it in the mostril of a child, which generally thus takes the small-pox mildly, but the children thus treated sometimes take the confluent form of the disease, by which sight and even life is lost. It is true that the disease taken by inocula- tion is generally milder than when it is taken spontaneously, but the great objection to inoculation is, that the disease itself is thus maintained among the community, and every case is a focus of infection; whereas in vaccination the tendency is to get rid of small-pox altogether, serious accidents do not occur from it, and there is no liability to take on a fatal form of disease. Immediately after the commencement of the hospital, vaccine lymph was procured through the kindness of Dr. Kerr, Medical Missionary at Canton, and many children have been vaccinated. Numerous ladies, both Tartar and Chinese, have brought their children to be vaccinated. Frequently, two or three families came together, the mothers-in-law accompanying the young wives with their nurses and children, all dressed up in their best attire, and making the surgery look for the time like a flower-garden. Vaccination is regularly carried on, as largely as possible, at the hospital. Since this plan was introduced, advertisements have been posted in many of the streets of the city, stating that such and such persons (natives) practise vaccination. Their lymph has all been procured from the hospital, without acknowledgment. These native surgeons send a child to be vaccinated here, and when the lymph is ready for use, they do not allow the child to be brought for inspection, but use the lymph themselves. I offered to teach some of them, and give them directions for keeping the lymph pure and free from deterioration, by showing them the signs of the true vaccine, but they prefer to play me the above trick, and act in this surreptitious manner, than acknowledge an obligation to a foreigner. Cough, haemoptysis, and phthisis prevail largely in this district of the country. As stated in another part of this Report, the soil in this region is sandy, and there is little marsh or damp ground, consequently ague is seldom met with, and there is less dysentery here than in the South of China. As a general rule, where ague prevails diseases of the chest are rare; but when, as in this Northern region, ague is seldom seen, various diseases of the lungs are found to prevail. Of course in cold countries, disease of the lungs Ll May 3, 1864.] The Chinese 4 Japanese Repository. 477 fined by the officer. At all events, the result of this imposition was very satisfactory. I feared the bodies of the dead would be left exposed in the streets, but H never found this to be the case. They were all speedily re- moved, and carried outside the walls of the city. The Chinese rely chiefly on acupuncture in the hands and arms, and especially at the upper and back part of the leg just below the knee, as a means of cure. They also largely use small pills composed of Realgar or Sulphuret of arsenic, Cinnabar, Bezoar, and liquorice root in frequent small doses, but the expectations of cure were not fulfilled. Great numbers died. At first, almost all who were seized died; afterwards, however, the disease appeared to be less virulent, and many of those attacked gradually recovered. The Chinese government opened rooms in various parts of the city, where large quantities of the above pills were given to all applicants with printed directions for their use, and these establishments were kept open till the disease entirely ceased. Among the patients treated in the hospital, and in their own houses, astringents and opium were largely given, in the first instance, with frequent small doses of calomel,-mustard poultices and turpentine frictions being used externally at the same time, and hot water bottles applied to the feet and legs. Stimulants were also given, and afterwards carbonate of soda and chlorate of potash, I believe with much success; at all events the patients got well during, if not because of the treatment. A man is now attending the hospital, who had cholera in the summer, for which acupuncture was used by his friends; the result was violent erysipelas, ending in excessive sloughs of the forearm from the elbow to the wrist, and it will be a long time before the exposed surface is entirely healed. As the result of careful investigation from official sources of information, the amount of the deaths from cholera alone during the two months of its visitation, was 15,000 out of the two cities; and if, as is supposed, the population of these two cities of Peking amounts to 1,500,ooo, the deaths were thus 1 per cent. I had reason to believe that the amount was above 20,000, but the smaller number is stated to be correct, and the result of carefully counting the coffins as they were carried through the gates, by the gate-keepers, who are the subordinates of the Kew-mun Te-tūh or governor. During these months of the summer, July and August, the number of funerals in the streets was very great, and frequently 8 or Io coffins would be seen passing from one of the city gates at the same time. On one occasion, 20 coffins were thus counted on one road only. When cholera had almost entirely left the Tartar city, many fatal cases still occurred in the Chinese city, near the great gates leading into the former. Just at these points there is a dense population, and accord- ing to the usual habit of the Chinese, all the offal and filth from their houses was thrown over the bridges outside the gates into the moat or city ditch. The stench at these bridges in the summer was frightful, and the consequence was that cholera remained about the houses and shops near the bridges for a long time. When speaking to the Chinese about Ll 2 MAY 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 481 a part of a series under the heading “Enseignement primaire de la langue chinoise.” That these works were prepared by the eminent sinologue, Professor S. Julien of Paris, is sufficient to recommend them to the attention of all who are acquainted with his labours and translations concerning Chinese. - The first of these little books, “The Thousand Character Classic,” is the most worthy of the attention of the student of Chinese, whose progress it is calculated to facilitate. It consists of two parts, the former, lithographed pages of Chinese characters, the latter, of the names of these characters,— a literal translation and a full translation, with philological and historical notes. The Chinese portion contains the 1 ooo characters, then each cha- racter analysed so as to show the radical it contains,—and, lastly, a table of the 214 radicals. The Avant-propos mentions some facts relating to the author of this re- markable work, consisting of Iooo different characters. According to the annals of the Liang dynasty (A.D. 502-549), Cheu-Hing-sz, the author of the Ts’ien-tsº-wón, was surnamed Sz-tsuen. He was born at Hiang, in the department of Chin. The emperor having chosen looo different characters from the work of Wang-i, the noted caligrapher, commanded Hing-sz to arrange them, so as to form a consecutive composition, and to put them into verse. After having seen the work, he was well satisfied, and rewarded Hing-sz with some pieces of gold and silk. The work, however, which was completed in a single night, turned the hair of Hing-sz grey. This little work has not ceased to be one of the first elementary books for children in China for more than twelve centuries. It is put into the hands of children to learn at the same time both reading and writing, and from it they acquire many facts concerning history, geography, literature, and ethics, daily duties and domestic virtues. The learned translator states that there are several other translations of “The Thousand Character Classic.” One of them in the Nippon of Dr. Siebold, and another in the Corean Vocabulary of Dr. Medhurst. Professor Julien strongly recommends the student to follow out his plan of analysing the characters in order to impressing them speedily upon the memory; and in this we entirely agree with him. No method is so profitable as the analytic. Etymological analysis is, however, much impeded in Chinese by the fact that many—nearly all—characters have undergone a change of form since their invention. The ancient form frequently—almost always— bears an etymological signification upon its face,—while the modern form very often confounds the earnest student by misleading him, and, through an apparent similarity of form, pointing him to a meaning with which the word has no connexion. The same holds good too, we believe, of the phonetic side of Chinese. All wangs are not the same wang, though at first there was probably an etymological connexion between the syllables of that pro- nunciation. The Chinese text is admirably printed. Every character is numbered; 482 The Chinese & Japanese Repository. [MAY 3, 1864. every character has its literal meaning given, and the analysis of each is very complete. As a whole we consider that this little book is likely to be a great help to young students of the language. The other books are only different translations of the same rudimentary Chinese work, “The Trimetrical Classic.” The characters are well printed, and each has the number of its radical attached to it, a very useful addition. The Sân-ts:-king is a strange mixture of philosophy, history, and biogra- phy, moral maxims, &c. It was composed towards the end of the thirteenth century by Wang-pê-heu. As a specimen we give the first few stanzas:— #| || || K' #| H R 3. 1 Jin chi chil, sing pàn shēn; 2 sing sing-kin, si sing-yuen. { The nature of man, at his birth, is fundamentally good. Ab hominum nativitate, eorum natura principio bona est. Man resembles his fellow in nature, he only differs in habit. Natură inter-se vicini-sunt; consuetudine (boni aut mali inter-se recedunt (differunt)). We can strongly recommend these little books, by one of the most learned European sinologues, to the student of Chinese. From Holland we have received also three small books,—A Catalogue of Chinese Characters, which have been cast in Amsterdam, under the auspices of the Minister of State for the Colonies, and under the direction of the Pro- fessor of Chinese and Japanese at the University of Leiden—Dr. J. Hoffmann. The work does credit to all parties concerned. The type itself is excellent; about 6000 pieces are obtainable upon a few weeks notice. An admirable specimen of the type is given in the text of another little book also edited by Dr. Hoffmann—The Grand Study (Ta hio or Dai Gaku), the Chinese text with an interlineary Japanese version. To accompany this there is the Japanese version transliterated with Dr. Lepsius' system of spell- ing, and the whole is prefaced by a declaration, in the Hiragana character, of the correctness and fair appearance of the work by Tsooda sin itsi roo of Mimasaka in Japan, dated Leyden, 24 Sept. 1863. The works of Professor Julien are to be had of Benj. Duprat, Paris; and those of Dr. Hoffmann of E. J. Brill, Leiden. [We are compelled to defer the summary of news until the June number, when the principal facts of the past three months will be given.] OXFORD : PRINTED BY T. combe, E. Picka RD HALL, AND H. LATHAM, PRINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY. THE CHINESE AND JAPANESE REPOSITORY. No. XII. JUNE 3, 1864. ART. I.-Medical Missionary Practice in Peking in 1861–2. By W. Lockhart, Esq., F. R. C. S., &c. (Continued from page 48o.) Several tablets have been put up in the hospital by patients, who have been operated on for various diseases, and by others for medical treatment, in token of their gratitude. Two were put up by a number of opium smokers, who had been enabled to throw off their bondage to the pipe. A short time ago, fifty of the patients put up a tablet with the inscription,-" To the English surgeon who heals the people,” “the subscribed return their thanks;”—then follows the list of the names. These tablets are generally carried about the city with a band of music, and a number of banners in procession, before they are brought to the hospital. Accidents.-Several cases of fractures of the bones of the upper and lower extremities have been treated, and one case of compound fracture of the tibia. A man was brought in one day, who, while proving a musket barrel he had just made, had his hand severely injured by the bursting of the barrel, the thumb was almost torn off, the fingers were lacerated, and portions of them shot away. It was at first thought that the hand must be removed, but finally an effort was made to save it, and by water dressing and other treat- ment, the hand was saved. Fragments of iron were taken away from the palm of the hand at different times, the hand was much crippled, but the man can use the thumb and middle finger readily as a kind of nippers, and thus is able to work at his trade. One of the bannermen while on parade had his matchlock burst in his hand, which tore away the thumb and its metacarpal bone, the palm was also much lacerated. He had been treated for some time by a native surgeon, and the hand was in a very filthy, swollen, and painful state, but by keeping the parts - M. In JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 487 THE SITUATION OF PEKING. Latitude 39° 52° 16° N.; Longitude 116° 28° 54° E. TheRE are two cities, the North or Tartar city, inclosing the Imperial city with its palace and parks in the centre, and the South or Chinese city, which is a walled suburb, in fact, where the chief part of the commercial business is carried on : it is also called the old city, because it is built on the site of the old city Yen-king. The Manchoos are supposed to live in the North city, and the Chinese in the South city, but the Chinese have acquired much land and many houses by purchase from the Manchoos. The Tartar city is from North to South 33 miles, from East to West 4% miles, the circuit of its walls is 14% miles. The South wall of the Tartar city is the North wall of the Chinese city, which projects beyond the Tartar city of a mile, both on the East and the West. Its dimensions from North to South are 24 miles, and from East to West 5 miles. The circuit of the Chinese city exclusive of the South wall of the Tar- tar city is lo miles, while the circuit of the outside walls of both cities is about 20 miles. The supposed population of both cities is 1,500,ooo. This Metropolitan city of the Empire of China is situated in the midst of a sandy plain, having hills on the North side distant from 25 to 30 miles. These form part of the rocky ridge, stretching range after range, oetween China and Tartary, and on the West side also there are hills distant from Io to 15 miles, the spurs of hills running South from the Northern ranges. From observation of the sinking of some wells that have been seen in the process of making, the surface appears to be generally sand for 5 or 6 feet, then a thick layer of yellow sandy clay for about 20 or 25 feet, and after- wards a few feet of yellow sand resting on a bed of rolled pebbles and gravel. The wells are generally from 30 to 4o feet deep. The chief part of the plain is capable of cultivation, and yields abundant crops. These consist chiefly of wheat and barley, followed by the white and red varieties of the creeping yam (the red variety is the sweet potatoe). These kinds of millet are used largely by the people instead of rice, the great millet or Sarghum, called here kaou-léang, is also used for the making of ardent spirits by distillation. Beans are grown between the rows of the millet, maize and buck wheat are also grown; cabbages are cultivated to a very great extent, and are stored in deep covered pits for winter use. Melons of various kinds, cucumbers, carrots, turnips, radishes, egg-plants, onions of all kinds, celery, and parsley, capsicums or cayenne pepper, tomatoes, long and broad beans, spinach, tobacco, and cotton are all cultivated in the fields and kitchen gardens. Asparagus of very good quality, but small in size, grows largely in the park-like inclosures of the Téen-tan or altar of heaven, and of the Shin-nung-tan or altar of the genius of agriculture. The irrigation of the kitchen gardens and vegetable fields is effected by means of wells. The water is raised in baskets by human labour chiefly; but in some places, chain pumps driven by mules are employed, and the water is led about in channels where it is wanted. The possession of an abundant well of good water is a valuable acquisition, the water of many wells being JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. 491 As will be seen from the above table, the range of temperature is great, from 100 degrees above to 6 below zero. For five months in the year hardly any rain fell, and it struck me as remarkable, that in March the heat of the sun increased, and the thermometer rose gradually for the day and the night, the frost ceased, and the ice all melted away; in fact, spring began and vege- tation commenced before there was any rain, which did not fall till April, after which the whole country, which before was arid and brown, became covered at once with full vegetation and rich green verdure. In the winter there were some sand storms of great violence. The wind blew strong from the North-west, and brought with it great clouds of sand. The barometer always fell before the wind began to blow; and after the wind had been blowing for some time, the whole atmosphere became filled with sand, obscuring the sun and darkening the daylight considerably. This sand found its way into the houses and covered every thing. The quantity of sand on some occasions was so great, that it lay like snow in the court-yards and other inclosed places. These sand storms were most violent and disagreeable during the winter, but were most frequent during the months of March and April, when they occurred sometimes twice a week. Occasionally the com- mencement of one of these sand storms could be witnessed from the city walls, and it was a very extraordinary sight to see two great clouds of sand, rolling as it were over the city, and shrouding all the objects around in its progress, until the whole place was enveloped in a cloud of dust. The greatest quantity of rain fell in June, July, and August, when violent thunderstorms deluged the country, and filled all the water-courses. The wheat harvest is over by the end of May, and these heavy rains enable the farmers to get into the ground the creeping yam, sweet potatoe, millet, and other food plants for the second crop, which under the influence of the rain and tropical heat, soon spring up and grow to maturity. The amount of snow that falls in the winter at Peking appears to be but small. In December 1861, there were two very slight falls of snow, which was the whole amount that fell during the winter of 1861–62. In November 1862, there was one fall of 3 inches of snow; and in December, there were two falls of snow, amounting together to little more than 1% inches. Though the changes of temperature are great, the heat being tropical in summer, and the cold excessive in winter, yet from the sandy nature of the plain, and the weather in general being pleasant and dry, there being little rain and much sunshine, with very little fog at any time, the situation may be considered a very healthy one. The chief drawback to the healthiness of the city is its imperfect drainage, and the evil habits of the people, in throwing all the filth and refuse of their houses into the streets. I believe the safety of Chinese cities from desolating pestilence depends mainly on the circumstance, that manure of all kinds has a high market value, and is there- fore carefully collected, and daily carried out of the city into the rural districts, for the enriching of the fields and kitchen gardens. June 3, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 493 Part of the water accumulated in the tank to the North passes into the city, and fills some large water-lily or Nelumbium lakes or pools, thence it passes into the lakes at the side of the palace. In former times, sufficient water flowed into the city to fill these lakes, and also to fill the several water- courses, that pass through the city to the South, but the water supply is no longer adequate for this purpose, owing to the feeding channels from the tank not being kept free from rubbish, so that the water runs away from the tank down to the canal. The whole system of the water-courses is in ruins, or they have been allowed to become choked up with earth and stones, and are no longer in use. The system of drains was also at one time very effective, large stone drains exist in all the main streets. They were flushed and scoured out by the water of the water-courses, and thus the city was tolerably well drained. But these drains are broken and blocked up, and after heavy rain they over- flow, and deluge the streets with sewage water, which collects in hollow parts of the streets, and forms ponds of putrid mud;—the sun dries these, and the dust that is then blown about by the wind in the face of the passer-by is most offensive, both to taste and smell. The inhabitants are supplied with water by means of wells. Many houses have wells in the court-yards, but in some situations the water is brackish and cannot be used for drinking ; the common people are supplied from wells in the streets. Certain wells have a reputation for very good sweet water, and yield a constant supply both in winter and summer, and thus give a good income to the proprietors. Men are employed to draw the water, and sell it to the water-carriers, who carry it in tubs on wheel-barrows or on mule carts, according to the distance it has to be carried to their customers. Some of the wells in the Southern part of the Chinese city, especially those in the park of the altar of heaven, have a high character for pureness, and the water is carried from them to great distances. In conclusion, it may be stated that the object of the hospital is twofold,— one is directly to benefit the people by healing their diseases, as a branch of Missionary work in this heathen land, and thus endeavouring to win their confidence by showing them that it is intended to do them good;—the other is to use the influence thus obtained, as a means of directing their attention to Jesus Christ, the Son of God, and Saviour of the world. The way in which the first object is carried out, has been shown in the Report now presented, and some attempt has been made to carry out the second. Since the opening of the hospital, various Christian tracts in the form of broad sheets, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and short Summaries of the Gospel, Calendars of the Sabbaths, &c. &c., have been pasted on the walls of the waiting-rooms, passages, and surgery. Copies of the Scriptures and Christian tracts have been given to the patients, and sent by them to their friends on their return home, often in distant parts of this and other provinces. Of late also religious services have been held in the hall of the hospital, and the patients while waiting there, have appeared to be JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 497 | - 1 Cube of Monad. |E 15 Square of Monad. T.L 7t. 66 Monad. IIITQ-k - 360 Natural number. In the above it is seen that the cube, square, &c., are all indicated by their relative position with respect to Tai, the characters being used only to express the co-efficients. In practice, the character Yuen is omitted when Tai is used; or if Yuen be used, then Tai is omitted. It is not a little remarkable, that while it has been gravely asserted by most respectable authorities in Europe, that the Chinese are ignorant of the meaning of local value, we find here, on the contrary, that they have pushed the principle to a degree of refinement unpractised in the West. It may be noticed, too, that instead of the old form of writing the equation, used in Europe, a 34-15 a”--66 was 360, —the method invented by Hariot, of placing all the significant terms on one side, is precisely that used by the Chinese some five denturies earlier; and although this is in itself but a variation in algebraical language, yet it is said by De Morgan to have been the foundation of most important branches in the science. In Tsin's original work, positive and negative numbers are dis- tinguished by the former being in red ink, and the latter in black; and this custom seems to have been in use long before his time; for we find Liu Hwui referring to it in the sixth century. It is said to represent the bamboo tally numerals, used in ancient times. Li-ye was the first to introduce the diagonal stroke drawn through the right-hand figure, as above, which has been used ever since. The principle of the Tien Yuen, as given by these writers, consists in expressing a compound numerical quantity, called the # § Ki su, containing the unknown number involved to any degree, which term shall be equal to a given natural number, called the lij § Tung su, or X. | Yiu su. These two quantities being amalgamated, the resolution of the equation brings out the value of the Monad or unknown number. Multiplication by the Monad is accomplished by moving all the terms up one stage in the column; if by the square of the Monad, they are moved up two stages; for the cube, three stages; and so on. If any of the places, from Tai upwards, happen to be left blank, they are supplied by cyphers. Of course, division is the inverse operation of the above, every term in the column being moved down a stage, two stages, three stages, &c., according to the power of the divisor; the place next below Tai is the square root of the Monad; next is the cube root, &c.; all follow in succession. After the amalgamation of the two equivalents above mentioned, the designa- tions which the various places in the column had retained during the operation are all effaced, and the order of the series inverted, the lowest term in the column being moved to the top, and vice versa; the upper term JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 503. afterwards to look at the money, which he had kept for a long time, he found it turned into butterflies. When paper-money is now burnt for the dead, the ashes flying about are thought to resemble butterflies, and the money of the genii. -*---- - 142. Sung, Lü Mung-ching #: 5 º IE The temple student, who became a great minister. Being poor while he was a student, he went to a temple where he heard the bell ring for meals, by which the priests were annoyed, and they ordered the bell to be rung when the meal was over. The student, finding himself deceived by arriving too late, enquired why the rule had been altered, and they answered that they had only re-established the primitive law of Buddha. Mung-ching, having passed through all the degrees of the magistracy, and reached the premiership, ordered all the temples to be destroyed except four, which were dedicated to men deserving well of their country. He did this, not from any resentment on account of the conduct of the priests towards himself, but because he thought them impostors. º (To be continued.) EEa ART. IV. — H # # Liii-fung Tà, “Thunder-Peak Pagoda,” or “The Story of Han-win and the White Serpent,” [translated from the Chinese by H. C., Interpreter in Her Majesty's Civil Service in China.] (Continued from page 468.) As soon as he had left the apartment, PI-cheu-niang summoned the slave girl, and told her what had occurred, adding, “In the capital, the Prince Liang is very wealthy, and possesses many wonderful gems and treasures of art. You must, therefore, hasten to his treasury, and possess yourself of some of these, and return quickly with them, in order that my husband may have the use of them to-morrow.” The slave girl immediately transported herself to the treasury of Prince Liang, and there selected four articles of great value, namely, a tree of coral, the figure of a youth carved in Jade, a unicorn carved from a rare scented wood, and the figure of a stork cut out of a black cornelian. Having secured these four articles, she hastened back to her mistress, who was much pleased with them, and packed them away in a box. The next morning, at daylight, Han-win arose, and asked his wife where were the treasures which he was to arrange before the god. She immediately opened the box in which she had put them, and showed them to Han-win, who when he saw them, exclaimed, “Now, indeed, I have no fear that I shall not succeed.” He then ordered his assistant Taou Jen to prepare the feast, and purchase incense, and proceeded to the San Hwang temple, followed by a party carrying the treasures, incense, fruits, &c., for sacrifice. When he reached the temple, he was met at the door by all the doctors JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese & Japanese Repository. 505, All the passers-by, when they looked in, were struck by the magnificent display, upon which they commented to one another; and in a very short time the fame of the jewels of the family of Han-win was spread throughout the whole neighbourhood. Now it happened that on that very day, the emissaries of Prince Liang had arrived at Soo-chow, and were then walking about the streets, trying to pick up some information as to the missing jewels. - One of these men was walking in the neighbourhood of the Woo-kea street, and hearing every one speaking about the wonderful things to be seen in the house of the doctor Han-win, thought that it would be worth while to see them, and accordingly he attended at the place of meeting which had been agreed on with his companions, and told them what he had heard. They immediately told him that it would be advisable to go; and they had no sooner arrived in the Woo-kea street, and looked in at the doorway of Han- wān's house, than they recognised the missing property of their master Prince Liang, and without delay, made their way into the apartment to secure it. When doctor Woo saw this crowd of retainers rushing into the room, he was much frightened; not being able to divine the cause of this tumultuous inva- sion, he took to his heels, and hastened to save himself, without giving a thought to his friend. Meanwhile, the men seized Han-win, and without any explanation, bound him with chains. Then possessing themselves of the four jewels, they hastened with their prisoner to the office of the prefect. On the way, they abused and reviled the unfortunate apothecary, crying out, “A thief that deservest to die! dost thou not know that these are the jewels of the great Prince Liang which thou hast stolen? Truly thy ass's head will shortly be severed from thy body" Han-win was all this while in a state of stupor; his strength had altogether abandoned him, and his voice failed him; but his captors, dragging him roughly along, soon reached the great gate of the magistrate's office, and struck a loud and sonorous blow on the drum (2). When the prefect heard the sound, he came out of his private apartments, and took his seat in the great hall of justice. The messengers of the Prince threw themselves on their knees, and preferred their complaint against Han-win, saying, “We, your Honour's humble ser- vants, are domestics and retainers of the great Prince Liang, who resides in the capital. It happened that last month a great robbery of jewels and works of art took place in the Prince's treasury. He immediately despatched bands of his retainers throughout all the provinces, to search for the missing pro- perty, to arrest the thief, and have him punished as the law directs. To-day we arrived in the city of Soo-chow, and hearing every one speak of the extra- ordinary beauty of some works of art, which a certain person had displayed in his hall of ceremony, we were induced to go and visit them; and no sooner had we seen them, than we recognised what we sought, and rushing into the apartment seized them, and bound the thief with chains, and brought him JUNE 3, 1864.] The Chinese déJapanese Repository. 507 aminations, as must also his wife, as soon as we shall have arrested her. However, when all is cleared up, the accused if he prove guilty shall be punished with due severity. Meanwhile I will furnish you with a despatch to the Prince, stating what has been done.” He then took 200 taels of silver, which he gave to the messengers to enable them to meet their expenses on the journey; and having received the necessary documents, and properly secured the jewels, they departed and took the road to the capital. The prefect then ordered Han-win to be put in prison, and despatched a large body of soldiers and police-runners to the Woo-kea street, to arrest Pi-cheu-niang. Now it happened that the slave girl had witnessed all that had taken place when Han-win was seized, and she made all haste to tell her mistress what had occurred. Pi-cheu-niang ordered her to proceed instantly to the magis- tracy, in order to see what was going on. She had not long been absent when she came hurrying back exclaiming that the soldiers were already on their way to the house. Her mistress exclaimed, “Let us then at once put up what valuables and money we have, and make our escape before the arrival of the soldiers.” But make what haste they would, before they had finished packing up, the police-runners' arrived at the door, and the mistress and servant had but time to make them- selves invisible and so escape, when the house was broken into and overrun by the police-runners in search of them, but, although every corner was ransacked, no trace of a human being could be found except the assistant Taou Jen, whom they seized and hurried before the prefect, and throwing themselves on their knees, said, “In obedience to your Lordship's commands we went to the house of the accused Han-win, in order to arrest his wife and servant, but no trace of them could we find; and we could therefore only seize this man, whom we conjecture to be the assistant, and bring him before you.” The prefect accordingly commanded Taou Jen to advance to the foot of the seat of justice, and asked him his name, residence, and occupation, and whether he knew what had become of Pi-cheu-niang and the slave girl. The witness replied, “O great lord, I am named Taou Jen, and am an assistant in the shop of the physician Han-win, where my only occupation is the sale of drugs and medicines. I am quite ignorant of the affairs of the family, and have no idea how or to what place my mistress and the servant-maid have escaped.” Upon this the magistrate said, “Then it is evident that these two are magicians, who possess the power of rendering themselves invisible, and I do not wonder at your being ignorant of their place of refuge. You are therefore free, and may return to your duty in the shop.” The prefect then leaving the hall of justice, retired to his private apart- ments, where he sat down in deep thought. “There is no doubt in my mind,” said he, “that this woman is a magician, and Han-win has become entangled by her machinations, and has thus rendered himself amenable to justice. If now I proceed with him according to law, his life is clearly sacrificed. Now it is to him that I owe the very existence of my wife, and am consequently under 512 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [June 3, 1864. cried, “And have you again followed me, O spawn of the Devil? ruined by you in Che Kiang, I was tortured and banished to Soo-chow ! Ruined and disgraced by your machinations at Soo-chow, I am driven into exile at Chen- teang, and should have been a beggar had not my friend here munificently protected me. It is evident that you will never cease until you have driven my life from my body.” Pi-cheu-niang upon this burst into tears, and exclaimed, “Is this the way you greet me? are you going to do nothing but abuse me? Am I not your wife? How then can you suspect me of wishing to compass your destruction ? Do you see anything strange in my possessing those jewels and that money, for was not my father a high officer of state 2 The magistrates of the present day are a degenerate body of men. The prefect of Che Kiang wrongfully decided that those ingots of silver were not mine. The prefect of Soo-chow awarded my family jewels to another person, instead of leaving them in the possession of their rightful owner. But I am born of a family of rank, and could not endure the shame of being brought up in an open court as a com- mon criminal. I therefore took to flight, and acknowledge that you owe your present banishment to my having escaped. The fact is, that when you spread out those rarities on your birthday, you excited the cupidity of some passers-by, who rushed in in a body and stole them. They then bribed the magistrate that he should award the jewels to them, under the pretence that they were stolen from their master. I therefore implore you to give this matter your earnest attention, and you will easily see that I have not deceived you.” Keu Keen, who was standing on one side, advised Han-win, saying, “It seems to me that your wife's account of what took place is very reasonable, and I think you would do well to consider what she says.” Han-wān, however, stood still, and gave no reply. Pi-cheu-niang again addressed him, exclaiming, “You cannot find it in your heart to desert the wife who loves you, and your child yet unborn 1 even other people, who know me not, pity my condition, and you surely cannot be so iron-hearted as to abandon me thus cruelly! - Han-win was sorely puzzled how to act. On the one side stood his young wife crying and weeping; on the other was his friend advising him to alter his opinion; and with these conflicting influences, his heart, in spite of him- self, and in spite of the frequent warnings he had had, again warmed towards his wife, and clasping her to his bosom, he cried, “Forgive me, for it is I who am in the wrong. It is I who have abandoned you, and cruelly wronged you by my unjust suspicions, and not you who have betrayed me.” Peace having been again made, they entered the .inner apartments and prepared a feast in honour of their reconciliation, and to which Keu Keen was invited. The day was spent in merriment and rejoicing, and in the evening Keu Keen returned alone to his house, Han-win having permanently taken up his abode in the shop of his wife. x - 520 The Chinese dº Japanese Repository. [June 3, 1864. conviction that the time has now passed when shifting and quibbling laments of the effete character of their own Government will answer any purpose, and that they have only afforded another opportunity for the British Chargé d'Affaires to assure them of the unswerving determination with which the rights of the great nation he represents will be maintained by him.” The Japanese buying Foreign Steamers.-The Tycoon and Satsuma are the great purchasers. The former bought the Yangtsz for 145,000 dollars, the latter purchased the Ayrshire Lass for 30,000 dollars; and the Governor of Nagasaki the Shun-li, 650 tons, for Ioo, ooo dollars. A great fire had occurred in Osacca, and had raged for three days. The fire in Yedo near the Great bridge (‘Niphon bas') is said not to have included the palace of the Tycoon, as was before stated. The Prussian war-steamer Gazelle returned to Yokuhama on 22nd of Jan. from Yedo, with the ratifications of the Prussian treaty, not without some diffi- culty in procuring them from the Gorogio. The Vice-Ministers Suwa Inaba- no-Kami and Tatsibana Idsumi-no-Kami went on board on the 21st to receive the letter of the king of Prussia, being furnished with full power. The rati- fications were exchanged by Tamura Higo-no-Kami ; the Minister Kawadsi Idsu-no-Kami, one of the Envoys to Europe, being also present. The Members of the Legation who officiated on the occasion were M. de Rehfues, Minister; M. Radowitch, Secretary of Legation; and M. von Brandt, the Consul. The Japanese Ambassador was to embark on board H. I.M.'s steamer Monge, on the 5th or 6th of Feb., to proceed to Shanghai, to be conveyed to France by the French mail steamer, in which passages had been taken for them. The great grievance at Yokuhama was the high rate of duty on imports. Duty on wine and spirits was 35 per cent, and the general duty was 20 per cent; but after an interview between the Japanese Commissioners and the French Minister M. de Bellcourt, 5 per cent on wines and spirits, and 6 per cent upon all articles coming under the denomination “articles de Paris”— watches, clocks, mirrors, furniture, &c.—were agreed to. They have since waited upon the British Chargé d'Affaires and communicated to him, in like manner, this their tardy compliance with the obligations made in 1862. A Convention has also been concluded by the Japanese with General Pruyn, the United States' Minister, with the similar object of reducing duties. This document is couched in the following terms:– - For the purpose of encouraging and facilitating the commerce of citizens of the United States in Japan, and after due deliberation, His Excellency, Robert H. Pruyn, Minister Resident of the United States in Japan, and His Excellency Sibata Sadataro, Governor of Foreign Affairs, both having full powers from their respective Governments, have agreed on the following articles, viz.:- Article I.-The following articles used in the preparation of packing of teas shall be free of duty:—Sheet-lead, solder, matting, rattan, oil for painting, indigo, gipsum firing-pans, baskets. Article II.-The following articles shall be admitted at the reduced duty of 5 per cent:- Machines and machinery, drugs and medicines. Iron, in pigs or bars, sheet iron and iron- - - THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN GRADUATE LIBRARY DATE DUE